Immigration Nation
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This statue of migrant family is found on the Freemantle Wharf. Many ships coming from Europe had Fremantle as their first stop before continuing on to the eastern states.
Given how the British and Europeans arrived here I do find it ironic that some want to ban all further migration, particularly of certain peoples. As Australia is not reproducing at replacement rate we do need to have a reasonable migration strategy, but not be swamped by the untold millions in the world that would like a safe home, work and place to raise their children.
Since coming back from WA I have tested positive for Covid and spent all day in bed. This is the second time I have got Covid and it seems worse than the last time, which is annoying! HSS
© Leanne Boulton, All Rights Reserved
Street and reportage photography from Glasgow, Scotland.
Colour re-edit of a shot from June 2016.
Captured during a conflict in George Square between a far right white supremacist protest and an anti-fascist pro-immigration counter-protest. The atmosphere was 'tense' to put it mildly.
Immigration is not the problem.
If you think that your country is suffering because of immigration, that there are no jobs, that public services are starved of money, that housing is in crisis, and there are politicians screaming that immigration is to blame - then immigration is not the problem. Misappropriation of public finances is the problem. Immigrants are the scapegoat.
They are not immigrants unless proven to be so either and the overwhelming majority on those 'small boats' actually qualify for asylum as genuine refugees.
So refugees are the problem?
Just remember this, if you only take one thing away from my words here:
We are all just one catastrophe away from needing to seek asylum as a refugee.
In an increasingly unstable world with the coming climate change crisis, food and water security crisis and the beating of war drums around the world, don't think that your need to seek asylum is a distant impossibility. It can happen to any of us.
In a world where you can be anything. Be kind. Care. Take care of others in need if you are in a position to do so. Walk a mile in somebody else's shoes.
Our whole world is built upon the movement of people.
Fight hate with love. Kill it with kindness.
My trip to Las Vegas during this #COVID19 #pandemic
...
Immigration Officer: Why are you here?
Me: I'm an immigrant...this is my mother's last wish- to experience working & living in the USA.
Bird migration is the regular seasonal movement, often north and south, along a flyway, between breeding and wintering grounds. Many species of bird migrate. Migration carries high costs in predation and mortality, including from hunting by humans, and is driven primarily by the availability of food.
I was lucky... This flock of birds, was flying around, late in the afternoon, right outside my window in a really low flight ...
A white building overlooks the immigration station at Angel Island, in the San Francisco Bay. 211014
Yungaba Immigration Centre is a heritage-listed former immigration hostel at 102 Main Street, Kangaroo Point, City of Brisbane, Queensland, Australia, alongside the Brisbane River. It was designed by John James Clark and built c. 1885 by William Peter Clark. It is also known as Yungaba Immigration Depot, Immigration Barracks, and No.6 Australian General Hospital. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 21 October 1992.
Yungaba House has now been converted for upmarket living. It sits just below the western end of the Story Bridge seen in my recent shot of the city of Brisbane. You can see the safety fence on the bridge above the roof of the centre. The building extends out of shot on the left, it's quite large. The city, on the other side of the river can be seen in the rear.
For those interested, this rather long Wiki article will take you through the lot.
The second part of the exhibition was aimed towards immigration into Germany.
"You will find yourself in the extension building in Germany - in a shop passage in 1973. Up-to-date daily newspapers are hanging in front of a kiosk. The headlines read: "Recruitment freeze in Germany", "No more guest workers to Germany". It was November 24, 1973, the day after foreign workers stopped recruiting. How was it in the Federal Republic that day? How important was the political decision for West German society and the people who had already immigrated?"
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Der zweite Teil der Ausstellung befasst sich mich der Einwanderung nach Deutschland.
Man kommt als erstes auf diesen Kiosk zu.
