Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).

 

Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions

 

"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".

 

The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.

 

The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.

 

Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.

 

Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:

 

Wet with cool dew drops

fragrant with perfume from the flowers

came the gentle breeze

jasmine and water lily

dance in the spring sunshine

side-long glances

of the golden-hued ladies

stab into my thoughts

heaven itself cannot take my mind

as it has been captivated by one lass

among the five hundred I have seen here.

 

Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.

 

Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.

 

There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.

 

Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.

 

The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.

 

In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:

 

During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".

 

Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.

 

While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’

 

Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.

 

An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.

 

Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983

 

Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture

Main article: Commercial graffiti

With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.

 

In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".

 

Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.

 

Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.

 

Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.

 

Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.

 

There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.

 

The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.

 

Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.

 

Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis

 

Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.

 

Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.

 

Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"

 

Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal

 

In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.

 

Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.

 

Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.

 

Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.

 

With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.

 

Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.

 

Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.

 

Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.

 

Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.

 

Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.

 

Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.

 

Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.

 

The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.

 

I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.

 

The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.

 

Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.

 

Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.

 

In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".

 

There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.

 

Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.

 

A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.

By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.

 

Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.

 

In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.

 

A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.

 

From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.

 

In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.

 

Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.

 

Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.

 

Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.

  

In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.

 

Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.

 

In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.

 

In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."

 

In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.

 

In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.

 

In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.

 

In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.

 

In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.

 

The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.

 

To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."

 

In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.

 

In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.

 

Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".

 

Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)

In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.

 

Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.

 

Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.

 

In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.

 

Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.

 

Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.

 

To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.

 

When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.

The Albertina

The architectural history of the Palais

(Pictures you can see by clicking on the link at the end of page!)

Image: The oldest photographic view of the newly designed Palais Archduke Albrecht, 1869

"It is my will that ​​the expansion of the inner city of Vienna with regard to a suitable connection of the same with the suburbs as soon as possible is tackled and at this on Regulirung (regulation) and beautifying of my Residence and Imperial Capital is taken into account. To this end I grant the withdrawal of the ramparts and fortifications of the inner city and the trenches around the same".

This decree of Emperor Franz Joseph I, published on 25 December 1857 in the Wiener Zeitung, formed the basis for the largest the surface concerning and architecturally most significant transformation of the Viennese cityscape. Involving several renowned domestic and foreign architects a "master plan" took form, which included the construction of a boulevard instead of the ramparts between the inner city and its radially upstream suburbs. In the 50-years during implementation phase, an impressive architectural ensemble developed, consisting of imperial and private representational buildings, public administration and cultural buildings, churches and barracks, marking the era under the term "ring-street style". Already in the first year tithe decided a senior member of the Austrian imperial family to decorate the facades of his palace according to the new design principles, and thus certified the aristocratic claim that this also "historicism" said style on the part of the imperial house was attributed.

Image: The Old Albertina after 1920

It was the palace of Archduke Albrecht (1817-1895), the Senior of the Habsburg Family Council, who as Field Marshal held the overall command over the Austro-Hungarian army. The building was incorporated into the imperial residence of the Hofburg complex, forming the south-west corner and extending eleven meters above street level on the so-called Augustinerbastei.

The close proximity of the palace to the imperial residence corresponded not only with Emperor Franz Joseph I and Archduke Albert with a close familial relationship between the owner of the palace and the monarch. Even the former inhabitants were always in close relationship to the imperial family, whether by birth or marriage. An exception here again proves the rule: Don Emanuel Teles da Silva Conde Tarouca (1696-1771), for which Maria Theresa in 1744 the palace had built, was just a close friend and advisor of the monarch. Silva Tarouca underpins the rule with a second exception, because he belonged to the administrative services as Generalhofbaudirektor (general court architect) and President of the Austrian-Dutch administration, while all other him subsequent owners were highest ranking military.

In the annals of Austrian history, especially those of military history, they either went into as commander of the Imperial Army, or the Austrian, later kk Army. In chronological order, this applies to Duke Carl Alexander of Lorraine, the brother-of-law of Maria Theresa, as Imperial Marshal, her son-in-law Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen, also field marshal, whos adopted son, Archduke Charles of Austria, the last imperial field marshal and only Generalissimo of Austria, his son Archduke Albrecht of Austria as Feldmarschalil and army Supreme commander, and most recently his nephew Archduke Friedrich of Austria, who held as field marshal from 1914 to 1916 the command of the Austro-Hungarian troops. Despite their military profession, all five generals conceived themselves as patrons of the arts and promoted large sums of money to build large collections, the construction of magnificent buildings and cultural life. Charles Alexander of Lorraine promoted as governor of the Austrian Netherlands from 1741 to 1780 the Academy of Fine Arts, the Théâtre de Ja Monnaie and the companies Bourgeois Concert and Concert Noble, he founded the Academie royale et imperial des Sciences et des Lettres, opened the Bibliotheque Royal for the population and supported artistic talents with high scholarships. World fame got his porcelain collection, which however had to be sold by Emperor Joseph II to pay off his debts. Duke Albert began in 1776 according to the concept of conte Durazzo to set up an encyclopedic collection of prints, which forms the core of the world-famous "Albertina" today.

Image : Duke Albert and Archduchess Marie Christine show in family cercle the from Italy brought along art, 1776. Frederick Henry Füger.

1816 declared to Fideikommiss and thus in future indivisible, inalienable and inseparable, the collection 1822 passed into the possession of Archduke Carl, who, like his descendants, it broadened. Under him, the collection was introduced together with the sumptuously equipped palace on the Augustinerbastei in the so-called "Carl Ludwig'schen fideicommissum in 1826, by which the building and the in it kept collection fused into an indissoluble unity. At this time had from the Palais Tarouca by structural expansion or acquisition a veritable Residenz palace evolved. Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen was first in 1800 the third floor of the adjacent Augustinian convent wing adapted to house his collection and he had after 1802 by his Belgian architect Louis de Montoyer at the suburban side built a magnificent extension, called the wing of staterooms, it was equipped in the style of Louis XVI. Only two decades later, Archduke Carl the entire palace newly set up. According to scetches of the architect Joseph Kornhäusel the 1822-1825 retreaded premises presented themselves in the Empire style. The interior of the palace testified from now in an impressive way the high rank and the prominent position of its owner. Under Archduke Albrecht the outer appearance also should meet the requirements. He had the facade of the palace in the style of historicism orchestrated and added to the Palais front against the suburbs an offshore covered access. Inside, he limited himself, apart from the redesign of the Rococo room in the manner of the second Blondel style, to the retention of the paternal stock. Archduke Friedrich's plans for an expansion of the palace were omitted, however, because of the outbreak of the First World War so that his contribution to the state rooms, especially, consists in the layout of the Spanish apartment, which he in 1895 for his sister, the Queen of Spain Maria Christina, had set up as a permanent residence.

Picture: The "audience room" after the restoration: Picture: The "balcony room" around 1990

The era of stately representation with handing down their cultural values ​​found its most obvious visualization inside the palace through the design and features of the staterooms. On one hand, by the use of the finest materials and the purchase of masterfully manufactured pieces of equipment, such as on the other hand by the permanent reuse of older equipment parts. This period lasted until 1919, when Archduke Friedrich was expropriated by the newly founded Republic of Austria. With the republicanization of the collection and the building first of all finished the tradition that the owner's name was synonymous with the building name:

After Palais Tarouca or tarokkisches house it was called Lorraine House, afterwards Duke Albert Palais and Palais Archduke Carl. Due to the new construction of an adjacently located administration building it received in 1865 the prefix "Upper" and was referred to as Upper Palais Archduke Albrecht and Upper Palais Archduke Frederick. For the state a special reference to the Habsburg past was certainly politically no longer opportune, which is why was decided to name the building according to the in it kept collection "Albertina".

Picture: The "Wedgwood Cabinet" after the restoration: Picture: the "Wedgwood Cabinet" in the Palais Archduke Friedrich, 1905

This name derives from the term "La Collection Albertina" which had been used by the gallery Inspector Maurice von Thausing in 1870 in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts for the former graphics collection of Duke Albert. For this reason, it was the first time since the foundation of the palace that the name of the collection had become synonymous with the room shell. Room shell, hence, because the Republic of Austria Archduke Friedrich had allowed to take along all the movable goods from the palace in his Hungarian exile: crystal chandeliers, curtains and carpets as well as sculptures, vases and clocks. Particularly stressed should be the exquisite furniture, which stems of three facilities phases: the Louis XVI furnitures of Duke Albert, which had been manufactured on the basis of fraternal relations between his wife Archduchess Marie Christine and the French Queen Marie Antoinette after 1780 in the French Hofmanufakturen, also the on behalf of Archduke Charles 1822-1825 in the Vienna Porcelain Manufactory by Joseph Danhauser produced Empire furnitures and thirdly additions of the same style of Archduke Friedrich, which this about 1900 at Portois & Ffix as well as at Friedrich Otto Schmidt had commissioned.

The "swept clean" building got due to the strained financial situation after the First World War initially only a makeshift facility. However, since until 1999 no revision of the emergency equipment took place, but differently designed, primarily the utilitarianism committed office furnitures complementarily had been added, the equipment of the former state rooms presented itself at the end of the 20th century as an inhomogeneous administrative mingle-mangle of insignificant parts, where, however, dwelt a certain quaint charm. From the magnificent state rooms had evolved depots, storage rooms, a library, a study hall and several officed.

Image: The Albertina Graphic Arts Collection and the Philipphof after the American bombing of 12 März 1945.

Image: The palace after the demolition of the entrance facade, 1948-52

Worse it hit the outer appearance of the palace, because in times of continued anti-Habsburg sentiment after the Second World War and inspired by an intolerant destruction will, it came by pickaxe to a ministerial erasure of history. In contrast to the graphic collection possessed the richly decorated facades with the conspicuous insignia of the former owner an object-immanent reference to the Habsburg past and thus exhibited the monarchial traditions and values ​​of the era of Francis Joseph significantly. As part of the remedial measures after a bomb damage, in 1948 the aristocratic, by Archduke Albert initiated, historicist facade structuring along with all decorations was cut off, many facade figures demolished and the Hapsburg crest emblems plunged to the ground. Since in addition the old ramp also had been cancelled and the main entrance of the bastion level had been moved down to the second basement storey at street level, ended the presence of the old Archduke's palace after more than 200 years. At the reopening of the "Albertina Graphic Collection" in 1952, the former Hapsburg Palais of splendour presented itself as one of his identity robbed, formally trivial, soulless room shell, whose successful republicanization an oversized and also unproportional eagle above the new main entrance to the Augustinian road symbolized. The emocratic throw of monuments had wiped out the Hapsburg palace from the urban appeareance, whereby in the perception only existed a nondescript, nameless and ahistorical building that henceforth served the lodging and presentation of world-famous graphic collection of the Albertina. The condition was not changed by the decision to the refurbishment because there were only planned collection specific extensions, but no restoration of the palace.

Image: The palace after the Second World War with simplified facades, the rudiment of the Danubiusbrunnens (well) and the new staircase up to the Augustinerbastei

This paradigm shift corresponded to a blatant reversal of the historical circumstances, as the travel guides and travel books for kk Residence and imperial capital of Vienna dedicated itself primarily with the magnificent, aristocratic palace on the Augustinerbastei with the sumptuously fitted out reception rooms and mentioned the collection kept there - if at all - only in passing. Only with the repositioning of the Albertina in 2000 under the direction of Klaus Albrecht Schröder, the palace was within the meaning and in fulfillment of the Fideikommiss of Archduke Charles in 1826 again met with the high regard, from which could result a further inseparable bond between the magnificent mansions and the world-famous collection. In view of the knowing about politically motivated errors and omissions of the past, the facades should get back their noble, historicist designing, the staterooms regain their glamorous, prestigious appearance and culturally unique equippment be repurchased. From this presumption, eventually grew the full commitment to revise the history of redemption and the return of the stately palace in the public consciousness.

Image: The restored suburb facade of the Palais Albertina suburb

The smoothed palace facades were returned to their original condition and present themselves today - with the exception of the not anymore reconstructed Attica figures - again with the historicist decoration and layout elements that Archduke Albrecht had given after the razing of the Augustinerbastei in 1865 in order. The neoclassical interiors, today called after the former inhabitants "Habsburg Staterooms", receiving a meticulous and detailed restoration taking place at the premises of originality and authenticity, got back their venerable and sumptuous appearance. From the world wide scattered historical pieces of equipment have been bought back 70 properties or could be returned through permanent loan to its original location, by which to the visitors is made experiencable again that atmosphere in 1919 the state rooms of the last Habsburg owner Archduke Frederick had owned. The for the first time in 80 years public accessible "Habsburg State Rooms" at the Palais Albertina enable now again as eloquent testimony to our Habsburg past and as a unique cultural heritage fundamental and essential insights into the Austrian cultural history. With the relocation of the main entrance to the level of the Augustinerbastei the recollection to this so valuable Austrian Cultural Heritage formally and functionally came to completion. The vision of the restoration and recovery of the grand palace was a pillar on which the new Albertina should arise again, the other embody the four large newly built exhibition halls, which allow for the first time in the history of the Albertina, to exhibit the collection throughout its encyclopedic breadh under optimal conservation conditions.

Image: The new entrance area of the Albertina

64 meter long shed roof. Hans Hollein.

The palace presents itself now in its appearance in the historicist style of the Ringstrassenära, almost as if nothing had happened in the meantime. But will the wheel of time should not, cannot and must not be turned back, so that the double standards of the "Albertina Palace" said museum - on the one hand Habsburg grandeur palaces and other modern museum for the arts of graphics - should be symbolized by a modern character: The in 2003 by Hans Hollein designed far into the Albertina square cantilevering, elegant floating flying roof. 64 meters long, it symbolizes in the form of a dynamic wedge the accelerated urban spatial connectivity and public access to the palace. It advertises the major changes in the interior as well as the huge underground extensions of the repositioned "Albertina".

 

Christian Benedictine

Art historian with research interests History of Architecture, building industry of the Hapsburgs, Hofburg and Zeremonialwissenschaft (ceremonial sciences). Since 1990 he works in the architecture collection of the Albertina. Since 2000 he supervises as director of the newly founded department "Staterooms" the restoration and furnishing of the state rooms and the restoration of the facades and explores the history of the palace and its inhabitants.

 

www.wien-vienna.at/albertinabaugeschichte.php

 

This project involves the four-laning of Highway 1 on the western end of the Village of Chase.

 

Chase Creek Road Highway Project

 

Improvements include:

 

3.3 km section widened to four lanes, including median and roadside barrier

At-grade protected T-intersection at both Chase Creek Road and Shuswap Avenue

Grade separated pedestrian crossing and multi-use pathway to link Neskonlith Indian Reserve No. 2 and the Village of Chase

Cattle underpass to comply with Agricultural Land Commission requirements

Convert 1.5 km of existing highway to frontage road to consolidate access

Trichrome photography involves taking three exposures of the same subject on black and white film. Each exposure is taken through a red, green or blue filter.

One of the early users of the process, over a hundred years ago, was Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky , he used projectors with coloured filters to make a combined image, nowadays it can be done with photo editing software such as Photoshop.

For this trichrome, I used the Harris Shutter technique, which was invented by Robert Harris of Kodak for making colour photographs with the different primary colour layers exposed in separate time intervals in succession. Using an Olympus ECR35 35mm camera, I took three photos of the scene on black and white film (Rollei RPX400) with a red, green or blue filter in front of the lens. It took several seconds to change the filter, so moving subjects, such as clouds or people, appear in different positions and in different colours, while static subjects appear normal.

1979

 

January 5, 1979

It was reported that the 1st Annual Bill McNeill Memorial Hockey Tournament was a big success. Over 600 players took part in the event. Kanata Standard, January 5, 1979:1.

 

January 5, 1979

Marianne Wilkinson, in her Commentary, announced that Kanata City Council had passed a resolution officially designating the names of the five existing communities in the City of Kanata. They were Bridlewood, Glen Cairn, Katimavik/Hazeldean, Beaverbrook, and March. Kanata Standard, January 5, 1979:1.

 

January 5, 1979

It was reported that the Kinette Club had donated a cart to a Glen Cairn family who had a young boy in a body cast. Robbie Boileau was due to be in the body cast another three weeks. Kanata Standard, January 5, 1979:2.

 

January 5, 1979

The newly formed Kanata Ski Club membership exceeded 100 families and a number of singles. Kanata Standard, January 5, 1979:3.

 

January 10, 1979

The first meeting of the Kanata Beaverbrook Community Association in 1979 was held. Approximately 30 residents attended. Newton Steacy stated: “The caliber of the executive and the new cluster directors is impressive.” The business of the meeting included a strongly supported motion to deliver the Standard to Glen Cairn for a four-month period. It was seen that this would allow time for the editorial board to urge Glen Cairn residents to submit articles and participate in the publication of a “community-owned” newspaper. Kanata Standard, January 16, 1979:2,6.

 

January 13, 1979

The Kanata Theatre presented “Everything in the Garden” to a large audience. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:15.

 

January 16, 1979

Kanata City Council decided to hold the first meeting of each month in different communities with the City of Kanata. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:1.

 

January 16, 1979

A debate continued in Kanata City Council over the appointment of an alderman to serve as Acting Mayor in the possible absence of Mayor Wilkinson. Alderman Rogers and Kingham were both nominated. The issue was resolved when Alderman Kingham withdrew from the contest, leaving Charles Rogers as Acting Mayor. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:1.

 

January 16, 1979

Kanata City Council discussed the Commissioners’ Report and decided to establish a Transportation Advisory Committee composed of a representative from each ward. Council agreed to the appointments of those representatives where only one name had been put forward. The balance was to be dealt with at the next meeting. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:1.

 

January 16, 1979

Kanata City Council agreed to hire a consultant to carry out a management study of the City of Kanata. Its purpose was to assist the municipality in detailing the numbers of employees required for 1979. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:6.

 

January 19, 1979

In a Standard feature article, Alan Seward reported that planning for a library branch in Glen Cairn was well under way. A temporary library was put in place for the time being. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:1.

 

January 19, 1979

Marianne Wilkinson, in her Commentary, announced that the Logo for the City of Kanata Contest would end on January 31. Kanata Standard, January 5, 1979:1.

 

January 19, 1979

The municipalities and hydro commissions in the Regional Municipality of Ottawa-Carleton agreed to carry out a Restructuring Study on their hydro service. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:6.

 

January 19, 1979

Dogbone Park family skating rink opened for its first season. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:6.

 

January 19, 1979

The March Sailing Club held a successful Annual General Meeting. New Directors were Harry Holdsworth, Gerry Holt, John Perry, Gary Caple, Harry Adderly, Keith Hooey, and Robert Wilkinson. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:11.

 

January 20, 1979

The Kanata Singles held a very successful dance, with more than 100 members and guests attending. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:5.

 

January 28, 1979

Tow truck drivers at Gallagher’s Garage were awakened by two nearby wolves. One of the wolves was shot and the other disappeared. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:1.

 

January 29, 1979

At a joint meeting of the March and Glen Cairn Soccer Clubs was held. Both clubs were both dissolved to form a new Kanata City Soccer Club. The Board of Directors and Executive for the newly formed club were Allan Wilson, Sid Johnson, Jim Burrows, Bart Jones, John Brunette, John Dowell, Barry Felstead, Norbett Hendrycks, Lloyd Mason, John Rahim, Keith Richardson, Norbett Riester, Phil Shea, and Alan Waltho. Kanata Standard, January 19, 1979:8; Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:16.

 

January 31, 1979

Kanata City Council decided that a consulting engineering firm would be used to investigate structural problems in the Glen Cairn Community Centre. There had been crumbling walls in the building. Alderman Lund was upset that this could happen, and expressed the need to find the cause of the damage. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:2.

 

February 2, 1979

Stephanie Paul reported that progress on the Town Centre may be slowed due to a lack of a major retail tenant for the first portion of the development. Many recognized the importance of the construction of the centre, due the unique history of Kanata and the fact that it had grown “from the outside in,” and as a result had no real centre. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:1

 

February 2, 1979

The editors of the Kanata Standard announced that a new system of sub-editors was created to make the paper better and to “spread the activities of the paper to more helpers.” Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:2.

 

February 2, 1979

Al Craig wrote an article for the Standard on SS No. 1, March Public School. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:2.

 

February 2, 1979

The results of two months of polling by the Glen Cairn Community Association executive indicated that a majority of the residents of Glen Cairn rejected the Kanata Standard. At the time, the Standard was a publication of the Kanata Beaverbrook Community Association. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:10.

 

February 2, 1979

Events and activities for the City of Kanata Winter Carnival 1979 were published in the Standard. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:20.

 

February 2, 1979

Doug Foster reported that the Winter Carnival ‘79 Duchess would be Marilyn Foster. Kanata Standard, February 16, 1979:3.

 

February 5, 1979

The first meeting of the City of Kanata Transportation Committee was held. It was primarily an advisory committee. A number of concerns that needed to be taken up with OC Transpo staff were discussed. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:1.

 

February 6, 1979

An open Kanata City Council meeting was held in Glen Cairn. A number of concerns were brought to Council’s attention, including snow removal and garbage collection. Stephanie Paul reported that the Council meeting was well attended and “the exchange between council members and the audience was lively.” Kanata Standard, February 16, 1979:2,5,6.

 

February 7, 1979

James Gillies, noted economist and MP for Don Valley, spoke at a public meeting at the John Mlacak Centre. Kanata Standard, February 2, 1979:9.

 

February 16, 1979

Newton Steacy, in his KBCA President Report, stated the association’s intent to expand the distribution of the Standard. Each community association had expressed an interest in this except for the Glen Cairn executive. Their sentiment was based on the results of a recent survey done in that community. Steacy claimed that “the Glen Cairn executive was quick to support the negative vote” when the results indicated otherwise. Kanata Standard, February 16, 1979:3.

 

February 16, 1979

Garry Thom reported on housing in Glen Cairn. Thom pointed out that building by the two major developers in the area, Costain and Sandbury, was leveling off. Kanata Standard, February 16, 1979:5.

 

February 16, 1979

It was announced by the Canadian Housing Design Council that a Community Design Award go to the early stages of Kanata, as the area was known prior the formation of the City of Kanata. It was awarded jointly to the City of Kanata and Campeau Corporation. While giving out the award, Jean Ouellet stated: “The early development of Kanata resulted from the vision and enterprise of William Teron. The continued growth of the town in more recent years is a great credit to the planning and design concepts which he introduced, as well as to the municipality (the Township of March) and to the Campeau Corporation, the present owner and developer.” Kanata Standard, February 16, 1979:11.

 

February 16, 1979

Kanata’s Mitel Corporation announced the appointment of Burns Fry Limited as its fiscal agents to underwrite the first issue of Mitel stock to the pubic. Kanata Standard, February 16, 1979:14.

 

February 16, 1979

The National Capital Equestrian Park held its Annual General Meeting. Over 70 people attended. A new Executive and Board of Directors was elected and an auditor’s statement presented. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:6.

 

February 17, 1979

The newly completed People Place recreation project officially opened. The John G. Mlacak Centre combined completion of the existing arena and the provision of new space for a variety of recreational pursuits. The project began in the spring of 1978. Kanata Standard, February 16, 1979:9.

 

February 20, 1979

Kanata City Council called for the provincial Minister of Revenue to reassess the value of all properties within the City of Kanata. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:1,4.

 

February 22, 1979

Earl of March boys’ and girls’ teams were overall winners in cross-country skiing in the Provincial Championships after two days of competition. Among those placing were Bernie Saneer, Dave Bennett, Carolyn Champion Venessa Daniel, Peter Eiselle, Jenny Labenek, Nancy Labenek, Scott Laughton, Anne McTaggart, Bill Mlacak, Rob Parsons, and Bernie Sander. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:12.

 

February 26, 1979

The Kanata Transportation Committee met with OC Transpo staff to exchange information and views related to some outstanding actions and key concerns of the Committee and local residents. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:2.

 

March 1, 1979

The Kanata Book Fair was opened by Mayor Marianne Wilkinson, Trustee J. D. Lyon, and Robin Skuce from the office of the Commissioner of Official Languages. As of February 20th, 18,498 used books had been collected. A larger than expected crowd turned up for the opening of the event. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:1; Kanata Standard, March 16, 1979:14.

 

March 2, 1979

A feature article appeared in the Standard discussing the need for a new school for Katimavik-Hazeldean. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:1,5.

 

March 2, 1979

The winners of the Kanata City Logo Contest were published in the Standard. First prize went to a joint submission by Wendy, Ian, Shaun and Mary Lou Kingham from Beaverbrook. Moderate changes in color were made to the logo, to then be used on all City vehicles, letterhead, etc. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:2.

 

March 2, 1979

Maurice Dubras began a series of articles appearing in the Standard on city matters discussed in City Council meetings. It was titled “Council in Action: Inside From the Outside”. Dubras reported this first Council meeting as a “quick and quiet affair.” Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:1.

 

March 2, 1979

The results of the Kanata Winter Carnival 1979 were published in the Standard. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:13-15.

 

March 6, 1979

Kanata City Council held one of their “mobile meetings” in rural Kanata. Kanata Standard, March 2, 1979:1.

 

March 7, 1979

The Katimavik Beaverbrook Community Association held its Annual General meeting, combined with the regular monthly meeting. Twenty-seven cluster directors and 6 guests attended. The meeting focused on the management of 1978's money and budgeting for 1979. Kanata Standard, March 16, 1979:2,5.

 

March 13, 1979

Kanata City Council recommended that a fire station be built on the March Central School site to serve the rural areas of the City. The project, still needing ratification, was budgeted at $201,000. Kanata Fire Chief Jim Snider appeared at the meeting, to help make the case for the new station. Standard, March 30, 1979:2,5.

 

March 16, 1979

Marilyn Foster wrote a feature on a new Katimavik Co-operative Nursery School in Kanata. Kanata Standard, March 16, 1979:1.

 

March 16, 1979

It was announced that Kanata Scouts, Joe Nyenhuis and Alex Guruprasad, hoped to attend a mini-jamboree in Sweden. Fundraising events were planned. Kanata Standard, March 16, 1979:7.

 

March 16, 1979

Garry Thom reported in the Standard that Iber Homes intended to erect 31 single dwelling and 3 doubles at the corner of Highway 7 and Seabrooke Drive in Glen Cairn. Thom stated that this was “contrary to the Report on Housing Construction” that appeared in the previous issue of the Standard. Kanata Standard, March 16, 1979:16.

 

March 16, 1979

Al Craig wrote an historical piece in the Standard on the Hazeldean Rural Telephone Company. Kanata Standard, March 16, 1979:19.

 

March 25, 1979

Dunrobin resident Robert Conye’s car was vandalized after he left it on along the side of Highway 17 due to mechanical difficulties. All the windows were smashed, the body dented, and the contents looted, to the point were it was expected that the car would be a write-off. Kanata Standard, March 30, 1979:1.

 

March 25, 1979

Kim Woolford saved 5-year-old Trevor MacLean from near-drowning in Bluegrass Park. Trevor had slipped into the water when some ice gave way. Standard, March 30, 1979:1.

 

March 29, 1979

The Regional Planning Committee held a final series of hearings on the Conservation Lands Proposal, as revised by the Planning Committee. Kanata Standard, March 16, 1979:4.

 

March 30, 1979

Alderman Bob Kingham wrote, in his As I See It column, that Cadillac-Fairview was “exploiting the real issue” when they petitioned the Cabinet of Ontario to reverse an OMB decision that rejected their “energy conserving” community development proposal. A Standard editorial added: “This project is in the wrong place and at the wrong time. When Kanata has 93,000 population, a risk of this sort could perhaps be considered, certainly not now.” Subsequently, Kanata City Council gave its support for the project and the petition to the provincial government, though by a narrow vote of 4-3. Standard, March 30, 1979:1,2,4.

 

April 9, 1979

Kanata City Council approved the construction of a fire station in the rural part of the municipality, to be funded by money authorized by the former Township of March. Kanata Standard, April 12, 1979:14.

 

April 9, 1979

The Kanata Public Library opened a temporary facility in Glen Cairn, next to the Glen Cairn Arena. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:1.

 

April 10, 1979

The 1979 budget of $33,666,852 for the Carleton Separate School Board was approved. As William Broadfoot reported, this amount allowed for an expenditure up to the ceiling set by the Ministry of Education of $1409 per pupil. Difficult decisions were made during the budgetary process, however the Board managed to budget to maintain the current pupil-teacher ratio and the same quality of programs. Kanata Standard, April 27:9.

 

April 12, 1979

It was reported that Wayne Hutt, Manager of Thermocell Insulation, and Dan Ciona, Administrator for the City of Kanata, had met to discuss some of the difficulties with paper collection. The amount of paper collection had greatly exceeded the previous year, to the point where Thermocell’s collection ability was overloaded. Kanata Standard, April 12, 1979:1

 

April 12, 1979

Federal Conservative MP Paul Dick announced his candidacy for Lanark-Renfrew-Carleton. Dick was first elected in 1972. Kanata Standard, April 12, 1979:14.

 

April 12, 1979

The new Executive for Kanata Ladies Bowling was announced. It included Erm Boyd, Mich Gardner, Wafa Abov, Carol Redmond, Alana Schyburt, and Mina Blovin. Kanata Standard, April 12, 1979:15.

 

April 12, 1979

It was reported that Newton Steacy spoke to KBCA about the incorporation of the Kanata Standard, and expressed that it would be postponed because it was a very complicated task to be attempted at the time. Kanata Standard, April 12, 1979:1 Kanata Standard, April 12, 1979:6.

 

April 18, 1979

The March Sailing Club held its General Meeting. Members voted to make amendments to the constitution and change their name to the Kanata Sailing Club. Kanata Standard, April 27:16.

 

April 19, 1979

Students and staff at Earl of March School opened their production of “Swinging High.” Ron Andoff stated that they did a “bang up job” on the musical. Kanata Standard, April 12, 1979:1; Kanata Standard, April 27:1.

 

April 19, 1979

It was reported that after a successful campaign the Standard would be delivered in Glen Cairn to subscribers only. This marked a departure from the Standard’s concept of delivery to every household, which was the result of the Glen Cairn Community Association’s decision not to support a citywide distribution of the Standard. Kanata Standard, April 27:1.

 

April 26, 1979

A presentation by the Canadian Design Council honoured both the developers and residents of the community. Kanata had previously impressed a jury traveling across Canada visiting towns, city neighborhoods and prestigious areas of suburbia. Sharon Clayton stated that Kanata “impressed the judges with its landscaping, especially the rock outcroppings that have been used to dramatic advantages.” Three plaques were presented, one to Mayor Wilkinson, another to Ratan Rege of Campeau Corporation, and the third to William Teron, who was the driving force behind the creation of Kanata. Marianne Wilkinson later stated in her Commentary: “The award was not based solely on physical design of the community, but also on the evident interest of the residents and the active involvement between the residents and the municipal government in creating and maintaining the community design concepts.” Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:1,2.

 

April 26, 1979

The Nepean Arts Association held its inaugural meeting. Its objectives included fostering public awareness of the visual and performing arts, encouraging co-operation among artistic groups, promoting future developments, facilities, and programs for artistic activities, and serving as a liaison with regional, provincial and national arts bodies. Kanata Standard, October 12, 1979:18.

 

April 27, 1979

Through an editorial in the Standard, the need for a pedestrian overpass to bridge the Queensway was questioned. Kanata City Council had previously promoted the construction of the bridge. In a letter to the Editor, Ihor Nakonecznyj also questioned the logic supporting the overpass, and concluded that more questions needed to be dealt with before spending over half a million dollars and “satisfying a need which may turn out to be a political illusion.” Kanata Standard, April 27:2.

 

April 27, 1979

Tony Jarvis introduced his new column for the Standard, The Kanata Industrial Scene. His goal was to increase the media coverage of the industrial sector. Kanata Standard, April 27:6.

 

April 27, 1979

It was reported that Operation Identification was underway in Glen Cairn. Engravers were making their rounds of homes to put identifying marks on valuable items. Kanata Standard, April 27:11,14.

 

April 27, 1979

A candidate profile for Paul Dick, PC MP for Lanark-Renfrew-Carleton, appeared in the Kanata Standard. Dick stated: “We must get Canada going again.” Kanata Standard, April 27:13.

 

April 27, 1979

The new executive for the South March Women’s Institute, the result of an Annual General Meeting, was published in the Standard. It included Brenda Turner, Donna Cummings, June Denys, Nicole Butler, Mary Noble, Nancy Medynski, Shirley Yakabuski, Myrt Nugent, Katie Vance, Angela Tucker, Ann Ward, and Joyce Arrowsmith. Kanata Standard, April 27:14.

 

April 27, 1979

Walter Baker, PC candidate in the riding of Nepean-Carleton, had an article published in the Standard. Baker stated that “Pierre Trudeau’s monuments clutter the landscape; low morale in the Public Service; a language policy intended to unite but which has in fact divided; young people worried about their futures; a tax system that burdens small business and drains incentive; a country that thinks more in terms of its parts than the sum of its parts — all of this created by a ‘leadership’ which is more style than substance.” Kanata Standard, April 27:18.

 

April 27, 1979

An article appeared in the Standard featuring Pat Carroll, former March Township Councillor and principal of AY Jackson Secondary School in Kanata, as the Liberal candidate for the riding of Lanark-Renfrew-Carleton. Carroll had been living and involved in Kanata since 1972. Carroll stated that Canada is not on the “brink of disaster,” and that the country had done well in the past decade in comparison with other OECD countries. Kanata Standard, April 27:21.

 

May 1, 1979

It was the official opening of the Katimavik Hazeldean Community Centre, concurrent with the first Kanata City Council meeting in that community. Murray Duke, Chairman of the Katimavik Hazeldean School Task Force, reviewed the findings and recommendations of the report to Council. Maurice Dubras stated in his Council In Action column: “The level of support Council gives to the Task Force findings will be critical when it comes to persuading the School Board to revise its construction schedule. There appeared to be very little doubt in the minds of those residents present or represented that a community school is very high on their priority list.” Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:1,22.

 

May 11, 1979

It was reported that there were over 325 paid subscribers of the Kanata Standard in Glen Cairn. Gaining subscriptions in the area became a necessary move due to the lack of support for the Standard from the Glen Cairn Community Association. Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:2.

 

May 11, 1979

A Standard editorial stated that not much was learned at a recent All Candidates Meeting and stated: “Paul Dick, the PC man attacked the Prime Minister, the Liberal hopeful, Pat Carroll attacked the Leader of the Opposition and Colin Gilhuly from the NDP spoke of the rosy future that we could have under that party, if by some miracle , they could form a Government.” Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:2.

 

May 11, 1979

Carol Dougherty wrote an article on John Cabotto, a Kanata restaurant operated by Dominique and Angleo. She raved that they “set about to determine the gastronomical needs of the community and in my opinion have succeeded in meeting those needs.” Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:9.

 

May 11, 1979

In his regular column, The Kanata Industrial Scene, Tony Jarvis featured Digital Equipment of Canada Ltd. Company president, Denny Doyle, commented on the decision to locate in Kanata that the protection of jobs for employees living in the area was a primary concern. Doyle stressed the high community involvement of the firm. Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:10.

 

May 15, 1979

The Annual Meeting of the March Hockey Association was held at the Bill McNeill Memorial Hall. Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:15.

 

May 20, 1979

The interior of the home of Joan Geeck on Jackson Court was damaged by a fire. The house was owned by Cathy Boyden. There was in excess of $10,000 damage to the house; the household pets, a Highland Terrier and several gerbils, were lost in the fire. Kanata Standard, May 25, 1979:1.

 

May 21, 1979

Mayfair 1979 and its various events began. The Rural area of Kanata won the annual Mayfair Lob-Ball Tournament. It was also the 14th Annual Dance and Casino. Over 400 people attended the dance May 26. Kanata Standard, May 11, 1979:12-13; Kanata Standard, June 8, 1979:6,7

 

May 22, 1979

In the federal election, Paul Dick was re-elected as MP in Lanark-Renfrew-Carleton and Walter Baker was re-elected MP in Nepean-Carleton.

 

May 25, 1979

Glen Cairn resident Jennifer Anne Waugh won the Jean Phillips, Campership to Camp Bitobi award. The camp, in Gracefield Quebec, was for explorers and other young girls looking for summer fun in a religious atmosphere. Kanata Standard, May 25, 1979:3.

 

May 28, 1979

Stephen Leacock School grade six students said their good-byes to Quebec exchange students on their return to Kanata. The exchange was part of an immersion program initially proposed by Principal Robert Bullock. Kanata Standard, June 8, 1979:1.

 

May 29, 1979

A public forum on Declining Enrolment and The Community was held to discuss reduced education funding by the Ontario government and enrolment issues. Kanata Standard, May 25, 1979:14.

 

May 29, 1979

The Annual General Meeting of the Local Association of Kanata Guides and Brownies was held. The new executive included H. Bennett, Sandra Plumley, P. Williams, J. Arrowsmith, J. Higgins, S. Lewis, V. Guy, O. Froud, R. Hooey, P. Gale, D. Lougheed, N. Mackay, J. Williams, V. Westmore, Y. Ludlow, B. Thamer, and P. Conacher. Kanata Standard, June 8, 1979:4.

 

June 4, 1979

Changes occurred to the No.73 bus schedule. The changes, approved by the Kanata Transportation Committee, also eliminated the No. 70, and extended the No. 46 route to Bridlewood. Kanata Standard, May 25, 1979:1,3.

 

June 5, 1979

Kanata City Council approved its 1979 budget. Expenditures were estimated at $3,208,074. The mill rate remained the same as it had been for March Township the previous year. Bridlewood mill rates decreased 40 percent. Glen Cairn Community experienced roughly a 12 percent decrease. Marianne Wilkinson later commented that the 1979 budget “should keep the City in a healthy financial state.” Kanata Standard, June 8, 1979:1,12.

 

June 8, 1979

In his column The Kanata Industrial Scene, Tony Jarvis featured Lumonics Research Ltd. Jarvis reported that since the inception of the laser firm in 1970, Lumonics had grown at a rate better than 50 percent annually, “developing a wide range of laser products for both scientific and industrial applications.” Kanata Standard, June 8, 1979:2.

 

June 8, 1979

The results of the Mayfair pet show were published in the Standard. Winners of the four main categories were Kirk Brant's tarantula, Alison Bill's cat Tiger, Rob Holt's spoodle Muffin, and Brenda Bedford's keeshound Dusty. Kanata Standard, June 8, 1979:5.

 

June 9, 1979

The Kanata Ballet School presented their bi-annual recital. Sharon Clayton, in a review of performance, stated that she was “impressed with the professional atmosphere on the stage, and behind the scenes.” Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:9.

 

June 11, 1979

A new executive was selected at a Glen Cairn Community Association meeting. It included Colin Gillieson, Leon Asselstine, Barry Martin, Graham Ball, Joe Ryan, and Cathy Ireland. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:3.

 

June 13, 1979

A book-publishing celebration at a Katimavik home was held. Louise Reynolds, with the assistance of her husband Ralph, researched and wrote Agnes, the Biography of Lady Macdonald. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:9.

 

June 16, 1979

There was an official opening of the Glen Cairn Flood Control Works. Mayor Marianne Wilkinson and Councilors Charlie Rogers, and Bob Kingham attended. The Carp River, which had flooded the Glen Cairn area since the 1970's, was to be detained in a reservoir and released at a slow rate. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:1.

 

June 19, 1979

Final approval was given by Kanata City Council for the pedestrian overpass to bridge the Queensway. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:1.

 

June 19, 1979

Kanata City Council gave preliminary approval for the Hazeldean Centre, a shopping mall located on the northwest side of the intersection of Hwy. 7 and Young Road in Katimavik/Hazeldean. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:1.

 

June 19, 1979

Kanata City Council decided to adopt pay-as-you-go rates for the three Kanata pools. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:1.

 

June 19, 1979

The Town Centre Secondary Plan and the Rural Plan were both approved by Regional Council. There were only minor word changes to the Town Centre Plan, and development was expected to proceed on a limited basis later in the year. Kanata Standard, June 22, 1979:1,12.

 

June 25, 1979

Mayor Marianne Wilkinson was on hand to officially inaugurate the new Katimavik Pool. Kanata Standard, July 6, 1979:12.

 

July 3, 1979

Kanata Scouts Alex Guruprasad, Stephen Heard, Michael Nyenhuis, and Joe Nyenhuis began their travel to Denmark and Sweden, to attend an international camp in Sweden. Kanata Standard, July 20, 1979:20.

 

July 6, 1979

It was reported that the Ontario Municipal Board had approved Kanata’s request to debenture $200,000 towards the construction of the pedestrian bridge over the Queensway. The total cost was estimated at $438,000. Kanata Standard, July 6, 1979:1.

 

July 6, 1979

It was reported that the federal government had awarded a $30,000 contract to Mitel Corporation of Kanata to study silicon chip production for Telidon. Kanata Standard, July 6, 1979:11.

 

July 20, 1979

The Kanata Public Library Board announced that plans were underway for a new branch library in Kanata South. A sub-committee was struck for further investigation. Kanata Standard, July 20, 1979:2.

 

July 22, 1979

Two cars, driven by Bruce McLean and Steve Kominski, collided at the intersection of Teron and Beaverbrook Roads. There was extensive damage to both cars and only minor injury to a pedestrian. Kanata Standard, August 3, 1979:10.

 

July 28, 1979

Bridlewood held a birthday party to celebrate its second year of growth. Kanata Standard, July 20, 1979:7; Kanata Standard, August 3, 1979:1.

 

August 3, 1979

A proposed expansion for the March Montessori School was finalized. This was driven by a growing demand for Montessori education in the community. Kanata Standard, August 3, 1979:9.

 

August 8, 1979

As part of Project 4000, the first Vietnamese family arrived in Kanata. The Voong’s were set up in a house donated by Campeau Corporation for one year, including heat and hydro. Project 4000 had been previously launched by Ottawa Mayor Marion Dewer, who had also recommended that Kanata set up a committee to coordinate local efforts. Subsequently, a Co-ordinating Committee was struck. Kanata Standard, July 20, 1979:1,2; Kanata Standard, August 17, 1979:1.

 

August 14, 1979

Kanata City Council recommended that the Mayor’s annual salary would rise from $11,000 to $20,000 and the Aldermen’s from $4,500 to $6,500. It would come under final approval in September, 1979. Kanata Standard, August 17, 1979:1.

 

August 17, 1979

In a letter to the editor, Maurice Dubras and his family said their good-byes to Kanata. They stated: “We are about to embark on a very different life style in the knowledge that no other urban community could compare with Kanata. Kanata Standard, August 17, 1979:2.

 

August 28, 1979

Two Kanata youths, 17-year-old Douglas Conner and 16-year-old Chris Quinsey, were killed in an automobile accident. The incident took place on the Huntley Town Line Road, where the vehicle overturned into the Carp River. Kanata Standard, August 31, 1979:1.

