Carrocería/Bodywork: Noge Touring Gold HD

 

Chassis: MAN 26.420 HOCLN-SD

 

Lote/Batch info: 1/5 - 5 total (1717-1726)

 

Matricula/Plate: 0316-KPX

 

Longitud/Length: 15m

 

Servicio/Service: 2018 - En curso/Ongoing

 

Info (SP): Para las rutas aeroportuarias siempre se han realizado compras excepcionales para cubrir dichas rutas. Sin embargo el tener que equipar vehiculos discrecionales para el transporte interurbano, asi como la falta de accesibilidad y longitud fueron determinantes a la hora de renovar esta parte de la flota. Por ello la empresa aposto (por primera vez) en la carrocera Noge, a quienes encargaron diez unidades de quince metros de los cuales seis han sido permanentemente asignados a cubrir las rutas aeroportuarias (de ahi la distintiva pintura exterior).

 

Info (EN): For all airport routes exceptional purchases were made for their coverage. However the intense modifications vehicles had to undergo, the difficulty of access and length of the vehicle required a makeover. As a result, Global decided to take a chance with coach builder Noge, whom they placed a first order of ten 15m long buses from which six were permanently assigned for airport routes (as indicated by their distinctive livery)

Definition

absolutism doctrine of government by a single absolute ruler; autocracy

absurdism doctrine that we live in an irrational universe

academicism doctrine that nothing can be known

accidentalism theory that events do not have causes

acosmism disbelief in existence of eternal universe distinct from God

adamitism nakedness for religious reasons

adevism denial of gods of mythology and legend

adiaphorism doctrine of theological indifference or latitudinarianism

adoptionism belief that Christ was the adopted and not natural son of God

aestheticism doctrine that beauty is central to other moral principles

agapism ethics of love

agathism belief in ultimate triumph of good despite evil means

agnosticism doctrine that we can know nothing beyond material phenomena

anarchism doctrine that all governments should be abolished

animism attribution of soul to inanimate objects

annihilationism doctrine that the wicked are utterly destroyed after death

anthropomorphism attribution of human qualities to non-human things

anthropotheism belief that gods are only deified men

antidisestablishmentarianism doctrine opposed to removing Church of England's official religion status

antilapsarianism denial of doctrine of the fall of humanity

antinomianism doctrine of the rejection of moral law

antipedobaptism denial of validity of infant baptism

apocalypticism doctrine of the imminent end of the world

asceticism doctrine that self-denial of the body permits spiritual enlightenment

aspheterism denial of the right to private property

atheism belief that there is no God

atomism belief that the universe consists of small indivisible particles

autosoterism belief that one can obtain salvation through oneself

autotheism belief that one is God incarnate or that one is Christ

bitheism belief in two gods

bonism the doctrine that the world is good but not perfect

bullionism belief in the importance of metallic currency in economics

capitalism doctrine that private ownership and free markets should govern economies

casualism the belief that chance governs all things

catabaptism belief in the wrongness of infant baptism

catastrophism belief in rapid geological and biological change

collectivism doctrine of communal control of means of production

collegialism theory that church is independent from the state

conceptualism theory that universal truths exist as mental concepts

conservatism belief in maintaining political and social traditions

constructivism belief that knowledge and reality do not have an objective value

cosmism belief that the cosmos is a self-existing whole

cosmotheism the belief that identifies God with the cosmos

deism belief in God but rejection of religion

determinism doctrine that events are predetermined by preceding events or laws

diphysitism belief in the dual nature of Christ

ditheism belief in two equal gods, one good and one evil

ditheletism doctrine that Christ had two wills

dualism doctrine that the universe is controlled by one good and one evil force

egalitarianism belief that humans ought to be equal in rights and privileges

egoism doctrine that the pursuit of self-interest is the highest good

egotheism identification of oneself with God

eidolism belief in ghosts

emotivism theory that moral statements are inherently biased

empiricism doctrine that the experience of the senses is the only source of knowledge

entryism doctrine of joining a group to change its policies

epiphenomenalism doctrine that mental processes are epiphenomena of brain activity