"Im Erweiterungsbau finden Sie sich in Deutschland wieder – in einer Ladenpassage im Jahr 1973. Vor einem Kiosk hängen gut sichtbar aktuelle Tageszeitungen. Die Schlagzeilen lauten: „Anwerbestopp in Deutschland“, „Keine Gastarbeiter mehr nach Deutschland“. Es ist der 24. November 1973, der Tag nach dem Anwerbestopp ausländischer Arbeitskräfte. Wie sah es in der Bundesrepublik an diesem Tag aus? Welche Bedeutung hatte die politische Entscheidung für die westdeutsche Gesellschaft und die bereits eingewanderten Menschen?"
Sometimes I think...we left the sun behind...immigrated...to have these little funny reflections of moonlight on dark dead stones...
sorry....rarely...
Eurospeak....and why not? No immigration; no customs; no money changing....just freedom of movement as you cross seamlessly from one country to another and back again, often several times within one day.
(Thanks as usual to Kim for putting the collage of these border signs together)
Originally a day trip just to see the Southern French city, an (exciting) ad-hoc spotting session came about as we saw this begin to strobe just as we began queuing for immigration. A mad dash up to the carpark followed which then yielded this shot.
Historical research reveals that diverse political rationalities have framed the political means and objectives of state frontiers and borders, just as the difficult work of making borders actual has drawn upon a great variety of technologies
The single word ”border” conceals a multiplicity and implies a constancy where genealogical investigation uncovers mutation and descent. Historical research reveals that diverse political rationalities have framed the political means and objectives of state frontiers and borders, just as the difficult work of making borders actual has drawn upon a great variety of technologies and heterogeneous administrative practices, ranging from maps of the territory, the creation of specialized border officials, and architectures of fortification to today’s experimentation with bio- digitalized forms of surveillance. This chapter argues that we are witnessing a novel development within this history of borders and border-making, what I want to call the emergence of the humanitarian border. While a great deal has been written about the militarization, securitization and fortification of borders today, there is far less consideration of the humanitarianization of borders. But if the investment of border regimes by biometric technologies rightly warrants being treated as an event within the history of the making and remaking of borders (Amoore 2006), then arguably so too does the reinvention of the border as a space of humanitarian government.
Under what conditions are we seeing the rise of humanitarian borders? The emergence of the humanitarian border goes hand in hand with the move which has made state frontiers into privileged symbolic and regulatory instruments within strategies of migration control. It is part of a much wider trend that has been dubbed the ”rebordering” of political and territorial space (Andreas and Biersteker 2003). The humanitarian border emerges once it becomes established that border crossing has become, for thousands of migrants seeking, for a variety of reasons, to access the territories of the global North, a matter of life and death. It crystallizes as a way of governing this novel and disturbing situation,and compensating for the social violence embodied in the regime of migration control.The idea of a humanitarian border might sound at first counterintuitive or even oxymoronic. After all, we often think of contemporary humanitarianism as a force that, operating in the name of the universal but endangered subject of humanity, transcends the walled space of the inter-national system. This is, of course, quite valid. Yet it would be a mistake to draw any simple equation between humanitarian projects and what Deleuze and Guattari would call logics of deterritoralization. While humanitarian programmes might unsettle certain norms of statehood, it is important to recognize the ways in which the exercise of humanitarian power is connected to the actualization of new spaces. Whether by its redefinition of certain locales as humanitarian ”zones” and crises as ”emergencies” (Calhoun 2004), the authority it confers on certain experts to move rapidly across networks of aid and intervention, or its will to designate those populating these zones as ”victims,” it seems justified to follow Debrix’s (1998) observation that humanitarianism implies reterritorialization on top of deterritorialization. Humanitarian zones can materialize in various situations – in conflict zones, amidst the relief of famine, and against the backdrop of state failure. But the case that interests me in what follows is a specific one: a situation where the actual borders of states and gateways to the territory become themselves zones of humanitarian government. Understanding the consequences of this is paramount, since it has an important bearing on what is often termed the securitization of borders and citizenship.