 

August 31, 1979

It was reported that 17-year-old Kanata resident Lindsay Eltis had won an all-expense-paid trip to the Alberta oil sands. He had participated in the Canada-wide Science Fair in London Ontario, and was recognized as having the best environment-related project in the fair’s senior division. Kanata Standard, August 31, 1979:1.

 

August 31, 1979

Meetings between officials from the City of Kanata ad the Provincial Ministry of Culture and Recreation were held to discuss a proposed $12,000 recreation study for the City. It was to be completed by August, 1980. Kanata Standard, August 31, 1979:1.

 

September 8, 1979

A successful Glen Cairn Fun Fair was held. Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:1.

 

September 12, 1979

Kanata City Council met in the Katimavik Community Centre, and asked residents for input on alterations to ward boundaries. Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:1.

 

September 12, 1979

An extreme-noise by-law was proposed by Kanata City Council, which would prohibit many normal activities if they produced an audible sound. Only Alderman Bob Kingham objected. Activities prohibited at various hours or days would include racing the engine of a car, operating a lawn mower, operating a radio or hi-fi set, yelling, barking by a dog, ringing of Church bells, etc. Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:1.

 

September 14, 1979

A Standard editorial emphasized that the newspaper, as a rather large community-owned operation, relied heavily on volunteers. The editors stated that recent editions had been lacking in “hard” news and investigative articles, due to their “cadre of volunteers” becoming “alarmingly small.” Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:2.

 

September 14, 1979

The Interlangues School of Languages announced the opening of its West End School in Kanata. Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:7.

 

September 14, 1979

It was reported that a group of residents, led by Alderman Jean Gubby, were pushing for a Committee to support the Ottawa Civic Hospital’s five year Development Plan. Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:16.

 

September 16, 1979

A ceremonial sod-turning occurred at St. Paul’s Anglican Church to mark the beginning of construction of a new church hall. Kanata Standard, September 28, 1979:1.

 

September 16, 1979

A Kanata concert debut to begin the fall season was held at the Earl of March Auditorium. Kanata Standard, September 28, 1979:9.

 

September 22, 1979

The Kanata Singles began their fall season of dances. Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:14.

 

September 28, 1979

In a Standard editorial, Isa Clayton criticized Council for spending valuable time on things like the recently proposed anti-noise by-law. Clayton stated: “As it stands Kanata has far too MANY restrictions” and that if Council “have nothing more constructive to do with OUR time, we employ them on a part-time basis.” Kanata Standard, September 28, 1979:2.

 

September 28, 1979

Bob Kingham stated in a Standard article that the noise by-law recently introduced by Kanata City Council had “evoked more public interest in our new city than any other single issue since the election.” He had received around 50 calls on the issue. Kanata Standard, September 28, 1979:1.

 

September 28, 1979

The City of Kanata and the Recreation Department opened a room in the John Mlacak Centre to be used as a Teen Centre. Kanata Standard, September 28, 1979:11.

 

September 29, 1979

The 7th Annual City of Kanata Oktoberfest was held. Kanata Standard, September 14, 1979:10-11.

 

October 3, 1979

The Kanata Beaverbrook Community Association held a General Meeting. It was reported as being a very “contentious” meeting, which eventually led to the adoption of a new constitution and set of by-laws. A motion was also passed to extend the term of the current Board of Directors and Executive to June 15, 1980. Kanata Standard, October 12, 1979:1.

 

October 9, 1979

In a Kanata City Council meeting, Mayor Wilkinson indicated that there may be potentially large increases in taxes. Kanata Standard, October 12, 1979:1.

 

October 12, 1979

The City of Kanata Auditor’s Report for 1979 was published in the Standard. Kanata Standard, September 28, 1979:12-13.

 

October 13, 1979

There was a musical performance by David Gailbraith and Friends. Fred Boyd reported that the presentation made for a “very enjoyable evening.” Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:20.

 

October 15, 1979

A meeting was held to discuss the future of the Kanata Standard newspaper. Plans were put in place to ensure meeting growing needs and opportunities of the “enlarged” paper. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:1.

 

October 17, 1979

The Kanata Beaverbrook Community Association held its New Residents’ Night. Over 50 people attended. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:1.

 

October 17, 1979

Steinberg’s 9th and largest store was opened for business at Hazeldean Mall. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:5.

 

October 17, 1979

Towers Department Store opened in Hazeldean Mall. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:6.

 

October 18, 1979

The Stittsville and District Snowmobile Association held its Annual General Meeting. Kanata Standard, October 12, 1979:8.

 

October 20, 1979

The Kinsmen Club of West Carleton held their 1st Annual Lobster & Beef Night. Over 300 people attended the event.

 

October 24, 1979

The Kanata Theatre opened its season with Forty Carets. It was directed by Laurence Thornton and the cast included Marg Awthority, Murray Hayes, Rosie Keneford, Mary Mauger, Jennifer Jermyn, Paula Wilke, Liane Freedman, Bob Knight, Jim Ritchie, and Barrie Kirk. Kanata Standard, October 12, 1979:18.

 

October 26, 1979

A feature article in the Standard outlined events rendering a hydro utility possible in Kanata. Art Bowker was reported as stating that he was recommending that a hydro utility be established for the City, and that the final report would go to the Minister of Energy. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:1.

 

October 26, 1979

The Air Cadet League of Canada, in cooperation with the Kiwanis Club, announced their intent to form an Air Cadet Squadron in Kanata. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:11.

 

October 26, 1979

The New Amended Kanata Beaverbrook Community Association Constitution of October 3 was published in the Standard. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:14-15.

 

October 26, 1979

Regional Council held a Special Regional Council meeting to deal with the report on Environmental Lands, formerly called Conservation Lands for the Region. A provision was made to allow some use of plans of subdivision to permit both landowners and local municipalities to have a greater degree of flexibility in dealing with the use of environmental lands. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:18-19; Kanata Standard November 9, 1979:1,12; Kanata Standard, November 9, 1979:1,12.

 

October 26, 1979

Information on the new Kinsmen Participark was published in the Standard. Kanata Standard, October 26, 1979:21-3.

 

October 30, 1979

An official reception was held to celebrate the opening of Hazeldean Mall. Kanata Standard, November 9, 1979:10

 

November 6, 1979

The Carleton School Board Committee held a Whole Committee meeting to consider the five-year capital plan and the priorities for future school construction. Kanata Standard, November 9, 1979:2.

 

November 9, 1979

A feature in the Standard updated Project 4000 and the status of the first Vietnamese family sponsored in Kanata as part of the program. Kanata Standard, November 9, 1979:1,12.

 

November 20, 1979

There was a sod-turning ceremony to mark a major expansion of the Atomic Energy of Canada Limited, Commercial Products, located in the Kanata North Industrial Park. Kanata Standard, November 23, 1979:1.

 

November 22, 1979

Kanata youth Bill Casley was presented with a personal bravery award by the Kanata-Carleton Rotary Club. The previous August, Casley had pulled David Malloy from a burning car just before it exploded. November 23, 1979:11.

 

November 23, 1979

The President of the National Capital Equestrian Park announced that a Wintario grant approval was given to cover 50 percent, or $416,612, of an all-weather indoor riding arena. Kanata Standard, November 23, 1979:13.

 

November 26, 1979

A meeting was held in Rural March to discuss whether or not to remain part of Kanata or to become part of West Carleton.

 

November 27, 1979

Kanata City Council passed a by-law authorizing the acquisition of land, the design and construction of a library in Glen Cairn. It was estimated to cost $502,000. Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:13.

 

November 27, 1979

Kanata City Council approved the acquisition of land and the architectural design fees for a new rural fire hall, estimated at $155,000.

 

November 30, 1979

Mitel officially opened its Kanata headquarters. The company was already planning further expansion to its Kanata, Ogdensburg and Puerto Rico plants. Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:21.

 

December 1, 1979

The City of Kanata celebrated its 1st birthday. Approximately 400 people attended a the festivities at Glen Cairn Community Centre. Campeau Corporation provided several birthday gifts, including a Campeau University Scholarship, a giant outdoor skating rink, and a giant toboggan run. Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:1.

 

December 1, 1979

Mayor Wilkinson presented the Kingham family with a mounted picture of their winning logo design for the City of Kanata at the City’s 1st birthday. Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:31.

 

December 4, 1979

Kanata City Council opened their meeting with a tribute to Alderman Lund for his work on the Hydro Committees leading up to an agreement to set up a city Hydro Utility. Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:1.

 

December 4, 1979

Kanata City Council approved a motion in principle to change the name of Highway 17 to March Road. Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:4.

 

December 7, 1979

An article by Carol Dougherty, based on interview with Mayor Marianne Wilkinson with regard to the first year of the City of Kanata, was published in the Standard. Dougherty wrote: “Not unlike the parents of a first newborn, the mayor and council have frequently relied upon trial and error and upon their own judgment to make decisions. In fact the lack of precedent, policy or procedure has forced council to learn through experience and to grow with the city.” Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:6.

 

December 7, 1979

Bob Kingham commented in an article in the Standard on the first year of the City of Kanata. Kingham stated: “...you cannot make a community by Law. First and foremost it takes people — not a faceless legion, but neighbours and friends whose membership in Kanata derives from a conscious sense of belonging.” Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:7.

 

December 7, 1979

Doug Nash wrote A Year of Reflection, to commemorate Kanata’s birthday. He stated: “I count this first year as a beneficial learning experience. I now realize that the provincial government has a great deal of jurisdiction over how a municipality operates, and it has been a very revealing experience to study the fine points of the Ontario Municipal Act.” Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:8.

 

December 7, 1979

Charlie Rogers’ article, A Year in Review, outlined his participation in the first year of the City of Kanata. Rogers stated: “We are suffering from growing pains (possibly some headaches still around from motherhood), but I feel that we are progressing at a reasonable rate considering the circumstances and I look forward to a better progress rate in the next twelve months.” Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:9.

 

December 7, 1979

Marianne Wilkinson, in her Commentary, reflected on the past year as Mayor of the new City of Kanata. She stated that the year had been full of “challenges, of accomplishments, of frustrations, of pleasure, of hard work, of long hours, and of tremendous encouragement and assistance given to me by the residents of Kanata, the members of Council and particularly by the Kanata City Staff.” Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:14.

 

December 7, 1979

It was reported that three new refugee families had arrived in the Kanata area, as part of the ongoing Project 4000 program. Kanata Standard, December 7, 1979:30.

 

December 11, 1979

The speed limit on Eagleson Road from Highway 7 to Timm Drive was lowered from 80 km/h to 60 km/h. Kanata Standard, Jan. 11, 1980:4.

 

December 21, 1979

In a letter to the Editor, E. C. Prince criticized Kanata City Council for allowing the construction of the Participark, calling it “another pillaging of the natural landscape and thus the loss of the pastoral scene.” Kanata Standard, December 21, 1979:2.

    

On John Knox's memorial in the Glasgow Necropolis

The two-part episode The Incident presents two stories in parallel: a science-fiction adventure involving time-travel, electro-magnetism, and a mad scientist hoping to change things with a hydrogen bomb; and a fantasy myth involving mortals enslaved by ancient demigods, trying to change things with a knife and sacrificial fire. (In keeping with the disclaimer introduced earlier, it must be noted that ‘science’ and ‘fantasy’ are terms loosely applied, and that perhaps even the Jacob story might craft a more plausible scientific explanation than the Incident itself.) This work of fiction exists somewhere at the intersection of drama, sci-fi, and fantasy, but wholly within the category of Mythology. The episode’s first images evoke the dawn of human culture, the harnessed power of fire, shelters made of rock, hand-spun clothing and sandals, and primitive tools to gather fish from the ocean. After mankind adapted the necessary technology to survive, his mind began to expand to other pursuits, darkening his bare walls to produce painted images, carving majestic statues into rock, weaving decorative tapestries dyed different colors, telling stories through language, and even building ships to explore the seas (and planes to conquer the skies). Although Stanley Kubrick’s 2001: A Space Odyssey still holds the record for the longest flash-forward in cinema history, the centuries-long transition after the opening scene achieves a similar narrative effect. Even though man has evolved from taming the Promethean fire to building Edison’s light bulb to unleashing the power of the atom, our civilization is still in its infancy. Human beings themselves have not matured at the same rate as our technological progress. “They come. They fight. They destroy. They corrupt. It always ends the same.” The same petty jealousies that motivated the biblical rivalry of Jacob and Esau, also inform our nuclear-age warfare. A doctor can now perform once-unthinkable paralysis-saving surgery on your spine, but can that same doctor ever fix his own backbone when dealing with his father? Even our artwork, after generations of progress from cave paintings to wireless transmission of digital media, have also taken us from Homer to New Kids on the Block.

  

LOCKE: Years later a visiting prince came into Michelangelo's studio and found the master staring at a single 18 foot block of marble. Then he knew that the rumors were true -- that Michelangelo had come in everyday for the last four months, stared at the marble, and gone home for his supper. So the prince asked the obvious -- what are you doing? And Michelangelo turned around and looked at him, and whispered, sto lavorando, I'm working. Three years later that block of marble was the statue of David.

 

Two special artifacts from this classic opening scene, which are revisited at the ending of the episode, deserve special attention. The first is Jacob’s tapestry. The meticulously hand-crafted decoration initially appears in incomplete form. He has emblazoned the top section of the tapestry with ancient Greek lettering, a phrase from Homer’s Odyssey: “May the Gods grant thee all that thy heart desires”. Under those letters, the Egyptian symbol of the Eye of Horus, a symbol of divine power, occupies the center, between two massive wings. When Ben arrives at the statue centuries later, Jacob’s masterpiece is complete. Arms stretch down from the eye, towards nine human figures, while two kings observe from both sides. The image offers a visual representation of Jacob’s long-term plan, to give each piece ‘a little push’ into place for his endgame. Presumably, those nine individuals correspond to Kate, Sawyer, Sayid, Ilana, Locke, Sun, Jin, Jack, and Hurley (although Ben might be the final person, as Ben received Jacob’s touch rather than Ilana). Much like the sequence of literal and figurative long cons that preceded this one, the tapestry doubles as a metaphor for the show’s writing process. The gods of this particular story, writers Damon Lindelof and Carlton Cuse, strung the audience along for several years, slowly revealing pieces, painting each character with care, until it was time to unveil this man behind the curtain. Of course, they understood that the journey was more important than the final destination. As Jacob later confesses: “It takes a very long time when you're making the thread, but, uh... I suppose that's the point, isn't it?”.

   

Allusions to outside mythology, of course, occur quite frequently on Lost. For every direct reference that the show makes, there are a dozen other meaningful comparisons to be made, some intentional (such as Apollo the son of Zeus, or Everything That Rises Must Converge) but many others are merely fortuitous. Minds working independently across the globe tend to converge on the same core ideas or mythemes. Mythology scholars have produced a number of different theories to explain why authors from different cultures, without any direct contact, produce legends with such striking similarities. Each theory of mythology necessary rests on a simplification and generalization, more valid for some works than for others. In my assessment, the work of French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss offers the deepest insight into the objectives of Lost-style myth-making. Lévi-Strauss posited that human beings organize information primarily through binary oppositions (pairs like faith-empiricism, freedom-determinism). The underlying storytelling purpose of any myth is to unify those irreconcilable opposites, or at least create the illusion that the conflict has been resolved. Through the clash of thesis and antithesis, we can arrive at a synthesis. The commonly-cited analysis of the tragedy of Oedipus Rex offers a useful example: Sophocles revealed the consequences for a son showing not nearly enough affection for one parent, by killing his father; and far too much affection for the other parent, by marrying his mother. The great Lost myth revolves around the mirroring psyches of its pair of heroes, Jack Shephard and John Locke, one child who received far too much parenting (with Christian pushing his adult son around the clock) and another child who received far too little parenting (with Cooper pushing his adult son out of the eight-story window). The endless dichotomies of Lost are indeed false ones, and no one who chooses one extreme side, can ever be fully correct.

  

LOCKE: Backgammon is the oldest game in the world. Archeologists found sets when they excavated the ruins of ancient Mesopotamia. Five thousand years old. That's older than Jesus Christ.

WALT: Did they have dice and stuff?

LOCKE: [nods] But theirs weren't made of plastic. Their dice were made of bones.

WALT: Cool.

LOCKE: Two players. Two sides. One is light … one is dark.

 

The second key artifact is Jacob’s home, the Statue itself. As confirmed through outside sources (although hardly apparent from the actual episode), the Statue represents the hippopotamus-headed Egyptian fertility goddess Tawaret. (The interior chamber also includes a painting of the Egyptian deity Isis, another goddess similarly associated with protection, birth, and motherhood.) Before this revelation, many people, including myself, predicted incorrectly that the Statue would depict Anubis, the jackal-faced god of death, judgment, and the underworld. Images of Anubis last appeared during Season Five's Dead is Dead, on the tunnel walls where Linus confronted the black Smoke, also known by its Greek mythological moniker, Cerberus. The overall implication here is that the dividing lines have been drawn, with Jacob’s light side linked to Life, with the Man in Black associated with Death. In flashback, Jacob’s touch breathes life in Locke’s fallen body, while his nemesis apparently has been manipulating corpses for years to help him commit a murder.

  

Among the ancient secrets revealed in this episode, Ricardus answers Ilana’s ongoing riddle “What lies in the shadow of the Statue?” with the Latin phrase: ille qui nos omnes servabit. The standard translation apparently characterizes Jacob as a messiah figure: the one who will save us all. Despite all preliminary indications, it would be a premature mistake to equate the light-dark imagery with a good-evil metaphor. As Frank Lapidus wisely remarks: “In my experience, the people who go out of their way to tell you that the good guys are the bad guys.” The basic conclusions are undisputed: Jacob wants to keep bringing people to the Island to bring about an Ending, while the Man in Black wants to kill Jacob and keep the Island isolated. (The physical acting of the two rivals even conveys their dueling outlooks, with Mark Pellegrino relaxing as he scans the horizon, but with Titus Welliver squinting uncomfortably in the reflected sunlight.) Conceivably, Jacob’s Ending, his desire for change, could include the death of all mankind, to make way for the birth of a new progressive era. A phrase on the bottom of his tapestry offers a foreboding hint of Jacob’s final solution to end human corruption: “Only the dead have seen the end of war”. Keep in mind, the first on-screen action of Jacob, the great fisher of men, was to gather life from the ocean, rip its guts out, and then devour it.

  

(Here is another fun etymological fact for all of the Latin lovers out there. Early in the episode, Bram and Ilana share a cryptic exchange about whether Frank might be a Candidate for their side, a term that undoubtedly will reappear in Season Six scripts. The Latin adjective candidatus literally means “dressed in white,” and Mr. Lapidus clearly fits that bill. The word developed its English meaning from the white gowns worn by Romans seeking senatorial election. The word also shares a common origin with the adjective candidus which could be used for its literal meaning of “white,” or in a more figurative sense as “clear”, “candid”, or in other words “Frank.”)

  

MIKHAIL: Ha! Don’t waste your time. For ten years I have tried to defeat that game. But it was programmed by three grand masters. And it cheats.

LOCKE: Hmm. Well, I’ve played a lot of computers and I’m pretty sure they don’t know how to cheat. That’s what makes being human so distinctly wonderful.

 

For the first time, The Incident allows the viewer to rise up from a ground-level view of the game pieces on earth, to see the chess board from the player’s perspective in the sky. The story begins with the Man in White and the Man in Black trapped in an eternal stalemate. The fisherman Jacob gathers people from the seas, and then his enemy the hunter watches them destroy each other. Like the layman’s definition of insanity, Jacob repeats the same action over and over, while expecting a different result, faithful that one day the humans will change their nature, and the outcome. As Jacob points out, though, time is on his side: only one counterexample is necessary to disprove a negative. The rules of the game favor an endless cycle of perfectly symmetrical violence, until one of the players can find a way to change, break, or at least bend the rules. The Man in Black found the loophole in the rules that would allow him to kill Jacob. Evidently, he needed to impersonate Locke (and a number of other departed souls along the way) in order to persuade Ben, the leader of the Others, to choose to murder Jacob. At the same time, Jacob knew that his opponent would exploit the technicality eventually. In response, Jacob found his own way to cheat the rules: he brought a handful of special individuals to the Island, so that they could erase the events that lead to his death. To borrow a key phrase from Lost creator J.J. Abrams’ 2009 Star Trek opus: “Going back in time, changing history ... that's cheating.” Both master plans required a tremendous degree of faith in mankind: Jacob placed his confidence in the better angels of our nature, the ability of separate individuals to collaborate on one final goal; the Man in Black went all-in gambling on the inherent weakness of Locke, the corruption of Ben, and the mindlessness of his followers.

  

Their debate about whether mankind can change its nature arrives alongside the time-travel corollary question of whether human beings can alter their future. The “we’re the variables” framework presented in Season Five - note the emphasis on the plural - suggests that one person acting alone cannot alter history. Due to our natural tendency to oppose each other, the reactions of some other person will negate that action. Season Five's test case demonstrated the principle, as Kate's efforts to save little Benjamin negated Sayid's attempts to destroy him. The light will drive away the darkness, and vice-versa. However, if enough individuals combine in an effort to alter history, then the magnetism of their aggregate positive charge can overcome the negative pull. When the dark energy approaches the Swan (Jack, Sayid, Jin, and Hurley - all shown as adults in flashback), the forces of light gather to stop them (James, Juliet, and Kate – each one appearing as a child). The ensuing argument between echoes the central time-travel issue of Season Five: James asserts “What’s done is done,” and Jack responds “If it’s meant to be, it’s meant to be.” The resulting boxing match between the Black-Jack and Light-LaFleur depicts the larger war between the dueling demigods in microcosm: the two men are evenly matched when trading punches, so James exploits a few holes in Jack’s rulebook. In the end, though, one side prevails with nothing more than a little push to tip the scales. Juliet’s paradoxical, circular logic, a freely-willed decision grounded on her concept of predestination, resolves the conflict into its synthesis.

   

BERNARD: You realize we're the only two married guys on the island?

[He shows his ring]

BERNARD: Married?

JIN: Married.

BERNARD: Yeah, well, no, not to each other. No. (laughing) You got it. It's not easy, is it? Oh, I mean, it's--it's wonderful, but... let's face it, every decision that you make takes twice as long. 'Cause you always gotta talk them into it.

 

The episode’s black-and-white motif takes on a completely different meaning in the context of the Island’s two married couples. Part One includes the long-awaited return of Rose and Bernard, a couple whose bond transcends not only the color barrier between black and white, but also the perhaps deeper divide between a woman of faith and a man of science. The retired couple sets the example that the children refuse to follow, to lay down their differences and evolve into peaceful harmony. Subsequent flashbacks also reunite our other married couple, the wedding between Sun in her white dress and Jin in his black tuxedo. Western observers often mistakenly refer to the prominent Eastern symbols of yin and yang, as images of the struggle between good and evil. On the contrary, the black-and-white emblem common from Chinese philosophy (also incorporated into the flag of South Korea) represents duality rather than polarity. The dark and the light, the male and the female, instead of opposing each other become unified halves of a stronger whole. Jin provides another useful image: “We will never be apart, because being apart would be like the sky being apart from the earth.” Their wedding rings reinforce the idea of interconnectedness between the two halves of the same story, an unbreakable bond despite decades of separation. Sun’s later discovery of Charlie’s Driveshaft ring suggests a similar connection between the living and the dead, the past and the future. On a more depressing note, this episode also includes a third married couple, with the tragedy of Sayid and Nadia. While Sayid bleeds to death from his gunshot wound on the island, he suffers a deeper wound in flashback, his own sky being ripped away from his earth.

   

In what is either a sheer accident, or the product of intelligent design, the dark and light phenomenon even extends into the ongoing turmoil between the episode’s four romantic leads. On the physical level, James and Juliet share the same light-haired, lighter-eyed look of Jacob, while Jack and Kate share the same dark-haired, darker-eyed look of his nemesis. As Radzinsky might attest, basic electromagnetism holds that like charges repel and opposite charges attract. Even heading into the final season, the love quadrangle has never settled into a stable equilibrium, due to a peculiar mix of shared-physical-traits-with-opposite-personality-traits and vice versa. If you wanted a second opinion from Dr. Freud, then he could tell you a thing or too about Ms. Austen and Mrs. Shephard, Ms. Burke and Mrs. Ford. (Speaking of Freud, what can a psychoanalyst say about writers who changed temporarily the name of one of its leads from the revenge-driven Sawyer to flower-sniffing LaFleur. The Flower, as it translates from French to English, is traditionally associated with femininity, fertility, and even serves a common symbol for a certain part of the female anatomy. Fortunately, The Incident confirms that, “there ain’t no more LaFleur,” and with it the nominal castration of James Ford comes to an end.) The Incident focuses much of its creative energy on manufacturing motivations for each of the four lovers, to join forces to detonate Jughead, mostly at the expense of the supporting players. For each of these four characters, Lindelof and Cuse go too far in spelling out the answers to the audience in childish black-and-white terms, when shades of adult gray would have sufficed.

  

KATE: So, do you believe it?

JACK: Believe what?

KATE: That everything's going to be okay?

JACK: Yeah, I do.

KATE: Kind of unlike you -- the whole glass half-full thing.

JACK: There's a glass?

 

The childish immaturity of adults often comes across in a negative light, but child-like innocence can also be seen as a positive trait. Hurley, more than any other character, has been blessed (or, depending on your perspective, cursed) with the heart of a child. The adult Hugo not only enjoys a nice cherry Fruit Rollup on his ride home from jail, but he is thoughtful enough to offer to share it with a stranger. Just as any girl Juliet’s age will blame her own actions for her parents’ failed marriage, Hurley similarly internalizes the misfortunes of others as his own personal shortcoming. Hurley’s conversation with Jacob carries the same tune as any kid in need of parental guidance. Jacob’s words add another classic binary opposition to this tapestry of black and white: optimism and pessimism. There are always two ways to look at any situation. Even the darkest curse might be viewed as a brilliant blessing in disguise. As a point of caution, though, the converse of that principle also holds some merit. Throughout this story, Jack plays the unlikely role of a zealous optimist. Absolutely confident in the plan’s improbable success, he illuminates all of the wonderful merits of the revised timeline (Sayid’s life will be saved, Jin will get reunite with Sun, Claire will have the chance to keep Aaron, etc.). Foolish optimism can be a more dangerous force than cautious pessimism. His alternate future easily could result in an abyss of darkness, rather than a beacon of sunshine.

  

After so many rays of hope, the story of John Locke now ends in the gloomiest depths of tragedy. Frank quotes the same eternal question that links together Through the Looking Glass with There’s No Place Like Home: “What’s in the box?”. Three years later, the answer remains the same: Locke’s rotting corpse. John's life ended with him alone, miserable, and a failure. He was a puppet on strings, pulled by Cooper, by Ben, and by the Man in Black, and then discarded as a piece of trash, like on the day he was born. In a way, the entity now occupying Locke’s body has been fulfilling John Locke’s lifelong dreams. Locke always wanted to become a decisive leader, a man strong enough stand up to the Coopers and Linuses and Jacobs of the world. This master pulling the strings is unburdened by John’s emotional scars, his neediness, his self-doubt, even his morality. John’s ambitions of divinity could not be reconciled with his identity as a mortal, so one of those two needed to die. Even so, Locke’s tragic curse can be viewed as a blessing of martyrdom. Seemingly, Locke’s last chance for redemption hinges upon the success of Shephard’s mission to erase history. His phony resurrection in The Life and Death of Jeremy Bentham could be explained only by a cheap deus ex machina. The alternative option, resuming his life in a wheelchair at LAX, would be the product of his own leadership, the effect of mentoring Jack into a true believer. Jack drops the warhead onto the Swan site, like a kid tossing a coin into a wishing well, with the hope that when the magic box opens again, whatever he imagines will come true.

   

LOCKE: You have to do it.

JACK: You do it yourself, John.

LOCKE: No, you saw the film, Jack. This is a two person job, at least. […] I can't do this alone, Jack. I don't want to. It's a leap of faith, Jack.

 

Jack’s mad quest to detonate the bomb and prevent the Incident should remind the audience of Locke’s equally mad quest to end the 108-minute cycle of button-pushing once and for all. The content of Season Two’s Live Together, Die Alone resembles The Incident in other ways as well, a two-hour flashback episode to introduce a new character, with a timer ticking down to a scheduled event, which ends with one last heroic gesture to "make it all go away" in a flash of light. (Also, it never hurts to add liberal doses of the Great Radzinsky into your script.) These two episodes pull their characters violently towards the same magnetic focal point, with metal projectiles flying through the air. In each case, the man of faith puts his blind beliefs to an empirical test, to find a yes-or-no, black-and-white scientific question. Locke told us: “I’m more sure about this than anything in my entire life,” and he was wrong. For Jack, the words are: “Nothing... nothing in my life has ever felt so right.” (These statements also reveal a great deal about the degree of confidence the two men felt in themselves over the years.) The destinies of these two great men have been intertwined quite beautifully. Indeed, the outcome of one question hinges upon the answer to the other. If Jack had succeeded in destroying the energy, then Locke would have been correct as the timer ticked down to zero. On the other hand, if the Button truly served no purpose, then Oceanic 815 would have crashed regardless of any Incident, and Jack’s plan would have no effect on the timeline. I cannot help but admire their pure strength of will required to risk everything, seemingly beyond good and evil, beyond fate and free will.

  

Lost’s famous Live Together, Die Alone dichotomy reappears in another form, in the story of Juliet. When Jack first spoke those words in Season One’s White Rabbit, he phrased it as an either-or choice: “if we can’t live together, then we’re going to die alone.” When Juliet references the mantra in The Incident, she makes a crucial misstatement, “Live together and die alone” (at least, according to the closed-captions on my DVD.) A few minutes later, Juliet indeed does die alone, in the hope that everyone else might live again, together at LAX. The method of her death, proved to be an inspired creative choice. James, who tried desperately to lift John from the well in This Place is Death, once again found himself on the losing end of a tug-of-war with the grim reaper. Despite moving on from the death of his parents to build a new life, he finds himself in the same place as his childhood self in Tennessee, losing the woman he loves most in the world. The magnetically-charged chains, pulling her down into the gaping hole, offers a more scientific counterpart to the fantasy-inspired image of the Smoke Monster’s black hand of Death. Chains commonly serve as a symbol of restraint, imprisonment, inevitability, the antithesis of human liberty. In the famous words of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, "Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains." Pulled underground against her will, Juliet makes one last free choice, to erase countless freely-willed decisions of others. She achieves her destiny by destroying the chain of events that caused her to fulfill that destiny.

  

When the final white screen with black letters appears for the first time, after five years of white-on-black writing, the implication is clear: the Lost universe as we know it has inverted itself. The central binary dilemma of Season Five hangs in the balance with the flash of light. Two players, two sides. Did the events of the Season-Five-ending Incident prevent the Season One-opening Pilot’s crash of Oceanic 815? Or did the characters cause the very future they were trying to prevent? Both options offer a mix of positives and negatives. A brand new timeline would offer fresh storytelling opportunities, and a chance to revisit old friends long gone. On the other hand, the explosion would also incinerate the entire five-season hand-crafted tapestry of the Island story. The entire post-1977 universe, including the 2007 storyline of the Incident, would amount to nothing more than a dream. Preserving the old timeline would re-affirm the show’s fundamental rules for meaningful storytelling stakes: dead is dead; whatever happened, happened. With that solution, the entire time-travel story arc that lead to this finale event, and all those post-cliffhanger months of anticipation, would become meaningless. (Logistically, I don’t think either solution even makes much logical sense.) Perhaps the fatal flaw of this debate is that we view it as a debate. As Juliet did, maybe we should simple replace the word ‘OR’ with the word ‘AND’. There can be two universes, one in which Jacob succeeds, and one in which the Man in Black succeeds. Instead of conflict, we can find harmony. As the men who first painted on cave walls understood, one color is not enough. A world of pure white and a world of pure black would be indistinguishable from chaos. But, when you combine the dark and the light in some kind of balance, then any work of art becomes possible.

       

There was something for everyone at the Student Involvement Fair on Friday, 14 September, 2018, and judging by the signups there will be plenty of student led activities happening on campus in the weeks and months ahead. Photography by Glenn Minshall.

ODOT and LECET Work Zone Safety Event

District 10

St. Kitts Marriott Resort and Royal St. Kitts Casino, 858 Frigate Bay Road, St. Kitts

  

Canadian Vic De Zen turned a small Woodbridge, Ontario plastics company into a worldwide empire in the 1990's known as Royal Group Technologies Ltd. He built it up over the course of 30 years into a publicly traded company with about $2 billion in annual sales and 9,000 employees around the world. While growing the plastics company Vic De Zen met another Toronto developer, Mr. Archie Zuliani, who owned a small hotel on the island of St. Kitts. Zuliani needed a source for building supplies on St. Kitts and on De Zen's first trip to St Kitts the two hit it off and immediately started plans for a resort project featuring Royal Group's products and also a retirement villa for De Zen and his family. According to Zuliani, De Zen wanted the project to be built entirely of plastics! In 1996 a joint venture agreement was signed between Vic De Zen and Archie Zuliani for a $50 million development including hotel, conference center, golf course, casino and an internet gambling operation. In short order the project costs rose to $120 million. Within a year Zuliana became uncomfortable with De Zen's ambitious project and he was happy to accept a $4 million buyout from De Zen in 1998. Mr. De Zen and his brother in law, Fortunato Bordin, who used to work at Royal Group, borrowed $114-million from Scotiabank between 1996 and 2004 to fund construction of the Caribbean resort which when built out cost upwards of $330 million.

 

On November 3, 2000 a signing ceremony was held involving St Kitts Prime Minister Denzil Douglas, Mr. Vincent Morton, Chairman of the Frigate Bay Development Corporation and Mr. Vic De Zen. The announcement stated that the world class resort was being built by Technologies Limited of Canada. Denzil Douglas was the longest-serving Prime Minister of the Federation of St. Kitts & Nevis, having held the position between 1995 and 2015. He led the Saint Kitts and Nevis Labour Party. Douglas transformed his country’s formerly sugar-based economy into a service-oriented one driven by tourism, offshore medical education, small farm agriculture and the manufacture of electronic components. Prime Minister Douglas succeeded in establishing St. Kitts and Nevis as a tourist destination, giving as evidence his promoting of De Zen's 600-room Marriott hotel project.

 

Royal Group Technologies growth allowed De Zen vast liberties in pursuing side-bar projects and the doling out bonuses to family and friends. The line between Royal Group Business and De Zen's personal business became a complete blur. De Zen owned over 80% of the shareholders votes. With Zuliana bought out De Zen took the St Kitts project to new heights. He brought in his brother, Angelo De Zen, to head up the construction and Joey Cecchini was in charge of the design build of the Royal St. Kitts Beach Resort & Casino. The architect was Claudio Rabaglino from Toronto. According to the Toronto Mail and Globe "the resort became so important to De Zen that he turned over one of Royal Group's Boardroom - dubbed the war room - to the project. As construction progressed, 16 contractors were involved and about 3,000 shipments of products were made from Toronto. By 2000, roughly 700 workers were on site, some of them connected to Royal Group."

 

Marriott International announced a soft opening of their 471-room resort, St. Kitts Marriott Royal Beach Resort & Spa, on February 22, 2003. It is the tenth property in Marriott and Renaissance Offshore Resorts’ portfolio. John Toti was the resort's opening General Manager. Marriott said the resort is owned by Royal St. Kitts Beach Resort Ltd. Marriott's opening announcement said the resort’s five-story main building has 237 guestrooms. Between the main building and the beach, a series of three-story garden houses, surround the swimming pools, house an additional 234 rooms. Guestrooms are oversized and well-appointed with most including large, private balconies. Each bathroom of the houses will have a whirlpool bath.

For dining and entertainment, the St. Kitts Marriott Royal Beach Resort has six restaurants, two bars and a disco: La Cucina, an Italian restaurant; Royal Grill Steakhouse, offering outdoor seating; BLU, a seafood restaurant; Bohemia Beach Bar & Grill; Calypso, a family style restaurant, Golf Club House Restaurant; Lobby Bar; Keys, a cigar and rum bar; and Tigers, a disco. Recreational amenities include a 15,000 square foot spa, three swimming pools, tennis courts, retail shopping, Kids Club and a 35,000 square foot casino. A newly-designed 18-hole golf course, operated by Marriott Golf. For conferences and social events, the St. Kitts Marriott Royal Beach Resort & Spa has 12,000 square feet of flexible meeting space, including a 7,100 square foot ballroom that is divisible into three sections; meeting rooms offering 5,000 square feet of space; and a board room and terraces for pre-function receptions and events.

 

In hindsight Vic De Zen gained a Caribbean luxury resort but lost his billion dollar company. In February 2004 the St Kitts development became the subject of an extensive Ontario Securities Commission and Royal Canadian Mounted Police criminal probe into whether Mr. De Zen used Royal Group money or assets on a private development project. It seems the Royal Group shareholders new virtually nothing about the massive resort project on St Kitts! Vic De Zen was ousted as board chairperson of Royal Group in 2004 after an internal investigation. Two years later, the company was sold to United States-based Georgia Gulf Corp. for $1.7 billion. The RCMP (Royal Canadian Mounted Police) charged De Zen and other former executives with defrauding the company of more than $29 million.

 

The trial respecting the allegations made against Mr. De Zen and others commenced in April 2010. On December 10, 2010, at the conclusion of the five-month trial, the trial judge acquitted the defendants of the two charges they faced. The trial judge found overwhelming evidence supporting the defense that no fraud, no deceit, no dishonesty and no concealment had taken place. Indeed, the judge indicated that it would be a "travesty of justice" to wait even one day before pronouncing the verdict of not guilty.

 

Mr. De Zen formed a new company, ZZen Group, which includes the Marriott beach resort that has become the Caribbean island’s largest employer. When Mr. De Zen travels to ZZen’s resort in St. Kitts – his favorite way to relax is to work on small repairs. Joseph Sgro, an assistant to De Zen says he actually has a tool belt when he is at the resort … walking around the resort grounds and he fixes things and talks to the landscapers.

 

Georgia Gulf Corporation, a large PVC raw-material manufacturer, completed its acquisition of Royal Group on October 3, 2006 for $1.6 billion.

 

***********

 

Vic De Zen and his partners Fortunato Bordin and Domenic D’Amico have supported the people of St Kitts and Nevis since their first agreement in 1997 to build the Marriott Resort. This first initiative produced strong economic and social growth within the Federation of St. Kitts & Nevis. Vic De Zen's group continues with investments that have created the following St. Kitts businesses and organizations which collectively employ more than 1,000 persons in the Federation:

 

*St. Kitts Marriott Resort;

*Marriott Vacation Club;

*Marriott Residences;

*Royal Beach Development Group;

*Royal Beach Casino;

*Royal St. Kitts Golf Club;

*Royal Utilities Limited

 

***********

 

The St. Kitts Marriott has had 4 General Managers.

 

Jacques Hamou, General Manager, ( 2012 - ) St. Kitts Marriott Resort & Royal Beach Casino appointed Jacques Hamou as General Manager in February, 2012. Hamou’s career in the hospitality industry spans 30 years. He joins the property from Montreal where he served as general manager for the Montreal Marriott Chateau Champlain for thirteen years. Previously, Hamou was at Fortis Hospitality Corporation in Sydney, Nova Scotia, where he held the position of director of operations for Delta Sydney, Holiday Inn Sydney and the Sydney Inn.

 

Flor Van Der Vaart, General Manager (2008 - 2011) - Flor van der Vaart was appointed General Manager of St. Kitts Marriott Beach Resort on July 6, 2008. Flor began his career with Marriott in 2004 as the Resident Manager of the Aruba Marriott Resort & Stellaris Casino. Prior to joining the Aruba Marriott Resort, Flor was the Operations Manager at the Hyatt Dorado Beach Resort & Country Club in Puerto Rico. Van der Vaart received his Master’s Degree in Business Administration from The University of Phoenix. He received his Bachelor’s Degree from The University of The Hague – Haagshe Hogeschool in Holland.

 

George Landa, General Manager (2006 - 2008) - St Kitts Marriott Resort & the Royal Beach Casino appointed Cuban-born George Landa as General Manager in April 2006. Most recently he was general manager at the Curacao Marriott Beach Resort & Emerald Casino from 2003-2006. Previously he also served as General Manager of the Intercontinental Hotel in Valencia, Venezuela.

 

John Toti, Opening General Manager ( 2002 - 2006 ) John Toti was named general manager, responsible for overseeing all aspects of operations at the new St. Kitts Marriott Resort. Most recently, Mr. Toti was the general manager at the Guatemala City Marriott. During his 25-year career with Marriott, Mr. Toti held positions in various aspects of hotel operations. In the food and beverage departments, he served as executive chef for Marriott Hotels in the Orlando World Center, Panama City and Puerto Vallarta, and was director of food and beverage at the Marriott Plaza Hotel, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Mr. Toti later went on to work in the operations segment, becoming area director of operations for Marriott's Caribbean region and assisting on short and long-term projects for resorts in St. Thomas, Jamaica, Caracas & Costa Rica. He served as director of operations at the Guatemala and Lima Marriott Hotels as well. Mr. Toti was also director of groups and conventions at the Marriott in Puerto Vallarta. Toti is now retired and lives in Naples, Florida.

 

Wayne Michaelson is the current Executive Chef, (2015 - ) - Executive Chef Wayne Michaelson, previously from the Macon (Georgia) Marriott City Center, is in charge of overseeing daily operations of the resort’s eight onsite restaurants as well as catering for special events. Before his previous job in Macon, where he supervised seven kitchens, a catering facility for 2,500 people, Chef Michaelson owned and operated his own restaurant for a decade. After graduating from the Culinary Institute of America, Chef Michaelson began his career in hospitality at Omni Hotels & Resorts in 1984 in Alabama as an Executive Chef. He then moved to Puerto Rico in 1986 where he worked for prominent hotels such as the Caribe Hilton Hotel & Casino, the Hyatt Regency Cerromar Resort, the Hyatt Dorado Beach Resort & Golf Club, and the El San Juan Hotel & Casino, a Waldorf Astoria Collection hotel.

 

Arun Maharajh is the Vice President Operations at the resort's Royal Beach Casino. Maharajh started at the casino in 2005 as the Financial Controller. Previously he was a business analyst at the Ontario (Canada) Lottery and Gaming Corporation.

 

compiled by Dick Johnson, February 2016

 

Art Around the Park.

 

Howl Festival 2011. Tompkins Square Park.

 

East Village, New York City.

 

"A live action weekend-long event involving 140 artists of all ages turns an 8 foot high, 900 foot long blank "canvas" encircling the exterior of Tompkins Square Park into an explosion of color and creativity....Inspired by the late poet–philosopher Allen Ginsberg – a lifelong spokesperson for peace, justice, and freedom of expression – HOWL! Arts Inc. the umbrella for all things HOWL!, exemplifies the uninhibited, spirited, iconoclastic, and irreverent embrace of poet Allen Ginsberg's artistic invention. HOWL! Arts claims this legacy – as home to "the best minds" of successive generations – to inspire and galvanize new artists and audiences.