eternalism the belief that matter has existed eternally

eudaemonism ethical belief that happiness equals morality

euhemerism explanation of mythology as growing out of history

existentialism doctrine of individual human responsibility in an unfathomable universe

experientialism doctrine that knowledge comes from experience

fallibilism the doctrine that empirical knowledge is uncertain

fatalism doctrine that events are fixed and humans are powerless

fideism doctrine that knowledge depends on faith over reason

finalism belief that an end has or can be reached

fortuitism belief in evolution by chance variation

functionalism doctrine emphasising utility and function

geocentrism belief that Earth is the centre of the universe

gnosticism belief that freedom derives solely from knowledge

gradualism belief that things proceed by degrees

gymnobiblism belief that the Bible can be presented to unlearned without commentary

hedonism belief that pleasure is the highest good

henism doctrine that there is only one kind of existence

henotheism belief in one tribal god, but not as the only god

historicism belief that all phenomena are historically determined

holism doctrine that parts of any thing must be understood in relation to the whole

holobaptism belief in baptism with total immersion in water

humanism belief that human interests and mind are paramount

humanitarianism doctrine that the highest moral obligation is to improve human welfare

hylicism materialism

hylomorphism belief that matter is cause of the universe

hylopathism belief in ability of matter to affect the spiritual world

hylotheism belief that the universe is purely material

hylozoism doctrine that all matter is endowed with life

idealism belief that our experiences of the world consist of ideas

identism doctrine that objective and subjective, or matter and mind, are identical