Foucault and Frontiers
It is probably fair to say that the theme of frontiers is largely absent from the two courses that are today read together as Foucault’s lectures on ”governmentality” (Foucault 1991; 2007; 2008). This is not to suggest that frontiers receive no mention at all. Within these lectures we certainly encounter passing remarks on the theme. For instance, Foucault speaks at one point of ”the administrative state, born in the territoriality of national boundaries in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and corresponding to a society of regulation and discipline” (Foucault 1991: 104).1 Elsewhere, he notes how the calculation and demarcation of new frontiers served as one of the practical elements of military-diplomatic technology, a machine he associates with the government of Europe in the image of a balance of power and according to the governmental logic of raison d’état. ”When the diplomats, the ambassadors who negotiated the treaty of Westphalia, received instructions from their government, they were explicitly advised to ensure that the new frontiers, the distribution of states, the new relationships to be established between the German states and the Empire, and the zones of influence of France, Sweden, and Austria be established in terms of a principle: to maintain a balance between the different European states” (Foucault 2007: 297).
But these are only hints of what significance the question of frontiers might have within the different technologies of power which Foucault sought to analyze. They are only fragmentary reflections on the place borders and frontiers might occupy within the genealogy of the modern state which Foucault outlines with his research into governmentality.2
Why was Foucault apparently not particularly interested in borders when he composed these lectures? One possible answer is suggested by Elden’s careful and important work on power-knowledge and territory. Elden takes issue with Foucault for the way in which he discusses territorial rule largely as a foil which allows him to provide a more fully-worked out account of governmentality and its administration of population. Despite the fact that the term appears prominently in the title of Foucault’s lectures, ”the issue of territory continually emerges only to be repeatedly marginalized, eclipsed, and underplayed” (Elden 2007: 1). Because Foucault fails to reckon more fully with the many ways in which the production of territory – and most crucially its demarcation by practices of frontier marking and control – serves as a precondition for the government of population, it is not surprising that the question of frontiers occupies little space in his narrative.But there is another explanation for the relative absence of questions of frontiers in Foucault’s writing on governmentality. And here we have to acknowledge that, framed as it is previously, this is a problematic question. For it risks the kind of retrospective fallacy which projects a set of very contemporary issues and concerns onto Foucault’s time. It is probably fair to speculate that frontiers and border security was not a political issue during the 1970s in the way that it is today in many western states. ”Borders” had yet to be constituted as a sort of meta-issue, capable of condensing a whole complex of political fears and concerns, including globalization, the loss of sovereignty, terrorism, trafficking and unchecked immigration. The question of the welfare state certainly was an issue, perhaps even a meta-issue, when Foucault was lecturing, and it is perhaps not coincidental that he should devote so much space to the examination of pastoralism. But not the border. The point is not to suggest that Foucault’s work evolved in close,
Humanitarian Government
Before I address the question of the humanitarian border, it is necessary to explain what I understand by the humanitarian. Here my thinking has been shaped by recent work that engages the humanitarian not as a set of ideas and ideologies, nor simply as the activity of certain nongovernmental actors and organizations, but as a complex domain possessing specific forms of governmental reason. Fassin’s work on this theme is particularly important. Fassin demonstrates that humanitarianism can be fruitfully connected to the broader field of government which Foucault outlined, where government is not a necessary attribute of states but a rationalized activity than can be carried out by all sorts of agents, in various contexts, and towards multiple ends. At its core, ”Humanitarian government can be defined as the administration of human collectivities in the name of a higher moral principle which sees the preservation of life and the alleviation of suffering as the highest value of action” (Fassin 2007: 151). As he goes on to stress, the value of such a definition is that we do not see a particular state, or a non-state form such as a nongovernmental organization, as the necessary agent of humanitarian action. Instead, it becomes possible to think in terms of a complex assemblage, comprising particular forms of humanitarian.reason, specific forms of authority (medical, legal, spiritual) but also certain technologies of government – such as mechanisms for raising funds and training volunteers, administering aid and shelter, documenting injustice, and publicizing abuse. Seen from this angle humanitarianism appears as a much more supple, protean thing. Crucially, it opens up our ability to perceive ”a broader political and moral logic at work both within and outside state forms” (ibid.).