 

Presenting poetry, music, dance, theater, fine art, and intersections of popular culture, new technologies and artistic expression that defy easy categorization, everything HOWL! engages and incites people to connect with the arts." Howl Festival website

 

--

 

View more of my photography at my website NY Through The Lens.

 

To purchase any of my work as prints or cards, view my site gallery and store for info here.

 

To use any of my photos commercially, simply click the link which reads "Request to license Vivienne Gucwa's photos via Getty Images". This link can be found on the bottom right corner of the page of the photo you are interested in using.

Between 2014 and 2018 Australia will commemorate the Anzac Centenary, marking 100 years since our nation's involvement in the First World War.

These photos are almost 10 years old to the day (7 days away) as it will soon be Anzac day 2015.

 

I have attended quite a few dawn services but none quite as sobering as being a foreigner, walking fields where Australian soldiers died during wartime, and were burried.

 

I thought it was time to post my photos from Kranji.

I got up at 4 am along with many other of my Australian Microsoft and MVP friends. Bleary eyed, fighting the fog, we found our way to the bus.

We were in a daze as we were bumped about making our way to the killing fields of Kranji.

 

Kranji is a suburb in northwestern Singapore, located about 22 kilometres (14 mi) from the city centre.

The Kranji War Memorial in Singapore honours the men and women from the Commonwealth who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

A very appropropriate and solem place for Anzac Day 2005.

 

Back then I was not interested in Photography and my cameras were not that great. Still, that is not the reason for the photos. I did want to try for a perfect shot. I just wanted memories.

It was humid, dark and very quiet as the service started. Bagpipes from overhead and marching in front.

 

Deep within this quiet neighbourhood, lies the Kranji War Memorial, a hillside cemetery that is quite beautiful in its serenity once you get there.

Every year, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

The memorial honours the men and women from Britain, Australia, Canada, Sri Lanka, India, Malaya, the Netherlands and New Zealand who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

Here, we see more than 4,400 white gravestones lined up in rows on the cemetery’s gentle slope. Many graves hold unknown soldiers.

The Chinese Memorial in plot 44 marks a mass grave for 69 Chinese servicemen who were killed by the Japanese when Singapore fell in February 1942.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial are the Kranji Military Cemetery and the Singapore State Cemetery, where Singapore’s first and second presidents are buried.

As we walked the short flight of steps to the hilltop terrace, we saw four memorials.

 

The largest is the Singapore Memorial, with its huge star-topped central pylon that rises to a height of 24 metres.

This memorial bears the names of more than 24,346 Allied soldiers and airmen killed in Southeast Asia who have no known grave. You can find the register, kept by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, at the entrance.

 

Every year, on the Sunday closest to Remembrance Day on 11 November, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial is the Kranji Military Cemetery, a non-world war site of more than 1,400 burials, as well as the Singapore State Cemetery, where the country’s first and second presidents, Encik Yusof Ishak and Dr Benjamin Henry

 

Sheares, are buried.

 

The Battle of Kranji was the second stage of the Empire of Japan's plan for the invasion of Singapore during the Second World War. On 9 February 1942 the Imperial Japanese Army assaulted the north-western front of the British colony of

 

Singapore. Their primary objective was to secure a second beachhead after their successful assault at Sarimbun Beach on 8 February, in order to breach the Jurong-Kranji defence line as part of their southward thrust towards the heart of

 

Singapore City. Defending the shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway was the Australian 27th Brigade, led by Brigadier Duncan Maxwell, and one irregular company.

 

On 10 February the Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses while moving up the Kranji River, which caused them to panic and nearly aborted the operation. However, a series of miscommunications and withdrawals by Allied forces in the

 

ensuing battles allowed the Japanese to swiftly gain strategic footholds, which eventually led to the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1942.

 

The terrain around Kranji was primarily mangrove swamps and tropical forest intersected by streams and inlets. The shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway, nearly four kilometers long, was defended by the

 

Australian 27th Brigade, led by Australian Brigadier Duncan Maxwell. The 27th Infantry Brigade consisted of three battalions—the 2/30th, 2/29th, and 2/26th and was supported by the 2/10th Field Artillery Regiment, as well as one platoon from the

 

2/4th Machine Gun Battalion.

 

They were supported by one company from Dalforce (named after its commander, Lieutenant-Colonel John Dalley of the Malayan Police Special Branch), a local Chinese militia consisting of Communists, Nationalist supporters, and other

 

volunteers. As the war intensified, the Dalforce volunteers were given only three to four days of training and sent to the war front with elementary weapons. Lacking uniforms, the volunteers improvised by wearing a red triangle on their blue shirts to

 

avoid being mistaken for Japanese by the Australians.

 

The Allied forces at Kranji were to be assaulted by the Imperial Guards Division led by Major General Takuma Nishimura. 400 Imperial Guards had landed and taken Pulau Ubin, an island in the north-east of Singapore, in a feint attack on 7

 

February, where they encountered minimal resistance.

 

On 9 February, two divisions of the Japanese Twenty Fifth Army, led by Lieutenant General Tomoyuki Yamashita, landed on the northwestern coast of Singapore, in the Sarimbun area. Yamashita's headquarters (HQ) was in the Sultan of Johor's

 

palace on Istana Bukit Serene, which offered him and his officers a bird's eye view of virtually every key target in the northern sector of Singapore Island, only 1.6 kilometres (one mile) across the Straits of Johor. Sultan Ibrahim's palace was not fired

 

upon by the British because any damage caused would have extensive repercussions for British-Johor ties.

 

The primary objective of the Japanese at Kranji was to capture Kranji village; this would let them repair the demolished Causeway in order to facilitate easy flow of reinforcements and supplies down the roads of Woodlands and Mandai, and to the

 

rest of the island for their vanguard force. Once the leading wave of Japanese was safely ashore, the massed Japanese artillery switched their fire to the defensive positions at Kranji. Telegraph and telephone communications were destroyed in the

 

bombardment and communications between the front line and command HQ were broken. At 8:30pm that night, the men of the Imperial Guards Division began the crossing from Johor in special armoured landing-crafts, collapsible boats and by

 

swimming.

 

In the early hours of 10 February, Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses during the Battle of Singapore. While moving up the Kranji River, advance landing parties from the 4th Regiment of the Imperial Guard Division found themselves

 

under heavy fire from Australian machine gunners and mortar teams. They also found themselves surrounded by oil slicks, which had been created by Allied personnel emptying the nearby Woodlands oil depot, to prevent its capture. A scenario

 

feared by Yamashita came to pass by accident; the oil was set alight by Allied small arms fire, causing many Japanese soldiers to be burnt alive. Sustaining heavy losses, Nishimura requested permission to abandon the operation. However,

 

Yamashita denied the request.

 

Maxwell, who had limited communications with his division headquarters, was concerned that his force would be cut off by fierce and chaotic fighting at Sarimbun and Jurong to the south west, involving the Australian 22nd Brigade. Maxwell's

 

force consequently withdrew from the seafront. This allowed the Japanese to land in increasing strength and take control of Kranji village. They also captured Woodlands, and began repairing the causeway, without encountering any Allied attacks.

 

Japanese light tanks, which had good buoyancy, were towed across the straits to Lim Chu Kang Road where they joined the battle at dusk. With reinforced troops and tanks advancing down Choa Chua Kang Road, the Australian troops were no

 

match for the tanks and fled to the hills of Bukit Panjang. The 5th Division (Imperial Japanese Army) captured Bukit Timah village by the evening of 11 February.

 

Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival, General Officer Commanding of HQ Malaya Command, drew a defence perimeter covering Kallang aerodrome, MacRitchie and Peirce reservoirs and the Bukit Timah supply depot area to ensure the integrity

 

of the city's defence. One line of the north-western defence perimeter was the Jurong-Kranji defence line, a narrow ridge connecting the sources of the Jurong and the Kranji Rivers, forming a natural defence line protecting the north-west

 

approach to the Singapore City. (Its counterpart was the Serangoon Line, which was sited between Kallang Airfield and Paya Lebar village on the eastern part of Singapore). The troops were to defend this Line strongly against the invading

 

Japanese force. The Line was defended by the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade which covered milestone 12 on Jurong Road, the 12th Indian Infantry Brigade and the reinforced 22nd Australian Brigade which guarded the northern part of the Line and

 

maintained contact with the 44th Indian Brigade. The 15th Indian Infantry Brigade was re-positioned near Bukit Timah Road to guard the island's vital food and petrol supplies. A secret instruction to protect this area was issued to Percival's

 

generals.

 

Percival's secret orders to withdraw to the last defence line around the city only if necessary were misunderstood by Maxwell, who took this to be an order for an immediate withdrawal to the Line. As a result, the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade, the 12th

 

Indian Infantry Brigade and the 22nd Australian Brigade, reinforced after their withdrawal from Sarimbun beach in the north-west, abandoned the Line on 10 February. Fearing that the large supplies depot would fall into Japanese hands should

 

they make a rush for Bukit Timah too soon, General Archibald Wavell, Allied commander-in-chief of the Far East sent an urgent message to Percival:

 

It is certain that our troops in Singapore Island heavily outnumber any Japanese who have crossed the Straits. We must destroy them. Our whole fighting reputation is at stake and the honour of the British Empire. The Americans have held out in the

 

Bataan Peninsula against a far heavier odds, the Russians are turning back the picked strength of the Germans. The Chinese with an almost lack of modern equipment have held the Japanese for four and a half years. It will be disgraceful if we

 

yield our boasted fortress of Singapore to inferior enemy forces.

 

By 11 February, the Jurong-Kranji Defence Line was left undefended which allowed the Japanese forces to sweep through the Line to attack Bukit Timah. On the same day, Percival finally moved his Combined Operations Headquarters in Sime

 

Road to the underground bunker, The Battle Box at Fort Canning.

 

Despite their fighting spirit, the Dalforce fighters suffered from poor training and the lack of equipment. A further blow was delivered when the 27th Australian Brigade withdrew southwards. As a result, the Japanese established a stronghold in the

 

northern Woodlands area and secured a relatively easy passage into the island. General Wavell left Singapore for Java early on 11 February and sent a cable to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in London on his assessment of the war front

 

in Singapore:

  

Battle for Singapore is not going well... I ordered Percival to stage counter-attack with all troops possible... Morale of some troops is not good and none is as high as I should like to see... The chief troubles are lack of sufficient training in some

 

reinforcing troops and an inferior complex which bold Japanese tactics and their command of the air have caused. Everything possible is being done to produce more offensive spirit and optimistic outlook. But I cannot pretend that these efforts

 

have been entirely successful up to date. I have given the most categorical orders that there is to be no thought of surrender and that all troops are to continue fighting to the end...

 

By 12 February, the Imperial Guards had captured the reservoirs and Nee Soon village. The defending troops, by this time, were badly shaken. Thousands of exhausted and frightened stragglers left the fighting to seek shelter in large buildings. On

 

the same night, British forces in the east of the island had begun to withdraw towards the city.

 

On 13 February, the Japanese 5th Division continued its advance and reached Adam and Farrer Roads to capture the Sime Road Camp. Yamashita moved his HQ forward to the bomb-damaged Ford Factory in Bukit Timah. Heading southwards,

 

the Japanese 18th Division advanced into Pasir Panjang, where the last major battle of Singapore would be fought with the Malay Regiments at Bukit Chandu.

 

In 1995, the former battle sites of Kranji and the defence line were gazetted by the National Heritage Board as two of the eleven World War II sites of Singapore.

  

2005

 

Knoica Minolta

  

PICT0059

The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").

 

The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.

 

Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.

 

ETHNIC IDENTITY

The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).

 

HISTORY

From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.

 

Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.

 

In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to

 

CHRISTIANITY

Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.

 

SOCIETY

There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.

 

FAMILY AFFILIATION

Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.

 

Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.

 

Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.

 

CLASS AFFILIATION

In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.

 

Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.

 

Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.

 

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.

 

The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.

 

CULTURE

TONGKONAN

Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").

 

Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.

 

The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.

 

WOOD CARVINGS

To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.

 

Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.

 

Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.

 

FUNERAL RITES

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.

 

The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

 

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.

 

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.

 

In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.

 

DANCE AND MUSIC

Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.

 

As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.

 

A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.

 

LANGUAGE

The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.

 

ECONOMY

Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .

 

With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.

 

Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.

 

TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE

Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.

 

In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.

 

Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.

 

A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.

 

Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.

 

WIKIPEDIA

. . . sadly Non-Hindus are not allowed inside the temple complex

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The Jagannath Temple of Puri (Odia: ଜଗନ୍ନାଥ ମନ୍ଦିର) is a famous, sacred Hindu temple dedicated to Jagannath and located on the eastern coast of India, at Puri in the state of Odisha.

 

The temple is an important pilgrimage destination for many Hindu traditions, particularly worshippers of god Krishna and god Vishnu, and part of the Char Dham pilgrimages that a Hindu is expected to make in one's lifetime.

 

Even though most Hindu deities that are worshiped are made out of stone or metal, the image of Jagannath is wooden. Every twelve or nineteen years these wooden figures are ceremoniously replaced by using sacred trees, that have to be carved as an exact replica. The reason behind this ceremonial tradition is the highly secret Navakalevara ('New Body' or 'New Embodiment') ceremony, an intricate set of rituals that accompany the renewal of the wooden statues.

 

The temple was built in the 12th century atop its ruins by the progenitor of the Eastern Ganga dynasty, King Anantavarman Chodaganga Deva. The temple is famous for its annual Rath Yatra, or chariot festival, in which the three main temple deities are hauled on huge and elaborately decorated temple cars. Since medieval times, it is also associated with intense religious fervour.

 

The temple is sacred to the Vaishnava traditions and saint Ramananda who was closely associated with the temple. It is also of particular significance to the followers of the Gaudiya Vaishnavism whose founder, Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, was attracted to the deity, Jagannath, and lived in Puri for many years.

 

DEITIES

The central forms of Jagannath, Balabhadra and the goddess Subhadra constitute the trinity of deities sitting on the bejewelled platform or the Ratnabedi in the inner sanctum. The Sudarshan Chakra, deities of Madanmohan, Sridevi and Vishwadhatri are also placed on the Ratnavedi. The deities of Jagannath, Balabhadra, Subhadra and Sudarshan Chakra are made from sacred Neem logs known as Daru Brahma. Depending on the season the deities are adorned in different garbs and jewels. Worship of the deities pre-date the temple structure and may have originated in an ancient tribal shrine.

 

ORIGINS OF THE TEMPLE

According to the recently discovered copper plates from the Ganga dynasty, the construction of the current Jagannath temple was initiated by the ruler of Kalinga, Anantavarman Chodaganga Dev. The Jaga mohan and the Vimana portions of the temple were built during his reign (1078 - 1148 CE). However, it was only in the year 1174 CE that the Oriya ruler Ananga Bhima Deva rebuilt the temple to give a shape in which it stands today.

 

Jagannath worship in the temple continued until 1558, when Odisha was attacked by the Afghan general Kalapahad. Subsequently, when Ramachandra Deb established an independent kingdom at Khurda in Orissa, the temple was consecrated and the deities reinstalled.

 

LEGENDS

Legendary account as found in the Skanda-Purana, Brahma Purana and other Puranas and later Oriya works state that Lord Jagannath was originally worshipped as Lord Neela Madhaba by a Savar king (tribal chief) named Viswavasu. Having heard about the deity, King Indradyumna sent a Brahmin priest, Vidyapati to locate the deity, who was worshipped secretly in a dense forest by Viswavasu. Vidyapati tried his best but could not locate the place. But at last he managed to marry Viswavasu's daughter Lalita. At repeated request of Vidyapti, Viswavasu took his son-in-law blind folded to a cave where Lord Neela Madhaba was worshipped.

 

Vidyapati was very intelligent. He dropped mustard seeds on the ground on the way. The seeds germinated after a few days, which enabled him to find out the cave later on. On hearing from him, King Indradyumna proceeded immediately to Odra desha Orissa on a pilgrimage to see and worship the Deity. But the deity had disappeared. The king was disappointed. The Deity was hidden in sand. The king was determined not to return without having a darshan of the deity and observed fast unto death at Mount Neela, Then a celestial voice cried 'thou shalt see him.' Afterwards the king performed a horse sacrifice and built a magnificent temple for Vishnu. Sri Narasimha Murti brought by Narada was installed in the temple. During sleep, the king had a vision of Lord Jagannath. Also an astral voice directed him to receive the fragrant tree on the seashore and make idols out of it. Accordingly, the king got the image of Lord Jagannath, Balabhadra, Subhadra and Chakra Sudarshan made out of the wood of the divine tree and installed them in the temple.

 

INDRADYUMNA´S PRAYER TO LORD BRAHMA

King Indradyumna put up for Jagannath the tallest monument of the world. It was 1,000 cubits high. He invited Lord Brahma, the cosmic creator, consecrate the temple and the images. Brahma came all the way from Heaven for this purpose. Seeing the temple he was immensely pleased with him. Brahma asked Indradyumna as to in what way can he (Brahma) fulfill the king's desire, since was very much pleased with him for his having put the most beautiful Temple for Lord Vishnu. With folded hands, Indradyumna said, "My Lord if you are really pleased with me, kindly bless me with one thing, and it is that I should be issueless and that I should be the last member of my family." In case anybody left alive after him, he would only take pride as the owner of the temple and would not work for the society.

 

THE EPISODE OF THE LORD´S GRACE DURING A WAR WITH KANCHI

At one time, a king of Kanchi in the down south remarked that the king of Orissa was a chandala (a man of very low caste or status) because, he performs the duties of a sweeper during the Car Festival. When this news reached the ears of the king of Orissa, he led an expedition to Kanchi. Before that, he implored the mercy of Lord Jagannath. The soldiers of Orissa marched towards Kanchi from Cuttack (earlier capital city of Orissa, located on the banks of Mahanadi, at a distance of 30 km from Bhubaneswar. It so happened that when the soldiers, headed by the king Purusottam Dev, reached a place near the Chilika lake, a lady, who was selling curd (yogurt) met him (the king) and presented a golden ring studded with precious gems and submitted. "My Lord, kindly listen to me. A little earlier, two soldiers riding over two horses (white and black in colour), approached me and said we are thirsty give us curds to drink.' I gave them curds. Instead of giving me money, they gave me this ring and said,'the king of Orissa will come here, after some time, on his way to Kanchi. You present it to him and he will pay you the money.' So my Lord, you take it and give me my dues.

 

It took no time for the king to know that the ring belongs to Lord Jagannath. He was convinced that Jagannath and Balabhadra were proceeding to the battle field ahead of him to help him there. To perpetuate the memory of this great incident, the king founded a village in the Chilika lake area. As the name of the lady was Manika, the name given to the village was Manika Patana. Even to this day, the curds of this village are famous.

 

LEGEND SURROUNDING THE TEMPLE ORIGIN

The traditional story concerning the origins of the Lord Jagannath temple is that here the original image of Jagannath (a deity form of Vishnu) at the end of Treta yuga manifested near a banyan tree, near seashore in the form of an Indranila nilamani or the Blue Jewel. It was so dazzling that it could grant instant moksha, so the god Dharma or Yama wanted to hide it in the earth, and was successful. In Dvapara Yuga King Indradyumna of Malwa wanted to find that mysterious image and to do so he performed harsh penances to obtain his goal. Vishnu then instructed him to go to the Puri seashore and find a floating log to make an image from its trunk.

 

The King found the log of wood. He did a yajna from which god Yajna Nrisimha appeared and instructed that Narayana should be made as fourfold expansion, i.e. Paramatma as Vasudeva, his Vyuha as Samkarshana, Yogamaya as Subhadra, and his Vibhava asSudarsana. Vishwakarma appeared in the form of artist and prepared images of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra from the tree. When this log, radiant with light was seen floating in the sea, Narada told the king to make three idols out of it and place them in a pavilion. Indradyumna got Visvakarma, the architect of Gods, to build a magnificent temple to house the idols and Vishnu himself appeared in the guise of a carpenter to make the idols on condition that he was to be left undisturbed until he finished the work.

 

But just after two weeks, the Queen became very anxious. She took the carpenter to be dead as no sound came from the temple. Therefore, she requested the king to open the door. Thus, they went to see Vishnu at work at which the latter abandoned his work leaving the idols unfinished. The idol was devoid of any hands. But a divine voice told Indradyumana to install them in the temple. It has also been widely believed that in spite of the idol being without hands, it can watch over the world and be its lord. Thus the idiom.

 

INVASIONS AND DESECRATIONS OF THE TEMPLE

The temple annals, the Madala Panji records that the Jagannath temple at Puri has been invaded and plundered eighteen times. The invasion by Raktabahu has been considered the first invasion on the temple by the Madalapanji.

 

RANJIT SINGH´S WILL

Sikh ruler Maharaja Ranjit Singh, had donated massive amounts of gold to the Jagannath temple. In his last will, he also ordered that Koh-i-noor, the most precious and greatest diamond in the world, to be donated to this temple, but the diamond could never actually make its way to the temple because the British, by that time, had annexed the Punjab and all its royal possessions. Thus, claiming that the Koh-i-noor was theirs. It is currently a part of British crown jewels and is located in the Tower of London.

 

ENTRY AND DARSHAN

Temple has 4 entrances in all directions.Temple security is selective regarding who is allowed entry. Practicing Hindus of non-Indian descent are excluded from premises, as are Hindus of non-Indian origin. Visitors not allowed entry may view the precincts from the roof of the nearby Raghunandan Library and pay their respects to the image of God Jagannath known as Patitapavana at the main entrance to the temple. There is some evidence that this came into force following a series of invasions by foreigners into the temple and surrounding area. Buddhist, and Jain groups are allowed into the temple compound if they are able to prove their Indian ancestry. The temple has slowly started allowing Hindus of non-Indian origin into the area, after an incident in which 3 Balinese Hindus were denied entry, even though Bali is 90% Hindu.

 

The temple remains open from 5 am to 12 midnight. Unlike many other temples devotees can go behind the idols(go round the idols).All devotees are allowed to go right up to the deities during the Sahana Mela without paying any fees . The Sahana mela or the public darshan is usually following the abakasha puja between around 7 to 8 am in the morning. Special darshan or Parimanik darshan is when devotees on paying 50 Rupees are allowed right up to the deities. Parimanik darshan happens after the dhupa pujas at around 10 am, 1 pm and 8 pm . At all other times devotees can view the deities from some distance for free. The rathyatra occurs every year some time in the month of July. 2 or 6 weeks before Rathyatra (depending upon the year) there is a ritual of Lord undergoing "Bhukaar" (sick) hence the idols are not on "Darshan". Devotees to make a note of this before they plan to visit the lord.

 

CULTURAL INTEGRITY

Shrikshetra of Puri Jagannath, as is commonly known, can verily be said to be a truthful replica of Indian culture. To understand this culture, one has to have some idea of the history of this land, which again is different from that of other countries of the world.

 

Starting from Lord Jagannath himself, history has it that he was a tribal deity, adorned by the Sabar people, as a symbol of Narayan. Another legend claims him to be Nilamadhava, an image of Narayana made of blue stone and worshipped by the aboriginals. He was brought to Nilagiri (blue mountain) or Nilachala and installed there as Shri Jagannath in company with Balabhadra and Subhadra. The images made of wood are also claimed to have their distant linkage with the aboriginal system of worshipping wooden poles. To cap it all the Daitapatis, who have a fair share of responsibilities to perform rituals of the Temple, are claimed to be descendants of the aboriginals or hill tribes of Orissa. So we may safely claim that the beginning of the cultural history of Shrikshetra is found in the fusion of Hindu and Tribal Cultures. This has been accepted as a facet of our proud heritage. The three deities came to be claimed as the symbols of Samyak Darshan, Samyak Jnana and Samyak Charita usually regarded as Triratha (of the Jain cult), an assimilation of which leads to Moksha (salvation) or the ultimate bliss...

 

Jagannath is worshipped as Vishnu or Narayana or Krishna and Lord Balabhadra as Shesha. Simultaneously, the deities are regarded as the bhairava with Vimala (the devi or the consort of Shiva) installed in the campus of the temple. So ultimately we find a fusion of Saivism, Shaktism and Vaishnavism of the Hindu religion with Jainism and up to an extent Buddhism in the culture of Jagannath and the cultural tradition so reverently held together in Shrikshetra.

 

ACHARYAS AND JAGANNATHA PURI

All of the renowned acharyas including Madhvacharya have been known to visit this kshetra. Adi Shankara established his Govardhana matha here. There is also evidence that Guru Nanak, Kabir, Tulsidas, Ramanujacharya, and Nimbarkacharya had visited this place. Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu of Gaudiya Vaishnavism stayed here for 24 years, establishing that the love of god can be spread by chanting the Hare Krishna mantra. Srimad Vallabhacharya visited Jagannath Puri and performed a 7-day recitation of Srimad Bhagvat. His sitting place is still famous as "baithakji." It confirms his visit to Puri. A famous incident took place when Vallabhachrya visited. There was a discourse being held between the Brahmins and 4 questions were asked. Who is the highest of Gods, What is the highest of mantras, What is the highest scripture and What is the highest service. The discourse went on for many days with many schools of thought. Finally Shri Vallabh said to ask Lord Jagannath to confirm Shri Vallabh's answers. A pen and paper were left in the inner sanctum. After some time, the doors were opened and 4 answers were written. 1) The Son of Devaki (Krishna) is the God of Gods 2) His name is the highest of mantras 3) His song is the highest scripture (Bhagavat Geeta) 4) Service to Him is the Highest service. The king was shocked and declared Shri Vallabh the winner of the discourse. Some of the pandits who participated became jealous of Shri Vallabh and wanted to test Him. The next day was Ekadashi, a fasting day where one must fast from grains. The pandits gave Shri Vallabh rice Prasad of Shri Jagannathji (The temple is famous for this). If Shri Vallabh ate it, He would break His vow of fasting but if He did not take it, He would disrespect Lord Jagannath. Shri Vallabh accepted the prasad in his hand and spent the rest of the day and night explaining slokas of the greatness of Prasad and ate the rice the next morning.

 

CHAR DHAM

The temple is one of the holiest Hindu Char Dham (four divine sites) sites comprising Rameswaram, Badrinath, Puri and Dwarka. Though the origins are not clearly known, the Advaita school of Hinduism propagated by Sankaracharya, who created Hindu monastic institutions across India, attributes the origin of Char Dham to the seer. The four monasteries lie across the four corners of India and their attendant temples are Badrinath Temple at Badrinath in the North, Jagannath Temple at Puri in the East, Dwarakadheesh Temple at Dwarka in the West and Ramanathaswamy Temple at Rameswaram in the South. Though ideologically the temples are divided between the sects of Hinduism, namely Saivism and Vaishnavism, the Char Dham pilgrimage is an all Hindu affair. There are four abodes in Himalayas called Chota Char Dham (Chota meaning small): Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri and Yamunotri - all of these lie at the foot hills of Himalayas The name Chota was added during the mid of 20th century to differentiate the original Char Dhams. The journey across the four cardinal points in India is considered sacred by Hindus who aspire to visit these temples once in their lifetime. Traditionally the trip starts at the eastern end from Puri, proceeding in clockwise direction in a manner typically followed for circumambulation in Hindu temples.

 

STRUCTURE

The huge temple complex covers an area of over 37,000 m2, and is surrounded by a high fortified wall. This 6.1 m high wall is known as Meghanada Pacheri. Another wall known as kurma bedha surrounds the main temple. It contains at least 120 temples and shrines. With its sculptural richness and fluidity of the Oriya style of temple architecture, it is one of the most magnificent monuments of India. The temple has four distinct sectional structures, namely -

 

- Deula, Vimana or Garba griha (Sanctum sanctorum) where the triad deities are lodged on the ratnavedi (Throne of Pearls). In Rekha Deula style;

- Mukhashala (Frontal porch);

- Nata mandir/Natamandapa, which is also known as the Jagamohan (Audience Hall/Dancing Hall), and

- Bhoga Mandapa (Offerings Hall).

 

The main temple is a curvilinear temple and crowning the top is the 'srichakra' (an eight spoked wheel) of Vishnu. Also known as the "Nilachakra", it is made out of Ashtadhatu and is considered sacrosanct. Among the existing temples in Orissa, the temple of Shri Jagannath is the highest. The temple tower was built on a raised platform of stone and, rising to 65 m above the inner sanctum where the deities reside, dominates the surrounding landscape. The pyramidal roofs of the surrounding temples and adjoining halls, or mandapas, rise in steps toward the tower like a ridge of mountain peaks.

 

NILA CHAKRA

The Nila Chakra (Blue Discus) is the discus mounted on the top shikhar of the Jagannath Temple. As per custom, everyday a different flag is waved on the Nila Chakra. The flag hoisted on the Nila Cakra is called the Patita Pavana (Purifier of the Fallen) and is equivalent to the image of the deities placed in the sanctum sanctorum .

 

The Nila Chakra is a disc with eight Navagunjaras carved on the outer circumference, with all facing towards the flagpost above. It is made of alloy of eight metals (Asta-dhatu) and is 3.5 Metres high with a circumference of about 11 metres. During the year 2010, the Nila Chakra was repaired and restored by the Archaeological Survey of India.

 

The Nila Chakra is distinct from the Sudarshana chakra which has been placed with the deities in the inner sanctorum.

 

Nila Chakra is the most revered iconic symbol in the Jagannath cult. The Nila Chakra is the only physical object whose markings are used as sacrament and considered sacred in Jagannath worship. It symbolizes protection by Shri Jagannath.

 

THE SINGHADWARA

The Singahdwara, which in Sanskrit means The Lion Gate, is one of the four gates to the temple and forms the Main entrance. The Singhadwara is so named because two huge statues of crouching lions exist on either side of the entrance. The gate faces east opening on to the Bada Danda or the Grand Road. The Baisi Pahacha or the flight of twenty two steps leads into the temple complex. An idol of Jagannath known as Patitapavana, which in Sanskrit, means the "Saviour of the downtrodden and the fallen" is painted on the right side of the entrance. In ancient times when untouchables were not allowed inside the temple, they could pray to Patita Pavana. The statues of the two guards to the temple Jaya and Vijaya stand on either side of the doorway. Just before the commencement of the Rath Yatra the idols of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra are taken out of the temple through this gate. On their return from the Gundicha Temple they have to ceremonially placate Goddess Mahalakshmi, whose statue is carved atop the door, for neglecting to take her with them on the Yatra. Only then the Goddess allows them permission to enter the temple. A magnificent sixteen-sided monolithic pillar known as the Arun stambha stands in front of the main gate. This pillar has an idol of Arun, the charioteer of the Sun God Surya, on its top. One significant thing about Arun stambha is that prior it was located in the Konark Sun temple, later, the Maratha guru Brahmachari Gosain brought this pillar from Konark. The Puri Jagannath Temple was also saved by Maratha emperor Shivaji from being plundered at his times from the Mughals.

 

OTHER ENTRANCES

Apart from the Singhadwara, which is the main entrance to the temple, there are three other entrances facing north, south and west. They are named after the sculptures of animals guarding them. The other entrances are the Hathidwara or the Elephant Gate, the Vyaghradwara or the Tiger Gate and the Ashwadwara or the Horse Gate.

 

MINOR TEMPLES

There are numerous smaller temples and shrines within the Temple complex where active worship is regularly conducted. The Vimala Temple (Bimala Temple) is considered one of the most important of the Shaktipeeths marks the spot where the goddess Sati's feet fell. It is located near Rohini Kund in the temple complex. Until food offered to Jagannath is offered to Goddess Vimala it is not considered Mahaprasad.

 

The temple of Mahalakshmi has an important role in rituals of the main temple. It is said that preparation of naivedya as offering for Jagannath is supervised by Mahalakshmi. The Kanchi Ganesh Temple is dedicated to Uchchhishta Ganapati. Tradition says the King of Kanchipuram (Kanchi) in ancient times gifted the idol, when Gajapati Purushottama Deva married Padmavati, the kanchi princess. There are other shrines namely Muktimandap, Surya, Saraswati, Bhuvaneshwari, Narasimha, Rama, Hanuman and Eshaneshwara.

 

THE MANDAPAS

There are many Mandapas or Pillared halls on raised platforms within the temple complex meant for religious congregations. The most prominent is the Mukti Mandapa the congregation hall of the holy seat of selected learned brahmins. Here important decisions regarding conduct of daily worship and festivals are taken. The Dola Mandapa is noteworthy for a beautifully carved stone Torana or arch which is used for constructing a swing for the annual Dol Yatra festival. During the festival the idol of Dologobinda is placed on the swing. The Snana Bedi is a rectangular stone platform where idols of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra are placed for ceremonial bathing during the annual Snana Yatra

 

DAILY FOOD OFFERINGS

Daily offerings are made to the Lord six times a day. These include:

 

- The offering to the Lord in the morning that forms his breakfast and is called Gopala Vallabha Bhoga. Breakfast consists of seven items i.e. Khua, Lahuni, Sweetened coconut grating, Coconut water, and popcorn sweetened with sugar known as Khai, Curd and Ripe bananas.

- The Sakala Dhupa forms his next offering at about 10 AM. This generally consists of 13 items including the Enduri cake & Mantha puli.

- Bada Sankhudi Bhoga forms the next repast & the offering consists of Pakhala with curd and Kanji payas. The offerings are made in the Bhog Mandapa, about 200 feet from the Ratnabedi. This is called Chatra Bhog and was introduced by Adi Shankaracharya in the 8th century to help pilgrims share the temple food.

- The Madhyanha dhupa forms the next offering at the noon.

- The next offering to the Lord is made in the evening at around 8 PM it is Sandhya Dhupa.

- The last offering to the Lord is called the Bada Simhara Bhoga.

 

The Mahaprasad of Lord Jagannath are distributed amongst the devotees near the Ratnavedi inside the frame of Phokaria, which is being drawn by the Puja pandas using Muruj, except for the Gopal Ballav Bhog and Bhog Mandap Bhoga which are distributed in the Anabsar Pindi & Bhoga Mandap respectively.

 

ROSAGHARA

The temple's kitchen is considered as the largest kitchen in the world. Tradition maintains that all food cooked in the temple kitchens are supervised by the Goddess Mahalakshmi, the empress of Srimandir herself. It is said that if the food prepared has any fault in it, a shadow dog appears near the temple kitchen. The temple cooks, or Mahasuaras, take this as a sign of displeasure of Mahalakshmi with the food, which is, then, promptly buried and a new batch cooked. All food is cooked following rules as prescribed by Hindu religious texts, the food cooked is pure vegetarian without using onions and garlic. Cooking is done only in earthen pots with water drawn from two special wells near the kitchen called Ganga and Yamuna. There are a total of 56 varieties of naivedhyas offered to the deities, near Ratnabedi as well as in Bhoga Mandap on five particular Muhurta. The most awaited Prasad is Kotho Bhoga or Abadha, offered at mid-day at around 1 pm, depending upon temple rituals. The food after being offered to Jagannath is distributed in reasonable portions as Mahaprasad, which is considered to be divine by the devotees in the Ananda Bazar (an open market, located to the North-east of the Singhadwara inside the Temple complex).

 

FESTIVALS

There are elaborate daily worship services. There are many festivals each year attended by millions of people. The most important festival is the Rath Yatra or the Chariot festival in June. This spectacular festival includes a procession of three huge chariots bearing the idols of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra through the Bada Danda meaning the Grand Avenue of Puri till their final destination the Gundicha Temple. Early European observers told tales of devotees being crushed under the wheels of these chariots, whether by accident or even as a form of meritorious suicide akin to suttee. These reports gave rise to the loan word juggernaut suggesting an immense, unstoppable, threatening entity or process operated by fanatics. Many festivals like Dol Yatra in spring and Jhulan Yatra in monsoon are celebrated by temple every year.Pavitrotsava and Damanaka utsava are celebrated as per panchanga or panjika.There are special ceremonies in the month of Kartika and Pausha.

 

The annual shodasha dinatmaka or 16 day puja beginning 8 days prior to Mahalaya of Ashwin month for goddess Vimala and ending on Vijayadashami, is of great importance, in which both the utsava murty of lord Madanmohan and Vimala take part.

 

- Pana Sankranti: Also known or Vishuva Sankranti and Mesha Sankranti: Special rituals are performed at the temple.

 

RATH YATRA AT PURI

The Jagannath triad are usually worshiped in the sanctum of the temple at Puri, but once during the month of Asadha (Rainy Season of Orissa, usually falling in month of June or July), they are brought out onto the Bada Danda (main street of Puri) and travel (3 km) to the Shri Gundicha Temple, in huge chariots (ratha), allowing the public to have darśana (Holy view). This festival is known as Rath Yatra, meaning the journey (yatra) of the chariots (ratha). The Rathas are huge wheeled wooden structures, which are built anew every year and are pulled by the devotees. The chariot for Jagannath is approximately 45 feet high and 35 feet square and takes about 2 months to construct. The artists and painters of Puri decorate the cars and paint flower petals and other designs on the wheels, the wood-carved charioteer and horses, and the inverted lotuses on the wall behind the throne. The huge chariots of Jagannath pulled during Rath Yatra is the etymological origin of the English word Juggernaut. The Ratha-Yatra is also termed as the Shri Gundicha yatra.

 

The most significant ritual associated with the Ratha-Yatra is the chhera pahara." During the festival, the Gajapati King wears the outfit of a sweeper and sweeps all around the deities and chariots in the Chera Pahara (sweeping with water) ritual. The Gajapati King cleanses the road before the chariots with a gold-handled broom and sprinkles sandalwood water and powder with utmost devotion. As per the custom, although the Gajapati King has been considered the most exalted person in the Kalingan kingdom, he still renders the menial service to Jagannath. This ritual signified that under the lordship of Jagannath, there is no distinction between the powerful sovereign Gajapati King and the most humble devotee.

 

Chera pahara is held on two days, on the first day of the Ratha Yatra, when the deities are taken to garden house at Mausi Maa Temple and again on the last day of the festival, when the deities are ceremoniously brought back to the Shri Mandir.

 

As per another ritual, when the deities are taken out from the Shri Mandir to the Chariots in Pahandi vijay.

 

In the Ratha Yatra, the three deities are taken from the Jagannath Temple in the chariots to the Gundicha Temple, where they stay for nine days. Thereafter, the deities again ride the chariots back to Shri Mandir in bahuda yatra. On the way back, the three chariots halt at the Mausi Maa Temple and the deities are offered Poda Pitha, a kind of baked cake which are generally consumed by the Odisha people only.

 

The observance of the Rath Yatra of Jagannath dates back to the period of the Puranas. Vivid descriptions of this festival are found in Brahma Purana, Padma Purana, and Skanda Purana. Kapila Samhita also refers to Rath Yatra. In Moghul period also, King Ramsingh of Jaipur, Rajasthan has been described as organizing the Rath Yatra in the 18th Century. In Orissa, Kings of Mayurbhanj and Parlakhemundi were organizing the Rath Yatra, though the most grand festival in terms of scale and popularity takes place at Puri.

 

Moreover, Starza notes that the ruling Ganga dynasty instituted the Rath Yatra at the completion of the great temple around 1150 AD. This festival was one of those Hindu festivals that was reported to the Western world very early. Friar Odoric of Pordenone visited India in 1316-1318, some 20 years after Marco Polo had dictated the account of his travels while in a Genoese prison. In his own account of 1321, Odoric reported how the people put the "idols" on chariots, and the King and Queen and all the people drew them from the "church" with song and music.

 

CHANDAN YATRA

In Akshaya Tritiya every year the Chandan Yatra festival marks the commencement of the construction of the Chariots of the Rath Yatra.

 

SNANA PURNIMA

On the Purnima of the month of Jyestha the Gods are ceremonially bathed and decorated every year on the occasion of Snana Yatra.

 

ANAVASARA OR ANASARA

Literally means vacation. Every year, the main idols of Jagannath, Balabhadra, Subhadra & Sudarshan after the holy Snana Yatra on the jyestha purnima, go to a secret altar named Anavasara Ghar where they remain for the next dark fortnight (Krishna paksha). Hence devotees are not allowed to view them. Instead of this devotees go to nearby place Brahmagiri to see their beloved lord in the form of four handed form Alarnath a form of Vishnu. Then people get the first glimpse of lord on the day before Rath Yatra, which is called 'Navayouvana. It is said that the gods fall in fever after taking a huge bath and they are treated by the special servants named, Daitapatis for 15 days. During this period cooked food is not offered to the deities.

 

NAVA KALEBARA

One of the most grandiloquent events associated with the Lord Jagannath, Naba Kalabera takes place when one lunar month of Ashadha is followed by another lunar month of Aashadha. This can take place in 8, 12 or even 18 years. Literally meaning the “New Body” (Nava = New, Kalevar = Body), the festival is witnessed by as millions of people and the budget for this event exceeds $500,000. The event involves installation of new images in the temple and burial of the old ones in the temple premises at Koili Vaikuntha. The idols that are currently being worshipped in the temple premises were installed in the year 1996. Next ceremony will be held on 2015. More than 3 million devotees are expected to visit the temple during the Nabakalevara of 2015 making it one of the most visited festivals in the world.

 

NILADRI BIJE

Celebrated on Asadha Trayodashi. Niladri Bije is the concluding day of Ratha yatra. On this day deities return to the ratna bedi. Lord Jagannath offers Rasgulla to goddess Laxmi to enter in to the temple.

 

GUPTA GUNDICHA

Celebrated for 16 days from Ashwina Krushna dwitiya to Vijayadashami. As per tradition, the idol of Madhaba, along with the idol of Goddess Durga (known as Durgamadhaba), is taken on a tour of the temple premises. The tour within the temple is observed for the first eight days. For the next eight days, the idols are taken outside the temple on a palanquin to the nearby Narayani temple situated in the Dolamandapa lane. After their worship, they are brought back to the temple.

 

THE NAME PURUSHOTTAMA KSHETRA AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE

Lord Jagannath is the Purushottama as per the scripture, Skanda Purana. In order to teach human beings how to lead a life full of virtue, he has taken the form of Saguna Brahman or Darubrahman. He is the best brother to his siblings, Lord Balabhadra and Devi Subhadra. He is the best husband to goddess Shri. The most noteworthy aspect is still in the month of Margashirsha, on three consecutive days during amavasya he does Shraddha to his parents (Kashyapa-Aditi, Dasharatha-Kaushalya, Vasudeva-Devaki, Nanda-Yashoda), along with the king Indradyumna and queen Gundicha. As a master he enjoys every comfort daily and in various festivals. He grants all wishes to his subjects, and those who surrender before him he takes the utmost care of.

 

CULTURE AND TRADITION OF PURI

Puri is one of the fascinating littoral districts of Orissa. The Cultural heritage of Puri with its long recorded history has its beginnings in the third century B.C. The monuments, religious sanctity, and way of life of the people with their rich tradition is the cultural heart of Orissa. Indeed, Puri is considered the cultural capital of Orissa. The culture here flourished with its manifold activities.

 

The District has the happy conglomerate of different religions, sects and faith. In the course of history, Hindu, Buddhist, Jaina, Muslim, Christian, and Sikh are found here in the District.