ignorantism doctrine that ignorance is a favourable thing

illuminism belief in an inward spiritual light

illusionism belief that the external world is philosophy

imagism doctrine of use of precise images with unrestricted subject

immanentism belief in an immanent or permanent god

immaterialism the doctrine that there is no material substance

immoralism rejection of morality

indifferentism the belief that all religions are equally valid

individualism belief that individual interests and rights are paramount

instrumentalism doctrine that ideas are instruments of action

intellectualism belief that all knowledge is derived from reason

interactionism belief that mind and body act on each other

introspectionism doctrine that knowledge of mind must derive from introspection

intuitionism belief that the perception of truth is by intuition

irreligionism system of belief that is hostile to religions

kathenotheism polytheism in which each god is considered single and supreme

kenotism doctrine that Christ rid himself of divinity in becoming human

laicism doctrine of opposition to clergy and priests

latitudinarianism doctrine of broad liberality in religious belief and conduct

laxism belief that an unlikely opinion may be safely followed

legalism belief that salvation depends on strict adherence to the law

liberalism doctrine of social change and tolerance

libertarianism doctrine that personal liberty is the highest value

malism the belief that the world is evil

materialism belief that matter is the only extant substance

mechanism belief that life is explainable by mechanical forces

meliorism the belief the world tends to become better

mentalism belief that the world can be explained as aspect of the mind

messianism belief in a single messiah or saviour

millenarianism belief that an ideal society will be produced in the near future

modalism belief in unity of Father, Son and Holy Spirit

monadism theory that there exist ultimate units of being

monergism theory that the Holy Spirit alone can act

monism belief that all things can be placed in one category

monophysitism belief that Christ was primarily divine but in human form

monopsychism belief that individuals have a single eternal soul

monotheism belief in only one God

monotheletism belief that Christ had only one will

mortalism belief that the soul is mortal

mutualism belief in mutual dependence of society and the individual

nativism belief that the mind possesses inborn thoughts

naturalism belief that the world can be explained in terms of natural forces

necessarianism theory that actions are determined by prior history; fatalism

neonomianism theory that the gospel abrogates earlier moral codes

neovitalism theory that total material explanation is impossible

nihilism denial of all reality; extreme scepticism

nominalism doctrine that naming of things defines reality

nomism view that moral conduct consists in observance of laws

noumenalism belief in existence of noumena

nullibilism denial that the soul exists in space

numenism belief in local deities or spirits

objectivism doctrine that all reality is objective

omnism belief in all religions

optimism doctrine that we live in the best of all possible worlds

organicism conception of life or society as an organism

paedobaptism doctrine of infant baptism

panaesthetism theory that consciousness may inhere generally in matter

pancosmism theory that the material universe is all that exists

panegoism solipsism

panentheism belief that world is part but not all of God’s being

panpsychism theory that all nature has a psychic side

pansexualism theory that all thought derived from sexual instinct

panspermatism belief in origin of life from extraterrestrial germs

pantheism belief that the universe is God; belief in many gods

panzoism belief that humans and animals share vital life energy

parallelism belief that matter and mind don’t interact but relate

pejorism severe pessimism

perfectibilism doctrine that humans capable of becoming perfect

perfectionism doctrine that moral perfection constitutes the highest value

personalism doctrine that humans possess spiritual freedom

pessimism doctrine that the universe is essentially evil

phenomenalism belief that phenomena are the only realities

physicalism belief that all phenomena reducible to verifiable assertions

physitheism attribution of physical form and attributes to deities

pluralism belief that reality consists of several kinds or entities

polytheism belief in multiple deities

positivism doctrine that that which is not observable is not knowable

pragmatism doctrine emphasizing practical value of philosophy

predestinarianism belief that what ever is to happen is already fixed

prescriptivism belief that moral edicts are merely orders with no truth value

primitivism doctrine that a simple and natural life is morally best

privatism attitude of avoiding involvement in outside interests

probabiliorism belief that when in doubt one must choose most likely answer

probabilism belief that knowledge is always probable but never absolute

psilanthropism denial of Christ's divinity

psychism belief in universal soul

psychomorphism doctrine that inanimate objects have human mentality

psychopannychism belief souls sleep from death to resurrection

psychotheism doctrine that God is a purely spiritual entity

pyrrhonism total or radical skepticism

quietism doctrine of enlightenment through mental tranquility

racism belief that race is the primary determinant of human capacities

rationalism belief that reason is the fundamental source of knowledge

realism doctrine that objects of cognition are real

reductionism belief that complex phenomena are reducible to simple ones

regalism doctrine of the monarch's supremacy in church affairs

representationalism doctrine that ideas rather than external objects are basis of knowledge

republicanism belief that a republic is the best form of government

resistentialism humorous theory that inanimate objects display malice towards humans

romanticism belief in sentimental feeling in artistic expression

sacerdotalism belief that priests are necessary mediators between God and mankind

sacramentarianism belief that sacraments have unusual properties

scientism belief that the methods of science are universally applicable

self-determinism doctrine that the actions of a self are determined by itself

sensationalism belief that ideas originate solely in sensation

siderism belief that the stars influence human affairs

skepticism doctrine that true knowledge is always uncertain

socialism doctrine of centralized state control of wealth and property

solarism excessive use of solar myths in explaining mythology

solifidianism doctrine that faith alone will ensure salvation

solipsism theory that self-existence is the only certainty

somatism materialism

spatialism doctrine that matter has only spatial, temporal and causal properties

spiritualism belief that nothing is real except the soul or spirit

stercoranism belief that the consecrated Eucharist is digested and evacuated

stoicism belief in indifference to pleasure or pain

subjectivism doctrine that all knowledge is subjective

substantialism belief that there is a real existence underlying phenomena

syndicalism doctrine of direct worker control of capital

synergism belief that human will and divine spirit cooperate in salvation

terminism doctrine that there is a time limit for repentance

thanatism belief that the soul dies with the body

theism belief in the existence of God without special revelation

theocentrism belief that God is central fact of existence

theopantism belief that God is the only reality

theopsychism belief that the soul is of a divine nature

thnetopsychism belief that the soul dies with the body, to be reborn on day of judgement

titanism spirit of revolt or defiance against social conventions

tolerationism doctrine of toleration of religious differences

totemism belief that a group has a special kinship with an object or animal

transcendentalism theory that emphasizes that which transcends perception

transmigrationism belief that soul passes into other body at death

trialism doctrine that humans have three separate essences (body, soul, spirit)