If the humanitarian can be situated in relation to the analytics of government, it can also be contextualized in relation to the biopolitical. ”Not only did the last century see the emergence of regimes committed to the physical destruction of populations,” observes Redfield, ”but also of entities devoted to monitoring and assisting populations in maintaining their physical existence, even while protesting the necessity of such an action and the failure of anyone to do much more than this bare minimum” (2005: 329). It is this ”minimalist biopolitics,” as Redfield puts it, that will be so characteristic of the humanitarian. And here the accent should be placed on the adjective “minimalist” if we are not to commit the kind of move which I criticized above, namely collapsing everything new into existing Foucauldian categories. It is important to regard contemporary humanitarianism as a novel formation and a site of ambivalence and undecideability, and not just as one more instance of what Hardt and Negri (2000) might call global “biopolitical production.”The Birth of the Humanitarian Border
In a press release issued on June 29, 2007, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) publicized a visit which its then Director General, Brunson McKinley, was about to make to a ”reception centre for migrants” on the Mediterranean island of Lampedusa (IOM 2007). The Director General is quoted as saying: ”Many more boats will probably arrive on Lampedusa over the summer with their desperate human cargo and we have to ensure we can adequately respond to their immediate needs.... This is why IOM will continue to work closely with the Italian government, the Italian Red Cross, UNHCR and other partners to provide appropriate humanitarian responses to irregular migrants and asylum seekers reaching the island.”
The same press release observes that IOM’s work with its ”partners” was part of a wider effort to improve the administration of the ”reception” (the word ”detention” is conspicuously absent) and ”repatriation” of ”irregular migrants” in Italy. Reception centers were being expanded, and problems of overcrowding alleviated. The statement goes on to observe that IOM had opened its office on Lampedusa in April 2006. Since that time ”Forced returns from Lampedusa [had] stopped.”
Lampedusa is a small Italian island located some 200 km south of Sicily and 300 km to the north of Libya. Its geographical location provides a clue as to how it is that in 2004 this Italian outpost first entered the spotlight of European and even world public attention, becoming a potent signifier for anxieties about an international migration crisis (Andrijasevic 2006). For it was then that this Italian holiday destination became the main point of arrival for boats carrying migrants from Libya to Italy. That year more than 10,000 migrants are reported to have passed through the ”temporary stay and assistance centre” (CPTA) the Italian state maintains on the island. The vast majority had arrived in overcrowded, makeshift boats after a perilous sea journey lasting up to several weeks. Usually these boats
are intercepted in Italian waters by the Italian border guards and the migrants transferred to the holding center on the island. Following detention, which can last for more than a month, they are either transferred to other CPTAs in Sicily and southern Italy, or expelled to Libya.Finally, there is a point to be made about humanitarianism, power and order. Those looking to locate contemporary humanitarianism within a bigger picture would perhaps follow the lead of Hardt and Negri. As these theorists of ”Empire” see things, NGOs like Amnesty International and Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) are, contrary to their own best intentions, implicated in global order. As agents of ”moral intervention” who, because they participate in the construction of emergency, ”prefigure the state of exception from below,” these actors serve as the preeminent ”frontline force of imperial intervention.” As such, Hardt and Negri see humanitarianism as ”completely immersed in the biopolitical context of the constitution of Empire” (Hardt and Negri 2000: 36).Humanitarianism, Borders, Politics
Foucauldian writing about borders has mirrored the wider field of governmentality studies in at least one respect. While it has produced some fascinating and insightful accounts of contemporary strategies and technologies of border-making and border policing, it has tended to confine its attention to official and often state-sanctioned projects. Political dynamics and political acts have certainly not been ignored. But little attention has been paid to the possibility that politics and resistance operate not just in an extrinsic relationship to contemporary regimes, but within them.12 To date this literature has largely failed to view politics as something constitutive and productive of border regimes and technologies. That is to say, there is little appreciation of the ways in which movements of opposition, and those particular kinds of resistance which Foucault calls ”counter conduct,” can operate not externally to modes of bordering but by means of ”a series of exchanges” and ”reciprocal supports” (Foucault 2007: 355).