 

Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, an incarnation of Lord Krishna, appeared 500 years ago, in the mood of a devotee to taste the sublime emotions of ecstasy by chanting the holy name of Krishna. Stalwart scholars of Puri like Sarvabhauma Bhattacharya (a priest & great Sanskrit pandit) and others followed His teachings. Even kings and ministers of His period became His disciples. Especially King Prataparudra became His great admirer and ardent follower. Thus all cultures and religion became one in Puri after his teachings were given to all with no consideration of caste and creed.

 

MANAGEMENT

After independence, the State Government, with a view to getting better administrative system, passed " The Puri Shri Jagannath Temple (Administration) Act, 1952. It contained provisions to prepare the Record of Rights and duties of Sevayats and such other persons connected with the system of worship and management of the temple. Subsequently Shri Jagannath Temple Act, 1955 " was enacted to reorganize the management system of the affair of the temple and its properties.

 

SECURITY

The security at the 12th century Jagannath Temple is increased ahead of Ratha Yatra, the homecoming festival of the deities of Jagannath temple. In the wake of terror alert on 27 June 2012, the security forces were increased to ensure smooth functioning of the crowded Ratha Yatra and Suna Besha.

 

WIKIPEDIA

The black pot on the left was found in Mexico.

 

Japanese metal incense burner with a black patina, identical to another that I have with a green patina. This one is raised on a Chinese wooden base. At the bottom right corner is a cherry wood covered box which holds one of my old pocket watches.

 

Incense is aromatic biotic material that releases fragrant smoke when burned. The term refers to the material itself, rather than to the aroma that it produces. Incense is used for aesthetic reasons, and in therapy, meditation, and ceremony. It may also be used as a simple deodorant or insectifuge.

 

Incense is composed of aromatic plant materials, often combined with essential oils. The forms taken by incense differ with the underlying culture, and have changed with advances in technology and increasing number of uses.

 

Incense can generally be separated into two main types: "indirect-burning" and "direct-burning". Indirect-burning incense (or "non-combustible incense") is not capable of burning on its own, and requires a separate heat source. Direct-burning incense (or "combustible incense") is lit directly by a flame and then fanned or blown out, leaving a glowing ember that smoulders and releases a smoky fragrance. Direct-burning incense is either a paste formed around a bamboo stick, or a paste that is extruded into a stick or cone shape.

 

HISTORY:

 

The word incense comes from Latin incendere meaning "to burn".

 

Combustible bouquets were used by the ancient Egyptians, who employed incense in both pragmatic and mystical capacities. Incense was burnt to counteract or obscure malodorous products of human habitation, but was widely perceived to also deter malevolent demons and appease the gods with its pleasant aroma. Resin balls were found in many prehistoric Egyptian tombs in El Mahasna, giving evidence for the prominence of incense and related compounds in Egyptian antiquity. One of the oldest extant incense burners originates from the 5th dynasty. The Temple of Deir-el-Bahari in Egypt contains a series of carvings that depict an expedition for incense.

 

The Babylonians used incense while offering prayers to divining oracles. Incense spread from there to Greece and Rome.

 

Incense burners have been found in the Indus Civilization (3300–1300 BCE). Evidence suggests oils were used mainly for their aroma. India also adopted techniques from East Asia, adapting the formulation to encompass aromatic roots and other indigenous flora. This was the first usage of subterranean plant parts in incense. New herbs like Sarsaparilla seeds, frankincense, and cypress were used by Indians.

 

At around 2000 BCE, Ancient China began the use of incense in the religious sense, namely for worship. Incense was used by Chinese cultures from Neolithic times and became more widespread in the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties. The earliest documented use of incense comes from the ancient Chinese, who employed incense composed of herbs and plant products (such as cassia, cinnamon, styrax, and sandalwood) as a component of numerous formalized ceremonial rites. Incense usage reached its peak during the Song dynasty with numerous buildings erected specifically for incense ceremonies.

 

Brought to Japan in the 6th century by Korean Buddhist monks, who used the mystical aromas in their purification rites, the delicate scents of Koh (high-quality Japanese incense) became a source of amusement and entertainment with nobles in the Imperial Court during the Heian Era 200 years later. During the 14th-century Ashikaga shogunate, a samurai warrior might perfume his helmet and armor with incense to achieve an aura of invincibility (as well as to make a noble gesture to whoever might take his head in battle). It wasn't until the Muromachi period during the 15th and 16th century that incense appreciation (kōdō) spread to the upper and middle classes of Japanese society.

 

COMPOSITION:

 

A variety of materials have been used in making incense. Historically there has been a preference for using locally available ingredients. For example, sage and cedar were used by the indigenous peoples of North America. Trading in incense materials comprised a major part of commerce along the Silk Road and other trade routes, one notably called the Incense Route.

 

Local knowledge and tools were extremely influential on the style, but methods were also influenced by migrations of foreigners, such as clergy and physicians.

 

COMBUSTIBLE BASE:

 

The combustible base of a direct burning incense mixture not only binds the fragrant material together but also allows the produced incense to burn with a self-sustained ember, which propagates slowly and evenly through an entire piece of incense with such regularity that it can be used to mark time. The base is chosen such that it does not produce a perceptible smell. Commercially, two types of incense base predominate:

 

Fuel and oxidizer mixtures: Charcoal or wood powder provides the fuel for combustion while an oxidizer such as sodium nitrate or potassium nitrate sustains the burning of the incense. Fragrant materials are added to the base prior to shaping, as in the case of powdered incense materials, or after, as in the case of essential oils. The formula for charcoal-based incense is superficially similar to black powder, though it lacks the sulfur.

 

Natural plant-based binders: Gums such as Gum Arabic or Gum Tragacanth are used to bind the mixture together. Mucilaginous material, which can be derived from many botanical sources, is mixed with fragrant materials and water. The mucilage from the wet binding powder holds the fragrant material together while the cellulose in the powder combusts to form a stable ember when lit. The dry binding powder usually comprises about 10% of the dry weight in the finished incense. These include:

Makko (incense powder) made from the bark of various trees in the genus Persea (such as Persea thunbergii) Xiangnan pi (made from the bark of trees of genus Phoebe such as Phoebe nanmu or Persea zuihoensis.

 

Jigit: a resin based binder used in India

Laha or Dar: bark based powders used in Nepal, Tibet, and other East Asian countries.

 

Typical compositions burn at a temperature between 220 °C and 260 °C.

 

TYPES:

 

Incense is available in various forms and degrees of processing. They can generally be separated into "direct-burning" and "indirect-burning" types. Preference for one form or another varies with culture, tradition, and personal taste. The two differ in their composition due to the former's requirement for even, stable, and sustained burning.

 

INDIRECT-BURNING:

 

Indirect-burning incense, also called "non-combustible incense", is an aromatic material or combination of materials, such as resins, that does not contain combustible material and so requires a separate heat source. Finer forms tend to burn more rapidly, while coarsely ground or whole chunks may be consumed very gradually, having less surface area. Heat is traditionally provided by charcoal or glowing embers. In the West, the best known incense materials of this type are the resins frankincense and myrrh, likely due to their numerous mentions in the Bible. Frankincense means "pure incense", though in common usage refers specifically to the resin of the boswellia tree.

 

Whole: The incense material is burned directly in raw form on top of coal embers.

Powdered or granulated: Incense broken into smaller pieces burns quickly and provides brief but intense odor.

 

Paste: Powdered or granulated incense material is mixed with a sticky incombustible binder, such as dried fruit, honey, or a soft resin and then formed to balls or small pastilles. These may then be allowed to mature in a controlled environment where the fragrances can commingle and unite. Much Arabian incense, also called "Bukhoor" or "Bakhoor", is of this type, and Japan has a history of kneaded incense, called nerikō or awasekō, made using this method. Within the Eastern Orthodox Christian tradition, raw frankincense is ground into a fine powder and then mixed with various sweet-smelling essential oils.

 

DIRECT-BURNING:

 

Direct-burning incense, also called "combustible incense", is lit directly by a flame. The glowing ember on the incense will continue to smoulder and burn the rest of the incense without further application of external heat or flame. Direct-burning incense is either extruded, pressed into forms, or coated onto a supporting material. This class of incense is made from a moldable substrate of fragrant finely ground (or liquid) incense materials and odourless binder. The composition must be adjusted to provide fragrance in the proper concentration and to ensure even burning. The following types are commonly encountered, though direct-burning incense can take nearly any form, whether for expedience or whimsy.

 

Coil: Extruded and shaped into a coil without a core, coil incense can burn for an extended period, from hours to days, and is commonly produced and used in Chinese cultures.

 

Cone: Incense in this form burns relatively quickly. Incense cones were invented in Japan in the 1800s.

 

Cored stick: A supporting core of bamboo is coated with a thick layer of incense material that burns away with the core. Higher-quality variations have fragrant sandalwood cores. This type of incense is commonly produced in India and China. When used in Chinese folk religion, these are sometimes known as "joss sticks".

 

Dhoop or solid stick: With no bamboo core, dhoop incense is easily broken for portion control. This is the most commonly produced form of incense in Japan and Tibet.

 

Powder: The loose incense powder used for making indirect burning incense is sometimes burned without further processing. Powder incense is typically packed into long trails on top of wood ash using a stencil and burned in special censers or incense clocks.

 

Paper: Paper infused with incense, folded accordion style, is lit and blown out. Examples include Carta d'Armenia and Papier d'Arménie.

Rope: The incense powder is rolled into paper sheets, which are then rolled into ropes, twisted tightly, then doubled over and twisted again, yielding a two-strand rope. The larger end is the bight, and may be stood vertically, in a shallow dish of sand or pebbles. The smaller (pointed) end is lit. This type of incense is easily transported and stays fresh for extremely long periods. It has been used for centuries in Tibet and Nepal.

 

Moxa tablets, which are disks of powdered mugwort used in Traditional Chinese medicine for moxibustion, are not incenses; the treatment is by heat rather than fragrance.

 

Incense sticks may be termed joss sticks, especially in parts of East Asia, South Asia and Southeast Asia. Among ethnic Chinese and Chinese-influenced communities these are traditionally burned at temples, before the threshold of a home or business, before an image of a religious divinity or local spirit, or in shrines, large and small, found at the main entrance of every village. Here the earth god is propitiated in the hope of bringing wealth and health to the village. They can also be burned in front of a door or open window as an offering to heaven, or the devas. The word "joss" is derived from the Latin deus (god) via the Portuguese deos through the Javanese dejos, through Chinese pidgin English.

 

PRODUCTION:

 

The raw materials are powdered and then mixed together with a binder to form a paste, which, for direct burning incense, is then cut and dried into pellets. Incense of the Athonite Orthodox Christian tradition is made by powdering frankincense or fir resin, mixing it with essential oils. Floral fragrances are the most common, but citrus such as lemon is not uncommon. The incense mixture is then rolled out into a slab approximately 1 cm thick and left until the slab has firmed. It is then cut into small cubes, coated with clay powder to prevent adhesion, and allowed to fully harden and dry. In Greece this rolled incense resin is called 'Moskolibano', and generally comes in either a pink or green colour denoting the fragrance, with pink being rose and green being jasmine.

 

Certain proportions are necessary for direct-burning incense:

 

Oil content: an excess of oils may prevent incense from smoldering effectively. Resinous materials such as myrrh and frankincense are typically balanced with "dry" materials such as wood, bark and leaf powders.

 

Oxidizer quantity: Too little oxidizer in gum-bound incense may prevent the incense from igniting, while too much will cause the incense to burn too quickly, without producing fragrant smoke.

Binder: Water-soluble binders such as "makko" ensure that the incense mixture does not crumble when dry, dilute the mixture.

 

Mixture density: Incense mixtures made with natural binders must not be combined with too much water in mixing, or over-compressed while being formed, which would result in either uneven air distribution or undesirable density in the mixture, causing the incense to burn unevenly, too slowly, or too quickly.

 

Particulate size: The incense mixture has to be well pulverized with similarly sized particulates. Uneven and large particulates result in uneven burning and inconsistent aroma production when burned.

 

"Dipped" or "hand-dipped" direct-burning incense is created by dipping "incense blanks" made of unscented combustible dust into any suitable kind of essential or fragrance oil. These are often sold in the United States by flea-market and sidewalk vendors who have developed their own styles. This form of incense requires the least skill and equipment to manufacture, since the blanks are pre-formed in China or South East Asia.

 

Incense mixtures can be extruded or pressed into shapes. Small quantities of water are combined with the fragrance and incense base mixture and kneaded into a hard dough. The incense dough is then pressed into shaped forms to create cone and smaller coiled incense, or forced through a hydraulic press for solid stick incense. The formed incense is then trimmed and slowly dried. Incense produced in this fashion has a tendency to warp or become misshapen when improperly dried, and as such must be placed in climate-controlled rooms and rotated several times through the drying process.

 

Traditionally, the bamboo core of cored stick incense is prepared by hand from Phyllostachys heterocycla cv. pubescens since this species produces thick wood and easily burns to ashes in the incense stick. In a process known as "splitting the foot of the incense stick", the bamboo is trimmed to length, soaked, peeled, and split in halves until the thin sticks of bamboo have square cross sections of less than 3mm. This process has been largely replaced by machines in modern incense production.

 

In the case of cored incensed sticks, several methods are employed to coat the sticks cores with incense mixture:

 

Paste rolling: A wet, malleable paste of incense mixture is first rolled into a long, thin coil, using a paddle. Then, a thin stick is put next to the coil and the stick and paste are rolled together until the stick is centered in the mixture and the desired thickness is achieved. The stick is then cut to the desired length and dried.

 

Powder-coating: Powder-coating is used mainly to produce cored incense of either larger coil (up to 1 meter in diameter) or cored stick forms. A bundle of the supporting material (typically thin bamboo or sandalwood slivers) is soaked in water or a thin water/glue mixture for a short time. The thin sticks are evenly separated, then dipped into a tray of incense powder consisting of fragrance materials and occasionally a plant-based binder. The dry incense powder is then tossed and piled over the sticks while they are spread apart. The sticks are then gently rolled and packed to maintain roundness while more incense powder is repeatedly tossed onto the sticks. Three to four layers of powder are coated onto the sticks, forming a 2 mm thick layer of incense material on the stick. The coated incense is then allowed to dry in open air. Additional coatings of incense mixture can be applied after each period of successive drying. Incense sticks produced in this fashion and burned in temples of Chinese folk religion can have a thickness between 2 and 4 millimeters.

 

Compression: A damp powder is mechanically formed around a cored stick by compression, similar to the way uncored sticks are formed. This form is becoming more common due to the higher labor cost of producing powder-coated or paste-rolled sticks.

 

BURNING INCENSE:

 

Indirect-burning incense burned directly on top of a heat source or on a hot metal plate in a censer or thurible.

 

In Japan a similar censer called a egōro (柄香炉) is used by several Buddhist sects. The egōro is usually made of brass, with a long handle and no chain. Instead of charcoal, makkō powder is poured into a depression made in a bed of ash. The makkō is lit and the incense mixture is burned on top. This method is known as sonae-kō (religious burning).

 

For direct-burning incense, the tip or end of the incense is ignited with a flame or other heat source until the incense begins to turn into ash at the burning end. The flame is then fanned or blown out, leaving the incense to smolder.

 

CULTURAL VARIATIONS:

 

ARABIAN:

 

In most Arab countries, incense is burned in the form of scented chips or blocks called bakhoor (Arabic: بخور‎ [bɑˈxuːɾ, bʊ-]. Incense is used on special occasions like weddings or on Fridays or generally to perfume the house. The bakhoor is usually burned in a mabkhara, a traditional incense burner (censer) similar to the Somali Dabqaad. It is customary in many Arab countries to pass bakhoor among the guests in the majlis ('congregation'). This is done as a gesture of hospitality.

 

CHINESE:

 

For over two thousand years, the Chinese have used incense in religious ceremonies, ancestor veneration, Traditional Chinese medicine, and daily life. Agarwood (chénxiāng) and sandalwood (tánxiāng) are the two most important ingredients in Chinese incense.

 

Along with the introduction of Buddhism in China came calibrated incense sticks and incense clocks. The first known record is by poet Yu Jianwu (487-551): "By burning incense we know the o'clock of the night, With graduated candles we confirm the tally of the watches." The use of these incense timekeeping devices spread from Buddhist monasteries into Chinese secular society.

Incense-stick burning is an everyday practice in traditional Chinese religion. There are many different types of stick used for different purposes or on different festive days. Many of them are long and thin. Sticks are mostly coloured yellow, red, or more rarely, black. Thick sticks are used for special ceremonies, such as funerals. Spiral incense, with exceedingly long burn times, is often hung from temple ceilings. In some states, such as Taiwan,

 

Singapore, or Malaysia, where they celebrate the Ghost Festival, large, pillar-like dragon incense sticks are sometimes used. These generate so much smoke and heat that they are only burned outside.

 

Chinese incense sticks for use in popular religion are generally odorless or only use the slightest trace of jasmine or rose, since it is the smoke, not the scent, which is important in conveying the prayers of the faithful to heaven. They are composed of the dried powdered bark of a non-scented species of cinnamon native to Cambodia, Cinnamomum cambodianum. Inexpensive packs of 300 are often found for sale in Chinese supermarkets. Though they contain no sandalwood, they often include the Chinese character for sandalwood on the label, as a generic term for incense.

 

Highly scented Chinese incense sticks are used by some Buddhists. These are often quite expensive due to the use of large amounts of sandalwood, agarwood, or floral scents used. The sandalwood used in Chinese incenses does not come from India, its native home, but rather from groves planted within Chinese territory. Sites belonging to Tzu Chi, Chung Tai Shan, Dharma Drum Mountain, Xingtian Temple, or City of Ten Thousand Buddhas do not use incense.

 

INDIAN:

 

Incense sticks, also known as agarbathi (or agarbatti) and joss sticks, in which an incense paste is rolled or moulded around a bamboo stick, are the main forms of incense in India. The bamboo method originated in India, and is distinct from the Nepali/Tibetan and Japanese methods of stick making without bamboo cores. Though the method is also used in the west, it is strongly associated with India.

 

The basic ingredients are the bamboo stick, the paste (generally made of charcoal dust and joss/jiggit/gum/tabu powder – an adhesive made from the bark of litsea glutinosa and other trees), and the perfume ingredients - which would be a masala (spice mix) powder of ground ingredients into which the stick would be rolled, or a perfume liquid sometimes consisting of synthetic

 

ingredients into which the stick would be dipped. Perfume is sometimes sprayed on the coated sticks. Stick machines are sometimes used, which coat the stick with paste and perfume, though the bulk of production is done by hand rolling at home. There are about 5,000 incense companies in India that take raw unperfumed sticks hand-rolled by approximately 200,000 women working part-time at home, and then apply their own brand of perfume, and package the sticks for sale. An experienced home-worker can produce 4,000 raw sticks a day. There are about 50 large companies that together account for up to 30% of the market, and around 500 of the companies, including a significant number of the main ones, including Moksh Agarbatti and Cycle Pure, are based in Mysore.

 

JEWISH TEMPLE IN JERUSALEM:

 

KETORET:

 

Ketoret was the incense offered in the Temple in Jerusalem and is stated in the Book of Exodus to be a mixture of stacte, onycha, galbanum and frankincense.

 

TIBETAN:

 

Tibetan incense refers to a common style of incense found in Tibet, Nepal, and Bhutan. These incenses have a characteristic "earthy" scent to them. Ingredients vary from cinnamon, clove, and juniper, to kusum flower, ashvagandha, and sahi jeera.

 

Many Tibetan incenses are thought to have medicinal properties. Their recipes come from ancient Vedic texts that are based on even older Ayurvedic medical texts. The recipes have remained unchanged for centuries.

 

JAPANESE:

 

In Japan incense appreciation folklore includes art, culture, history, and ceremony. It can be compared to and has some of the same qualities as music, art, or literature. Incense burning may occasionally take place within the tea ceremony, just like calligraphy, ikebana, and scroll arrangement. The art of incense appreciation, or koh-do, is generally practiced as a separate art form from the tea ceremony, and usually within a tea room of traditional Zen design.

 

Agarwood (沈香 Jinkō) and sandalwood (白檀 byakudan) are the two most important ingredients in Japanese incense. Agarwood is known as "jinkō" in Japan, which translates as "incense that sinks in water", due to the weight of the resin in the wood. Sandalwood is one of the most calming incense ingredients and lends itself well to meditation. It is also used in the Japanese tea ceremony. The most valued Sandalwood comes from Mysore in the state of Karnataka in India.

 

Another important ingredient in Japanese incense is kyara (伽羅). Kyara is one kind of agarwood (Japanese incense companies divide agarwood into 6 categories depending on the region obtained and properties of the agarwood). Kyara is currently worth more than its weight in gold.

 

Some terms used in Japanese incense culture include:

 

Incense arts: [香道, kodo]

Agarwood: [ 沈香 ] – from heartwood from Aquilaria trees, unique, the incense wood most used in incense ceremony, other names are: lignum aloes or aloeswood, gaharu, jinko, or oud.

Censer/Incense burner: [香爐] – usually small and used for heating incense not burning, or larger and used for burning

Charcoal: [木炭] – only the odorless kind is used.

Incense woods: [ 香木 ] – a naturally fragrant resinous wood.

 

USAGE:

 

PRACTICAL:

 

Incense fragrances can be of such great strength that they obscure other less desirable odours. This utility led to the use of incense in funerary ceremonies because the incense could smother the scent of decay. An example, as well as of religious use, is the giant Botafumeiro thurible that swings from the ceiling of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela. It is used in part to mask the scent of the many tired, unwashed pilgrims huddled together in the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela.

 

A similar utilitarian use of incense can be found in the post-Reformation Church of England. Although the ceremonial use of incense was abandoned until the Oxford Movement, it was common to have incense (typically frankincense) burned before grand occasions, when the church would be crowded. The frankincense was carried about by a member of the vestry before the service in a vessel called a 'perfuming pan'. In iconography of the day, this vessel is shown to be elongated and flat, with a single long handle on one side. The perfuming pan was used instead of the thurible, as the latter would have likely offended the Protestant sensibilities of the 17th and 18th centuries.

 

The regular burning of direct-burning incense has been used for chronological measurement in incense clocks. These devices can range from a simple trail of incense material calibrated to burn in a specific time period, to elaborate and ornate instruments with bells or gongs, designed to involve multiple senses.

 

Incense made from materials such as citronella can repel mosquitoes and other irritating, distracting, or pestilential insects. This use has been deployed in concert with religious uses by Zen Buddhists who claim that the incense that is part of their meditative practice is designed to keep bothersome insects from distracting the practitioner. Currently, more effective pyrethroid-based mosquito repellent incense is widely available in Asia.

 

Papier d'Arménie was originally sold as a disinfectant as well as for the fragrance.

 

Incense is also used often by people who smoke indoors and do not want the smell to linger.

 

AESTHETIC:

 

Many people burn incense to appreciate its smell, without assigning any other specific significance to it, in the same way that the foregoing items can be produced or consumed solely for the contemplation or enjoyment of the aroma. An example is the kōdō (香道), where (frequently costly) raw incense materials such as agarwood are appreciated in a formal setting.

 

RELIGIOUS:

 

Religious use of incense is prevalent in many cultures and may have roots in the practical and aesthetic uses, considering that many of these religions have little else in common. One common motif is incense as a form of sacrificial offering to a deity. Such use was common in Judaic worship and remains in use for example in the Catholic, Orthodox, and Anglican churches, Taoist and Buddhist Chinese jingxiang (敬香 "offer incense), etc.

 

Aphrodisiac Incense has been used as an aphrodisiac in some cultures. Both ancient Greek and ancient Egyptian mythology suggest the usage of incense by goddesses and nymphs. Incense is thought to heighten sexual desires and sexual attraction.

 

Time-keeper Incense clocks are used to time social, medical and religious practices in parts of eastern Asia. They are primarily used in Buddhism as a timer of mediation and prayer. Different types of incense burn at different rates; therefore, different incense are used for different practices. The duration of burning ranges from minutes to months.

 

Healing stone cleanser Incense is claimed to cleanse and restore energy in healing stones. The technique used is called “smudging” and is done by holding a healing stone over the smoke of burning incense for 20 to 30 seconds. Some people believe that this process not only restores energy but eliminates negative energy.

 

HEALTH RISK FROM INCENSE SMOKE:

 

Incense smoke contains various contaminants including gaseous pollutants, such as carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen oxides (NOx), sulfur oxides (SOx), volatile organic compounds (VOCs), and adsorbed toxic pollutants (polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons and toxic metals). The solid particles range between ~10 and 500 nm. In a comparison, Indian sandalwood was found to have the highest emission rate, followed by Japanese aloeswood, then Taiwanese aloeswood, while Chinese smokeless sandalwood had the least.

 

Research carried out in Taiwan in 2001 linked the burning of incense sticks to the slow accumulation of potential carcinogens in a poorly ventilated environment by measuring the levels of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (including benzopyrene) within Buddhist temples. The study found gaseous aliphatic aldehydes, which are carcinogenic and mutagenic, in incense smoke.

 

A survey of risk factors for lung cancer, also conducted in Taiwan, noted an inverse association between incense burning and adenocarcinoma of the lung, though the finding was not deemed significant.

 

In contrast, epidemiologists at the Hong Kong Anti-Cancer Society, Aichi Cancer Center in Nagoya, and several other centers found: "No association was found between exposure to incense burning and respiratory symptoms like chronic cough, chronic sputum, chronic bronchitis, runny nose, wheezing, asthma, allergic rhinitis, or pneumonia among the three populations studied: i.e. primary school children, their non-smoking mothers, or a group of older non-smoking female controls. Incense burning did not affect lung cancer risk among non-smokers, but it significantly reduced risk among smokers, even after adjusting for lifetime smoking amount." However, the researchers qualified their findings by noting that incense burning in the studied population was associated with certain low-cancer-risk dietary habits, and concluded that "diet can be a significant confounder of epidemiological studies on air pollution and respiratory health."

 

Although several studies have not shown a link between incense and lung cancer, many other types of cancer have been directly linked to burning incense. A study published in 2008 in the medical journal Cancer found that incense use is associated with a statistically significant higher risk of cancers of the upper respiratory tract, with the exception of nasopharyngeal cancer. Those who used incense heavily also were 80% more likely to develop squamous-cell carcinomas. The link between incense use and increased cancer risk held when the researchers weighed other factors, including cigarette smoking, diet and drinking habits. The research team noted that "This association is consistent with a large number of studies identifying carcinogens in incense smoke, and given the widespread and sometimes involuntary exposure to smoke from burning incense, these findings carry significant public health implications."

 

In 2015, the South China University of Technology found toxicity of incense to Chinese hamsters' ovarian cells to be even higher than cigarettes.

 

Incensole acetate, a component of Frankincense, has been shown to have anxiolytic-like and antidepressive-like effects in mice, mediated by activation of poorly-understood TRPV3 ion channels in the brain.

This project involves the four-laning of Highway 1 on the western end of the Village of Chase.

 

Chase Creek Road Highway Project

 

Improvements include:

 

3.3 km section widened to four lanes, including median and roadside barrier

At-grade protected T-intersection at both Chase Creek Road and Shuswap Avenue

Grade separated pedestrian crossing and multi-use pathway to link Neskonlith Indian Reserve No. 2 and the Village of Chase

Cattle underpass to comply with Agricultural Land Commission requirements

Convert 1.5 km of existing highway to frontage road to consolidate access

Shield and Cross Motorcycle Club

Veteran motorcycle clubs

steelhorseshades.com

Military veterans motorcycle clubs

A motorcycle club is a group of individuals whose primary interest and activities involve motorcycles.

In the U.S. the abbreviation, MC or MCC, can have a special social meaning from the point of view of the outlaw aka one percenter subcultures, and is usually reserved by them for those clubs that are mutually recognized by other MC clubs. This is indicated by wearing the MC patch, or a three piece patch, or colors, on the back of a club jacket or vest. Outlaw or one percenter can mean merely that the club is not chartered under the auspices of the American Motorcyclist Association, implying a radical rejection of authority and embracing of the "biker" lifestyle defined and popularized since the 1950s and represented by such media as Easyriders magazine, the work of painter David Mann, and more. In many contexts the terms overlap with the usual meaning of "outlaw" because some of these clubs, or some of their members, are recognized by law enforcement agencies as taking part in organized crime.

Outside of the outlaw subculture, the words "motorcycle club" carry no heavy meaning beyond the everyday English definition of the words a club involving motorcycles, whose members come from every walk of life. Thus, there are clubs that are culturally and stylistically nothing like outlaw or one percenter clubs, and whose activities and goals not similar to them at all, but still use three-part patches or the initials MC in their name or insignia.

Types of clubs, groups and organizations

Motorcycle clubs vary a great deal in their objectives and organizations. Mainstream motorcycle clubs or associations typically have elected officers and directors, annual dues, and a regular publication. They may also sponsor annual or more frequent "rallies" where members can socialize and get to know each other. Some publish in book form lists of members that can be used by touring motorcyclists needing assistance.

There are a great many brand clubs, or clubs dedicated to particular marques, including those sponsored by various manufacturers, such as the Harley Owners Group and the Honda Riders Club of America. There are large national independent motorcycle clubs, such as BMW Motorcycle Owners of America, the STAR Touring and Riding Association, and the Gold Wing Road Riders Association GWRRA. In the United Kingdom, there are brand clubs such as the Triumph Owners' Motor Cycle Club founded in 1949.

Clubs catering for those interested in vintage machines such as the Vintage Motor Cycle Club are also popular as well as for those centered around particular venues. Clubs catering for riders' rights such as the Motorcycle Action Group, and charities such as the 59 Club are popular, many affiliating with the umbrella organization, the British Motorcyclists Federation. National and local branch club magazines and events are typical characteristics of such clubs. More informal groupings continue to exist though for riders local to each other.

Other organizations whose activities primarily involve motorcycles exist for a specific purpose, such as the Patriot Guard Riders, who provide funeral escorts for military veterans, and Rolling Thunder, which advocates for troops missing in action and prisoners of war. While neither of the latter two groups require a motorcycle for membership, they are motorcycling-oriented and much of their activity involves ride. The Christian Motorcyclists Association is a biker ministry. In the United Kingdom, Freewheelers EVS is one of a number of similar charities, which use motorcycles to provide an out-of-hours emergency medical courier service. Some clubs attract membership from specific groups, such as the Blue Knights Law Enforcement Motorcycle Club, consisting of law enforcement personnel.

The American Motorcyclist Association AMA is the largest American motorcyclist organization. It serves as an umbrella organization for local clubs and sporting events. As of March, 2006, the AMA counts 269,884 active members and many chartered clubs.

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

Motorcycle clubs

US military

usmc

veteran mc clubs

veteran motorcycle clubs

biker clubs

motorcycle clubs

 

Military Veteran

 

The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject.

 

The Hôpital des Invalides in Paris is a hospital and retirement home for French war veteransA veteran (from Latin vetus, meaning "old") is a person who has had long service or experience in a particular occupation or field; " A veteran of ..." . This page refers to military veterans, i.e., a person who has served or is serving in the armed forces, and has direct exposure to acts of military conflict, commonly known as war veterans (although not all military conflicts, or areas in which armed combat takes place, are necessarily referred to as "wars").

 

United States

 

Veterans who served on the battleship Missouri shortly after a ceremony marking the anniversary of the end of World War II. The most common usage is for former armed services personnel. A veteran is one who has served in the armed forces, especially one who has served in combat. It is especially applied to those who served for an entire career, usually of 20 years or more, but may be applied for someone who has only served one tour of duty. A common misconception is that only those who have served in combat or those who have retired from active duty can be called military veterans.

 

Veterans' benefits in the United States

 

President Abraham Lincoln, in his second inaugural address, in 1865 towards the end of the US Civil War, famously called for good treatment of veterans: "to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan". The American Civil War produced veterans' organizations, such as the Grand Army of the Republic. The treatment of veterans changed after the First World War. In the years following, discontented veterans became a source of instability. They could quickly organize, had links to the army, and often had arms themselves. Veterans played a central role in the post-World War I instability of Germany, while in the United States, the Bonus Army of unemployed veterans was one of the most important protest movements of the Great Depression, marching on Washington, DC, to get a claimed bonus that Congress had promised them.

 

Each state of the United States sets specific criteria for state-specific veterans' benefits. For federal medical benefits from the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) hospitals, prior to 7 September 1980 the veteran must have served at least 180 days of active duty, after the above-mentioned date, the veteran must have served at least 24 months. However, if the veteran was medically discharged and receives a VA service-connected disability stipend, the time limits are not applicable.

   

American veteran experience after World War II

 

After the Second World War, in part due to the experience of the First World War, most of the participating states set up elaborate veterans' administrations. Within the United States, it was veterans groups, like the American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars organization, that pushed for and got the G.I. Bill enacted. These gave veterans access to free or subsidized education and health care. The newly educated GIs created a significant economic impact, and with the aid of VA loans were able to buy housing and establish themselves as part of a growing American middle class. The explosion of the suburbs created sufficient housing for veterans and their families.

 

American veteran experience after OEF and OIF Many veterans of Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom have had to face challenges unique to warfare in the 21st century. One significant difference between OEF and OIF and previous wars is a greater dependence on reservists and repeat deployments. Up to 80% of troops deployed at the beginning of OEF were part of the part of the Army National Guard and Reserve and about 40% of currently serving military members have been deployed more than once. This has meant that many deployed troops, not being as “ steeped in military culture ” have had more difficult transitions into military life, and for many the increased redeployment rate has meant more transitions, more uncertainty, longer terms, and shorter dwell times, all of which contribute to greater stress.

 

Due to medical advances, warfare in the 21st century tends to yield more survivors with severe injuries which soldiers in previous wars would have died from.[7] This means that, though fewer service members die, more return from war with injuries more serious, and in turn more emotionally devastating, than ever before. Among these injuries is the increasingly common traumatic brain injury, or TBI, the effects of which can range from a mild concussion to amnesia and serious neurological damage.

 

Female veterans in the U.S.

 

Women have served in the United States military for over two hundred years, often having had to disguise themselves as men. Female veterans have often been discriminated against by their male counterparts and, as such, women who have served in the armed forces have sometimes been known as "the invisible veterans".[9] Women were not fully recognized as veterans until after WWII, and prior to this they were not eligible for VA benefits. The VA estimates that by the year 2010 women will make up 40% of the veteran population. A tri-state (Washington, Idaho, Oregon) women veterans conference in Pendleton, Oregon, in April 2008, attracted 362 women veterans, according to the East Oregonian newspaper.

 

African American veterans in the U.S. see also: Military history of African Americans

 

African Americans have participated in every war fought by or within the United States. Black veterans from World War I experienced racial persecution on returning to the U.S. from overseas, particularly in Southern cities. Black veterans from World War II continued to be denied equality at home despite President Harry S. Truman's desegregation of the military after World War II. Black veterans went on to play a central role in the Civil Rights movement. The National Association for Black Veterans is an organization that provides advocacy and support for African American and other minority veterans.

   

Health effects of military service and treatment for veterans

 

The effect of active military service can be profound and lasting, and some veterans have found it difficult to adjust to normal life again. An article in the London Metro on 28 January 2010 was titled "Veterans prone to suicide" and cited a report by the Mental Health Foundation which said that not enough was being done to care for the Afghanistan war veterans, and many "plunged into alcohol problems, crime and suicide" upon their return. Support services were found to be patchy from area to area. Figures from 2009 showed that twice as many veterans were in prison than there were British troops currently in Afghanistan. Homelessness, street-sleeping and relationship breakdown are also commonly reported. Research done by the UK homelessness charity CRISIS (1994) and the Ex-Services Action Group (1997) both found that a quarter of homeless people had previously served in the armed forces. The Times newspaper reported on 25 September 2009 that in England and Wales the number of "military veterans in jail has more than doubled in six years". Another Times article of the same date quoted the veterans mental health charity Combat Stress reporting a 53% increase in referrals from doctors

 

Post Traumatic Stress Disorder treatment among veterans Further information:

 

Post Traumatic Stress Disorder

 

Further information: Benefits for US Veterans with PTSD

 

New treatment programs are emerging to assist veterans suffering from post-combat mental health problems such as depression and post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT), is becoming an important method for the treatment of mental health issues among veterans, and is currently considered the standard of care for depression and PTSD by the United States Department of Defense. CBT is a psychotherapeutic approach that aims to change the patterns of thinking or behavior that responsible for patient’s negative emotions and in doing so change the way they feel. It has been proven to be an effective treatment for PTSD among war veterans. Recently, online programs that pair CBT with therapist interaction have also proven effective in treating mental health problems among veterans. Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR) is also an effective and non invasive, drug free treatment for PTSD, although it has not been tested against specific military traumatic exposure for efficacy. Neuro-Linguistic Programming (NLP) also has applications in this field.

   

Help for veterans Necessity has resulted in a number of sources of help being made available for veterans. Many of these are independent, charitable organizations and in some countries the aftercare and rehabilitation services provided by Governments have been inadequate. This may be because they do not wish to give attention to the negative effects of military service and the difficulties of readjustment to civilian life for it may have an adverse impact upon recruitment for their armed forces. Nevertheless, help is available and veterans should feel able to make contact and ask for assistance or advice without feeling that this is a weakness. Military service can be a profoundly unnatural experience and it is likely that some help may be needed in debriefing and rehabilitation into the community, whether it be medical, psychological, practical or financial.

 

Public attitude towards veterans

 

Military veterans often receive special treatment in their respective countries due to the sacrifices they made during wars. Different countries handle this differently, some openly support veterans through government programs and others ignoring them. Veterans are also subject to illnesses directly related to their military service such as PTSD. War veterans are generally treated with great respect and honor for their contribution to the world and country by their own nationals. Conversely there are often negative feelings towards the veterans of alien nations held long after the war is over, for example towards the German Nazi soldiers, but they are no less veterans of war than those of the winning side. There are exceptions. Veterans of unpopular conflicts, such as the Vietnam War, have been discriminated against. Others, such as veterans of conflicts like the Korean War, are often forgotten (even though the casualty rate in Korea was higher than that experienced in the Vietnam War) when compared with those who fought in the World Wars. In some countries with strong anti-military traditions (e.g., Germany after 1945) veterans are neither honored in any special way by the general public, nor have their dedicated Veterans Day, although events are sometimes orchestrated by Neo-Nazis and other minority right-wing groups.

 

Many countries have longstanding traditions, ceremonies, and holidays to honor their veterans. In the UK "Remembrance Day" is held on November the 11th and is focused mostly on the veterans who died in service to the monarch and country. A red or white poppy is worn on the lapel (for remembrance or for peace, respectively) in the weeks up to the date, and wreaths and flowers laid at memorials to the dead.

 

In Russia, a tradition was established after the Second World War, where newly married couples would on their wedding day visit a military cemetery. In France, for instance, those wounded in war are given the first claim on any seat on public transit. Most countries have a holiday such as Veterans Day to honor their veterans, along with the war dead.

   

A motorcycle club is a group of individuals whose primary interest and activities involve motorcycles.

 

In the U.S. the abbreviation, MC or MCC, can have a special social meaning from the point of view of the outlaw (aka one percenter) subcultures, and is usually reserved by them for those clubs that are mutually recognized by other MC clubs. This is indicated by wearing the MC patch, or a three piece patch, or colors, on the back of a club jacket or vest. Outlaw (or one percenter) can mean merely that the club is not chartered under the auspices of the American Motorcyclist Association, implying a radical rejection of authority and embracing of the "biker" lifestyle defined and popularized since the 1950s and represented by such media as Easyriders magazine, the work of painter David Mann, and more. In many contexts the terms overlap with the usual meaning of "outlaw" because some of these clubs, or some their members, are recognized by law enforcement agencies as taking part in organized crime.

 

Outside of the outlaw subculture, the words "" carry no heavy meaning beyond the everyday English definition of the words – a club involving motorcycles, whose members come from every walk of life. Thus, there are clubs that are culturally and stylistically nothing like outlaw or one percenter clubs, and whose activities and goals not similar to them at all, but still use three-part patches or the initials MC in their name or insignia.

 

Types of clubs, groups and organizations

 

Motorcycle clubs vary a great deal in their objectives and organizations. Mainstream motorcycle clubs or associations typically have elected officers and directors, annual dues, and a regular publication. They may also sponsor annual or more frequent "rallies" where members can socialize and get to know each other. Some publish in book form lists of members that can be used by touring motorcyclists needing assistance.

Veteran motorcycle clubs, veteran mc clubs, motorcycle clubs, steelhorseshades

 

this is not my work...I am just a photographer taking hdr graff pictures.

LEGAL DISCLAIMER: I Do Not Condone Any Acts Of Vandalism Nor Do I Participate In Such Criminal Activity. I Am Simply An Observant and Take Photos Of This Graffiti You Have Come Across. ALSO I Will Not Condone Any Usage Of My Photos To Support Any Legal Matter Involving These Acts Of Vandalism Therefore YOU ARE NOT WELCOME TO VIEW OR TAKE THIS MATERIAL For ANY Purpose...

 

Despite my involvement, this movie is a tender, comic gem. An amazing cast to work alongside in Martin Landau, Bill Murray, et al., but, of course, with Tim, there exists an almost brotherly sensibility, which made the whole experience a joy. Ultimately, I feel, with the artistic freedom we had, TB produced an American classic. A love letter to a filmmaker that didn't receive many.-- Johnny Depp

 

After his death in 1978, Ed Wood became best known as the world's worst film director and a cult following was born. Among his biggest fans were Tim Burton and Johnny Depp.

 

"This is Edward D. Wood, Jr."

Ed Wood's most famous features are the autobiographical Glen or Glenda, which explores a transvestite's struggle for a normal life, and Plan 9 from Outer Space, a science fiction/horror movie that was funded by local Baptist churches and completed in 5 days. Unlike your typical director, who may take all day to shoot one scene and finish a film in months, Ed Wood might have shot 30 scenes in a single day. Usually without permits, he had to steal shots whenever and as quickly as possible. His films weren't your typical Hollywood blockbusters; they were Ed Wood opuses. As scriptwriter Larry Karaszewski explained, "There's a personality to Ed Wood films that you don't necessarily get in a lot of other people's films. A lot of bad films are simply bad movies or incompetently put together. With Ed, you get a real sense of the filmmaker behind the camera. You see an Ed Wood movie, and you know it's an Ed Wood movie because of the obsessions and the fetishes. The stuff he's throwing up on the screen is clearly his way of working something out inside of him."

 

In Ed Wood's eyes, every film he made would be the one to make it big. Scriptwriter Scott Alexander noted, "Where Ed's movies are distinctive is that there's such passion there. The passion is oftentimes misguided, but it's there." That's where Tim Burton's film takes flight.

 

Ed Wood focuses on the director's friendship with aging Bela Lugosi, who had fallen from stardom after portraying Dracula during the Silent Era and was now battling drug addiction and poverty. After a chance meeting, Ed wanted to help Bela--one of his childhood heroes--by giving him parts in his films. The friendship lasted until Bela's death 5 years later.