tritheism belief that the members of the Trinity are separate gods

triumphalism belief in the superiority of one particular religious creed

tuism theory that individuals have a second or other self

tutiorism doctrine that one should take the safer moral course

tychism theory that accepts role of pure chance

ubiquitarianism belief that Christ is everywhere

undulationism theory that light consists of waves

universalism belief in universal salvation

utilitarianism belief that utility of actions determines moral value

vitalism the doctrine that there is a vital force behind life

voluntarism belief that the will dominates the intellect

zoism doctrine that life originates from a single vital principle

zoomorphism conception of a god or man in animal form

 

Las hormigas son parientes de las avispas, lo que se puede reconocer al ver su delgada cintura, característica que comparten con estas. Ambas pertenecen al grupo de los himenópteros, y ambas, aunque no todas, tienen comportamientos sociales.

Mientras que en las avispas el vuelo es un factor determinante de locomoción, en las hormigas solo tiene significado en el momento del vuelo nupcial, que solo pueden hacerlo reinas y zánganos.

 

ENGLISH

The ants are relatives of the wasps, which can be recognized on having seen its thin waist, characteristic that they share with these. Both belong to the group of the himenópteros, and both, though not all, they have social behaviors.

Whereas in the wasps the flight is a determinant factor of locomotion, in the ants only it has meaning in the moment of the wedding flight, which alone it queens and drones can do.

 

Looking down from the waterfall that fills Lake Ngakoro, an acidic green lake, with the color of this 25 degree Celsius water caused by microbes. The primary determinant of the color, different from the adjacent lakes is life, not minerals or metals.

 

View On Black

We know that raising children is the central experience of life, the greatest source of self-awareness, the true fountain of pride and joy, the most eternal bond with a partner. We know that being a father is life's fullest expression of masculinity. So why did so many men forgo this for so long, and will the current crop of post-patriarchal fathers fare any better?

 

FOR A COUPLE OF hundred years now, each generation of fathers has passed on less and less to his sons--not just less power but less wisdom. And less love. We finally reached a point where many fathers were largely irrelevant in the lives of their sons. The baby was thrown out with the bathwater, and the pater dismissed with the patriarchy. Everyone seemed to be floundering around not knowing what to do with men or with their problematic and disoriented masculinity.

 

In addition, over the same 200 years, each generation of fathers has had less authority than the last. The concept of fatherhood changed drastically after the Industrial Revolution. Economics suddenly dictated that somebody had to go out from the home to work. Men were usually chosen, since they couldn't produce milk. Maybe they would come home at night or just on weekends.

 

As a result, masculinity ceased to be defined in terms of domestic involvement-that is, skills at fathering and husbanding -and began to be defined in terms of making money. Men stopped doing all the things they used to do. Instead, they became primarily Father the Provider, bringing things home to the family rather than living and working at home within the family.

 

This gradually led fathers to find other roles to fulfill when they visited home after working somewhere else: Father the Disciplinarian: "Wait till your father comes home!" and Father the Audience: "Tell Daddy what you did today."

 

FATHER THE PROVIDER

 

If all father's functions were economic, if all his status was measured by how well he provided, the rich and economically powerful father became a potential tyrant; but the father who wasn't rich and famous was an inescapable failure, a disappointment, a buffoon. The father's position in the family was no longer determined by how well he functioned as a father, but was scored by his status in the eyes of the world, in a set of economic contests in which there were few men winning by being the richest of them all, and most men losing.

 

Once a father had moved out of family life and became part of the work crew, family values ceased to be his primary definers of himself. He adopted instead the values and job descriptions of the other workers. His work ceased to be something he did for the sake of his family and became work for the sake of work.

 

He didn't slow down when he'd achieved a level of sufficient comfort; instead, he strove even harder to get the approval of his fellow workers and to earn glory in their eyes. He worked because he worked; that was what he did because that was what he was. He was no longer paterfamilias, he was homolaboriosus. In the endeavors and identity dearest to his heart and heaviest on his schedule, he was a working man, and his family should understand that their claims on his time came second best.