There is a certain paradox involved when we speak of Foucault and frontiers. In certain key respects it could be said that Foucault is one of our most eminent and original theorists of bordering. For at the heart of one of his most widely read works – namely Discipline and Punish – what does one
find if not the question of power and how its modalities should be studied by focusing on practices of partitionment, segmentation, division, enclosure; practices that will underpin the ordering and policing of ever more aspects of the life of populations from the nineteenth century onwards. But while Foucault is interested in a range of practices which clearly pertain to the question of bordering understood in a somewhat general sense, one thing the reading of his lectures on security, governmentality and biopolitics reveals is that he had little to say explicitly about the specific forms of bordering associated with the government of the state. To put it differently, Foucault dealt at length with what we might call the microphysics of bordering, but much less with the place of borders considered at the level of tactics and strategies of governmentality.Recent literature has begun to address this imbalance, demonstrating that many of Foucault’s concepts are useful and important for understanding what kinds of power relations and governmental regimes are at stake in contemporary projects which are re-making state borders amidst renewed political concerns over things like terrorism and illegal immigration. However, the overarching theme of this chapter has been the need for caution when linking Foucault’s concepts to the study of borders and frontiers today. While analytics like biopolitics, discipline and neoliberalism offer all manner of insights, we need to avoid the trap which sees Foucault’s toolbox as something ready-made for any given situation. The challenge of understanding the emergent requires the development of new theoretical tools, not to mention the sharpening of older, well-used implements. With this end in mind the chapter has proposed the idea of the humanitarian border as a way of registering an event within the genealogy of the frontier, but also, although I have not developed it here, within the genealogy of citizenship.
What I have presented previously is only a very cursory overview of certain features of the humanitarianization of borders, most notably its inscription within regimes of knowledge, and its constitutive relationship to politics. In future research it would be interesting to undertake a fuller mapping of the humanitarian border in relation to certain trajectories of government. While we saw how themes of biopolitical and neoliberal government are pertinent in understanding the contemporary management of spaces like the detention center, it would seem especially relevant to consider the salience of pastoralism. Pastoral power has received far less attention within studies of governmentality than, say, discipline or liberal government (but see Dean 1999; Golder 2007; Hindess 1996; Lippert 2004). But here again, I suspect, it will be important to revise our concepts in the light of emergent practices and rationalities. For the ways in which NGOs and humanitarians engage in the governance of migrants and refugees today have changed quite significantly from the kinds of networks of care, self-examination and salvation which Foucault identified with pastoralism. For instance, and to take but one example, the pastoral care of migrants, whether in situations of sanctuary or detention, is not organized as a life-encompassing, permanent activity as it was for the church, or later, in a secular version, the welfare state. Instead, it is a temporary and ad hoc intervention. Just as Foucault’s notion of neo-liberalism was intended to register important transformations within the genealogy of liberal government, it may prove useful to think in terms of the neo-pastoral when we try to make better sense of the phenomenon of humanitarian government at/of borders, and of many other situations as well.
williamwalters.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/2011-Foucau...
The mother migrated across all of Mexico to cross into California. At the border crossing the coyote abandons the group and the mother with her 3 kids are captured. ICE separates the children and arrests the mother. After the kids disappear into the CPS system, the mother loses all track of her children. This is today's dream of immigration under Donald Trump.
Size: 11 x 14 inches
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Art of the Real
20th biennial Finnish-American Festival, Naselle, Washington.