 

"Let's Shoot This F#*%@r!"

When Tim Burton received this bio-pic's script, co-written by Scott Alexander and Larry Karaszewski, he dropped his other projects and got to work, hardly changing anything on the page. He remembered, "It's probably the first time ever that I got a script and said, 'Yeah, let's shoot this.'"

 

Studying Ed Wood's original letters, Tim and Johnny got a sense of an unwavering upbeat optimism about his work. Because of that, Johnny's performance is hilariously over-enthusiastic and joyful. His other ingredients for the character of Ed Wood included the heart of The Wizard of Oz's Tin Man, the blind optimism of Ronald Reagan, and the distinctive voice of Casey Kasem. Working with Tim again on a project that became a labor of love for all involved was just what Johnny needed to break out of the, let's say, dark place he was stuck in while filming What's Eating Gilbert Grape? "Ed was the rocket ship that took me away from that horrible, black, bleak time," he said. "This guy needed to be the ultimate optimist, dreamer, idealist. It was like being in a completely different suit or skin. It felt very good." His friend, Director Jim Jarmusch can attest: "I was staying at his house for a while when he was shooting Ed Wood, and sometimes I would pick him up from the set and we'd get dinner. It would take him three hours to stop being Ed Wood. I just wanted to slap him to get that stupid smile off his face. We'd be in this Thai restaurant and Johnny is going, 'Hey, this Pad Thai is fabulous!'"

 

Johnny's performance fits perfectly into Tim Burton's version of an Ed Wood film--beautifully stylized in black-and-white with all the perceived normalcy of the 1950s. "You're mixing different elements," Tim explained. "You want to get the flavor of an Ed Wood movie without being an Ed Wood exactly."

 

"This is perfect!"

Tim Burton's Ed Wood is one of his best. It's one of Johnny's best. It's one of the world's best! They made a movie that struck a bittersweet balance between Ed Wood's rosy vision and reality. It is at once hilarious, heartwarming, heartbreaking, and joyful.

 

This movie is about the love of filmmaking. In his review, Roger Ebert proclaimed that every film school in the country should show this film to their students to instill the devotion to and joy of the work. No matter what happens, everything is perfect in Ed's eyes. His love of producing and directing--getting the film in the can--was all that mattered.

 

The writers noted that there were several more scenes reflecting Ed's insecurities and self-doubt, but they didn't make it into the film. Larry Karaszewski explained, "Johnny and Tim grew to love Ed so much that it made them uncomfortable to give Ed those moments."

 

At the heart of this movie is friendship and acceptance. No one in Ed Wood's circle is "normal," yet by the end of the film you are cheering for all of them. Aside from Bela Lugosi and himself, Ed Wood's cast often included Swedish wrestler Tor Johnson (George "The Animal" Steele), ghoulish TV hostess Vampira (Lisa Marie), self-proclaimed psychic Criswell (Jeffrey Jones), and drag queen Bunny Breckenridge (Bill Murray). The "bad guys" in this movie were those embarrassed by Ed's love for cross-dressing or confused by his films' lack of continuity or retakes. But this troupe of misfits stuck together like family. And that was no clearer than in the relationship between Ed Wood and Bela Lugosi.

 

Brilliantly played by Martin Landau, becoming Bela Lugosi was a challenge: "What you've got here is a 74-year-old Hungarian morphine addict/alcoholic who has mood swings," Martin explained. "That would be hard enough, but it had to be Bela Lugosi, who everyone knows!" Paying homage to the actor, Martin considered this film a male love story, one between two guys who really needed and depended on each other. "You could tell that between Martin and Johnny there was a real respect and a kind of bonding that went on with them because they were both good at a certain level," Tim said. "It was exciting to see that."

 

"We have to go see Ed Wood!"

I had no idea who Ed Wood was at the time I saw this movie, and I don't remember how or where my family and I went to see the film. But I do remember two things: 1) There was no question that we were going to see it this time--no convincing, plotting, or pleading necessary, and 2) While watching the movie for the first time, I was worried about what my parents thought while Johnny strutted around in drag doing a strip tease among his friends in a meat packing plant. On the other hand, I was thrilled by Johnny's fearlessness to do whatever--and for Johnny, "whatever" usually guarantees the unexpected. It's a trait that remains in full force today, and one of the reasons I will always see his movies. Tim agrees, as he discussed being able to work with Johnny again on this project: "Edward Scissorhands was a character who didn't speak, and now we're dealing with a character that won't shut up. It's great to see an actor go from one thing to something completely different. There's a great energy to seeing something like that. He's just so willing to do anything that way. In fact, he usually wants to go farther than you want him to go. It's nice for other actors to see." The reviews everywhere for Tim Burton's little film were positive, even those from my own family.

 

Ed Wood was nominated for too many awards to list here. Among them were Johnny's third Golden Globe nomination and his win for Actor of the Year from the London Film Critics. Ed Wood earned two Oscars--one for Martin Landau's amazing performance and one for the makeup team who transformed him into Bela Lugosi.

 

Because of this movie, I sought out Ed Wood's own films, which I so much wanted to love as much as Tim, Johnny, and company did. But I just couldn't do it. They actually made me sad. I felt better once I found out that the writers are aware of this phenomenon: "What's interesting is that when you watch our movie, and then watch Ed Wood's films, our movie affects the Ed Wood films themselves," writer Larry Karaszewski said. "It's much harder to laugh at Ed Wood films, particularly Glen or Glenda. It feels like a piece of personal filmmaking where you feel like this guy is putting his soul onto film." It's true: Watching the real Ed Wood movies, I was excited to see all the real people who were portrayed in Tim's Ed Wood, and I was still rooting for them to do well. I probably always will.

 

Check it out: Once you see Ed Wood--and you should all see it--it'll happen to you too. This labor of love is contagious.

 

The Kitties will do anything to get this one made!

The Kitties were all for the Ed Wood homage in black and white. We had to choose a filming scene because that's what Ed loved best. Here is one of his great moments: He's dragged the crew (including Norman, Simon, and Comet) out at 3 a.m. to steal an octopus prop from a nearby studio. Now, he's plopping Bela (B.J.) in the middle of it all to stage a big fight. This will match up perfectly with the big underwater finish Ed has planned for his latest movie. Who cares that they forgot to get the octopus motor, or that Bela isn't quite underwater? This is perfect! (And only 25 more scenes to go tonight....)

 

What's next?

Johnny trades in his angora sweater for a mask. Next month, we'll meet the world's greatest lover, Don Juan DeMarco.

 

For more images from Ed Wood and Johnny Kitties, visit Melissa's Kitties' blog: melissaconnolly.blogspot.com.

Between 2014 and 2018 Australia will commemorate the Anzac Centenary, marking 100 years since our nation's involvement in the First World War.

These photos are almost 10 years old to the day (7 days away) as it will soon be Anzac day 2015.

 

I have attended quite a few dawn services but none quite as sobering as being a foreigner, walking fields where Australian soldiers died during wartime, and were burried.

 

I thought it was time to post my photos from Kranji.

I got up at 4 am along with many other of my Australian Microsoft and MVP friends. Bleary eyed, fighting the fog, we found our way to the bus.

We were in a daze as we were bumped about making our way to the killing fields of Kranji.

 

Kranji is a suburb in northwestern Singapore, located about 22 kilometres (14 mi) from the city centre.

The Kranji War Memorial in Singapore honours the men and women from the Commonwealth who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

A very appropropriate and solem place for Anzac Day 2005.

 

Back then I was not interested in Photography and my cameras were not that great. Still, that is not the reason for the photos. I did want to try for a perfect shot. I just wanted memories.

It was humid, dark and very quiet as the service started. Bagpipes from overhead and marching in front.

 

Deep within this quiet neighbourhood, lies the Kranji War Memorial, a hillside cemetery that is quite beautiful in its serenity once you get there.

Every year, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

The memorial honours the men and women from Britain, Australia, Canada, Sri Lanka, India, Malaya, the Netherlands and New Zealand who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

Here, we see more than 4,400 white gravestones lined up in rows on the cemetery’s gentle slope. Many graves hold unknown soldiers.

The Chinese Memorial in plot 44 marks a mass grave for 69 Chinese servicemen who were killed by the Japanese when Singapore fell in February 1942.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial are the Kranji Military Cemetery and the Singapore State Cemetery, where Singapore’s first and second presidents are buried.

As we walked the short flight of steps to the hilltop terrace, we saw four memorials.

 

The largest is the Singapore Memorial, with its huge star-topped central pylon that rises to a height of 24 metres.

This memorial bears the names of more than 24,346 Allied soldiers and airmen killed in Southeast Asia who have no known grave. You can find the register, kept by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, at the entrance.

 

Every year, on the Sunday closest to Remembrance Day on 11 November, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial is the Kranji Military Cemetery, a non-world war site of more than 1,400 burials, as well as the Singapore State Cemetery, where the country’s first and second presidents, Encik Yusof Ishak and Dr Benjamin Henry

 

Sheares, are buried.

 

The Battle of Kranji was the second stage of the Empire of Japan's plan for the invasion of Singapore during the Second World War. On 9 February 1942 the Imperial Japanese Army assaulted the north-western front of the British colony of

 

Singapore. Their primary objective was to secure a second beachhead after their successful assault at Sarimbun Beach on 8 February, in order to breach the Jurong-Kranji defence line as part of their southward thrust towards the heart of

 

Singapore City. Defending the shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway was the Australian 27th Brigade, led by Brigadier Duncan Maxwell, and one irregular company.

 

On 10 February the Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses while moving up the Kranji River, which caused them to panic and nearly aborted the operation. However, a series of miscommunications and withdrawals by Allied forces in the

 

ensuing battles allowed the Japanese to swiftly gain strategic footholds, which eventually led to the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1942.

 

The terrain around Kranji was primarily mangrove swamps and tropical forest intersected by streams and inlets. The shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway, nearly four kilometers long, was defended by the

 

Australian 27th Brigade, led by Australian Brigadier Duncan Maxwell. The 27th Infantry Brigade consisted of three battalions—the 2/30th, 2/29th, and 2/26th and was supported by the 2/10th Field Artillery Regiment, as well as one platoon from the

 

2/4th Machine Gun Battalion.

 

They were supported by one company from Dalforce (named after its commander, Lieutenant-Colonel John Dalley of the Malayan Police Special Branch), a local Chinese militia consisting of Communists, Nationalist supporters, and other

 

volunteers. As the war intensified, the Dalforce volunteers were given only three to four days of training and sent to the war front with elementary weapons. Lacking uniforms, the volunteers improvised by wearing a red triangle on their blue shirts to

 

avoid being mistaken for Japanese by the Australians.

 

The Allied forces at Kranji were to be assaulted by the Imperial Guards Division led by Major General Takuma Nishimura. 400 Imperial Guards had landed and taken Pulau Ubin, an island in the north-east of Singapore, in a feint attack on 7

 

February, where they encountered minimal resistance.

 

On 9 February, two divisions of the Japanese Twenty Fifth Army, led by Lieutenant General Tomoyuki Yamashita, landed on the northwestern coast of Singapore, in the Sarimbun area. Yamashita's headquarters (HQ) was in the Sultan of Johor's

 

palace on Istana Bukit Serene, which offered him and his officers a bird's eye view of virtually every key target in the northern sector of Singapore Island, only 1.6 kilometres (one mile) across the Straits of Johor. Sultan Ibrahim's palace was not fired

 

upon by the British because any damage caused would have extensive repercussions for British-Johor ties.

 

The primary objective of the Japanese at Kranji was to capture Kranji village; this would let them repair the demolished Causeway in order to facilitate easy flow of reinforcements and supplies down the roads of Woodlands and Mandai, and to the

 

rest of the island for their vanguard force. Once the leading wave of Japanese was safely ashore, the massed Japanese artillery switched their fire to the defensive positions at Kranji. Telegraph and telephone communications were destroyed in the

 

bombardment and communications between the front line and command HQ were broken. At 8:30pm that night, the men of the Imperial Guards Division began the crossing from Johor in special armoured landing-crafts, collapsible boats and by

 

swimming.

 

In the early hours of 10 February, Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses during the Battle of Singapore. While moving up the Kranji River, advance landing parties from the 4th Regiment of the Imperial Guard Division found themselves

 

under heavy fire from Australian machine gunners and mortar teams. They also found themselves surrounded by oil slicks, which had been created by Allied personnel emptying the nearby Woodlands oil depot, to prevent its capture. A scenario

 

feared by Yamashita came to pass by accident; the oil was set alight by Allied small arms fire, causing many Japanese soldiers to be burnt alive. Sustaining heavy losses, Nishimura requested permission to abandon the operation. However,

 

Yamashita denied the request.

 

Maxwell, who had limited communications with his division headquarters, was concerned that his force would be cut off by fierce and chaotic fighting at Sarimbun and Jurong to the south west, involving the Australian 22nd Brigade. Maxwell's

 

force consequently withdrew from the seafront. This allowed the Japanese to land in increasing strength and take control of Kranji village. They also captured Woodlands, and began repairing the causeway, without encountering any Allied attacks.

 

Japanese light tanks, which had good buoyancy, were towed across the straits to Lim Chu Kang Road where they joined the battle at dusk. With reinforced troops and tanks advancing down Choa Chua Kang Road, the Australian troops were no

 

match for the tanks and fled to the hills of Bukit Panjang. The 5th Division (Imperial Japanese Army) captured Bukit Timah village by the evening of 11 February.

 

Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival, General Officer Commanding of HQ Malaya Command, drew a defence perimeter covering Kallang aerodrome, MacRitchie and Peirce reservoirs and the Bukit Timah supply depot area to ensure the integrity

 

of the city's defence. One line of the north-western defence perimeter was the Jurong-Kranji defence line, a narrow ridge connecting the sources of the Jurong and the Kranji Rivers, forming a natural defence line protecting the north-west

 

approach to the Singapore City. (Its counterpart was the Serangoon Line, which was sited between Kallang Airfield and Paya Lebar village on the eastern part of Singapore). The troops were to defend this Line strongly against the invading

 

Japanese force. The Line was defended by the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade which covered milestone 12 on Jurong Road, the 12th Indian Infantry Brigade and the reinforced 22nd Australian Brigade which guarded the northern part of the Line and

 

maintained contact with the 44th Indian Brigade. The 15th Indian Infantry Brigade was re-positioned near Bukit Timah Road to guard the island's vital food and petrol supplies. A secret instruction to protect this area was issued to Percival's

 

generals.

 

Percival's secret orders to withdraw to the last defence line around the city only if necessary were misunderstood by Maxwell, who took this to be an order for an immediate withdrawal to the Line. As a result, the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade, the 12th

 

Indian Infantry Brigade and the 22nd Australian Brigade, reinforced after their withdrawal from Sarimbun beach in the north-west, abandoned the Line on 10 February. Fearing that the large supplies depot would fall into Japanese hands should

 

they make a rush for Bukit Timah too soon, General Archibald Wavell, Allied commander-in-chief of the Far East sent an urgent message to Percival:

 

It is certain that our troops in Singapore Island heavily outnumber any Japanese who have crossed the Straits. We must destroy them. Our whole fighting reputation is at stake and the honour of the British Empire. The Americans have held out in the

 

Bataan Peninsula against a far heavier odds, the Russians are turning back the picked strength of the Germans. The Chinese with an almost lack of modern equipment have held the Japanese for four and a half years. It will be disgraceful if we

 

yield our boasted fortress of Singapore to inferior enemy forces.

 

By 11 February, the Jurong-Kranji Defence Line was left undefended which allowed the Japanese forces to sweep through the Line to attack Bukit Timah. On the same day, Percival finally moved his Combined Operations Headquarters in Sime

 

Road to the underground bunker, The Battle Box at Fort Canning.

 

Despite their fighting spirit, the Dalforce fighters suffered from poor training and the lack of equipment. A further blow was delivered when the 27th Australian Brigade withdrew southwards. As a result, the Japanese established a stronghold in the

 

northern Woodlands area and secured a relatively easy passage into the island. General Wavell left Singapore for Java early on 11 February and sent a cable to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in London on his assessment of the war front

 

in Singapore:

  

Battle for Singapore is not going well... I ordered Percival to stage counter-attack with all troops possible... Morale of some troops is not good and none is as high as I should like to see... The chief troubles are lack of sufficient training in some

 

reinforcing troops and an inferior complex which bold Japanese tactics and their command of the air have caused. Everything possible is being done to produce more offensive spirit and optimistic outlook. But I cannot pretend that these efforts

 

have been entirely successful up to date. I have given the most categorical orders that there is to be no thought of surrender and that all troops are to continue fighting to the end...

 

By 12 February, the Imperial Guards had captured the reservoirs and Nee Soon village. The defending troops, by this time, were badly shaken. Thousands of exhausted and frightened stragglers left the fighting to seek shelter in large buildings. On

 

the same night, British forces in the east of the island had begun to withdraw towards the city.

 

On 13 February, the Japanese 5th Division continued its advance and reached Adam and Farrer Roads to capture the Sime Road Camp. Yamashita moved his HQ forward to the bomb-damaged Ford Factory in Bukit Timah. Heading southwards,

 

the Japanese 18th Division advanced into Pasir Panjang, where the last major battle of Singapore would be fought with the Malay Regiments at Bukit Chandu.

 

In 1995, the former battle sites of Kranji and the defence line were gazetted by the National Heritage Board as two of the eleven World War II sites of Singapore.

  

2005

 

Knoica Minolta

  

PICT0046

M6 Gailey 03/07/2023

Hornet Rally 083116

Outside of the Romney Marsh, ruined churches are rare in Kent. So St Mary, romantically situated beside the lake that brought about it's collapse is one to seek out. Even though, judging by the graffiti carved into the chalk block walls, and litter left strewn about, this is some kind of location used for partying or something else.

 

Eastwell and Challock used to be neighbouring parishes, and still are really, but the direct road between the two is cut by Eastwell Estate, the two churches each stand at the end of a dead end lane that used to join the two churches. To get between the two involves a ten minute drive around the estate back to Ashford and up along the main Canterbury road.

 

You approach St Mary down a narrow lane, it is not signposted. But you can see the still standing tower just above the mature trees growing in the churchyard. Just beyond the church is the gate to the Eastwell Estate.

 

Two points of interest; one a fine flint cross in the south face of the tower. And that St Mary might be the resting place of Richard Plantagenet, son of Richard III.

 

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One of the few ruined churches in the county, St Mary's stands in a well-kept churchyard on the edge of Eastwell Park Lake. Only the west tower is intact and shows in its lower stage one of the unusual inset flint crosses probably inserted during the construction of the building to mark the day of the patronal festival. To the south of the tower is a nineteenth-century chapel built to house the romantic monument to Lady Winchelsea, which can now be seen in the Victoria & Albert Museum. A stone table in the churchyard marks the burial place of Richard Plantagenet, the illegitimate son of Richard III, who is reputed to have lived in the house which still stands to the east. His burial is recorded in the church register of December 1550. The church was built almost entirely of chalk blocks which, following the construction of the lake in 1841, started to soak up water which eventually resulted in the total collapse of the church in 1951. The ruins are now maintained by the Friends of Friendless Churches, a national charity, both as a place of pilgrimage and a historic monument.

 

www.kentchurches.info/church.asp?p=Eastwell

 

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EASTWELL

IS the last parish remaining to be described in this hundred. It is written in antient records, Est-welles, and Estwelle, and sometimes only Welles; taking its name from the springs, with which it is watered, such being called by the Saxons, wells; and it has the addition of East from its situation, and to distinguish it from the adjoining parish of Westwell.

 

THE PARISH of Eastwell is very small, being not more than a mile across each way, containing in it about thirteen houses. It lies in a very healthy country, on a clean firm soil, at the side of the Ashford vale, at the foot of the range of down hills below Molash and Challock, which are here covered with woods, at the outskirt of a dreary barren country, where the soil is much addicted to chalk; but within this parish in the vale, and within the park, it becomes a flat, even and pleasant country, the soil changing to a sertile and kindly red earth of loamy clay, which produces a great deal of rich pasture. The greatest part of it is included in the park, which extends likewise into the parishes of Westwell, Challock, and Boughton Aluph, the church of Challock standing close to the pales on the north side, and that of Eastwell and the courtlodge, to those on the opposite side of it. The mansion of Eastwell-place stands at a small distance from the south east corner of the park, the pales of which join the high Faversham road and Boughton lees.

 

The house is very large, though the building is not extraordinary in the whole, yet the back front has something very noble and grand in the look of it. The park, though in the vale, yet it stands on higher ground that the rest of the vale beneath, having a beautiful prospect southward as far as the quarry hills, contains about 1600 acres, and by far the sinest situation in this county, the soil of it being very firm and hard, and the lower parts exceedingly sertile; the venison sed in it being accounted the sinest of any is Kent. The north-west part of it has fine inequality of ground, and being richly clothed with wood, shews nature in a most pleasing and picturesque state. In this part of the park is a very high hill, on the top of which is an octagon plain, from whence are cut eight several avenues or walks, called the Star Walks, the intermediare spaces being filled with fine venerable trees, so thick as to exclude the light from beneath them, making a very awful and majestic appearance. The view from the top of this hill is very extensive, for from it may be seen the course of the river Medway to Sheerness, and the buoy of the Nore toward the German ocean, and on the opposite side the British channel towards France beyond Romney Marsh, besides a very extensive and beautiful land prospect almost on every side.

 

One side of the village on Boughton lees in within this parish, at the eastern boundary of it, and there is another hamlet at the opposite part of the parish, called Linacre street, in which there is a house called Linacrehall, late belonging to Mr. Thomas Munn, of Ashford. This parish is watered by three springs, one of which rises at the bottom of the park, under Boughton-lees, and thence runs by Wilmington and Clipmill, into the river Stour, under Frogbrooke, having been joined by another which rises near the church; the third rises at the south corner of the park, near the other, and thence flows down by Kennington-common and Burton, into the river near Wilsborough-lees, just before which it is called Bacon's water.

 

There is a tradition, that a natural son of king Richard III. named Richard Plantagenet, sled hither from Leicester immediately after the fatal battle of Bosworth, fought in 1485, in which the king lost both his life and crown, and that he lived here in a mean capacity, having leave given him by Sir Tho. Moyle, as soon as he was discovered by him, to build for himself a small house, in one of his fields near his mansion of Eastwell-place, in which he afterwards lived and died; which is corroborated by an entry of his burial in the parish registry. He died in 1550, anno 4 king Edward VI. aged, as is supposed, about eighty-one. The entry in the parish register is as follows, under the article of burials: V. Richard Plantagenet, Desember 22d, 1550; the letter V prefixed being put before the name of every person of noble family mentioned in it; and against the north wall of the high chancel there is an antient tomb, without inscription, with the marks of two coats of arms, the brasses gone, which is reported to be that of this Richard Plantagenet. There was then no park here, but when there was one made, this small hut was included in it, and remained in being till it was pulled down by Heneage, earl of Winchelsea, who died in 1689. (fn. 1)

 

At the time of taking the general survey of Domesday, in the 15th year of the Conqueror's reign, this place was part of the possessions of Hugo de Montfort, under the general title of whose lands it is thus entered in it:

 

Hugo de Montfort holds one manor, Estwelle, which Frederic held of king Edward. It was taxed at one suling. There are three yokes within the division of Hugo, and the fourth yoke is without, and is of the fee of the bishop of Baieux. The arable land is three carucates in the whole. In demesne there are two carucates, and five villeins, and five borderers having one carucate and an half. There are ten servants, and twelve acres of meadow, and a wood. In the time of king Edward the Confessor, it was worth seventy shillings, and afterwards thirty shillings, now seventy shillings.

 

And the following entries in the same record, under the general title of the bishop of Baieux's lands, seem to relate to his possessions in this parish:

 

Ralph de Curbespine holds of the bishop Essewelle. It was taxed at three sulings. The arable land is . . . . . In demesne there are three carucates, and one villein, with seven borderers having half a carucate. There is one servant. It is worth six pounds. Molleue held it of king Edward.

 

The other entry is thus: Osbern holds of the bishop one manor, which three free tenants held of king Edward. It was taxed at one suling and an half. The arable land is . . . . In demesne there is one carucate, and one villein, with one borderer having half a caruacate. In the time of king Edward it was, and is now worth four pounds.

 

Hugo de Montfort, before-mentioned, had accompanied the Conqueror in his expedition hither, and after the battle of Hastings was rewarded for his services with many lordships in different counties, and among them with this of Eastwell. Robert, his grandson, was general of king William Rufus's army; but favouring the title of Robert Curthose, in opposition to king Henry I. to avoid being called in question upon that account, obtained leave to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, leaving his possessions to the king, by which means this manor came into the hands of the crown, of which it was afterwards held by a family who took their surname from it; one of whom, Matilda de Estwelles, held this manor, with the advowson of the church of it, of the king in capite, at her death in the 52d year of king Henry III. Soon after which it seems to have come into the possession of the family of Criol; for Bertram, son of John de Criol, died possessed of it in the 23d year of king Edward I. holding it in the like manner, and by ward to Dover castle, being part of those lands which made up the barony, called the Constabularie. He left two sons, John and Bertram, and a daughter Joane, who afterwards married Sir Richard de Rokesle. Both these sons died s.p. the former of them left his wife Alianor surviving, who entitled her second husband Edmund Gaselyn to this manor for her life, and she died possessed of it in the 23d year of king Edward III. upon which this manor descended to Agnes and Joane, the two daughters and coheirs of Joane her late husband's sister before-mentioned, by Sir Richard de Rokesley; and upon the division of their inheritance, the manor of Eastwell was allotted to Agnes the eldest, who entitled Thomas de Poynings her husband to it; and in his descendants this manor, with the advowson of the church, continued down to Robert de Poynings, who died possessed of it in the 25th year of king Henry VI. leaving Alianore, his grand-daughter, wife of Henry, lord Percy, eldest son of Henry, earl of Northumberland, his next heir; who in the 27th year of it had summons to parliament among the barons of this realm, as lord Poynings. Six years after which he succeeded his father as earl of Northumberland, and in his descendants this manor, with the advowson, continued down to Henry, earl of Northumberland, who in the 23d year of king Henry VIII. conveyed it to seossees, who soon afterwards passed it away by sale to Sir Christopher Hales, the king's attorney-general, whose lands were disgavelled by the act of the 31st of Henry VIII. and he died possessed of it in the 33d year of that reign, holding it of the king, as of the honor of his castle of Dover, by knight's service. He left three daughters his coheirs, and they, with their respective husbands, joined in the sale of it to Sir. Tho. Moyle, of Eastwell, whose lands were disgaveiled by the acts of 31 king Henry VIII. and second and third of Edward VI. being the son of John, descended from a family of this name at Bodmin, in Cornwall, and youngest brother of Walter Moyle, of Buckwell. (fn. 2) He was speaker of the house of commons anno 34 king Henry VIII. and chancellor of the court of augmentation, who was in high esteem with that prince, and accumulated a large fortune in his profession of the law. He new built the mansion of Eastwell place, and died possessed of this manor, with the advowson of the church of it in 1560, leaving two daughters his coheirs, Catherine, married to Thomas Finch, gent. and Anne, married to Sir Thomas Kempe, of Wye, but this manor, with the advowson, had been settled on the former, on her marriage with Mr. Thomas Finch, who was afterwards knighted, and resided at Eastwell-place, The family of Finch, according to John Philipott, Rouge Dragon, was originally descended from Henry Fitz-Herbert, chamberlain to king Henry I. whose descendant Matthew Fitz-Herbert, who was one of the magnates or barons, at the compiling of Magna Charta, as was his son of the same name in that parliament, which was convened to meet at Tewksbury. The alteration of this name to Finch was about the 10th of king Edward I. at which time Herbert Fitz-Herbert purchased the manor of Finches, in Lid, of which being entire lord, which he was not of his more antient patrimony of Netherfield, in Suffex, he assumed his surname from that, as many other families in that age did from those places of which they possessed the entire seignory, bearing for his arms, Argent, a chevron between three griffins, segreant, sable. Vincent Herbert, alias Finch, was of Netherfield, about the end of the reign of king Edward II. and left two sons, Henry and John, the latter of whom was father of John, prior of Christ-church. Henry Herbert, alias Finch, the eldest son, inherited Nethersfield, and died anno 8 king Richard II. and left Vincent Herbert, alias Finch, (with whom the pedigree of this family begins in the Heraldic Visitation of this county, in 1619) whose son Vincent, was living in the reigns of king Richard II. and Henry IV. and by his wife Isabel, daughter and coheir of Robert Cralle, of Cralle, in Sussex, had two sons, William and John; which latter married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Seward, of Linsted, from whom descended the Finch's, of Sewards, Norton, Kingsdown, Faversham, Wye, and other places in this county. William Finch, the eldest son, by which name only he and his descendants wrote themselves, was of Netherfield, and had a son Henry Finch, esq. who married Alice, only daughter and heir of Philip Belknap, of the Moat, near Canterbury, uncle to Sir Ed ward Belknap, which marriage not only occasioned the first residence of this branch of the family in Kent, but rendered it more illustrious by a descent from many noble ones. Their eldest son Sir William Finch, was of the Moat in king Henry the VIIIth's reign, and was father of Sir Thomas Finch, of Eastwell, before-mentioned, (fn. 3) of which he died possessed in 1563. They had three sons and one daughter, of whom Henry, the third son, was sergeant-at-law, and left one son John, who was chief justice of the common pleas, lord keeper, and created anno 16 Charles I. lord Finch, baron of Fordwich, and died in 1661; the eldest, Sir Moyle Finch, was created a baronet at the first institution of that order, and surviving his mother, who had remarried Nicholas St. Leger, esq. (and lies buried in this church, as well as her father Sir Thomas Moyle, and all her descendants, to the present time) became possessed of this manor and advowson. He married Elizabeth, only daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Heneage, and resided at Eastwell-place, which he made very great additions to, and in 1589, obtained the queen's licence to inclose his grounds here, not exceeding one thousand acres, and to turn the highways that might be annoyed by it, and to embattle his house of Estwell. He died in 1614, leaving his widow, the lady Elizabeth Finch, surviving, who was by letters patent in 1623, anno 21 James I. created viscountess Maidstone; and afterwards, in 1628, anno 4 king Charles I. countess of Winchelsea, in Sussex. She died in 1633, and was buried at Eastwell, under a noble monument erected there for her and her husband, by whom she had several sons and daughters, the eldest son, Sir Theophilus Finch, bart. died s.p. the second, Sir Thomas, succeeded as earl of Winchelsea; the third, Sir John, was resident with the grand duke of Tuscany, and ambassador in Turkey, of whom there is no issue. He died in 1642, and was buried in Queen's college chapel, in Cambridge, to which he was a good benefactor; the fourth, Sir Heneage Finch, sergeant-at-law, and recorder of London, who died in 1641, was ancestor to the late earl of Winchelsea and Nottingham; and the fifth, Francis, was barrister-at-law, and an ingenious poet, who died s.p. Sir Thomas Finch, bart. the eldest surviving son, succeeded her as earl of Winchesea, &c. and in her possessions here, whose eldest son Heneage, second earl of Winchelsea, was one of those nobles who favored the restoration of king Charles II. and as such, was by general Monk entrusted with the government of Dover castle, and after king Charles's return was, in acknowledgment of his services, and of being descended from the antient family of Herbert, created baron Fitz-Herbert, of Eastwell, in the 12th year of his reign, and constituted lord lieutenant and custos rotulorum of this county, and shortly after sent ambassador extraordinary into Turkey. He was lord lieutenant when king James II. was taken, on his leaving this kingdom, and brought to Faversham, where, for protection from the insults of the populace, he sent to lord Winchelsea from Eastwell, who immediately came and persuaded the king to return to London. He died in 1689, having married four wives, by whom he had in all twenty-seven children, of whom sixteen lived to some maturity. At length these honors and estates descended afterwards down to John his son, by his fourth wife, his other intermediate descendants being dead without issue, who became the fifth earl of Winchelsea, who dying likewise s.p. in 1729, the titles of earl of Winchelsea and viscount Maidstone, for that of baron Fitz-Herbert became extinct, together with this manor and advowson, and the mansion and park of Eastwell, with the rest of the earl's estates in this county, devolved on Daniel, second earl of Nottingham, son and heir of Sir Heneage Finch, who had been created earl of Nottingham in 1681, son and heir of Sir Heneage Finch, the fourth son of Sir Moyle Finch, of Eastwell, knight and baronet, by his wife Katherine, who was created countess of Winchelsea as beforementioned. Sir Heneage Finch above-mentioned, was eminent in the profession of the law, and was recorder of London, and in the first year of king Charles I. elected speaker of the house of commons, and resided at Kensington, in the house now the royal palace. He died in 1631. Heneage, his son and heir, was in 1660, made solicitor-general, knighted, and created a baronet, being then of Raunston, in Buckinghamshire. He was afterwards attorney-general, and in 1673 made lord keeper; shortly after which he was in 1674, created lord Finch, baron of Daventry; and next year made lord chancellor, and in 1681 created earl of Nottingham; he had fourteen children, of which seven sons and one daughter survived him. Of the sons, Daniel succeeded him as earl of Nottingham; 2, Heneage was created baron of Guernsey and earl of Aylesford, of whom and his descendants a full account may be seen under that parish. (fn. 4) Charles was fellow of All Souls college, and Henry was dean of York, and lies buried there with his brother Edward, who was prebendary of that church. Daniel, second earl of Nottingham, above-mentioned, became the sixth earl of Winchelsea, and entered early into life, being of the privy council to king Charles II. after whose death he took an active part in the politics of the succeding reigns, and was, for his great learning and abilities, highly trusted and employed in the great affairs of state till the year 1716, when he retired from all public affairs, and lived so till his death in 1730. He was twice married, first to lady Essex Rich, second daughter and coheir of Robert, earl of Warwick, by whom he had one daughter Mary; secondly to Anne, only daughter of Christopher, viscount Hatton, by whom he had five sons and eight daughters, besides seventeen other children who died young. The eldest son was Daniel, who succeeded him in titles and estate; William was envoy extraordinary to Sweden and the States General, and afterwards privy counsellor and vice-chamberlain of the houshold, who left a son George, who on his uncle's death, succeeded him in his titles, as will be further mentioned; John was solicitor-general to king George II. when prince of Wales, and afterwards king's council. Henry was surveyor of his Majesty's works; and Edward afterwards took the name of Hatton, pursuant to the will of Anne his aunt, the youngest daughter of Christopher, viscount Hatton, and heir of her brother William, viscount Hatton. He married Anne, daughter and coheir of Sir Thomas Palmer, bart. of Wingham, by whom he had George Finch Hatton, of whom more hereaster, and four other sons, and three daughters.—He was succeeded in the titles of earl of Winchelsea and Nottingham, viscount Maidstone, and baron of Daventry, as well as in his estates in this county, by Daniel his eldest son, who was constantly employed from the accession of king George I in the most important offices of the state, till the year 1766, when he retired from all public business, having been in 1752 elected a knight of the garter. He was twice married; first to Frances, daughter of Basil Fielding, earl of Denbigh, by whom he had one daughter Charlotte; and secondly, to Mary, daughter and coheir of Sir T. Palmer, bart. above-mentioned, by whom he had four daughters, Heneage, Essex, Hatton, and Augusta. He died in 1769, æt. 81, full of years and wisdom, and was buried among his ancestors, in the church of Eastwell. On his death without issue male, his titles, together with his seat at Burleigh, and estates in Rutlandshire and other counties, descended to his nephew George, son of his next brother William, but he by his will devised the manor and advowson of Eastwell, with the park and mansion of Eastwell-place, together with all the rest of his Kentish estates, to his nephew George Finch Hatton, esq. eldest son of his youngest brother Edward Finch Hatton, who is the present possessor of them. He married Elizabeth-Mary, daughter of David, late lord viscount Stormont, afterwards earl of Mansfield, by whom he has issue, and now resides at Eastwell-place. He bears for his arms those of Finch before-mentioned, quartered with those of Hatton, being Azure, a chevron, between three garbs, or.

 

POTHERY is a small manor within the bounds of this parish, which seems to have been part of that estate belonging to Odo, bishop of Baieux, described in Domesday before, which, on his disgrace about four years afterwards, that is, about the year 1084, became with the rest of his possessions, consiscated to the crown, of which it was afterwards held by the family of Criol; and John de Criol, younger son of Bertram, held it, together with the manor of Seaton, in Boughton Aluph, already descriebed before, in the account of that parish, at his death in the 48th year of Henry III. In his descendants it continued till it passed at length with that manor in marriage to Rokesle, and thence again in like manner to the Perys, and was sold with it by Henry, earl of Northumberland, in Henry the VIIIth.'s reign, to Sir Christopher Hales, whose three coheirs sold it to Sir Thomas Moyle, whence it went by marriage again to Finch, whose descendant Daniel, earl of Winchelsea and Nottingham, dying in 1769, without male issue, gave it by will to his nephew, George Finch Hatton, esq. now of Eastwell, the present owner of it.

 

Charities.

SIR WALTER MOYLE, of this parish, by will, anno 1480, ordered that his feoffees should deliver an estate in see simple to three or four honest and trusty men, in two acres of arable land in this parish, in a field called Cotingland, to the use of the church of Eastwell, in recompence of a certain annual rent of two pounds of wax, by him wrested and detained from it against his conscience.

 

MR. THOMAS KIPPS left by will in 1680, 20s. per annum to the use of the poor, out of a field in Great Chart, rented at 6l. per annum, the remainder of the rent being left to five other parishes.

 

THERE is an alms house in this parish.

 

The poor constantly relieved are about seven, casually five.

 

EASTWELL is within the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deanry of Charing.

 

¶The church, which is dedicated to St. Mary, consists of two isles and two chancels, having a square embattled tower at the west end, in which hang three bells. It is an antient building of slint, with ashler stone round the windows, which are small, and of only one compartment. The arms of Poynings still remain in the east window of the high chancel. Within the altar rails is a memorial for Nicholas Toke, clerk, obt. 1670, and for Nicholas Toke, his eldest son, obt. 1673. On the south side of the chancel is the tomb of Sir Thomas Moyle. In the south chancel is a sumptuous tomb, on which lie the figures of a man and woman in white marble, at full length, their sons and daughters round the sides of it; it had till within these few years, a beautiful dome or canopy over them, supported by eight pillars of black marble, the fragments of which now lie scattered about the chancel. It was erected for Sir Moyle Finch, knight and bart. who died in 1614, and Elizabeth his wife, created counteis of Winchelsea, &c. And a monument for Sir Heneage Finch, sergeant-at law, and recorder of London, who died in 1631, and of his first wife, who died in 1627. At the upper end of the south isle is a vault, for the Finch family, in which are thirty-eight coffins; the Hon. Edward Finch Hatton, father of the present Mr. Hatton, of Eastwell, being the last who was buried in it.

 

The church of Eastwell was always esteemed an appendage to the manor, and continues so, the lord of it, George Finch Hatton, esq. being the present patron of this rectory.

 

It is valued in the king's books at 9l. 16s. 8d. It is now a discharged living, of the clear yearly certified value of forty-two pounds. In 1588, it was valued at forty pounds per annum, communicants fifty-five. In 1640 the same.

 

www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-kent/vol7/pp398-412

Involvement Expo on the quad Wednesday, August 28, 2019.

Between 2014 and 2018 Australia will commemorate the Anzac Centenary, marking 100 years since our nation's involvement in the First World War.

These photos are almost 10 years old to the day (7 days away) as it will soon be Anzac day 2015.

 

I have attended quite a few dawn services but none quite as sobering as being a foreigner, walking fields where Australian soldiers died during wartime, and were burried.

 

I thought it was time to post my photos from Kranji.

I got up at 4 am along with many other of my Australian Microsoft and MVP friends. Bleary eyed, fighting the fog, we found our way to the bus.

We were in a daze as we were bumped about making our way to the killing fields of Kranji.

 

Kranji is a suburb in northwestern Singapore, located about 22 kilometres (14 mi) from the city centre.

The Kranji War Memorial in Singapore honours the men and women from the Commonwealth who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

A very appropropriate and solem place for Anzac Day 2005.

 

Back then I was not interested in Photography and my cameras were not that great. Still, that is not the reason for the photos. I did want to try for a perfect shot. I just wanted memories.

It was humid, dark and very quiet as the service started. Bagpipes from overhead and marching in front.

 

Deep within this quiet neighbourhood, lies the Kranji War Memorial, a hillside cemetery that is quite beautiful in its serenity once you get there.

Every year, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

The memorial honours the men and women from Britain, Australia, Canada, Sri Lanka, India, Malaya, the Netherlands and New Zealand who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

Here, we see more than 4,400 white gravestones lined up in rows on the cemetery’s gentle slope. Many graves hold unknown soldiers.

The Chinese Memorial in plot 44 marks a mass grave for 69 Chinese servicemen who were killed by the Japanese when Singapore fell in February 1942.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial are the Kranji Military Cemetery and the Singapore State Cemetery, where Singapore’s first and second presidents are buried.

As we walked the short flight of steps to the hilltop terrace, we saw four memorials.

 

The largest is the Singapore Memorial, with its huge star-topped central pylon that rises to a height of 24 metres.

This memorial bears the names of more than 24,346 Allied soldiers and airmen killed in Southeast Asia who have no known grave. You can find the register, kept by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, at the entrance.

 

Every year, on the Sunday closest to Remembrance Day on 11 November, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial is the Kranji Military Cemetery, a non-world war site of more than 1,400 burials, as well as the Singapore State Cemetery, where the country’s first and second presidents, Encik Yusof Ishak and Dr Benjamin Henry

 

Sheares, are buried.

 

The Battle of Kranji was the second stage of the Empire of Japan's plan for the invasion of Singapore during the Second World War. On 9 February 1942 the Imperial Japanese Army assaulted the north-western front of the British colony of

 

Singapore. Their primary objective was to secure a second beachhead after their successful assault at Sarimbun Beach on 8 February, in order to breach the Jurong-Kranji defence line as part of their southward thrust towards the heart of

 

Singapore City. Defending the shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway was the Australian 27th Brigade, led by Brigadier Duncan Maxwell, and one irregular company.

 

On 10 February the Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses while moving up the Kranji River, which caused them to panic and nearly aborted the operation. However, a series of miscommunications and withdrawals by Allied forces in the

 

ensuing battles allowed the Japanese to swiftly gain strategic footholds, which eventually led to the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1942.

 

The terrain around Kranji was primarily mangrove swamps and tropical forest intersected by streams and inlets. The shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway, nearly four kilometers long, was defended by the

 

Australian 27th Brigade, led by Australian Brigadier Duncan Maxwell. The 27th Infantry Brigade consisted of three battalions—the 2/30th, 2/29th, and 2/26th and was supported by the 2/10th Field Artillery Regiment, as well as one platoon from the

 

2/4th Machine Gun Battalion.