July 2022
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First a bit of information about Naselle, Washington, and then some biographical facts about John Silvola and his family.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Our Coast Weekend
"Naselle A Finnish village with history, character and hidden treasures"
Story by DWIGHT CASWELL
March 25, 2015
A river wends its way through the Willapa Hills, down its valley to bottomlands, and finally joins Willapa Bay.
Along the way, it passes a small village; both village and river are named Naselle, after the Nasil tribe of Native Americans. The Nasil were a Chinookan people obliterated by smallpox in the early 1800s; six surviving families made their home near the location of the modern village that bears their name.
“Nasil” means “hidden” or “sheltered;” the name is appropriate. Early trappers and traders bypassed the valley of the Naselle, protected as it was by dense forest that could only be approached from Willapa Bay by a maze of small rivers and creeks.
The first European to live in the area was a French-Canadian trapper with his Cree wife; they lived among the Nasil for the next 25 years.
Americans had entered the area by then, mainly bachelor loggers or fishermen, working a job and moving on.
In 1879 Jaakko and Sofie Pakanen and their daughter, Mary, became the first Finnish family to settle in Naselle.
Perhaps it was the fishing or the lush grasslands waiting for cattle and the plow, or perhaps the place reminded them of home.
Or they may have been seeking others like themselves, people who had fled the yoke of Russian oppression and welcomed the hardship of freedom on the frontier. For whatever reason, Naselle was an almost entirely Finnish community before Washington was a state.
Forest so dense that, settler Katarina Pakanen said, “You have to look straight up to see the sunlight,” assured that logging was king. And there was fishing, and some sheep and dairy farming. A 1925 photograph shows 100 children standing in front of the schoolhouse. 89 are identified as Finnish, and four as half-Finnish; only seven students were not Finnish.
To get to Naselle, take Washington State Highway 401 east for 11.2 miles from the north end of the Astoria Bridge.
The town boasts a post office, a Timberland Regional Library, Okie’s Select Market, and three churches built in the 1920s. Turn right immediately after the market, and immediately right again. You will see on your left the handsome Evangelical Lutheran Church, and on the right an unexpected discovery, Hoff Brothers Enterprises.
“When we moved to town a year ago,” says Nicole Hoff, laughing, “people told us our family increased the population to 424.” Her two sons, Lewis and Royce, are the “Hoff Brothers” of the name. Nicole and husband, Randall, are new owners, but the store is much the same as it has been for many years: a meat locker for local hunters and a liquor store. The changes the Hoffs have made are to include a small but select assortment of beers (with growler fills as low as $6), wines and spirits that are virtually unobtainable elsewhere. They also carry exquisite espresso and alder roasted coffee beans.
Fred’s Homegrown Produce is also in Naselle, and you can buy his organic beef at the Hoff Brothers.
Return to Highway 401, turn right, and a mile later right again onto Washington State Highway 4. After almost 2 miles, on your right, you will see the Archive Café and next to that the Appelo Archives Center, a trove of historical information about the area, with logging industry displays and a room of traditional Finnish clothing, instruments and reading materials.
Next to the café is Hunter’s Inn, which invariably has several pickup trucks parked in front; the restaurant is justifiably famed for its broasted chicken.
Take a few more minutes and go another 3.9 miles to West Deep River Road. Turn left and take a scenic drive up the river. The road intersects East Deep River Road in a couple of miles, and you can go back to the highway on the other side of the river.
Today, only a third of Naselle’s population is of Finnish ancestry, but it remains in any other important way a Finnish village.
Naselle is home to Emmy-winning cinematographer and historian Rex Ziak. There is also local pride in Oscar Wirkkala, who lived in Naselle. Wirkkala had a profound effect on industry in the Pacific Northwest; he invented both the “high lead” method of cable logging, suited to logging on steep slopes, and the ubiquitous choker hook.
In 2006 a staged version of Jennifer L. Holm’s 1999 Newbery Honor-winning novel, “Our Only May Amelia,” set in pioneer Naselle, was presented at FinnFest USA, a national festival that Naselle co-hosted with Astoria that year. Since 1982 Naselle has hosted the Finnish-American Folk Festival every other year, a three-day extravaganza of all things Finnish. The free festival will next take place at the end of July 2016.
Before you leave Naselle, take another short trip, seven miles or so east on Highway 4. You’ll enter Wahkiakum County and find the vanishingly small hamlet of Grays River. There you’ll see Duffy’s Irish Pub, which looks funky enough to be extolled by Matt Love. Inside it’s a traditional Irish pub with friendly people and good food. You’ll also see signs to the Grays River Covered Bridge, built in 1906 and worth the short trip, before you return from Willapa’s misty hills.
www.discoverourcoast.com/coast-weekend/coastal-life/nasel...
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John Silvola in the 1930 United States Federal Census
(Source Ancestry.com)
Name: John Silvola
Birth Year: abt 1876
Gender: Male
Race: White
Age in 1930: 54
Birthplace: Finland
Marital Status: Married
Relation to Head of House: Head
Home in 1930: Naselle, Pacific, Washington, USA
Home Owned or Rented: Owned
Radio Set: No
Lives on Farm: Yes
Age at First Marriage: 19
Attended School: No
Able to Read and Write: Yes
Father's Birthplace: Finland
Mother's Birthplace: Finland
Language Spoken: Finnish
Immigration Year: 1896
Naturalization: Naturalized
Able to Speak English: Yes
Occupation: Farmer
Industry: General Farm
Class of Worker: Working on own account
Employment: Yes
Household Members Age Birth Year Relationship
John Silvola 54 1876 Head
Maria Silvola 60 1870 Wife
Fred J Silvola 25 1905 Son
Charles O Silvola 23 1907 Son
Clyde Doll 41 1889 Son-in-law
Hilda Doll 34 1896 Daughter
John L Dolln 13 1917 Grandson
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John Silvola in the U.S., Find a Grave Index, 1600s-Current
Name: John Silvola
Gender: Male
Birth Date: 19 Sep 1875
Birth Place: Finland
Death Date: 5 Jun 1954
Death Place: South Bend, Pacific County, Washington, United States of America
Cemetery: Peaceful Hill Cemetery
Burial or Cremation Place: Naselle, Pacific County, Washington, United States of America
Has Bio?: N
Spouse: Maria Silvola
Children:
Charles Oscar Silvola
Mary Tyyne Wiitala
Fred J. Silvola
Viola Martha Silvola
Lilia J. Silvola
Tekla Johanna Keiski
Hilda Helen Doll
URL:
Members of the National Socialist Party (American Nazi Party) organized a march against illegal immigration on April 21, 2007 on the Statehouse grounds in Columbia, SC. Photos by Sean Rayford
Photorealism style after Richard Estes
Music: Right Click and select "Open link in new tab"
www.youtube.com/watch?v=5l-LhRltu28
accross the wide ocean - june tabor
Immigration Hall on Ellis Island NYC
You cannot fail to be moved when walking this floor where millions have walked before seeking hope in the USA.
Donald Trump's immigration policy would effectively have barred his own grandfather. But then he is in denial as to where his inherited wealth came from and doesn't believe in paying his taxes. Hey! that's the American Way!!
Client: SBS
Agency: US Sydney
Production Company: Engine
Director:Simon Robson
US Sydney / Creatives:
Alex Tracy ( Account Director)
Josh Moore ( Executive Creative Director)
Nigel Clark ( Copywriter)
Tim Chenery ( Art Director)
Amelia Peacocke ( Producer)
Sacha Moore ( Agency Producer)
Corinne Porter ( Agency Producer)
Tim Stuart ( Account manager)
Animation Credits:
Executive Producer: Adam Wells
Typography: Luca @ Like Minded
Illustration: Pete J McDonald
Lead 2D animation: Robert Grieves
animation: Marko Pfann
3D: Shaun Schellings & Damien Mahoney
VFX artist: Lee Sandiford
Sound Design: Tone Aston @ Nylon