 

They were supported by one company from Dalforce (named after its commander, Lieutenant-Colonel John Dalley of the Malayan Police Special Branch), a local Chinese militia consisting of Communists, Nationalist supporters, and other

 

volunteers. As the war intensified, the Dalforce volunteers were given only three to four days of training and sent to the war front with elementary weapons. Lacking uniforms, the volunteers improvised by wearing a red triangle on their blue shirts to

 

avoid being mistaken for Japanese by the Australians.

 

The Allied forces at Kranji were to be assaulted by the Imperial Guards Division led by Major General Takuma Nishimura. 400 Imperial Guards had landed and taken Pulau Ubin, an island in the north-east of Singapore, in a feint attack on 7

 

February, where they encountered minimal resistance.

 

On 9 February, two divisions of the Japanese Twenty Fifth Army, led by Lieutenant General Tomoyuki Yamashita, landed on the northwestern coast of Singapore, in the Sarimbun area. Yamashita's headquarters (HQ) was in the Sultan of Johor's

 

palace on Istana Bukit Serene, which offered him and his officers a bird's eye view of virtually every key target in the northern sector of Singapore Island, only 1.6 kilometres (one mile) across the Straits of Johor. Sultan Ibrahim's palace was not fired

 

upon by the British because any damage caused would have extensive repercussions for British-Johor ties.

 

The primary objective of the Japanese at Kranji was to capture Kranji village; this would let them repair the demolished Causeway in order to facilitate easy flow of reinforcements and supplies down the roads of Woodlands and Mandai, and to the

 

rest of the island for their vanguard force. Once the leading wave of Japanese was safely ashore, the massed Japanese artillery switched their fire to the defensive positions at Kranji. Telegraph and telephone communications were destroyed in the

 

bombardment and communications between the front line and command HQ were broken. At 8:30pm that night, the men of the Imperial Guards Division began the crossing from Johor in special armoured landing-crafts, collapsible boats and by

 

swimming.

 

In the early hours of 10 February, Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses during the Battle of Singapore. While moving up the Kranji River, advance landing parties from the 4th Regiment of the Imperial Guard Division found themselves

 

under heavy fire from Australian machine gunners and mortar teams. They also found themselves surrounded by oil slicks, which had been created by Allied personnel emptying the nearby Woodlands oil depot, to prevent its capture. A scenario

 

feared by Yamashita came to pass by accident; the oil was set alight by Allied small arms fire, causing many Japanese soldiers to be burnt alive. Sustaining heavy losses, Nishimura requested permission to abandon the operation. However,

 

Yamashita denied the request.

 

Maxwell, who had limited communications with his division headquarters, was concerned that his force would be cut off by fierce and chaotic fighting at Sarimbun and Jurong to the south west, involving the Australian 22nd Brigade. Maxwell's

 

force consequently withdrew from the seafront. This allowed the Japanese to land in increasing strength and take control of Kranji village. They also captured Woodlands, and began repairing the causeway, without encountering any Allied attacks.

 

Japanese light tanks, which had good buoyancy, were towed across the straits to Lim Chu Kang Road where they joined the battle at dusk. With reinforced troops and tanks advancing down Choa Chua Kang Road, the Australian troops were no

 

match for the tanks and fled to the hills of Bukit Panjang. The 5th Division (Imperial Japanese Army) captured Bukit Timah village by the evening of 11 February.

 

Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival, General Officer Commanding of HQ Malaya Command, drew a defence perimeter covering Kallang aerodrome, MacRitchie and Peirce reservoirs and the Bukit Timah supply depot area to ensure the integrity

 

of the city's defence. One line of the north-western defence perimeter was the Jurong-Kranji defence line, a narrow ridge connecting the sources of the Jurong and the Kranji Rivers, forming a natural defence line protecting the north-west

 

approach to the Singapore City. (Its counterpart was the Serangoon Line, which was sited between Kallang Airfield and Paya Lebar village on the eastern part of Singapore). The troops were to defend this Line strongly against the invading

 

Japanese force. The Line was defended by the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade which covered milestone 12 on Jurong Road, the 12th Indian Infantry Brigade and the reinforced 22nd Australian Brigade which guarded the northern part of the Line and

 

maintained contact with the 44th Indian Brigade. The 15th Indian Infantry Brigade was re-positioned near Bukit Timah Road to guard the island's vital food and petrol supplies. A secret instruction to protect this area was issued to Percival's

 

generals.

 

Percival's secret orders to withdraw to the last defence line around the city only if necessary were misunderstood by Maxwell, who took this to be an order for an immediate withdrawal to the Line. As a result, the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade, the 12th

 

Indian Infantry Brigade and the 22nd Australian Brigade, reinforced after their withdrawal from Sarimbun beach in the north-west, abandoned the Line on 10 February. Fearing that the large supplies depot would fall into Japanese hands should

 

they make a rush for Bukit Timah too soon, General Archibald Wavell, Allied commander-in-chief of the Far East sent an urgent message to Percival:

 

It is certain that our troops in Singapore Island heavily outnumber any Japanese who have crossed the Straits. We must destroy them. Our whole fighting reputation is at stake and the honour of the British Empire. The Americans have held out in the

 

Bataan Peninsula against a far heavier odds, the Russians are turning back the picked strength of the Germans. The Chinese with an almost lack of modern equipment have held the Japanese for four and a half years. It will be disgraceful if we

 

yield our boasted fortress of Singapore to inferior enemy forces.

 

By 11 February, the Jurong-Kranji Defence Line was left undefended which allowed the Japanese forces to sweep through the Line to attack Bukit Timah. On the same day, Percival finally moved his Combined Operations Headquarters in Sime

 

Road to the underground bunker, The Battle Box at Fort Canning.

 

Despite their fighting spirit, the Dalforce fighters suffered from poor training and the lack of equipment. A further blow was delivered when the 27th Australian Brigade withdrew southwards. As a result, the Japanese established a stronghold in the

 

northern Woodlands area and secured a relatively easy passage into the island. General Wavell left Singapore for Java early on 11 February and sent a cable to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in London on his assessment of the war front

 

in Singapore:

  

Battle for Singapore is not going well... I ordered Percival to stage counter-attack with all troops possible... Morale of some troops is not good and none is as high as I should like to see... The chief troubles are lack of sufficient training in some

 

reinforcing troops and an inferior complex which bold Japanese tactics and their command of the air have caused. Everything possible is being done to produce more offensive spirit and optimistic outlook. But I cannot pretend that these efforts

 

have been entirely successful up to date. I have given the most categorical orders that there is to be no thought of surrender and that all troops are to continue fighting to the end...

 

By 12 February, the Imperial Guards had captured the reservoirs and Nee Soon village. The defending troops, by this time, were badly shaken. Thousands of exhausted and frightened stragglers left the fighting to seek shelter in large buildings. On

 

the same night, British forces in the east of the island had begun to withdraw towards the city.

 

On 13 February, the Japanese 5th Division continued its advance and reached Adam and Farrer Roads to capture the Sime Road Camp. Yamashita moved his HQ forward to the bomb-damaged Ford Factory in Bukit Timah. Heading southwards,

 

the Japanese 18th Division advanced into Pasir Panjang, where the last major battle of Singapore would be fought with the Malay Regiments at Bukit Chandu.

 

In 1995, the former battle sites of Kranji and the defence line were gazetted by the National Heritage Board as two of the eleven World War II sites of Singapore.

  

2005

 

Knoica Minolta

  

PICT0055

The Student Involvement Fair, inside and outside of Social Hall, showcased the many opportunities for extra curricular enrichment both inside and outside of the NMH community.

THE ANCIENT LANGUAGE OF SOUNDS AND SIGNS

April 27th, 2010

@ Mobius

725 Harrison Avenue, Suite One

Boston MA 02118

  

Dancers:

Olivier Besson

Ellen Godena www.mobius.org/user/27

Liz Roncka www.myspace.com/realtimeperformance

  

Musicians:

Haggai Cohen Milo (bass) www.myspace.com/jatul

Amir Milstein (flute)

Jamey Haddad (percussion) www.jameyhaddadmusic.com

 

A very special evening of improvised music and dance featuring musicians Haggai Cohen Milo (bass) and Amir Milstein (flute) and movement artists Olivier Besson, Ellen Godena and Liz Roncka.

 

ARTIST BIOS

 

Olivier Besson - Movement Artist - is an improvisational movement artist who hails from France and is based in Boston. In the period from 1980 until the mid 90's, Olivier studied Contact Improvisation with Robin Feld, Nancy Stark Smith, Lisa Nelson and Andrew Harwood, and Improvisation / Real Time composition with Daniel Lepkoff and Julyen Hamilton. During that time, he also practiced and performed Bugaku (Court dance from Japan) with Arawana Hayashi. Other training includes Butoh with Maureen Feming and Action Theater with Ruth Zaporah.

 

Most notably, Olivier’s work has been presented: *in the US - at Dance Theatre Workshop (NYC), Judson Church (NYC), New York Improvisation festival, Walker Art Centre (Minneapolis), Boston Dance Umbrella, Florida Dance Festival, Dance Place (Washington DC), The Boston Conservatory, Boston University, Radford University (Virginia), *and internationally - at the National Institute of the Arts (Taipei, Taiwan), Die Pratze (Tokyo), Art of Movement Festival (Yaroslav, Russia), Micadanses (Paris) and with Compagnie Vertige (Nice, France). He has collaborated with many individuals including Chris Aiken, Lisa Schmidt, Debra Bluth, Ming-Shen Ku, Pamela Newell, Toshiko Oiwa and musicians/composers Mike Vargas, Peter Jones, Jane Wang and Grant Smith. Locally, he has guest danced for Dawn Kramer, Micki Taylor-Pinney and Diane Noya. His ongoing performance projects involve collaborations with Liz Roncka in Boston and Emmanuelle Pepin in Nice (France) .

 

Olivier is currently on faculty at The Boston Conservatory (dance division). He has been on faculty at Canal Danse (Paris), the French National Circus School (CNAC), Bates Dance Festival, Emerson College and the School of Fine Arts at Boston Universtity. He has taught residencies at the National Institute of the Arts (Taipei, Taiwan), Le Centre Choregraphique de Danse / Daniel Larieu (Tours, France), the University of Minnesota, and Radford University (Virginia). He has also taught masterclasses for teen / pre-teen programs at Walnut Hill, Cambridge School of Weston, Jeanette Neil Dance Studios, Brookline High and Cambridge Rindge and Latin.

Haggai Cohen Milo - At the young age of 25, bass player and composer Haggai Cohen Milo is already a known name in the international music scene. Mr. Cohen Milo, currently operating from Berkeley, CA, brings exotic flavors to his music from his native middle east country, Israel. In both his compositions and in his playing, there is a contemporary mix of sound between East and West. His group the Secret Music Project, that features his personal musical sound and vision, has performed in some of the most important festivals around the world including the Aspen Music Festival, the Atlantic Jazz Festival (Canada), Boston First Night and many more.

Mr. Cohen-Milo first gained international recognition when he won the First Prize in the International Ensemble Competition in Belgium 2006. In the same year, Cohen Milo was also awarded the DownBeat Magazine Music Awards and the grand prize at the Fish Middleton Jazz Soloist Competition held in Washington, DC.

 

As a Composer, Cohen Milo has composed the score for two full enough feature films, Intimate Enemies (2008), by the internationally known Mexican director Fernando Sariñana and SPAM (2009) by the director Charlie Gore. Cohen Milo released his debut album in January 2007 under the prestigious record label “Fresh Sound - New Talent”. The album received enthusiastic reviews in the US and in Europe. Cohen Milo also recorded with different artists for Warner Music, Sunnyside Records and more.

 

With a fast growing touring career, Cohen Milo has already performed on some of the most important stages around the world, including Carnegie Hall and Birdland (New York), Getxo International Jazz Festival (Spain), The Jazz Station (Belgium) and Rome Music Festival (Italy), to name a few.

 

Cohen Milo graduated in 2009 from the prestigious New England Conservatory of Music in Boston where he studied with such masters as Danilo Perez, Bob Moses, Jamey Hadad and Jerry Bergonzi.

 

"... Haggai Cohen Milo revealed over a set of ridiculously infectious music that he's in the soul restoration business. Yessiree. He is!" (Graham Pilsworth, "The Coast", Canada)

 

Amir Milstein - Flutist and composer - is a graduate of the "Rubin Academy of Music" in Jerusalem (B.M. in jazz and classical flute), and the New England Conservatory (Masters degree in music performance, 2010) Amir established his career in the world-music scene founding acknowledged ensembles such as Bustan Abraham and Tucan Trio with which he has recorded and performed worldwide.

 

His musical background represents a variety of styles and cultures including classical, jazz, Mediterranean and Latin. He has collaborated with artists such as Zakir Hussein, Tito Puente, Ross Daly, Omar Farouk Tekbilek and Armando Macedo, among others and has participated in distinguished concert venues and festivals, both as a player and a composer.

He has collaborated with several choreographers, with whom he has composed for modern and flamenco dance groups and has composed and recorded several film scores. (His recent work on the documentary film "The Case for Israel- Democracy's Outpost" is currently presented at film festivals worldwide). Amir played in musical shows in the Israeli television and has collaborated and recorded numerous albums with Israel's leading artists, such as Matti Caspi, Shlomo Gronich, Gidi Gov, Miki Gavrielov, Leah Shabbat, and many others.

 

With over twenty years of experience teaching flute, recorders and music theory, Amir developed a unique musical education program and has instructed at the "Karev Music Educational Program" in Israel. He currently teaches at the New England Conservatory, Boston, and has lectured and presented workshops at music schools such as the Berklee College of music, Boston and Berkeley University, CA. Before moving to Boston, in 2004 Amir was also a faculty member at the "Hed College of Contemporary Music" in Tel Aviv, Israel. Amir presents an interactive workshop for schools and colleges called: "A World of Flutes"- Introducing the evolution of woodwinds through live music, stories, and a demonstration of over 80 musical instruments.

Ellen Godena - Movement Artist - is an experimental performer, choreographer, and Mobius Artists Group member. Her recent work has focused on the relationships between human, non-human (organic), and machine (non-organic) movement as a method for studying human development. Recent solo and collaborative works have been quests to define these relationships through the use of primitive, robotic entities in performance.

 

Ellen’s training, artistic influences and inspiration derive from the study of Japanese avant-garde movement and theater forms that have developed since the early 1960’s, primarily the butoh dances created by Japanese artists Kazuo Ohno and Tatsumi Hijikata, physical theater, and contemporary dance. Since 1998, she has performed solo, group, and ensemble work in Boston, Philadelphia, Providence, and New York City. She was a former dancer with the Boston-based Kitsune Dance Theater (2003-06) under the direction of Deborah Butler, and the NYC post-modern butoh troupe, the Vangeline Theater (2006-08) under the direction of Vangeline. She has performed with Master butoh artist Katsura Kan (Curious Fish, 2002, 2008), and has studied with internationally recognized artists such as Zack Fuller, Hiroko Tamano, Su-En, Diego Pinon, and Katsura Kan. Her primary, long-term training has been with American artists Deborah Butler, Vangeline, and Jennifer Hicks. Currently, Ellen is presenting solo robotics – movement projects in addition to performing regularly with Liz Roncka's Real-Time Performance Project in Boston, MA. She holds a Bachelor of Fine Arts degree from the Rhode Island School of Design in Studio Painting (1997), and a Master's degree in Human Development and Psychology from Harvard University (2005).

  

Liz Roncka - Movement Artist - is an avid practitioner of movement improvisation and contemporary dance. She is the director of lizroncka/Real-Time Performance Project,a Mobius Artists Group member and a collaborating artist with Emma Jupe, a Paris-based improvisation collective. Her work has been presented in Boston, NYC, San Francisco, Budapest and Paris.

 

Liz's early training was in the tradition of classical ballet at the School of the New Bedford Ballet. In college, Liz’s focus shifted toward contemporary dance and improvisation. She was a member of the Dance Collective of Boston from 1998-2005. Liz has had the pleasure of performing modern dance and improvisational work under the direction of: Ramelle Adams, Emily Beattie, Ruth Benson-Levin, Debra Bluth, Alissa Cardone, Sean Curran,Ellen Godena, Andrew Harwood, Michael Jahoda/White Box Project, Dawn Kramer, Light Motion, Karen Murphy-Fitch and Micki Taylor-Pinney.

 

Much of Liz's work is developed in deep collaboration with sound artists, most notably Jane Wang, Haggai Cohen Milo, Jessyka Luzzi, Sean Frenette and Akili Jamal Haynes. Current projects include an improvisational duo with Forbes Graham (trumpet) and an collaboration with Philippe Lejeune (visual artist) developing a movement piece within a glass installation exploring the intersection of reality and reflected images. For more information please see:

 

www.dailydanceproject.blogspot.com

www.myspace.com/realtimeperformance

www.mobius.org/user/29

The interfaith EarthKeepers II Team held a strategy meeting on April 5, 2013 at the Big Bay Point Lighthouse Bed and Breakfast in Big Bay, Michigan to plan the 30 faith community gardens.

 

EarthKeepers II is an Interfaith Energy Conservation and Community Garden Initiative across the Upper Peninsula of Michigan.

 

Over the next two years, at least 30 interfaith community gardens will be planted that include vegetables (some fresh produce will be given to food banks) - plus native species plants.

 

EarthKeepers II has representatives from 10 faith communities involving 250 churches/temples in northern Michigan: Roman Catholic, Episcopal, Jewish, Lutheran, Presbyterian, United Methodist, Bahá'í, Unitarian Universalist and Zen Buddhist.

 

These gardens will serve as a pollinator central for all plants in the area.

 

Native species plants are pollinator friendly - and that is important as one-third of America's pollinators have died in the past 7 years.

 

The reasons for the pollinator disappearances (bees, butterflies) are varied but most of which are human related especially a new and deadly pesticide/fertilizer powder that is used to coat seeds.

 

Humans cannot live without pollinators.

 

A presentation on native species plants and pollinators was given by U.S. Forest Service Midwest Botanist Jan Schultz.

 

Schultz is the Head Botanist at the USFS Eastern Region (R-9) Office in Milwaukee, Wisconsin and we are fortunate she is the EarthKeepers II Technical Advisor for Community Gardens

 

EarthKeepers II Project Coordinator Kyra Fillmore Ziomkowski explained the community garden plans at churches and temples across the U.P.

 

Funded by the EPA Great Lakes Restoration Initiative, EarthKeepers II has a major goal of reducing toxins in the Great Lakes including airborne mercury - through energy conservation audits and grants for churches/temples - and educating their congregations on ways to reduce energy consumption at home - while getting financial incentives to do so.

 

An EarthKeepers II contractor has completed 17 of the 40 energy audits at churches/temples in the U.P. - and all will be completed by this fall, according to Delta Green Ex. Dir. Doug Russell, Executive Director, EarthKeepers II Energy Conservation Consultant.

 

Grants of up to $500 (in a few cases more) will be offered to these congregations to help make energy conservations repairs at the houses of worship

 

Those attending the Big Bay meeting included faith leaders and representatives, project organizers and the EarthKeepers II Student Team from Northern Michigan University.

 

Attendees included:

 

Longtime EarthKeeper Rev. Tesshin Paul Lehmberg of the Lake Superior Zendo, a Zen Buddhist temple located at 2222 Longyear Ave, in Marquette, MI.

906-226-6407

plehmber@nmu.edu

 

Guest speaker the Rev. Stephen Gauger of Calvary Lutheran Church

Rapid River, Michigan - representing the Northern Great Lakes Synod (NGLS) of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA) - and NGLS Bishop Thomas Skrenes.

www.elca.org

www.nglsynod.org

 

Helen Grossman, representing Jewish Temple Beth Sholom in Ishpeming, MI

www.templebethsholom-ishpeming.org

 

Rev. Christine Bergquist of the Bark River United Methodist Church (UMC) and the First UMC of Hermansville - and representing the United Methodist Church Marquette District - and Rev Elbert P Dulworth, District Superintendent.

www.mqtdistrict.com

 

(EarthKeepers II also thanks Grant Lobb, former Mqt. Dist. Supt. (who has taken another position) and a longtime supporter of U.P. EarthKeepers projects - and we remember the late Episcopal "Earth Bishop" - Bishop James "Jim" Kelsey - who was with the EarthKeepers from our humble beginnings in 2005 - and now watches over us from above.)

 

Rev. Albert Valentine II of the Manistique Presbyterian Church of the Redeemer and the Gould City Community Presbyterian Church - and representing the Presbytery of Mackinac.

www.presbymac.org

www.pcusa.org

 

Rev. Pete Andersen, a retired ELCA pastor from Marquette.

 

Rev. Elisabeth Zant of the NGLS ELCA Eden Evangelical Lutheran Church in Munising, MI.

www.edenevangelical.org

 

Heidi Gould of

Marquette representing the Marquette Unitarian Universalist Congregation, a liberal religious community for the Marquette community

www.mqtuu.org

twitter.com/Heidi_Gould

www.uua.org

 

Check out the EarthKeepers II social sites (see links below) including our videos - that include beautiful pollinator and nature photos in videos by environmentalist Nancy Parker Hill.

www.nancyhillphoto.com

 

And vegetable garden photos by Carol Michel, a garden blogger, garden writer, eccentric gardener in the Indianapolis, IN area.

Indygardener at gmail.com

 

May Dreams Gardens:

www.maydreamsgardens.com

www.maydreamsgardens.blogspot.com

twitter.com/Indygardener

www.facebook.com/MayDreamsGardens

 

Among those involved in the project but not mentioned above are:

 

Rev. Jon Magnuson, Executive Director

Nonprofit Cedar Tree Institute

EarthKeepers II Project Director

Marquette, Michigan

Nonprofit Cedar Tree Institute projects include Zaagkii Wings and Seeds Project, the Manitou Project and the Zaagkii Wings and Seeds Project

www.wingsandseeds.org

 

Keweenaw Bay Indian Community (KBIC)

Baraga, Michigan

 

KBIC Natural Resources Department

KBIC Solar-Powered Green House

L'Anse, Michigan

 

Borealis Seed Company

Judy Keast, Suzanne Rabitaille

Big Bay, Michigan

 

NMU EarthKeepers II Student Team:

Katelin Bingner

Tom Merkel

Adam Magnuson

 

10 Faith Communities:

Roman Catholic

Episcopal

Jewish

Lutheran

Presbyterian

United Methodist

Bahá'í

Unitarian Universalist

Zen Buddhist

 

Rev. Charlie West

EarthKeepers II Religious Communications

 

Obadiah Metivier

EarthKeepers II Webmaster

Owner & Creative Director of Middle Ear Media

Marquette, Michigan

 

Videography, Editor, Producer, and Project Volunteer Media Advisor:

Greg Peterson

EarthKeepersII@gmail.com

906-401-0109

 

Special thanks to the Marquette Community Gardens

www.marquettecommunitygardens.org

www.facebook.com/pages/Marquette-Community-Gardens/277739...

 

EarthKeepers II thanks everyone named and unnamed for their loving help with this project:

 

An Interfaith Energy Conservation and Community Garden Initiative Across the Upper Peninsula of Michigan to Restore Native Plants and Protect the Great Lakes from Toxins like Airborne Mercury in cooperation with the EPA Great Lakes Restoration Initiative, U.S. Forest Service, 10 faith traditions and Native American tribes like the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community

 

Official EarthKeepers II website

EarthKeepersUP.org

 

Nonprofit Cedar Tree Institute in Marquette, MI

www.CedarTreeInstitute.org

 

EPA Great Lakes Restoration Initiative

www.greatlakesrestoration.us

 

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency

www.epa.gov

 

Great Lakes Binational Toxics Strategy (GLBTS)

 

Deborah Lamberty

Program Analyst

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)

Great Lakes National Program Office

77 W. Jackson Blvd.

Chicago, IL

60604-3590

 

Lamberty.Deborah@epa.gov

312-886-6681 (wk)

312-692-2974 (fax)

 

Elizabeth 'Liz' LaPlante, senior manager for the EPA Great Lakes National Programs Office in Chicago, Ill

 

EarthKeepers II social sites:

 

www.youtube.com/EarthKeepersII

 

EarthKeepersII.blogspot.com

 

EarthKeepersII.wordpress.com

 

www.facebook.com/EarthKeepersII

 

vimeo.com/EarthKeepersII

 

www.twitter.com/EarthKeeperTeam

 

pinterest.com/EarthKeepersII/

 

pinterest.com/EarthKeepersII/EarthKeepers-II-and-the-EPA-...

 

pinterest.com/EarthKeepersII/Great-Lakes-Restoration-Init...

 

Google youtube page for EKII:

 

plus.google.com/u/0/b/104404714072685272630/1044047140726...

 

www.linkedin.com/in/gregpetersonyoopernewsman

 

www.facebook.com/GregJohnPeterson

 

www.facebook.com/EarthKeepersII

 

fyi:

 

EarthKeeper II Energy Conservation Audits finished as of 6-12-13

 

St. Paul's Episcopal Church

Marquette, MI

 

St. Matthais Episcopal Church

Pickford, MI

 

St. James Episcopal Church

Sault Ste. Marie, MI

 

Temple Beth Sholom

Jewish Synagogue

Ishpeming, MI

 

Messiah Lutheran Church

Marquette, MI

 

St. Mark's Church

Marquette, MI

 

Grace Lutheran Church

Pembine, WI

 

Trinity Lutheran Church

Rhinelander, WI

 

Emmanuel Lutheran Church

Skandia, MI

 

St. James Lutheran Church

Rudyard, MI

 

Pickford United Methodist Church (UMC)

Pickford, MI

 

First UMC

Marquette, MI

 

Newberry UMC

Newberry, MI

 

Paradise UMC

Paradise, MI

 

Hulbert/Taquamenon UMC

Hulbert, MI

 

Marquette Unitarian Universalist Congregation

Marquette, MI

 

Lake Superior Zendo

Zen Buddhist

Aurora Dharma Temple

Marquette, MI

 

Thanks to our friends at the Big Bay lighthouse:

 

Big Bay Point Lighthouse Bed and Breakfast

#3 Lighthouse Road

Big Bay, Michigan

49808

 

906-345-9957 (office)

keepers@BigBayLighthouse.com

www.bigbaylighthouse.com

©AVucha 2014

On March 3rd at 6:21pm, Woodstock Fire/Rescue was dispatched for a motor vehicle accident involving a Woodstock Police Officer at Route 14 and Dean St. The officer was extracted from his squad car and was transported via OSF Life Flight to St. Anthony Medical Center in Rockford.

Woodstock, Illinois

 

News obtained from the Northwest Herald:

WOODSTOCK – A Woodstock police officer had to be extricated from an unmarked squad car and flown to a hospital Monday after a three-vehicle accident.

At 6:24 p.m., a 15-year-old male motorist from Woodstock, driving on a learner's permit, was waiting to turn left from westbound Route 14 onto Dean Street. When he turned left, he struck an unmarked Woodstock squad car, which was traveling eastbound on Route 14. The squad car then hit a vehicle facing north waiting on Dean Street.

Officer Eric Schmidtke was driving a Ford Interceptor and had to be extricated from the vehicle. He was transported to Woodstock Hospital, and subsequently flown to St. Anthony’s Hospital in Rockford, according to a press release from the McHenry County Sheriff's office.

He was released from the hospital late last night, according to McHenry County Sheriff's Deputy Aimee Knop.

The traffic signal for eastbound and westbound Rt. 14 was green at the time of crash, the release said.

Because of the extra equipment in the squad car, such as the computer, radio and weapons, it took longer to conduct the extrication, Ryan said.

The juvenile driver and his adult passenger were taken to Centegra Hospital – Woodstock, where they were treated and released, Knop said.

The names of the juvenile and others involved in the crash were not released.

Eastbound Route 14 was shut down for about two hours after the accident, Ryan said.

The sheriff's office is investigating the crash because a Woodstock officer was involved.

Knop said the juvenile was cited for failure to yield when turning left at an intersection. She said everyone involved was wearing a seat belt, and alcohol and drugs do not appear to be a factor.

The officer was believed to be performing normal driving, Knop said.

Between 2014 and 2018 Australia will commemorate the Anzac Centenary, marking 100 years since our nation's involvement in the First World War.

These photos are almost 10 years old to the day (7 days away) as it will soon be Anzac day 2015.

 

I have attended quite a few dawn services but none quite as sobering as being a foreigner, walking fields where Australian soldiers died during wartime, and were burried.

 

I thought it was time to post my photos from Kranji.

I got up at 4 am along with many other of my Australian Microsoft and MVP friends. Bleary eyed, fighting the fog, we found our way to the bus.

We were in a daze as we were bumped about making our way to the killing fields of Kranji.

 

Kranji is a suburb in northwestern Singapore, located about 22 kilometres (14 mi) from the city centre.

The Kranji War Memorial in Singapore honours the men and women from the Commonwealth who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

A very appropropriate and solem place for Anzac Day 2005.

 

Back then I was not interested in Photography and my cameras were not that great. Still, that is not the reason for the photos. I did want to try for a perfect shot. I just wanted memories.

It was humid, dark and very quiet as the service started. Bagpipes from overhead and marching in front.

 

Deep within this quiet neighbourhood, lies the Kranji War Memorial, a hillside cemetery that is quite beautiful in its serenity once you get there.

Every year, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

The memorial honours the men and women from Britain, Australia, Canada, Sri Lanka, India, Malaya, the Netherlands and New Zealand who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

Here, we see more than 4,400 white gravestones lined up in rows on the cemetery’s gentle slope. Many graves hold unknown soldiers.

The Chinese Memorial in plot 44 marks a mass grave for 69 Chinese servicemen who were killed by the Japanese when Singapore fell in February 1942.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial are the Kranji Military Cemetery and the Singapore State Cemetery, where Singapore’s first and second presidents are buried.

As we walked the short flight of steps to the hilltop terrace, we saw four memorials.

 

The largest is the Singapore Memorial, with its huge star-topped central pylon that rises to a height of 24 metres.

This memorial bears the names of more than 24,346 Allied soldiers and airmen killed in Southeast Asia who have no known grave. You can find the register, kept by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, at the entrance.

 

Every year, on the Sunday closest to Remembrance Day on 11 November, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial is the Kranji Military Cemetery, a non-world war site of more than 1,400 burials, as well as the Singapore State Cemetery, where the country’s first and second presidents, Encik Yusof Ishak and Dr Benjamin Henry

 

Sheares, are buried.

 

The Battle of Kranji was the second stage of the Empire of Japan's plan for the invasion of Singapore during the Second World War. On 9 February 1942 the Imperial Japanese Army assaulted the north-western front of the British colony of

 

Singapore. Their primary objective was to secure a second beachhead after their successful assault at Sarimbun Beach on 8 February, in order to breach the Jurong-Kranji defence line as part of their southward thrust towards the heart of

 

Singapore City. Defending the shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway was the Australian 27th Brigade, led by Brigadier Duncan Maxwell, and one irregular company.

 

On 10 February the Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses while moving up the Kranji River, which caused them to panic and nearly aborted the operation. However, a series of miscommunications and withdrawals by Allied forces in the

 

ensuing battles allowed the Japanese to swiftly gain strategic footholds, which eventually led to the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1942.

 

The terrain around Kranji was primarily mangrove swamps and tropical forest intersected by streams and inlets. The shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway, nearly four kilometers long, was defended by the

 

Australian 27th Brigade, led by Australian Brigadier Duncan Maxwell. The 27th Infantry Brigade consisted of three battalions—the 2/30th, 2/29th, and 2/26th and was supported by the 2/10th Field Artillery Regiment, as well as one platoon from the

 

2/4th Machine Gun Battalion.

 

They were supported by one company from Dalforce (named after its commander, Lieutenant-Colonel John Dalley of the Malayan Police Special Branch), a local Chinese militia consisting of Communists, Nationalist supporters, and other

 

volunteers. As the war intensified, the Dalforce volunteers were given only three to four days of training and sent to the war front with elementary weapons. Lacking uniforms, the volunteers improvised by wearing a red triangle on their blue shirts to

 

avoid being mistaken for Japanese by the Australians.

 

The Allied forces at Kranji were to be assaulted by the Imperial Guards Division led by Major General Takuma Nishimura. 400 Imperial Guards had landed and taken Pulau Ubin, an island in the north-east of Singapore, in a feint attack on 7

 

February, where they encountered minimal resistance.

 

On 9 February, two divisions of the Japanese Twenty Fifth Army, led by Lieutenant General Tomoyuki Yamashita, landed on the northwestern coast of Singapore, in the Sarimbun area. Yamashita's headquarters (HQ) was in the Sultan of Johor's

 

palace on Istana Bukit Serene, which offered him and his officers a bird's eye view of virtually every key target in the northern sector of Singapore Island, only 1.6 kilometres (one mile) across the Straits of Johor. Sultan Ibrahim's palace was not fired

 

upon by the British because any damage caused would have extensive repercussions for British-Johor ties.

 

The primary objective of the Japanese at Kranji was to capture Kranji village; this would let them repair the demolished Causeway in order to facilitate easy flow of reinforcements and supplies down the roads of Woodlands and Mandai, and to the

 

rest of the island for their vanguard force. Once the leading wave of Japanese was safely ashore, the massed Japanese artillery switched their fire to the defensive positions at Kranji. Telegraph and telephone communications were destroyed in the

 

bombardment and communications between the front line and command HQ were broken. At 8:30pm that night, the men of the Imperial Guards Division began the crossing from Johor in special armoured landing-crafts, collapsible boats and by

 

swimming.

 

In the early hours of 10 February, Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses during the Battle of Singapore. While moving up the Kranji River, advance landing parties from the 4th Regiment of the Imperial Guard Division found themselves

 

under heavy fire from Australian machine gunners and mortar teams. They also found themselves surrounded by oil slicks, which had been created by Allied personnel emptying the nearby Woodlands oil depot, to prevent its capture. A scenario

 

feared by Yamashita came to pass by accident; the oil was set alight by Allied small arms fire, causing many Japanese soldiers to be burnt alive. Sustaining heavy losses, Nishimura requested permission to abandon the operation. However,

 

Yamashita denied the request.

 

Maxwell, who had limited communications with his division headquarters, was concerned that his force would be cut off by fierce and chaotic fighting at Sarimbun and Jurong to the south west, involving the Australian 22nd Brigade. Maxwell's

 

force consequently withdrew from the seafront. This allowed the Japanese to land in increasing strength and take control of Kranji village. They also captured Woodlands, and began repairing the causeway, without encountering any Allied attacks.

 

Japanese light tanks, which had good buoyancy, were towed across the straits to Lim Chu Kang Road where they joined the battle at dusk. With reinforced troops and tanks advancing down Choa Chua Kang Road, the Australian troops were no

 

match for the tanks and fled to the hills of Bukit Panjang. The 5th Division (Imperial Japanese Army) captured Bukit Timah village by the evening of 11 February.

 

Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival, General Officer Commanding of HQ Malaya Command, drew a defence perimeter covering Kallang aerodrome, MacRitchie and Peirce reservoirs and the Bukit Timah supply depot area to ensure the integrity

 

of the city's defence. One line of the north-western defence perimeter was the Jurong-Kranji defence line, a narrow ridge connecting the sources of the Jurong and the Kranji Rivers, forming a natural defence line protecting the north-west

 

approach to the Singapore City. (Its counterpart was the Serangoon Line, which was sited between Kallang Airfield and Paya Lebar village on the eastern part of Singapore). The troops were to defend this Line strongly against the invading

 

Japanese force. The Line was defended by the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade which covered milestone 12 on Jurong Road, the 12th Indian Infantry Brigade and the reinforced 22nd Australian Brigade which guarded the northern part of the Line and

 

maintained contact with the 44th Indian Brigade. The 15th Indian Infantry Brigade was re-positioned near Bukit Timah Road to guard the island's vital food and petrol supplies. A secret instruction to protect this area was issued to Percival's

 

generals.

 

Percival's secret orders to withdraw to the last defence line around the city only if necessary were misunderstood by Maxwell, who took this to be an order for an immediate withdrawal to the Line. As a result, the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade, the 12th

 

Indian Infantry Brigade and the 22nd Australian Brigade, reinforced after their withdrawal from Sarimbun beach in the north-west, abandoned the Line on 10 February. Fearing that the large supplies depot would fall into Japanese hands should

 

they make a rush for Bukit Timah too soon, General Archibald Wavell, Allied commander-in-chief of the Far East sent an urgent message to Percival:

 

It is certain that our troops in Singapore Island heavily outnumber any Japanese who have crossed the Straits. We must destroy them. Our whole fighting reputation is at stake and the honour of the British Empire. The Americans have held out in the

 

Bataan Peninsula against a far heavier odds, the Russians are turning back the picked strength of the Germans. The Chinese with an almost lack of modern equipment have held the Japanese for four and a half years. It will be disgraceful if we

 

yield our boasted fortress of Singapore to inferior enemy forces.

 

By 11 February, the Jurong-Kranji Defence Line was left undefended which allowed the Japanese forces to sweep through the Line to attack Bukit Timah. On the same day, Percival finally moved his Combined Operations Headquarters in Sime

 

Road to the underground bunker, The Battle Box at Fort Canning.

 

Despite their fighting spirit, the Dalforce fighters suffered from poor training and the lack of equipment. A further blow was delivered when the 27th Australian Brigade withdrew southwards. As a result, the Japanese established a stronghold in the

 

northern Woodlands area and secured a relatively easy passage into the island. General Wavell left Singapore for Java early on 11 February and sent a cable to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in London on his assessment of the war front

 

in Singapore:

  

Battle for Singapore is not going well... I ordered Percival to stage counter-attack with all troops possible... Morale of some troops is not good and none is as high as I should like to see... The chief troubles are lack of sufficient training in some

 

reinforcing troops and an inferior complex which bold Japanese tactics and their command of the air have caused. Everything possible is being done to produce more offensive spirit and optimistic outlook. But I cannot pretend that these efforts

 

have been entirely successful up to date. I have given the most categorical orders that there is to be no thought of surrender and that all troops are to continue fighting to the end...

 

By 12 February, the Imperial Guards had captured the reservoirs and Nee Soon village. The defending troops, by this time, were badly shaken. Thousands of exhausted and frightened stragglers left the fighting to seek shelter in large buildings. On

 

the same night, British forces in the east of the island had begun to withdraw towards the city.

 

On 13 February, the Japanese 5th Division continued its advance and reached Adam and Farrer Roads to capture the Sime Road Camp. Yamashita moved his HQ forward to the bomb-damaged Ford Factory in Bukit Timah. Heading southwards,

 

the Japanese 18th Division advanced into Pasir Panjang, where the last major battle of Singapore would be fought with the Malay Regiments at Bukit Chandu.

 

In 1995, the former battle sites of Kranji and the defence line were gazetted by the National Heritage Board as two of the eleven World War II sites of Singapore.

  

2005

 

Panasonic

  

IMGA0031

Funny Sketch involving Cuckholding

Students got a chance to explore some of Lafayette’s organizations, clubs, and programs during the Involvement Fair on the Quad. The College boasts more than 200 opportunities for students to become involved in campus life, including academic honor societies, cultural and social organizations, community outreach, arts programs, sports clubs, and living groups. The fair is sponsored by Student Government and the Office of Student Leadership and Involvement.

 

Photos by Zachary Hartzell

Sept. 8, 2015

 

Graffiti (plural; singular graffiti or graffito, the latter rarely used except in archeology) is art that is written, painted or drawn on a wall or other surface, usually without permission and within public view. Graffiti ranges from simple written words to elaborate wall paintings, and has existed since ancient times, with examples dating back to ancient Egypt, ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire (see also mural).

 

Graffiti is a controversial subject. In most countries, marking or painting property without permission is considered by property owners and civic authorities as defacement and vandalism, which is a punishable crime, citing the use of graffiti by street gangs to mark territory or to serve as an indicator of gang-related activities. Graffiti has become visualized as a growing urban "problem" for many cities in industrialized nations, spreading from the New York City subway system and Philadelphia in the early 1970s to the rest of the United States and Europe and other world regions

 

"Graffiti" (usually both singular and plural) and the rare singular form "graffito" are from the Italian word graffiato ("scratched"). The term "graffiti" is used in art history for works of art produced by scratching a design into a surface. A related term is "sgraffito", which involves scratching through one layer of pigment to reveal another beneath it. This technique was primarily used by potters who would glaze their wares and then scratch a design into them. In ancient times graffiti were carved on walls with a sharp object, although sometimes chalk or coal were used. The word originates from Greek γράφειν—graphein—meaning "to write".

 

The term graffiti originally referred to the inscriptions, figure drawings, and such, found on the walls of ancient sepulchres or ruins, as in the Catacombs of Rome or at Pompeii. Historically, these writings were not considered vanadlism, which today is considered part of the definition of graffiti.

 

The only known source of the Safaitic language, an ancient form of Arabic, is from graffiti: inscriptions scratched on to the surface of rocks and boulders in the predominantly basalt desert of southern Syria, eastern Jordan and northern Saudi Arabia. Safaitic dates from the first century BC to the fourth century AD.

 

Some of the oldest cave paintings in the world are 40,000 year old ones found in Australia. The oldest written graffiti was found in ancient Rome around 2500 years ago. Most graffiti from the time was boasts about sexual experiences Graffiti in Ancient Rome was a form of communication, and was not considered vandalism.

 

Ancient tourists visiting the 5th-century citadel at Sigiriya in Sri Lanka write their names and commentary over the "mirror wall", adding up to over 1800 individual graffiti produced there between the 6th and 18th centuries. Most of the graffiti refer to the frescoes of semi-nude females found there. One reads:

 

Wet with cool dew drops

fragrant with perfume from the flowers

came the gentle breeze

jasmine and water lily

dance in the spring sunshine

side-long glances

of the golden-hued ladies

stab into my thoughts

heaven itself cannot take my mind

as it has been captivated by one lass

among the five hundred I have seen here.

 

Among the ancient political graffiti examples were Arab satirist poems. Yazid al-Himyari, an Umayyad Arab and Persian poet, was most known for writing his political poetry on the walls between Sajistan and Basra, manifesting a strong hatred towards the Umayyad regime and its walis, and people used to read and circulate them very widely.

 

Graffiti, known as Tacherons, were frequently scratched on Romanesque Scandinavian church walls. When Renaissance artists such as Pinturicchio, Raphael, Michelangelo, Ghirlandaio, or Filippino Lippi descended into the ruins of Nero's Domus Aurea, they carved or painted their names and returned to initiate the grottesche style of decoration.

 

There are also examples of graffiti occurring in American history, such as Independence Rock, a national landmark along the Oregon Trail.

 

Later, French soldiers carved their names on monuments during the Napoleonic campaign of Egypt in the 1790s. Lord Byron's survives on one of the columns of the Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion in Attica, Greece.

 

The oldest known example of graffiti "monikers" found on traincars created by hobos and railworkers since the late 1800s. The Bozo Texino monikers were documented by filmmaker Bill Daniel in his 2005 film, Who is Bozo Texino?.

 

In World War II, an inscription on a wall at the fortress of Verdun was seen as an illustration of the US response twice in a generation to the wrongs of the Old World:

 

During World War II and for decades after, the phrase "Kilroy was here" with an accompanying illustration was widespread throughout the world, due to its use by American troops and ultimately filtering into American popular culture. Shortly after the death of Charlie Parker (nicknamed "Yardbird" or "Bird"), graffiti began appearing around New York with the words "Bird Lives".

 

Modern graffiti art has its origins with young people in 1960s and 70s in New York City and Philadelphia. Tags were the first form of stylised contemporary graffiti. Eventually, throw-ups and pieces evolved with the desire to create larger art. Writers used spray paint and other kind of materials to leave tags or to create images on the sides subway trains. and eventually moved into the city after the NYC metro began to buy new trains and paint over graffiti.

 

While the art had many advocates and appreciators—including the cultural critic Norman Mailer—others, including New York City mayor Ed Koch, considered it to be defacement of public property, and saw it as a form of public blight. The ‘taggers’ called what they did ‘writing’—though an important 1974 essay by Mailer referred to it using the term ‘graffiti.’

 

Contemporary graffiti style has been heavily influenced by hip hop culture and the myriad international styles derived from Philadelphia and New York City Subway graffiti; however, there are many other traditions of notable graffiti in the twentieth century. Graffiti have long appeared on building walls, in latrines, railroad boxcars, subways, and bridges.

 

An early graffito outside of New York or Philadelphia was the inscription in London reading "Clapton is God" in reference to the guitarist Eric Clapton. Creating the cult of the guitar hero, the phrase was spray-painted by an admirer on a wall in an Islington, north London in the autumn of 1967. The graffito was captured in a photograph, in which a dog is urinating on the wall.

 

Films like Style Wars in the 80s depicting famous writers such as Skeme, Dondi, MinOne, and ZEPHYR reinforced graffiti's role within New York's emerging hip-hop culture. Although many officers of the New York City Police Department found this film to be controversial, Style Wars is still recognized as the most prolific film representation of what was going on within the young hip hop culture of the early 1980s. Fab 5 Freddy and Futura 2000 took hip hop graffiti to Paris and London as part of the New York City Rap Tour in 1983

 

Commercialization and entrance into mainstream pop culture

Main article: Commercial graffiti

With the popularity and legitimization of graffiti has come a level of commercialization. In 2001, computer giant IBM launched an advertising campaign in Chicago and San Francisco which involved people spray painting on sidewalks a peace symbol, a heart, and a penguin (Linux mascot), to represent "Peace, Love, and Linux." IBM paid Chicago and San Francisco collectively US$120,000 for punitive damages and clean-up costs.

 

In 2005, a similar ad campaign was launched by Sony and executed by its advertising agency in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and Miami, to market its handheld PSP gaming system. In this campaign, taking notice of the legal problems of the IBM campaign, Sony paid building owners for the rights to paint on their buildings "a collection of dizzy-eyed urban kids playing with the PSP as if it were a skateboard, a paddle, or a rocking horse".

 

Tristan Manco wrote that Brazil "boasts a unique and particularly rich, graffiti scene ... [earning] it an international reputation as the place to go for artistic inspiration". Graffiti "flourishes in every conceivable space in Brazil's cities". Artistic parallels "are often drawn between the energy of São Paulo today and 1970s New York". The "sprawling metropolis", of São Paulo has "become the new shrine to graffiti"; Manco alludes to "poverty and unemployment ... [and] the epic struggles and conditions of the country's marginalised peoples", and to "Brazil's chronic poverty", as the main engines that "have fuelled a vibrant graffiti culture". In world terms, Brazil has "one of the most uneven distributions of income. Laws and taxes change frequently". Such factors, Manco argues, contribute to a very fluid society, riven with those economic divisions and social tensions that underpin and feed the "folkloric vandalism and an urban sport for the disenfranchised", that is South American graffiti art.

 

Prominent Brazilian writers include Os Gêmeos, Boleta, Nunca, Nina, Speto, Tikka, and T.Freak. Their artistic success and involvement in commercial design ventures has highlighted divisions within the Brazilian graffiti community between adherents of the cruder transgressive form of pichação and the more conventionally artistic values of the practitioners of grafite.

 

Graffiti in the Middle East has emerged slowly, with taggers operating in Egypt, Lebanon, the Gulf countries like Bahrain or the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and in Iran. The major Iranian newspaper Hamshahri has published two articles on illegal writers in the city with photographic coverage of Iranian artist A1one's works on Tehran walls. Tokyo-based design magazine, PingMag, has interviewed A1one and featured photographs of his work. The Israeli West Bank barrier has become a site for graffiti, reminiscent in this sense of the Berlin Wall. Many writers in Israel come from other places around the globe, such as JUIF from Los Angeles and DEVIONE from London. The religious reference "נ נח נחמ נחמן מאומן" ("Na Nach Nachma Nachman Meuman") is commonly seen in graffiti around Israel.

 

Graffiti has played an important role within the street art scene in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), especially following the events of the Arab Spring of 2011 or the Sudanese Revolution of 2018/19. Graffiti is a tool of expression in the context of conflict in the region, allowing people to raise their voices politically and socially. Famous street artist Banksy has had an important effect in the street art scene in the MENA area, especially in Palestine where some of his works are located in the West Bank barrier and Bethlehem.

 

There are also a large number of graffiti influences in Southeast Asian countries that mostly come from modern Western culture, such as Malaysia, where graffiti have long been a common sight in Malaysia's capital city, Kuala Lumpur. Since 2010, the country has begun hosting a street festival to encourage all generations and people from all walks of life to enjoy and encourage Malaysian street culture.

 

The modern-day graffitists can be found with an arsenal of various materials that allow for a successful production of a piece. This includes such techniques as scribing. However, spray paint in aerosol cans is the number one medium for graffiti. From this commodity comes different styles, technique, and abilities to form master works of graffiti. Spray paint can be found at hardware and art stores and comes in virtually every color.

 

Stencil graffiti is created by cutting out shapes and designs in a stiff material (such as cardboard or subject folders) to form an overall design or image. The stencil is then placed on the "canvas" gently and with quick, easy strokes of the aerosol can, the image begins to appear on the intended surface.

 

Some of the first examples were created in 1981 by artists Blek le Rat in Paris, in 1982 by Jef Aerosol in Tours (France); by 1985 stencils had appeared in other cities including New York City, Sydney, and Melbourne, where they were documented by American photographer Charles Gatewood and Australian photographer Rennie Ellis

 

Tagging is the practice of someone spray-painting "their name, initial or logo onto a public surface" in a handstyle unique to the writer. Tags were the first form of modern graffiti.

 

Modern graffiti art often incorporates additional arts and technologies. For example, Graffiti Research Lab has encouraged the use of projected images and magnetic light-emitting diodes (throwies) as new media for graffitists. yarnbombing is another recent form of graffiti. Yarnbombers occasionally target previous graffiti for modification, which had been avoided among the majority of graffitists.

 

Theories on the use of graffiti by avant-garde artists have a history dating back at least to the Asger Jorn, who in 1962 painting declared in a graffiti-like gesture "the avant-garde won't give up"

 

Many contemporary analysts and even art critics have begun to see artistic value in some graffiti and to recognize it as a form of public art. According to many art researchers, particularly in the Netherlands and in Los Angeles, that type of public art is, in fact an effective tool of social emancipation or, in the achievement of a political goal

 

In times of conflict, such murals have offered a means of communication and self-expression for members of these socially, ethnically, or racially divided communities, and have proven themselves as effective tools in establishing dialog and thus, of addressing cleavages in the long run. The Berlin Wall was also extensively covered by graffiti reflecting social pressures relating to the oppressive Soviet rule over the GDR.

 

Many artists involved with graffiti are also concerned with the similar activity of stenciling. Essentially, this entails stenciling a print of one or more colors using spray-paint. Recognized while exhibiting and publishing several of her coloured stencils and paintings portraying the Sri Lankan Civil War and urban Britain in the early 2000s, graffitists Mathangi Arulpragasam, aka M.I.A., has also become known for integrating her imagery of political violence into her music videos for singles "Galang" and "Bucky Done Gun", and her cover art. Stickers of her artwork also often appear around places such as London in Brick Lane, stuck to lamp posts and street signs, she having become a muse for other graffitists and painters worldwide in cities including Seville.

 

Graffitist believes that art should be on display for everyone in the public eye or in plain sight, not hidden away in a museum or a gallery. Art should color the streets, not the inside of some building. Graffiti is a form of art that cannot be owned or bought. It does not last forever, it is temporary, yet one of a kind. It is a form of self promotion for the artist that can be displayed anywhere form sidewalks, roofs, subways, building wall, etc. Art to them is for everyone and should be showed to everyone for free.

 

Graffiti is a way of communicating and a way of expressing what one feels in the moment. It is both art and a functional thing that can warn people of something or inform people of something. However, graffiti is to some people a form of art, but to some a form of vandalism. And many graffitists choose to protect their identities and remain anonymous or to hinder prosecution.

 

With the commercialization of graffiti (and hip hop in general), in most cases, even with legally painted "graffiti" art, graffitists tend to choose anonymity. This may be attributed to various reasons or a combination of reasons. Graffiti still remains the one of four hip hop elements that is not considered "performance art" despite the image of the "singing and dancing star" that sells hip hop culture to the mainstream. Being a graphic form of art, it might also be said that many graffitists still fall in the category of the introverted archetypal artist.

 

Banksy is one of the world's most notorious and popular street artists who continues to remain faceless in today's society. He is known for his political, anti-war stencil art mainly in Bristol, England, but his work may be seen anywhere from Los Angeles to Palestine. In the UK, Banksy is the most recognizable icon for this cultural artistic movement and keeps his identity a secret to avoid arrest. Much of Banksy's artwork may be seen around the streets of London and surrounding suburbs, although he has painted pictures throughout the world, including the Middle East, where he has painted on Israel's controversial West Bank barrier with satirical images of life on the other side. One depicted a hole in the wall with an idyllic beach, while another shows a mountain landscape on the other side. A number of exhibitions also have taken place since 2000, and recent works of art have fetched vast sums of money. Banksy's art is a prime example of the classic controversy: vandalism vs. art. Art supporters endorse his work distributed in urban areas as pieces of art and some councils, such as Bristol and Islington, have officially protected them, while officials of other areas have deemed his work to be vandalism and have removed it.

 

Pixnit is another artist who chooses to keep her identity from the general public. Her work focuses on beauty and design aspects of graffiti as opposed to Banksy's anti-government shock value. Her paintings are often of flower designs above shops and stores in her local urban area of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Some store owners endorse her work and encourage others to do similar work as well. "One of the pieces was left up above Steve's Kitchen, because it looks pretty awesome"- Erin Scott, the manager of New England Comics in Allston, Massachusetts.

 

Graffiti artists may become offended if photographs of their art are published in a commercial context without their permission. In March 2020, the Finnish graffiti artist Psyke expressed his displeasure at the newspaper Ilta-Sanomat publishing a photograph of a Peugeot 208 in an article about new cars, with his graffiti prominently shown on the background. The artist claims he does not want his art being used in commercial context, not even if he were to receive compensation.

 

Territorial graffiti marks urban neighborhoods with tags and logos to differentiate certain groups from others. These images are meant to show outsiders a stern look at whose turf is whose. The subject matter of gang-related graffiti consists of cryptic symbols and initials strictly fashioned with unique calligraphies. Gang members use graffiti to designate membership throughout the gang, to differentiate rivals and associates and, most commonly, to mark borders which are both territorial and ideological.

 

Graffiti has been used as a means of advertising both legally and illegally. Bronx-based TATS CRU has made a name for themselves doing legal advertising campaigns for companies such as Coca-Cola, McDonald's, Toyota, and MTV. In the UK, Covent Garden's Boxfresh used stencil images of a Zapatista revolutionary in the hopes that cross referencing would promote their store.

 

Smirnoff hired artists to use reverse graffiti (the use of high pressure hoses to clean dirty surfaces to leave a clean image in the surrounding dirt) to increase awareness of their product.

 

Graffiti often has a reputation as part of a subculture that rebels against authority, although the considerations of the practitioners often diverge and can relate to a wide range of attitudes. It can express a political practice and can form just one tool in an array of resistance techniques. One early example includes the anarcho-punk band Crass, who conducted a campaign of stenciling anti-war, anarchist, feminist, and anti-consumerist messages throughout the London Underground system during the late 1970s and early 1980s. In Amsterdam graffiti was a major part of the punk scene. The city was covered with names such as "De Zoot", "Vendex", and "Dr Rat". To document the graffiti a punk magazine was started that was called Gallery Anus. So when hip hop came to Europe in the early 1980s there was already a vibrant graffiti culture.

 

The student protests and general strike of May 1968 saw Paris bedecked in revolutionary, anarchistic, and situationist slogans such as L'ennui est contre-révolutionnaire ("Boredom is counterrevolutionary") and Lisez moins, vivez plus ("Read less, live more"). While not exhaustive, the graffiti gave a sense of the 'millenarian' and rebellious spirit, tempered with a good deal of verbal wit, of the strikers.

 

I think graffiti writing is a way of defining what our generation is like. Excuse the French, we're not a bunch of p---- artists. Traditionally artists have been considered soft and mellow people, a little bit kooky. Maybe we're a little bit more like pirates that way. We defend our territory, whatever space we steal to paint on, we defend it fiercely.

 

The developments of graffiti art which took place in art galleries and colleges as well as "on the street" or "underground", contributed to the resurfacing in the 1990s of a far more overtly politicized art form in the subvertising, culture jamming, or tactical media movements. These movements or styles tend to classify the artists by their relationship to their social and economic contexts, since, in most countries, graffiti art remains illegal in many forms except when using non-permanent paint. Since the 1990s with the rise of Street Art, a growing number of artists are switching to non-permanent paints and non-traditional forms of painting.

 

Contemporary practitioners, accordingly, have varied and often conflicting practices. Some individuals, such as Alexander Brener, have used the medium to politicize other art forms, and have used the prison sentences enforced on them as a means of further protest. The practices of anonymous groups and individuals also vary widely, and practitioners by no means always agree with each other's practices. For example, the anti-capitalist art group the Space Hijackers did a piece in 2004 about the contradiction between the capitalistic elements of Banksy and his use of political imagery.

 

Berlin human rights activist Irmela Mensah-Schramm has received global media attention and numerous awards for her 35-year campaign of effacing neo-Nazi and other right-wing extremist graffiti throughout Germany, often by altering hate speech in humorous ways.

 

In Serbian capital, Belgrade, the graffiti depicting a uniformed former general of Serb army and war criminal, convicted at ICTY for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing in Bosnian War, Ratko Mladić, appeared in a military salute alongside the words "General, thank to your mother". Aleks Eror, Berlin-based journalist, explains how "veneration of historical and wartime figures" through street art is not a new phenomenon in the region of former Yugoslavia, and that "in most cases is firmly focused on the future, rather than retelling the past". Eror is not only analyst pointing to danger of such an expressions for the region's future. In a long expose on the subject of Bosnian genocide denial, at Balkan Diskurs magazine and multimedia platform website, Kristina Gadže and Taylor Whitsell referred to these experiences as a young generations' "cultural heritage", in which young are being exposed to celebration and affirmation of war-criminals as part of their "formal education" and "inheritance".

 

There are numerous examples of genocide denial through celebration and affirmation of war criminals throughout the region of Western Balkans inhabited by Serbs using this form of artistic expression. Several more of these graffiti are found in Serbian capital, and many more across Serbia and Bosnian and Herzegovinian administrative entity, Republika Srpska, which is the ethnic Serbian majority enclave. Critics point that Serbia as a state, is willing to defend the mural of convicted war criminal, and have no intention to react on cases of genocide denial, noting that Interior Minister of Serbia, Aleksandar Vulin decision to ban any gathering with an intent to remove the mural, with the deployment of riot police, sends the message of "tacit endorsement". Consequently, on 9 November 2021, Serbian heavy police in riot gear, with graffiti creators and their supporters, blocked the access to the mural to prevent human rights groups and other activists to paint over it and mark the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism in that way, and even arrested two civic activist for throwing eggs at the graffiti.

 

Graffiti may also be used as an offensive expression. This form of graffiti may be difficult to identify, as it is mostly removed by the local authority (as councils which have adopted strategies of criminalization also strive to remove graffiti quickly). Therefore, existing racist graffiti is mostly more subtle and at first sight, not easily recognized as "racist". It can then be understood only if one knows the relevant "local code" (social, historical, political, temporal, and spatial), which is seen as heteroglot and thus a 'unique set of conditions' in a cultural context.

 

A spatial code for example, could be that there is a certain youth group in an area that is engaging heavily in racist activities. So, for residents (knowing the local code), a graffiti containing only the name or abbreviation of this gang already is a racist expression, reminding the offended people of their gang activities. Also a graffiti is in most cases, the herald of more serious criminal activity to come. A person who does not know these gang activities would not be able to recognize the meaning of this graffiti. Also if a tag of this youth group or gang is placed on a building occupied by asylum seekers, for example, its racist character is even stronger.

By making the graffiti less explicit (as adapted to social and legal constraints), these drawings are less likely to be removed, but do not lose their threatening and offensive character.

 

Elsewhere, activists in Russia have used painted caricatures of local officials with their mouths as potholes, to show their anger about the poor state of the roads. In Manchester, England, a graffitists painted obscene images around potholes, which often resulted in them being repaired within 48 hours.

 

In the early 1980s, the first art galleries to show graffitists to the public were Fashion Moda in the Bronx, Now Gallery and Fun Gallery, both in the East Village, Manhattan.

 

A 2006 exhibition at the Brooklyn Museum displayed graffiti as an art form that began in New York's outer boroughs and reached great heights in the early 1980s with the work of Crash, Lee, Daze, Keith Haring, and Jean-Michel Basquiat. It displayed 22 works by New York graffitists, including Crash, Daze, and Lady Pink. In an article about the exhibition in the magazine Time Out, curator Charlotta Kotik said that she hoped the exhibition would cause viewers to rethink their assumptions about graffiti.

 

From the 1970s onwards, Burhan Doğançay photographed urban walls all over the world; these he then archived for use as sources of inspiration for his painterly works. The project today known as "Walls of the World" grew beyond even his own expectations and comprises about 30,000 individual images. It spans a period of 40 years across five continents and 114 countries. In 1982, photographs from this project comprised a one-man exhibition titled "Les murs murmurent, ils crient, ils chantent ..." (The walls whisper, shout and sing ...) at the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris.

 

In Australia, art historians have judged some local graffiti of sufficient creative merit to rank them firmly within the arts. Oxford University Press's art history text Australian Painting 1788–2000 concludes with a long discussion of graffiti's key place within contemporary visual culture, including the work of several Australian practitioners.

 

Between March and April 2009, 150 artists exhibited 300 pieces of graffiti at the Grand Palais in Paris.

 

Spray paint has many negative environmental effects. The paint contains toxic chemicals, and the can uses volatile hydrocarbon gases to spray the paint onto a surface.

 

Volatile organic compound (VOC) leads to ground level ozone formation and most of graffiti related emissions are VOCs. A 2010 paper estimates 4,862 tons of VOCs were released in the United States in activities related to graffiti.

  

In China, Mao Zedong in the 1920s used revolutionary slogans and paintings in public places to galvanize the country's communist movement.

 

Based on different national conditions, many people believe that China's attitude towards Graffiti is fierce, but in fact, according to Lance Crayon in his film Spray Paint Beijing: Graffiti in the Capital of China, Graffiti is generally accepted in Beijing, with artists not seeing much police interference. Political and religiously sensitive graffiti, however, is not allowed.

 

In Hong Kong, Tsang Tsou Choi was known as the King of Kowloon for his calligraphy graffiti over many years, in which he claimed ownership of the area. Now some of his work is preserved officially.

 

In Taiwan, the government has made some concessions to graffitists. Since 2005 they have been allowed to freely display their work along some sections of riverside retaining walls in designated "Graffiti Zones". From 2007, Taipei's department of cultural affairs also began permitting graffiti on fences around major public construction sites. Department head Yong-ping Lee (李永萍) stated, "We will promote graffiti starting with the public sector, and then later in the private sector too. It's our goal to beautify the city with graffiti". The government later helped organize a graffiti contest in Ximending, a popular shopping district. graffitists caught working outside of these designated areas still face fines up to NT$6,000 under a department of environmental protection regulation. However, Taiwanese authorities can be relatively lenient, one veteran police officer stating anonymously, "Unless someone complains about vandalism, we won't get involved. We don't go after it proactively."

 

In 1993, after several expensive cars in Singapore were spray-painted, the police arrested a student from the Singapore American School, Michael P. Fay, questioned him, and subsequently charged him with vandalism. Fay pleaded guilty to vandalizing a car in addition to stealing road signs. Under the 1966 Vandalism Act of Singapore, originally passed to curb the spread of communist graffiti in Singapore, the court sentenced him to four months in jail, a fine of S$3,500 (US$2,233), and a caning. The New York Times ran several editorials and op-eds that condemned the punishment and called on the American public to flood the Singaporean embassy with protests. Although the Singapore government received many calls for clemency, Fay's caning took place in Singapore on 5 May 1994. Fay had originally received a sentence of six strokes of the cane, but the presiding president of Singapore, Ong Teng Cheong, agreed to reduce his caning sentence to four lashes.

 

In South Korea, Park Jung-soo was fined two million South Korean won by the Seoul Central District Court for spray-painting a rat on posters of the G-20 Summit a few days before the event in November 2011. Park alleged that the initial in "G-20" sounds like the Korean word for "rat", but Korean government prosecutors alleged that Park was making a derogatory statement about the president of South Korea, Lee Myung-bak, the host of the summit. This case led to public outcry and debate on the lack of government tolerance and in support of freedom of expression. The court ruled that the painting, "an ominous creature like a rat" amounts to "an organized criminal activity" and upheld the fine while denying the prosecution's request for imprisonment for Park.

 

In Europe, community cleaning squads have responded to graffiti, in some cases with reckless abandon, as when in 1992 in France a local Scout group, attempting to remove modern graffiti, damaged two prehistoric paintings of bison in the Cave of Mayrière supérieure near the French village of Bruniquel in Tarn-et-Garonne, earning them the 1992 Ig Nobel Prize in archeology.

 

In September 2006, the European Parliament directed the European Commission to create urban environment policies to prevent and eliminate dirt, litter, graffiti, animal excrement, and excessive noise from domestic and vehicular music systems in European cities, along with other concerns over urban life.

 

In Budapest, Hungary, both a city-backed movement called I Love Budapest and a special police division tackle the problem, including the provision of approved areas.

 

The Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 became Britain's latest anti-graffiti legislation. In August 2004, the Keep Britain Tidy campaign issued a press release calling for zero tolerance of graffiti and supporting proposals such as issuing "on the spot" fines to graffiti offenders and banning the sale of aerosol paint to anyone under the age of 16. The press release also condemned the use of graffiti images in advertising and in music videos, arguing that real-world experience of graffiti stood far removed from its often-portrayed "cool" or "edgy'" image.

 

To back the campaign, 123 Members of Parliament (MPs) (including then Prime Minister Tony Blair), signed a charter which stated: "Graffiti is not art, it's crime. On behalf of my constituents, I will do all I can to rid our community of this problem."

 

In the UK, city councils have the power to take action against the owner of any property that has been defaced under the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 (as amended by the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Act 2005) or, in certain cases, the Highways Act. This is often used against owners of property that are complacent in allowing protective boards to be defaced so long as the property is not damaged.

 

In July 2008, a conspiracy charge was used to convict graffitists for the first time. After a three-month police surveillance operation, nine members of the DPM crew were convicted of conspiracy to commit criminal damage costing at least £1 million. Five of them received prison sentences, ranging from eighteen months to two years. The unprecedented scale of the investigation and the severity of the sentences rekindled public debate over whether graffiti should be considered art or crime.

 

Some councils, like those of Stroud and Loerrach, provide approved areas in the town where graffitists can showcase their talents, including underpasses, car parks, and walls that might otherwise prove a target for the "spray and run".

 

Graffiti Tunnel, University of Sydney at Camperdown (2009)

In an effort to reduce vandalism, many cities in Australia have designated walls or areas exclusively for use by graffitists. One early example is the "Graffiti Tunnel" located at the Camperdown Campus of the University of Sydney, which is available for use by any student at the university to tag, advertise, poster, and paint. Advocates of this idea suggest that this discourages petty vandalism yet encourages artists to take their time and produce great art, without worry of being caught or arrested for vandalism or trespassing.[108][109] Others disagree with this approach, arguing that the presence of legal graffiti walls does not demonstrably reduce illegal graffiti elsewhere. Some local government areas throughout Australia have introduced "anti-graffiti squads", who clean graffiti in the area, and such crews as BCW (Buffers Can't Win) have taken steps to keep one step ahead of local graffiti cleaners.

 

Many state governments have banned the sale or possession of spray paint to those under the age of 18 (age of majority). However, a number of local governments in Victoria have taken steps to recognize the cultural heritage value of some examples of graffiti, such as prominent political graffiti. Tough new graffiti laws have been introduced in Australia with fines of up to A$26,000 and two years in prison.

 

Melbourne is a prominent graffiti city of Australia with many of its lanes being tourist attractions, such as Hosier Lane in particular, a popular destination for photographers, wedding photography, and backdrops for corporate print advertising. The Lonely Planet travel guide cites Melbourne's street as a major attraction. All forms of graffiti, including sticker art, poster, stencil art, and wheatpasting, can be found in many places throughout the city. Prominent street art precincts include; Fitzroy, Collingwood, Northcote, Brunswick, St. Kilda, and the CBD, where stencil and sticker art is prominent. As one moves farther away from the city, mostly along suburban train lines, graffiti tags become more prominent. Many international artists such as Banksy have left their work in Melbourne and in early 2008 a perspex screen was installed to prevent a Banksy stencil art piece from being destroyed, it has survived since 2003 through the respect of local street artists avoiding posting over it, although it has recently had paint tipped over it.

 

In February 2008 Helen Clark, the New Zealand prime minister at that time, announced a government crackdown on tagging and other forms of graffiti vandalism, describing it as a destructive crime representing an invasion of public and private property. New legislation subsequently adopted included a ban on the sale of paint spray cans to persons under 18 and increases in maximum fines for the offence from NZ$200 to NZ$2,000 or extended community service. The issue of tagging become a widely debated one following an incident in Auckland during January 2008 in which a middle-aged property owner stabbed one of two teenage taggers to death and was subsequently convicted of manslaughter.

 

Graffiti databases have increased in the past decade because they allow vandalism incidents to be fully documented against an offender and help the police and prosecution charge and prosecute offenders for multiple counts of vandalism. They also provide law enforcement the ability to rapidly search for an offender's moniker or tag in a simple, effective, and comprehensive way. These systems can also help track costs of damage to a city to help allocate an anti-graffiti budget. The theory is that when an offender is caught putting up graffiti, they are not just charged with one count of vandalism; they can be held accountable for all the other damage for which they are responsible. This has two main benefits for law enforcement. One, it sends a signal to the offenders that their vandalism is being tracked. Two, a city can seek restitution from offenders for all the damage that they have committed, not merely a single incident. These systems give law enforcement personnel real-time, street-level intelligence that allows them not only to focus on the worst graffiti offenders and their damage, but also to monitor potential gang violence that is associated with the graffiti.

 

Many restrictions of civil gang injunctions are designed to help address and protect the physical environment and limit graffiti. Provisions of gang injunctions include things such as restricting the possession of marker pens, spray paint cans, or other sharp objects capable of defacing private or public property; spray painting, or marking with marker pens, scratching, applying stickers, or otherwise applying graffiti on any public or private property, including, but not limited to the street, alley, residences, block walls, and fences, vehicles or any other real or personal property. Some injunctions contain wording that restricts damaging or vandalizing both public and private property, including but not limited to any vehicle, light fixture, door, fence, wall, gate, window, building, street sign, utility box, telephone box, tree, or power pole.

 

To help address many of these issues, many local jurisdictions have set up graffiti abatement hotlines, where citizens can call in and report vandalism and have it removed. San Diego's hotline receives more than 5,000 calls per year, in addition to reporting the graffiti, callers can learn more about prevention. One of the complaints about these hotlines is the response time; there is often a lag time between a property owner calling about the graffiti and its removal. The length of delay should be a consideration for any jurisdiction planning on operating a hotline. Local jurisdictions must convince the callers that their complaint of vandalism will be a priority and cleaned off right away. If the jurisdiction does not have the resources to respond to complaints in a timely manner, the value of the hotline diminishes. Crews must be able to respond to individual service calls made to the graffiti hotline as well as focus on cleanup near schools, parks, and major intersections and transit routes to have the biggest impact. Some cities offer a reward for information leading to the arrest and prosecution of suspects for tagging or graffiti related vandalism. The amount of the reward is based on the information provided, and the action taken.

 

When police obtain search warrants in connection with a vandalism investigation, they are often seeking judicial approval to look for items such as cans of spray paint and nozzles from other kinds of aerosol sprays; etching tools, or other sharp or pointed objects, which could be used to etch or scratch glass and other hard surfaces; permanent marking pens, markers, or paint sticks; evidence of membership or affiliation with any gang or tagging crew; paraphernalia including any reference to "(tagger's name)"; any drawings, writing, objects, or graffiti depicting taggers' names, initials, logos, monikers, slogans, or any mention of tagging crew membership; and any newspaper clippings relating to graffiti crime.

The stately Royal spoonbill (Platalea regia), also known as the Black-billed spoonbill, is 1 of 6 spoonbill species worldwide, and the only one that breeds in New Zealand. The royal spoonbill occurs in intertidal flats and shallows of fresh and saltwater wetlands in Australia, NZ, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and the Solomon Islands. It has also been recorded as a vagrant in New Caledonia. This large white waterbird was first recorded in NZ in 1861. Sightings increased through the 1900s, with breeding first recorded in 1949. Since then it has successfully colonised NZ. In 1977 the NZ population was estimated at 52 birds; the most recent estimate (in 1996) was 959 birds. These birds fly in lines or "V" formation. In flight, they hold their neck outstretched and trail legs behind, looking rather awkward, like a "Dr Seuss" cartoon bird. Their closest relatives are the ibises.

 

DESCRIPTION

The Royal spoonbill is a large, bulky waterbird with white plumage and black spoon-shaped bill, facial skin, legs and feet. The bird is 74 to 81 cm in length with a weight of 1.4 to 2.07 kg. It is a wading bird and has long legs for walking through water. During the breeding season, adults grow distinctive long white crest feathers on the back of the head or nape, up to 20 cm long in males. The crest is raised during mating displays, revealing pink skin beneath. The end of the bill of the royal spoonbill is broader and works more like a pair of tongs, whereas the narrower bill of the yellow-billed spoonbill acts like a forceps. The bill is 13.6 to 22 cm long.

Breeding birds have a creamy-yellow breast, a yellow patch above each eye, and a red patch in the middle of the forehead in front of the crest feathers. Females are slightly smaller than males, with shorter legs and bill. Outside the breeding season the crest feathers are smaller and the rest of the plumage often appears soiled. Juveniles resemble non-breeding adults but are slightly smaller with a shorter bill, dark tips to the main flight feathers, and lack a crest and coloured face patches. When wading in shallow water it often submerges the bill and repeatedly sweeps it in a wide arc in search of prey.

 

DISTRIBUTION AND HABITAT

The Royal spoonbill breeds in Australia and New Zealand, and straggles to Indonesia, New Guinea and some Pacific islands. In New Zealand, the Royal Spoonbill breeds in coastal colonies, and disperses widely to estuaries and wetlands around the country after breeding. The birds breed in the exposed canopy of tall kahikatea trees, on the ground near estuaries, rivers and harbours, in reeds, in low shrubs, and on steep rocky headlands. They prefer freshwater to saltwater but can inhabit both. In NZ, most birds inhabit estuaries.

 

BREEDING

Royal spoonbills are (semi-)colonial annual breeders. Breeding birds gather at nesting sites in October. Mixed groups of unpaired birds gather to form "batchelor parties" and begin displaying, often in trees near the breeding colony. Males spar more often than females, extending their necks, bill gaping, and jabbing and wing flapping. Courtship involves circular or figure-of-eight flight displays over the breeding area with exaggerated flight noise. Both sexes bow while clapping bills and quivering heads, raising and lowering crest plumes. Mutual preening follows once the pair bond is established. Greeting display involves repeatedly nodding with open bill, 45° above and below horizontal, and crest fanned. The spoonbills nests in colonies alongside water, usually with other waterbirds (especially white heron and shag colonies). The bowl-shaped nest of sticks is lined with leaves and other vegetation, and usually placed in the crown of a tree over water or among tall reeds. Nest sites may be reused in consecutive years. The birds are highly sensitive to disturbance in the breeding season. In Australia, whole colonies have been known to desert their eggs after a minor upset. The female lays 2 to 4 dull white eggs with brown blotches. Both adults share incubation of 20-25 days, and feeding of young by partial regurgitation. Chicks fledge after 7 weeks. Juveniles are fed by both adults for several weeks after fledging. Young birds forage alongside parental adults for some time before family group disperses to traditional wintering site.

 

FEEDING

The carnivorous Royal spoonbill catches small animals by sweeping its bill through shallow water and swallowing prey once detected. When slow sweeping, the spoonbill walks slowly with the bill perpendicular to the water surface (i.e. vertical) with the bill tip open about 2 to 4 cm, sweeping an arc of around 100 degrees in front of the bird. The bird walks slowly, kicking up debris and small animals from the bottom of the body of water, which it senses and catches with its bill. When an item is sensed, the spoonbill switches to intensive sweeping of a small area. Royal spoonbills also probe submerged plants directly for prey, and seize prey such as spiders above ground. They have also been observed dragging their bills through shallow water alongside them while walking. Feeding occurs day or night, whenever tide is suitable. The bird eats mainly fish in freshwater, and shrimps in tidal flats; but also other crustaceans, aquatic insects and frogs. Bill structure limits it to feeding in water less than 40 cm deep over sand, mud or clay. Vibration detectors inside the bill can detect prey in murky water or darkness. When prey is detected the bird snaps the bill shut and lifts it to let prey slide down its throat.

Source: Wikipedia, nzbirdsonline.org.nz

©AVucha 2015

On Friday, August 28th at 9:53am, the Richmond Township Fire Protection District responded to the intersection of Rt. 173 and Keystone Rd. for a two vehicle, t-bone style, accident involving a dump truck. Fire crews required heavy extrication equipment to free the driver, who was subsequently flown via Flight For Life to Advocate Condell Medical Center in Libertyville. Preliminary investigations indicated the small Dodge sedan was traveling northbound on Keystone Rd. when the driver proceeded through the intersection and got struck on the passenger side by a dump truck traveling westbound on Rt. 173. The driver of the truck was evaluated on scene but did not require any medical attention. The driver of the sedan is being identified only as a teenager. The accident is under investigation by the McHenry County Sheriff's Office.

 

This photograph is being made available only for personal use printing by the subject(s) of the photograph. The photograph may not be manipulated in any way and may not be used in commercial material, advertisements, emails, products, promotions without the expressed consent of Alex Vucha. For inquiries: avuchanewsphotos@hotmail.com

The Oliver Road Floods. A letter sent to Cyril Smith by the then Secretary Fred Lineham highlighting the flooding problems at Oliver and Auckland Road sites. He says It took some time, but it was most enjoyable as I had to research quite extensively.

 

This may appear a bit rambling in places, as I am trying to remember six years on, three years of research involving over a thousand maps and related papers. I used materials from Valance House, Passmore Edwards, Metropolitan Water Board, Essex County Records, Bazalgette's own papers, Inland Waterways Library and local Parish Records plus Vestry House and London Records.

 

To understand the drainage system at Oliver Road, you have to take in a very much wider area than just the site. On the site itself you have to consider three points:

1.The complex system of the original underground streams.

2.The work done by Bazalgette during the Great Stink.

3.The extra piping laid due to the building of the Leyton Sewerage Works, the remains of which are at the lower end of the site.

Now all of this is totally complicated by the fact that most of the work was never incorporated into our local ground maps. An example of how this happened is as follows. Two brothers, one a Leyton Council official, the other a Leytonstone Council official were nominated by their respective Parish Councils to ensure that the London Drain would pass through their Parish and not the others as you got many Brownie Points by having the prestigious London Drain running under your high street. Both brothers kept their plans about their person at al times and when the Drain was awarded to Leytonstone, our lad in a fit of pique, stole his brother's papers and burnt them. In retaliation, the other brother hired two local hard men to duff up his brother and steal his papers, but the local police (I am sure it could not have been Frances Road Station) chased and caught the villains but before they were apprehended they fed the papers to a goat to lose the evidence. These papers contained details of all the local streams with flow rates, all the original piping and land drainage. This is why all of the very complex streams and pipes are not on the Water Board's ground maps of our site.

You are dealing with very ancient waterways here, as originally, our site area was at the edge of a great marsh east of London. A number of streams run down from the high forest areas of Epping and Wanstead, by way of Whipps Cross. For instance the Hollow and Eagle Ponds feed the Fillebrook Stream which runs alongside the Auckland Road Site. Another historical point, is that it was around here that Alfred blocked some rivers and streams to form extra marshland in order to keep the Danes at bay. There are two high points in this area, one at what is now Ruckholt Road. Ruckholt being a derivation of Rock Halt and this was an outcrop in the marshland area, fortified by an early Viking who used it as a power base to rule the marsh area, the second high point is at the present junction of Osier Way and Oliver Road. It was here that the Passmore Edwards team found a Neolithic Settlement, ideally placed between two main stream inlets to the marsh area. A minor stream flowed along the course where Windsor Road is today and joined up with one of the main streams which came through the Thornhill Road area, while the second main stream, this the one which we are interested in, flowed through Wilmot Road. These two main streams are mentioned by Julius Caesar, as when the locals Brits at Ilford were giving him trouble, overnight, he crossed the Ley with a strong force and crossing our two streams with difficulty, as he had cavalry with him and the banks were very steep, marched overland and set up his attack formation at the top of what is now Ilford Hill. When the local Brits got up the following morning, they found the Roman Army ready to fight. The Brits surrendered at once. During the 1800's there was quite a severe earthquake in Essex and this resulted in the Thornhill and Windsor Road streams being diverted along Oliver Road and running down to where the Fillebrook Stream was running. To avoid the major flooding that this caused an open land drain was run alongside the old Fillebrook. It is this which causes the flooding outside the Orient's Ground during heavy rainstorms. If the portcullis at the exit of the Fillebrook where it runs into the main Dagenham Ditch, which is on the Auckland Road Site is not kept clear, there will be a feed-back of flood water along the Fillebrook and the open land drain cannot expend its excess water into the stream, so it then comes up through the drains outside of the Orient's Ground. I realised this fifteen years ago when the Oliver Road site was always flooding in the rainy season. I undertook to keep the portcullis clear and the flooding stopped during the period. Sometime after I left the Sites I began to hear on the local wireless traffic reports of the flooding starting up again, it caused some inconvenience at the Rememberance Day march. When I wrote to the Waltham Forest Council about this I was informed that as I was not in the Borough it did not concern me.

We can now concentrate on the main Wilmot Road stream which os the one affecting the Oliver Road Site. I will say again that this is an ancient stream, it used to run past a Roman villa, the remains of which can still be seen in the grounds of the old Trades Hall where Church Road joins the High Road. It was burnt down by Boudicca when the Iceni revolted against the Romans In the first Century. In the area of Wilmot Road, it used to be an open stream backed onto by a number of local nurseries. The stream disappeared underground just this side of the old Oliver Road. Underground, it followed the contours of the underlying clay convolutions and broke up into three small waterways. One ran down towards the Bowling Green area, a second ran towards the Ive Farm area and this fed the watercress beds which were run by the Leyton Boatmen or marshmen. The central flow, the major one, is the one that runs through the Oliver Road Estates and feeds the pond in the allotment site. This was known since very early times as Jesus Christ's Cup because it was always flowing and always pure. Cedric the Hermit lived by it for seven years. It is possible that this is the pond at which King Harold drank when he was on his way from London to his power base at Waltham. He used to leave London, walk through the marsh area to the site of an old Iron Age fortress, which used to be where the present Drapers Field is today. He used to pick up the Waltham Road and just along it he used to practise the old Anglo-Saxon ploy of the defensive Shield Wall. Afterwards he used to drink at a 'magical spring' and then proceed on his way to Waltham. So the King Harold pub in the Leyton High Road may be quite significant as the place where he joined the Waltham Way. The Oliver Road Allotment Site was built around this spring as there was certain always to be water available for the plants.

This system ran without a hitch for many of hundreds of years until an engineer named Bazalgette was instructed to lay a sewer system for London in order to eliminate the stench that overhung London due to the many open sewers and streams full of debris that criss-crossed the capital. Bazalgette devised a plan to build 82 miles of underground, intercepting, contra-cleaning sewers, fed by water pumping stations that required a constant head of water being fed into them. At the same time the Burgers of West ham had petitioned the High Court about the sewerage that was floating down into their area from the increasing population of Leyton. Streams such as the Channelsea and Ley Duct were being blocked with sewerage and disease was abounding in these areas. Bazalgette realised that he would have to control all of the waterways running into his system if it was to work and he would have special difficulties in the Leyton area. The only place where a Sewerage Works could be built eventually was on marshland area, now the Auckland Area. Doing so would destroy the watercress beds of the Marshmen. He started work by getting his gang of Irish navvies to cut a V-shaped ditch south of Oliver Road, following the course of the main Jesus Christ's Cup stream and built a culvert, or rather a double culvert to ensure that the stream would always flow at a constant rate. To avoid an overflow, he dug a drop-hole so that the water from the Cup instead of flowing into the Dagenham Brook, would fall into an underground cross stream, known as the Etloe Pipe, as it was this stream that Etloe House used as its water supply. It's position, the drop-hole is on Plot 54 where the man-hole cover is now. This underground stream, the Etloe Pipe, was earmarked for use at a later stage as Bazalgette was to concentrate on the "Big Stink" works, for use with the proposed Leyton Sewerage Works and if you can get hold of a map of Leyton for 1894 Old Ordnance Survey Map Godfrey Edition, London Sheet 32, it will give you an overall layout of the area, from which you can deduce to a very close mark the runways of the streams and various pipes. When it became obvious that the watercress beds were being destroyed, the Marshmen took quite a poor view of it and attacked the Irish Navvies. As cutlasses and muskets were used by both sides, there was quite a loss of life. The battle started at Wilmot Road and then went down Oliver Road to where the Orient Ground now stands. As the mortuary was were the Council tip used to be (Bywaters) it was the ideal site for the battle. The Government of the day did not want any of this to get out because of the fear of a general up-rising throughout the country about living conditions, so the Guards were brought in and stationed at Etloe House and the old Trades Lodge in the High Street. A D-notice was put on the news of the battle and all plans for the area were made top secret and even if you look into Bazalgette's private papers, they are blank where Leyton is concerned while all of the other areas are written up in detail. But I actually spoke with a near eye-witness to the battle and it was he who put me onto this line of investigation, it was Mr Lovely, who had a plot on Auckland Road. He was ninety three when he died and he had lived in Leyton all of his life. His father and grandfather were Marshmen and his father had a cutlass slash down his face as a result. It was a shame that I only found out about his wealth of local history a few weeks before he died, as he had facts like the battle which only he knew then.

After Bazalgettes had left and the London Sewer System was working, work then started on the Leyton Sewerage Works. The drop-hole was expanded and the Etloe Pipe was replaced with an open underground culvert, which I believe you can still see today on Plot 67. This lined up with the Rake Tanks that were installed and shown quite plainly on the 1894 map from which you can deduce the path taken by the culvert. An extra drain was run along the lower banking of the Dagenham Brook on the allotment side, to carry away excess water that built up outside the Sewerage Works. It appears that the stream that leads towards Ive Farm from the Wilmot Road branch also started to flow and this was lead into the extra drain and an inspection hatch was put in the area around Plot 1 at the site. A water measuring station was put across the Dagenham Brook to record any increase in flow as any overflow could have flooded the new railway sidings that were being built.

We can now come up to modern times and it appears that the constructors of the old tower blocks were very lucky not to cause major flooding when they were pile driving the foundations. The first flood happened when they connected the main water supply up incorrectly and turned it on, this was the first flood that took off the top soil in the top corner plots as it followed the original course of the waterway that fed the watercress beds. Jesus Christ's Cup still kept its normal flow during this flood. When the tower blocks were about to be demolished is when the serious flooding started. We began to get seepage into all the top plots and the jesus Christ's Cup increased in flow rate. It was obvious that the heavy pounding equipment had done some form of damage when the foundations of the blocks were worked on. Straight away everyone denied that they were responsible. Bovis blamed it on the plot holders over watering the allotments and sent me a booklet on proper use of water in gardening. Ave Arup threatened me with legal action if I implied that they or any of their sub-contractors were responsible. That was when I had the story published on the front page of the Guardian. We got no support from the Council who sided with Bovis. I thought it quite unusual at the number of Council Officers, who finished up working for Bovis and the Housing Action Trusts, who agreed when in the council, unofficially, that there was a problem and denied with great gusto that there was nothing wrong when working for the Trusts. This was the start of three years investigation until I found out what had happened. For three years we lost the use of the plots at the top of the site and eventually I surmised that the pounding by Bovis had collapsed the culverts put in by old Bazalgette. The initial cutting off of the Jesus Christ's Cup was when the collapse stopped the supply and the increased flow was when the flow had found its way into the Ive Farm system and then fed back into the channel past the obstruction. I wrote out quite a long report and did detailed maps, photos taken from the firm's helicopter and even Geo-physics readings showing waterways but as there was considerable money involved it was thrown out. This was the infamous meeting where I knocked out two teeth of the Council Officer who tore up my report and threw it at me. My knuckle still aches today when the cold catches it.

The matter was only resolved when an Ave Arup engineer, the only decent one there, Jim Collins, and who was about to retire, came to the site to sort the matter out. This was not any goodwill on the part of Ave Arup, it was because they were still trying to get the Euro-Trak to run into Stratford. Jim and myself had a meeting at 9.30 in his office in the estate and we spent till 10.15 looking at my paperwork and plans. At 11.15 Jim started the first of two bore holes, the second bore hole came slap down on the collapsed culvert. It took two hours after lunch to open up a trench and by 6.30 the collapse had been cleared and steel sheets laid over the damaged area. By the next morning all of the flooding had stopped and the Jesus Christ's Cup was back to its normal flow. Three weeks later, a letter was sent to the Council Allotments' Committee from Bovis, Ave Arup's contractors - the flooding had stopped and their view that the flooding would eventually right itself had been proved correct. They claimed that they had saved the Council a hundred thousand pounds by not taking up the 'ramblings of a madman', myself, over this matter. A letter of thanks was sent by the Committee to the contractors.

During the flooding and when the Cup was overflowing, I suggested that we could modify the Cup and take the overflow directly into the drop hole as this is where any overflow originally went. But I was advised that it could be a protected structure, as it was part of the Victorian system. So I had the Council telling me that a structure that they claimed did not exist could not be tampered with as it was protected.

I will send a couple of rough drawings with as much information on them as I can remember, but to understand the situation properly you should send to Alan Godfrey, 57-58, Spoor Street, Dunston, Gateshead for the map I have quoted earlier on. Another address to get the map from is Paterson Printers, 12, Ladygate, South Shields. Better still call in at Smiths and ask them to order it for you. I think that you will find the ISBN number is 0 85054 032 1. I can remember it as it was very close to my old Works Number.

The cause of the increased flow of the Jesus Christ's Cup stream is now very deeply bedded under the new housing. The Council are going to deny all responsibility, the constructors will show you maps that prove it could not have been them, so I think the best way is to incorporate an overflow and buried runway directly into the drop hole. If the runway is laid along the natural soakaway that opens into the drop hole, then there will be minimum damage to any old structure. A deep trench between the pond and the drop hole should expose quite clearly the soakaway.

 

As my fingers are now just going numb and I think that I have put down all that I can remember. I'll read through it and if it is too did-jointed then I will type it out again, but if it is readable I will leave it as it is, warts and all.

 

Fred Lineham

Rathfarnham Castle on a sunnier day.

 

Origins:

 

The earlier Anglo-Norman castle which was replaced by the present building was built on lands which were confiscated from the Eustace family of Baltinglass because of their involvement in the Second Desmond Rebellion. It defended the Pale from the Irish clans in the nearby Wicklow Mountains. It is believed the present castle was built around 1583 for Yorkshireman, Adam Loftus, then Lord Chancellor of Ireland and Protestant Archbishop of Dublin. Originally a semi-fortified and battlemented structure, extensive alterations in the 18th century give it the appearance of a Georgian house.

 

The castle consisted of a square building four stories high with a projecting tower at each corner, the walls of which were an average of 5 feet (1.5 m) thick. On the ground level are two vaulted apartments divided by a wall nearly 10 feet (3.0 m) thick which rises to the full height of the castle. On a level with the entrance hall are the 18th century reception rooms and above this floor the former ballroom, later converted into a chapel.

 

Rathfarnham was described as a "waste village" when Loftus bought it. His new castle was not long built when in 1600 it had to withstand an attack by the Wicklow clans during the Nine Years War (Ireland).

 

Civil war:

 

Archbishop Loftus left the castle to his son, Dudley and it then passed to his son Adam in 1616. During Adam's ownership, the castle came under siege in the 1641 rebellion. It was able to hold out against the Confederate army when the surrounding country was overrun. Adam Loftus opposed the treaty of cessation in order the stop the fighting between the Irish Confederates and the English Royalists. Consequently, he was imprisoned in Dublin Castle.

 

During the subsequent Irish Confederate Wars (1641-53), the castle changed hands several times. From 1641 to 1647, it was garrisoned by English Royalist troops. In 1647, Ormonde, commander of the Royalists in Ireland, surrendered Dublin to the English Parliament and Parliamentary troops were stationed at the castle until 1649 when a few days before the Battle of Rathmines, the castle was stormed and taken without a fight by the Royalists. However, the Roundheads re-occupied it after their victory at the Battle of Rathmines. It has also been reported that Oliver Cromwell held council there during his campaign in Ireland before going south to besiege Wexford. Adam Loftus, who recovered his castle and lands under Cromwell, sided with the Parliamentarians and was killed at the Siege of Limerick in 1651.

 

After the English Civil War, the Loftus family retained ownership of the castle. In 1659, Dr. Dudley Loftus, great grandson of Archbishop Loftus, took over the castle. During his lifetime, Dudley held the posts of Commissioner of Revenue, Judge Admiralty, Master in Chancery, MP for Kildare and Wicklow and MP for Bannow and Fethard. His body is interred at St. Patrick's Cathedral.

 

The eighteenth century:

 

The property then passed by marriage to Philip Wharton. The young man lost his money in the South Sea Bubble and in 1723 the castle was sold to the Right Hon. William Connolly, speaker of the Irish House of Commons for £62,000. In 1742, the castle was sold to Dr. Hoadly, Archbishop of Armagh, and on his death four years later it passed to his son-in-law Bellingham Boyle. In 1767, he sold the property to Nicholas Hume-Loftus, second Earl of Ely, a descendant of Adam Loftus, the original builder of the castle.

The castle in 1774

 

Nicholas died within a few years, probably as an indirect result of great hardships which he had suffered in his youth, and the estate passed to his uncle, Hon. Henry Loftus, who was created Earl of Ely in 1771. In commemoration of regaining ownership, the Loftus family constructed another entrance for the castle in the form of a Roman Triumphal Arch. The arch can still be viewed from nearby Dodder Park Road. Henry Loftus, Earl of Ely was responsible for much of the conversion of the medieval fortress into a Georgian mansion and employed renowned architects Sir William Chambers and James 'Athenian' Stuart to carry out these works. The mullioned windows were enlarged and the battlements replaced by a coping with ornamental urns. A semi-circular extension was added to the east side and an entrance porch approached by steps, on the north. The interior was decorated in accordance with the tastes of the period and leading artists, including Angelica Kauffmann were employed in the work. Writers of the period who visited the house have left extravagant descriptions of its splendour.

 

Henry died in 1783 and was succeeded by his nephew Charles Tottenham. He subsequently became Marquess of Ely as a reward for his vote at the time of the Union.

 

The nineteenth and twentieth centuries:

 

In 1812, the family leased the estate to the Ropers and removed their valuable possessions to Loftus Hall in Wexford. The lands and castle were then used for dairy farming and fell into disrepair. To quote a contemporary account from 1838: "Crossing the Dodder by a ford, and proceeding along its southern bank towards Rathfarnham, a splendid gateway at left, accounted among the best productions of that species of architecture in Ireland, invites the tourist to explore the once beautiful grounds of Rathfarnham Castle, but they are now all eloquently waste, the undulating hills covered with rank herbage, the rivulet stagnant and sedgy, the walks scarce traceable, the ice-houses open to the prying sun, the fish-pond clogged with weeds, while the mouldering architecture of the castle, and the crumbling, unsightly offices in its immediate vicinity,…The castle, so long the residence of the Loftus family, and still the property of the Marquis of Ely, subject, however, to a small chief rent to Mr. Conolly, is an extensive fabric,.....The great hall is entered from a terrace, by a portico of eight Doric columns, which support a dome, painted in fresco with the signs of the Zodiac and other devices. This room was ornamented with antique and modern busts, placed on pedestals of variegated marble, and has three windows of stained gloss, in one of which is an escutcheon of the Loftus arms, with quarterings finely executed. Several other apartments exhibited considerable splendour of arrangement, and contained, until lately, numerous family portraits, and a valuable collection of paintings by ancient masters. But, when it is mentioned, that this structure has been for years a public dairy, and the grounds to the extent of 300 acres (1.2 km2) converted to its uses, some notion may be formed of their altered condition.

 

In 1852 it was bought by the Lord Chancellor, Francis Blackburne whose family resided there for three generations. The property developers Bailey & Gibson acquired the castle in 1912 and divided up the estate. The eastern part became the Castle Golf Club, the castle and the southwestern portion were bought in 1913 by the Jesuit Order and the northwestern part was devoted to housing.

 

The Jesuits are an order renowned for their education and one of them; Father O'Leary S.J. constructed a seismograph. This machine could detect earth tremors and earthquakes from anywhere in the world and for a time, Rathfarnham Castle became a source of earthquake information for the national media.

 

To the north of the castle was a long vaulted chamber formerly known as Cromwell’s Court or Fort. This was apparently a barn or storehouse erected as part of the castle farm and had narrow loopholes in its 5-foot (1.5 m) thick walls. In 1922, it was incorporated into the new retreat house, to which it formed the ground story and its character concealed from the outside by a uniform covering of cement plaster.

 

Not far from the Golf Club House was an attractive little temple built of stone and brick, another relic of Lord Ely’s occupation of Rathfarnham. Although rather out of repair, if restored, it would have added much to the charm of this part of the links. Unfortunately, by decision of the committee, it was demolished in 1979.

 

In 1986, the Jesuits sold Rathfarnham Castle but before leaving, they removed the stained glass windows, made in the famous Harry Clarke studios, from the chapel and donated them to Tullamore Catholic Church which had been destroyed by fire in 1983. The other windows were donated to Our Lady's Hospice, Harold's Cross and Temple Street Children's Hospital, Dublin.

 

Preservation:

 

The castle was sold to Delaware Properties in 1985 and it was feared that it was facing demolition. After immense public pressure to save the building, it was purchased by the state in 1987 and was declared a National Monument. Currently, by the Office of Public Works, there is an extensive refurbishment going through the castle but it is still open to the public during the summer months (5th May - 12th October). The Castle is presented as a castle undergoing active conservation, where visitors can see, at first hand, tantalising glimpses of layers of its earlier existence uncovered during research.

Between 2014 and 2018 Australia will commemorate the Anzac Centenary, marking 100 years since our nation's involvement in the First World War.

These photos are almost 10 years old to the day (7 days away) as it will soon be Anzac day 2015.

 

I have attended quite a few dawn services but none quite as sobering as being a foreigner, walking fields where Australian soldiers died during wartime, and were burried.

 

I thought it was time to post my photos from Kranji.

I got up at 4 am along with many other of my Australian Microsoft and MVP friends. Bleary eyed, fighting the fog, we found our way to the bus.

We were in a daze as we were bumped about making our way to the killing fields of Kranji.

 

Kranji is a suburb in northwestern Singapore, located about 22 kilometres (14 mi) from the city centre.

The Kranji War Memorial in Singapore honours the men and women from the Commonwealth who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

A very appropropriate and solem place for Anzac Day 2005.

 

Back then I was not interested in Photography and my cameras were not that great. Still, that is not the reason for the photos. I did want to try for a perfect shot. I just wanted memories.

It was humid, dark and very quiet as the service started. Bagpipes from overhead and marching in front.

 

Deep within this quiet neighbourhood, lies the Kranji War Memorial, a hillside cemetery that is quite beautiful in its serenity once you get there.

Every year, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

The memorial honours the men and women from Britain, Australia, Canada, Sri Lanka, India, Malaya, the Netherlands and New Zealand who died in the line of duty during World War II.

 

Here, we see more than 4,400 white gravestones lined up in rows on the cemetery’s gentle slope. Many graves hold unknown soldiers.

The Chinese Memorial in plot 44 marks a mass grave for 69 Chinese servicemen who were killed by the Japanese when Singapore fell in February 1942.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial are the Kranji Military Cemetery and the Singapore State Cemetery, where Singapore’s first and second presidents are buried.

As we walked the short flight of steps to the hilltop terrace, we saw four memorials.

 

The largest is the Singapore Memorial, with its huge star-topped central pylon that rises to a height of 24 metres.

This memorial bears the names of more than 24,346 Allied soldiers and airmen killed in Southeast Asia who have no known grave. You can find the register, kept by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission, at the entrance.

 

Every year, on the Sunday closest to Remembrance Day on 11 November, a memorial service is held to pay tribute to those who gave their lives.

 

Next to the Kranji War Memorial is the Kranji Military Cemetery, a non-world war site of more than 1,400 burials, as well as the Singapore State Cemetery, where the country’s first and second presidents, Encik Yusof Ishak and Dr Benjamin Henry

 

Sheares, are buried.

 

The Battle of Kranji was the second stage of the Empire of Japan's plan for the invasion of Singapore during the Second World War. On 9 February 1942 the Imperial Japanese Army assaulted the north-western front of the British colony of

 

Singapore. Their primary objective was to secure a second beachhead after their successful assault at Sarimbun Beach on 8 February, in order to breach the Jurong-Kranji defence line as part of their southward thrust towards the heart of

 

Singapore City. Defending the shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway was the Australian 27th Brigade, led by Brigadier Duncan Maxwell, and one irregular company.

 

On 10 February the Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses while moving up the Kranji River, which caused them to panic and nearly aborted the operation. However, a series of miscommunications and withdrawals by Allied forces in the

 

ensuing battles allowed the Japanese to swiftly gain strategic footholds, which eventually led to the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1942.

 

The terrain around Kranji was primarily mangrove swamps and tropical forest intersected by streams and inlets. The shoreline between the Kranji River and the Johor–Singapore Causeway, nearly four kilometers long, was defended by the

 

Australian 27th Brigade, led by Australian Brigadier Duncan Maxwell. The 27th Infantry Brigade consisted of three battalions—the 2/30th, 2/29th, and 2/26th and was supported by the 2/10th Field Artillery Regiment, as well as one platoon from the

 

2/4th Machine Gun Battalion.

 

They were supported by one company from Dalforce (named after its commander, Lieutenant-Colonel John Dalley of the Malayan Police Special Branch), a local Chinese militia consisting of Communists, Nationalist supporters, and other

 

volunteers. As the war intensified, the Dalforce volunteers were given only three to four days of training and sent to the war front with elementary weapons. Lacking uniforms, the volunteers improvised by wearing a red triangle on their blue shirts to

 

avoid being mistaken for Japanese by the Australians.

 

The Allied forces at Kranji were to be assaulted by the Imperial Guards Division led by Major General Takuma Nishimura. 400 Imperial Guards had landed and taken Pulau Ubin, an island in the north-east of Singapore, in a feint attack on 7

 

February, where they encountered minimal resistance.

 

On 9 February, two divisions of the Japanese Twenty Fifth Army, led by Lieutenant General Tomoyuki Yamashita, landed on the northwestern coast of Singapore, in the Sarimbun area. Yamashita's headquarters (HQ) was in the Sultan of Johor's

 

palace on Istana Bukit Serene, which offered him and his officers a bird's eye view of virtually every key target in the northern sector of Singapore Island, only 1.6 kilometres (one mile) across the Straits of Johor. Sultan Ibrahim's palace was not fired

 

upon by the British because any damage caused would have extensive repercussions for British-Johor ties.

 

The primary objective of the Japanese at Kranji was to capture Kranji village; this would let them repair the demolished Causeway in order to facilitate easy flow of reinforcements and supplies down the roads of Woodlands and Mandai, and to the

 

rest of the island for their vanguard force. Once the leading wave of Japanese was safely ashore, the massed Japanese artillery switched their fire to the defensive positions at Kranji. Telegraph and telephone communications were destroyed in the

 

bombardment and communications between the front line and command HQ were broken. At 8:30pm that night, the men of the Imperial Guards Division began the crossing from Johor in special armoured landing-crafts, collapsible boats and by

 

swimming.

 

In the early hours of 10 February, Japanese forces suffered their heaviest losses during the Battle of Singapore. While moving up the Kranji River, advance landing parties from the 4th Regiment of the Imperial Guard Division found themselves

 

under heavy fire from Australian machine gunners and mortar teams. They also found themselves surrounded by oil slicks, which had been created by Allied personnel emptying the nearby Woodlands oil depot, to prevent its capture. A scenario

 

feared by Yamashita came to pass by accident; the oil was set alight by Allied small arms fire, causing many Japanese soldiers to be burnt alive. Sustaining heavy losses, Nishimura requested permission to abandon the operation. However,

 

Yamashita denied the request.

 

Maxwell, who had limited communications with his division headquarters, was concerned that his force would be cut off by fierce and chaotic fighting at Sarimbun and Jurong to the south west, involving the Australian 22nd Brigade. Maxwell's

 

force consequently withdrew from the seafront. This allowed the Japanese to land in increasing strength and take control of Kranji village. They also captured Woodlands, and began repairing the causeway, without encountering any Allied attacks.

 

Japanese light tanks, which had good buoyancy, were towed across the straits to Lim Chu Kang Road where they joined the battle at dusk. With reinforced troops and tanks advancing down Choa Chua Kang Road, the Australian troops were no

 

match for the tanks and fled to the hills of Bukit Panjang. The 5th Division (Imperial Japanese Army) captured Bukit Timah village by the evening of 11 February.

 

Lieutenant-General Arthur Percival, General Officer Commanding of HQ Malaya Command, drew a defence perimeter covering Kallang aerodrome, MacRitchie and Peirce reservoirs and the Bukit Timah supply depot area to ensure the integrity

 

of the city's defence. One line of the north-western defence perimeter was the Jurong-Kranji defence line, a narrow ridge connecting the sources of the Jurong and the Kranji Rivers, forming a natural defence line protecting the north-west

 

approach to the Singapore City. (Its counterpart was the Serangoon Line, which was sited between Kallang Airfield and Paya Lebar village on the eastern part of Singapore). The troops were to defend this Line strongly against the invading

 

Japanese force. The Line was defended by the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade which covered milestone 12 on Jurong Road, the 12th Indian Infantry Brigade and the reinforced 22nd Australian Brigade which guarded the northern part of the Line and

 

maintained contact with the 44th Indian Brigade. The 15th Indian Infantry Brigade was re-positioned near Bukit Timah Road to guard the island's vital food and petrol supplies. A secret instruction to protect this area was issued to Percival's

 

generals.

 

Percival's secret orders to withdraw to the last defence line around the city only if necessary were misunderstood by Maxwell, who took this to be an order for an immediate withdrawal to the Line. As a result, the 44th Indian Infantry Brigade, the 12th

 

Indian Infantry Brigade and the 22nd Australian Brigade, reinforced after their withdrawal from Sarimbun beach in the north-west, abandoned the Line on 10 February. Fearing that the large supplies depot would fall into Japanese hands should

 

they make a rush for Bukit Timah too soon, General Archibald Wavell, Allied commander-in-chief of the Far East sent an urgent message to Percival:

 

It is certain that our troops in Singapore Island heavily outnumber any Japanese who have crossed the Straits. We must destroy them. Our whole fighting reputation is at stake and the honour of the British Empire. The Americans have held out in the

 

Bataan Peninsula against a far heavier odds, the Russians are turning back the picked strength of the Germans. The Chinese with an almost lack of modern equipment have held the Japanese for four and a half years. It will be disgraceful if we

 

yield our boasted fortress of Singapore to inferior enemy forces.

 

By 11 February, the Jurong-Kranji Defence Line was left undefended which allowed the Japanese forces to sweep through the Line to attack Bukit Timah. On the same day, Percival finally moved his Combined Operations Headquarters in Sime

 

Road to the underground bunker, The Battle Box at Fort Canning.

 

Despite their fighting spirit, the Dalforce fighters suffered from poor training and the lack of equipment. A further blow was delivered when the 27th Australian Brigade withdrew southwards. As a result, the Japanese established a stronghold in the

 

northern Woodlands area and secured a relatively easy passage into the island. General Wavell left Singapore for Java early on 11 February and sent a cable to British Prime Minister Winston Churchill in London on his assessment of the war front

 

in Singapore:

  

Battle for Singapore is not going well... I ordered Percival to stage counter-attack with all troops possible... Morale of some troops is not good and none is as high as I should like to see... The chief troubles are lack of sufficient training in some

 

reinforcing troops and an inferior complex which bold Japanese tactics and their command of the air have caused. Everything possible is being done to produce more offensive spirit and optimistic outlook. But I cannot pretend that these efforts

 

have been entirely successful up to date. I have given the most categorical orders that there is to be no thought of surrender and that all troops are to continue fighting to the end...

 

By 12 February, the Imperial Guards had captured the reservoirs and Nee Soon village. The defending troops, by this time, were badly shaken. Thousands of exhausted and frightened stragglers left the fighting to seek shelter in large buildings. On

 

the same night, British forces in the east of the island had begun to withdraw towards the city.

 

On 13 February, the Japanese 5th Division continued its advance and reached Adam and Farrer Roads to capture the Sime Road Camp. Yamashita moved his HQ forward to the bomb-damaged Ford Factory in Bukit Timah. Heading southwards,

 

the Japanese 18th Division advanced into Pasir Panjang, where the last major battle of Singapore would be fought with the Malay Regiments at Bukit Chandu.

 

In 1995, the former battle sites of Kranji and the defence line were gazetted by the National Heritage Board as two of the eleven World War II sites of Singapore.

  

2005

 

Knoica Minolta

  

PICT0040

©AVucha 2014

On March 3rd at 6:21pm, Woodstock Fire/Rescue was dispatched for a motor vehicle accident involving a Woodstock Police Officer at Route 14 and Dean St. The officer was extracted from his squad car and was transported via OSF Life Flight to St. Anthony Medical Center in Rockford.

Woodstock, Illinois

 

News obtained from the Northwest Herald:

WOODSTOCK – A Woodstock police officer had to be extricated from an unmarked squad car and flown to a hospital Monday after a three-vehicle accident.

At 6:24 p.m., a 15-year-old male motorist from Woodstock, driving on a learner's permit, was waiting to turn left from westbound Route 14 onto Dean Street. When he turned left, he struck an unmarked Woodstock squad car, which was traveling eastbound on Route 14. The squad car then hit a vehicle facing north waiting on Dean Street.

Officer Eric Schmidtke was driving a Ford Interceptor and had to be extricated from the vehicle. He was transported to Woodstock Hospital, and subsequently flown to St. Anthony’s Hospital in Rockford, according to a press release from the McHenry County Sheriff's office.

He was released from the hospital late last night, according to McHenry County Sheriff's Deputy Aimee Knop.

The traffic signal for eastbound and westbound Rt. 14 was green at the time of crash, the release said.

Because of the extra equipment in the squad car, such as the computer, radio and weapons, it took longer to conduct the extrication, Ryan said.

The juvenile driver and his adult passenger were taken to Centegra Hospital – Woodstock, where they were treated and released, Knop said.

The names of the juvenile and others involved in the crash were not released.

Eastbound Route 14 was shut down for about two hours after the accident, Ryan said.

The sheriff's office is investigating the crash because a Woodstock officer was involved.

Knop said the juvenile was cited for failure to yield when turning left at an intersection. She said everyone involved was wearing a seat belt, and alcohol and drugs do not appear to be a factor.

The officer was believed to be performing normal driving, Knop said.

Police investigate the scene Saturday, Feb. 4, 2006, in Norfolk, Ark., following a chase and shooting involving the suspect in the Thursday morning attacks at a gay bar in New Bedford, Mass. The suspect, Jacob D. Robida, 18, of New Bedford, Mass., wrecked his car after a nearly 30-mile chase and was wounded in a shootout with Arkansas State Police and Baxter County deputies. Robida is suspected of shooting and killing Gassville, Ark., Police officer John Sell during a traffic stop. A woman with Robida was killed. (AP Photo/Baxter Bulletin, Armando Rios) ORG XMIT: ARMOU103 ORG XMIT: MER1601201205073371

"Hash Trash #1472

Bewilderbeast and Pre Laid CumTrail; and Silent But Deadly as a completely unreliable Parental Supervisor (at least her involvement meant the Religious Advisor could stay...)

 

In the anals of Agana Hash history there have been many notable runs that have started at the Pacific Daily News building in Hagatna...this was not one of those trails though it will go down in history. This hash trash is being written immediately so I can stop thinking about it as soon as possible. Trail ran on pavement past the court house and the Angel "Welcome to Guam, now leave" Santos Memorial Latte Stone Park. True trail ran down toward the Attorney General's building (now sans "Eric the Eagle"). A check sent the pack up the powerline into Fort Apugan park - down the fence toward Naval Hospital's front gate and then into Agana Heights. The front pack of Likes It Longer, Amelia Airfart, Tonya Hardon, etc. were loving this stupid road running bullshit as we descended into the White Lady Bridge valley and crisscrossed swamp lands until we hit the Fonte River. The problem with athletes is that they run like hell on the road and then come to a screeching halt when they hit the bush. Likes It Longer demonstrated how to regroup the pack as she laboriously picked her way through the brush and hounds slammed into each other as they went from run to athlete in just a few moments. Little Running Shit in his tiresome loincloth opted to run Agana style past and soon we were hashing again. Bored with trail, I went for the river where lo and behold the stupid hares had put on-ons in yellow biodegradeable tape...now I'm all for more environmentally sensible hash flagging - but fucking yellow in a jungle? Are you kidding me?? It blended in with eighty percent of the foliage and matched the poop stripes on Little Running Shit's ass cloth. Giving up being FRB is hard for some hounds, but the first chance I got I bolted...listening to Amelia Airfart talking about his new bike was killing me. Up on Snake Road again we headed south only to run into fucking on-on's again. These damn hares were ruining my fly.

 

After getting passed again by all the athletes, I walked into the Chinese mom and pop store and bought a couple of beers and a bottle of water. When I came out the trail didn't turn toward the beach (which would have made it a complete freakin' loss) but turned uphill and ran behind the Pacific War Museum. Sharing is caring - so I gave a beer to flyer Bloody Q-Tip and took off. The pack at this point had devolved in roaming groups of flyers, true trailers, and those of us somewhere in between.

 

Trail continued uphill to Murray Road on a slow slog past the old dam and upstream. Limestone crags and features entertained the now ass dragging puppies as they gained altitude. Constant criticism of the hares continued until we realized this was Bewilderbeasts Revenge on the FRB's - he would surely cut the trail in half with an Eagle-Turkey split but that never happened. At religion later it was revealed that there was in fact two trails - they just forgot to tell anyone, mark the eagle/turkey split, or make it findable...hmmm....

 

Trail did more road running past the fire station on Nimitz Hill, past Flag Circle, and turned back into the bush across from Top O' The Mar. After slogging through a section that it was obvious the hares had been completely lost on -we arrived at the power lines. Once again, no check, just a continuation of stupid hash setting as the trail ran across and into the river valley. The FRB's all looked at the trail and laughed. Fuck these hares - they are just going to come out up hill...yep, trail came out at Fonte River dam's entrance trail - so we skipped that portion. Next up, another trail heading into the bush to the left - this was also stupid and thus avoided. We arrived at the former COMNAVMAR, former Guam High, now under construction to be Joint Region Marianas building to find fresh flour. Too fresh as it turns out since Tonya Hardon and Likes It Longer had run down the hare and pantsed him at his on-home.

 

Hashers dribbled in for the next two hours. Trail was listed at 5.3 miles or so...FRB's and flyers may have ran more or less. Religion at the powerline overlooking Maina would have been great if Mother Nature hadn't decided to unleash all of the rain she hadn't spilled throughout the day upon the pack. While moving my car to let BeanDad, Rip Van Wanker, and Hulk Hogan out; the peddle stuck and next thing I knew I was in...Yona.

 

Haj Sex ET

Scribe"

Oct. 23, 2010, Klara Lavoie and brother Alex Lavoie are running the new "9 Run Run" half-marathon race in the woods near Stittsville (Ottawa).

 

SEE BELOW for links.

===================================================

 

9 Run Run

 

a) 2011 photos

 

b) 2010-2024 results - sportstats.one/event/9runrun

  

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

 

(newspaper articles)

 

1)

 

Ottawa's second Emergency Service event this weekend

Posted on Oct 20, 2011 by Shad Qadri

 

On Oct. 22, 2011, families and friends will be running/walking in a Half Marathon, 10k or 3 K Family Fun Walk/Run as part of the City's second annual 9 Run Run.

 

Last year 9 RUN RUN raised an outstanding $16,911.10 for youth substance abuse. This year 9 RUN RUN, inspired by D.I.F.D. (Do it for Daron), is honoured to support The Royal Ottawa Mental Health Centre "Youth Mental Health Awareness Study & Early Intervention Research Project" which will be conducted throughout schools across our region.

 

2)

 

9 Run Run' coming to Stittsville

by: Tiffany Williams-Lepack, Aug. 5, 2010

 

EMC Sports - Running can become a love-hate relationship for some people.

 

For Ottawa Police chief Vern White, he wanted to prove to himself that he could run a marathon. Last year he completed his goal running in the 28th Wineglass Marathon in Corning, New York finishing with a time of 4:20:10.

 

White explains that he used to hate running like some people hate eating their vegetables. He feels the training was especially tough. Today he doesn't know if he loves running but he can see and feel a difference.

 

"I spent the first 50 years of my life saying there was no way I could ever run a marathon. I don't know if 'enjoy' is the right word but I enjoyed the experience and thrill and emotions afterwards. The training might have been the hardest thing I've ever done in my life, I have to be honest," said White.

 

This year his goal is to run 12 half marathons in the span of 12 months. Thus far he has run five.

 

He was discussing his goal in a casual conversation with Stittsville councillor Shad Qadri and that there was a need for a run like this. Qadri then handed the ball over to the person who he thought would do a good job organizing the event, Brenda Tirell. The wheels were put in motion and the inaugural 9-Run-Run was created.

 

The Ottawa Emergency Services run will take place on Oct. 23 and will feature a half marathon and a 3 km family fun run/walk. Qadri thinks she has done an excellent job and he is happy to work with the emergency services in the run. "It's a good venture for our community, we are a young community and we want to be active. This 9 Run Run, I think will do that and will bring the three emergency services together and say, 'Come on community come on and join us," said Qadri.

 

Tirrell, race director, is a firefighter in Stittsville and wanted to have all of the emergency services involved.

 

"I'm really excited about it and the support from business and running community has been tremendous," said Tirrell.

 

With all three emergency services involved, White feels there will be a bit of a friendly competition going on as well.

 

"I think we can beat them in the run, if we can't, then nothing else our relationship with both services are very strong but a very competitive relationship," said White. "I thought it would be fun to play around a little bit and at the same time hopefully teach them a lesson in running"

 

The event will support the building of the Meadow Creek Rehabilitation Centre in Carp, part of the Support Treatment Education Prevention (STEP) program. The program helps address the need for residential substance abuse treatment, education and prevention for young people between the ages of 13 and 17.

 

Tirrell believes it is an event for the whole community and even those who are not runners can come out.

 

"With the family fun run-want to encourage families and kids to come out and run 3 km

 

There is something for everyone, if you don't want to walk or run people can come out and volunteer or cheer," said Tirrell

 

Tirrell thinks the event promotes a healthy lifestyle and a great way for the three services to work together. She also feels it is great that for most part the participants will be running on country roads. A sentiment echoed by White.

 

"I think it gives us an opportunity to celebrate a different part of the city and a part a lot of visitors don't see and even a lot of Ottawa citizens who may live in the east end may not see. They will see the Trans Canada trail, which is spectacular they will get to run most on trail but they will also get to see what Stittsville has to offer the community," said White. "I think it will be for a lot of people a bit of an eye opener, people will see that Stittsville is a lot bigger than it used to be, it's gone from being a little bit of a sleepy hollow town to a bustling community."

 

He hopes everyone will come out and cheer on the runners because everyone needs someone yelling go so they don't give up midway through.

 

The race will start at the Goulbourn Recreation Centre on Shea Road, then they will turn on Stittsville Main Street until they hit Flewellyn Road to Lucas Lane and follows the Trans Canada Trail back to the GRC.

 

For more information on the run visit www.9runrun.ca or www.events.runningroom.com/site/?raceId=5872.

 

3)

 

9 RUN RUN coming up in Stittsville /First annual Emergency Services Run

 

article from Your Ottawa Region, John Curry

 

Stittsville, Ontario - Eight hundred half marathoners and another 300 in the 3K Family Fun walk/run. That’s going to be a lot of feet hitting the ground in the first annual 9 RUN RUN in Stittsville on Saturday, Oct. 23.

 

But this is the goal for organizers of this inaugural event being held to raise funds for Project s.t.e.p., a support, treatment, education and prevention initiative to combat substance abuse among young people.

 

Race director Brenda Tirrell told members of the Rotary Club of Ottawa – Stittsville at their Sept. 28 meeting that registration for the half marathon event is now just under the halfway mark for the planned 800 runners. Runners from as far away as Fort McMurray and Quebec City have registered. She expressed confidence that 800 runners will register for the half marathon.

 

As far as the 3K Family Fun walk/run is concerned, about 150 participants are now registered and hopes are still high that the projected 300 participant goal will be met.

 

There is to be a major push coming through A Channel, flyers and other means to reach this registration total.

 

Both the half marathon and the 3K Family Fun walk/run will start from Sacred Heart High School on Abbott Street in Stittsville.

 

The half marathon will follow a route involving Abbott Street, Stittsville Main Street, Flewellyn Road, Munster Road, Fernbank Road, Jinkinson Road and the Trans Canada Trail back to Stittsville. Including the Trans Canada Trail in the route makes this a unique experience for half marathon runners.

 

The idea of holding this first-ever 9 RUN RUN emergency services run came about as a result of Ottawa Police Services chief Vern White having the goal of running in a number of marathons this year. In addition, chief White is heavily involved in promoting Project s.t.e.p. and healthy living in general.

 

This all led to the idea of holding a local half marathon and after various dates were investigated, including some as early as July, the Saturday, Oct. 23 date was decided upon.

 

The name 9 RUN RUN came about thanks to Ben von Jagow of Stittsville whose mother, Karen, is a running partner of Brenda Tirrell. It was being called the Ottawa Emergency Services Run in its early planning stages until Ben made the suggestion that it be called the 9 RUN RUN, a takeoff on the 9-1-1 phone number that is called to access emergency services.

 

“We thought that was very clever of Ben,” Brenda said in her presentation to the Rotary Club and the 9 RUN RUN name was adopted.

 

The three emergency services, fire, police and paramedic service, are all supporting the event and will be involved. There have also been corporate sponsors who have come on board such as Bradley’s Insurance, BMO Nesbitt Burns, Coldwell Banker First Ottawa Realty, McDonald’s (Stittsville and Kanata), Thomas Cavanagh Construction Limited, Kunstadt Sports, Creo Marketing, the Running Room, Bob FM 93.9, the A Channel, Zoom Photo, the city of Ottawa and Popeye’s Supplements.

 

The Stittsville Rotarians are also going to be involved in some way. A Shelter Box, the disaster relief program which the Rotary Club in Stittsville has been supporting, may be set up along the route. Rotary Club members may also be staffing one of the water stations along the route.

 

But there is going to be more at this 9 RUN RUN event than just running and walking. There will be the Chief’s Chili Cookoff, a friendly event that will test rival recipes. Participants will be able to enjoy the results of this cookoff as part of their free post-race lunch.

 

The Ottawa Paramedic Service’s trauma rescue unit will be on site for viewing, as will Ottawa Fire Service vehicles and the Ottawa Police Service’s canine unit.

 

The half marathon run will be starting at 9 a.m. while the Family Fun walk/run will get underway at 9:30 a.m.

 

Registration is now open at www.runrun.ca or at www.events.runningroom.com. Registration fees for the half marathon are $70 per person while the registration fee for the 3K Family Fun walk/run is $20 per participant.

 

The registration includes not only the event itself but a free post race BBQ with the chili, a free long sleeve technical t-shirt for the half marathon or a free cotton t-shirt for the Family Fun run/walk, a free iRun magazine subscription and free medals. Everyone will also be eligible for a door prize draw.

  

4)

 

9 Run Run Event Raises $16,911

 

By Tiffany Williams-Lepack, EMC News - posted Nov. 18, 2010

 

It was a five alarm success as runners and walkers raised $16,911 for charity in the first ever 9 Run Run on Oct. 23.

 

The emergency services half marathon and 3 km family walk/run was in support of the building of the Meadow Creek Rehabilitation Centre in Carp as part of Project s.t.e.p. (support, treatment, education and prevention) and the official cheque presentation was made on Nov. 9 at Ottawa City Hall.

 

The race came about as part of Ottawa Police chief Vern White's goal to run a half marathon each month and through the hard work and dedication of more than 140 volunteers the race went off with only a few small glitches.

 

White was amazed at the success of the event as it was bigger than he thought it would be.

 

"I thought it was going to be a great event and we would get a couple hundred people, raise a little bit of money and raise a fair amount of awareness," said White. "Instead we had almost 900 people, raised a fair amount of money and I think raised a lot of awareness, particularly in that area of the community. People downtown hear about and have these discussions a lot but in the west end it's not on everyone's lips so I thought it was great."

 

This was his tenth half-marathon of 2010 and White admits that with a time of two hours and ten minutes it was slow. But he enjoyed chatting with the many volunteers, thanking as many of them as he could.

 

Race director Brenda Tirrell thought it was a fantastic event due to all the volunteers and support from the community. She was especially excited with the many signs that local businesses put up welcoming runners and walkers to the community.

 

Stittsville councillor Shad Qadri gives the credit to Tirrell and her team of organizers and is looking forward to next year. He hopes he is well enough to participate. He was pleased with the turnout with participants from right across the city and the surrounding areas as well as the large emergency service presence.

 

"What a way to showcase our emergency services to the community to say look we don't just keep you protected but we make you a community and participate in the community," said Qadri.

 

Tirrell says they learned a few things and are looking to add a 5 or 10 km run for next year and dealing with a lunch issue.

 

"We learned to serve the food a bit earlier," she said with a laugh.

 

"People are always hungry."

 

Everyone was impressed with the police, fire and paramedic presence and she felt it was important for them to be there.

 

"There was a lot of police brass and tremendous coverage by paramedics. They were at every water station which was pretty much unheard of," said Tirrell. "It was their event, they understood that they needed to showcase what they had. It was great to have the fire presence there too with their truck."

 

Other suggestions for next year include working more with OC Transpo and Ottawa Police to ensure that road closures are a minimum.

 

The race winner, Rick Hillier of Ottawa, also ran into a small problem at the finish line.

 

"He ran past because, here's a little glitch or learning curve that we had, with about 20 metres left we didn't direct them in the right way and he went past the finish and turned around and came back and still finished first," said Tirrell.

 

"He took it all in stride and was laughing about it, a great sport about it. The first, second and third were so close they all went by it and came back and all thought it was quite funny, they took it all in stride."

 

She was also impressed that for such a small event they had Dr. John Hooper as their medical director who stayed on site all day in case he was needed.

 

Overall everyone was quite surprised with the amount of money the race raised and how smoothly it ran.

 

"We had initially hoped to raise about $10,000 so next year it's only going to get bigger and the cheque is going to get bigger. Hopefully our expenses will be a little bit less. The first year there is a learning curve," said Tirrell.

 

"We wanted to make sure we did it right the first year and hope that people will come back next year."

 

Planning is already under way for next year's race on Oct.22, 2011 at Sacred Heart Catholic High School.

  

Saturday, January 21, 2023: QEW EB @ Victoria Avenue

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"A white van crashed into the back of a tractor trailer just after 7 a.m. Saturday in the Niagara bound lanes of the QEW, killing one driver.

 

The driver of the van was a 32-year-old person from Beamsville who was taken to hospital but later died. Police do not specify whether it was a man or woman.

 

A total of four vehicles were involved in the incident, all with only a driver in them, no passengers.

 

Motorists were forced off the highway at Ontario St. as the OPP closed the Niagara bound lanes of the QEW in Beamsville for most of the day.

 

Police say the transport truck had collided with an initial crash involving two vehicles before the white van then ran into the back of the transport truck.

 

The three other people involved in the collision were not hurt.

 

Officers say it was possibly debris on the road way that lead to the vehicle losing control and then hitting the rear of the tractor trailer.

 

The QEW reopened just before 3 p.m."

 

www.chch.com/crash-on-qew-in-beamsville-kills-one/

2016 Involvement Fair