 

In his mind, he had moved out. He had gone to conquer the world.

 

FATHER THE SUCCESS

 

When society decided that raising children was women's work and that making money was the single-minded point of men's lives, fathers became too busy for their children and boys began to grow up without fathers. That would not have been critical if there were uncles and cousins and grandfathers and older brothers around to model masculinity for boys. But our ideas of mental health and the goals of the housing industry required that families trim themselves down to the size of a married couple and their children.

 

Reducing the family to such a tiny, isolated, nuclear unit made it mobile enough for the purposes of industrial society. Workers were no longer rooted in the land or community. Now nothing came between a man and his job. Companies could extract the utmost loyalty from employees by making them a part of the family of work and cut them further away from the family of home. Men on the Daddy Track were severely penalized, much as women on the Mommy Track are now.

 

The children of this generation may grow up with the idea that a father's life is his work, and his family should not expect anything more from him.

 

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I recall one man, talking about the problems of his son, saying, "I don't know what Betty could have done wrong raising that boy. I know it wasn't anything I did, since I was busy working and left it to her. I barely saw the kid so I couldn't have done anything wrong."

 

FATHER HUNGER

 

Life for most boys and for many grown men then is a frustrating search for the lost father who has not yet offered protection, provision, nurturing, modeling, or, especially, anointment. All those tough guys who want to scare the world into seeing them as men and who fill up the jails; all whose men who don't know how to be a man with a woman and who fill up the divorce courts; all those corporate raiders who want more in hopes that more will make them feel better; and all those masculopathic philanderers, contenders, and controllers--all of them are suffering from Father Hunger.

 

They go through their adolescent rituals day after day for a lifetime, waiting for a father to anoint them and treat them as good enough to be considered a man.

 

They call attention to their pain, getting into trouble, getting hurt, doing things that are bad for them, as if they are calling for a father to come take them in hand and straighten them out or at least tell them how a grown man would handle the pain.

 

They competer with other boys who don't get close enough to let them see their shame over not feeling like men, over not having been anointed, and so they don't know that the other boys feel the same way.

 

In a scant 200 years--in some families in a scant two generations--we've gone from a toxic overdose of fathering to a fatal deficiency. It's not that we have too much mother but too little father.

 

THE MYTHS OF MASCULINITY

 

Our modern mythmakers are busy tackling the relationships between fathers and sons to find connections between pre-patriarchal and post-patriarchal consciousness, between the old fear of the too-powerful father and the new longing for a father to love and teach and anoint us.

 

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The pain and grief and shame from the failed father-son relationship seem universal, as evidenced in the popular movies of the past few decades which had father-and-son themes that overshadowed anything going on between men and women.

 

Father-son myths attracted huge audiences in the 1970s and '80s. Men feared being like their fathers, but they wanted desperately to bond with them even if they could never really please them enough to feel anointed.

 

In 1989, the film that set the tone for the Men's Movement was Field of Dreams. Baseball, with its clear and polite rules and all its statistics and players who are normal men and boys rather than oversize freaks, is a man's metaphor for life.

 

In this magical fantasy, Iowa farmer Ray Kinsella (Kevin Costner) tells us his life story: how his mother died when he was two so his father gave up his efforts to play pro baseball in order to raise his son.

 

Costner hears a voice from his cornfield telling him "If you build it, he will come." He understands the message to mean that if he mows his cornfield and builds a baseball diamond, his father's hero, Joe Jackson, will appear. He does. Then Costner's dad appears in his baseball uniform, and father and son solemnly play a belated game of catch. Father and son don't talk much, they just play catch with total solemnity. And it is quite enough.

 

What goes on between the father and son-and what does not go on between them--is surely the most important determinant of whether the boy will become a man capable of giving life to others or whether he will go through life ashamed and pulling back from exposure to intimacy with men, women, and children.

 

A NEW GENERATION OF NURTURERS

 

It takes the fulfillment of all these relationships for a boy to become a man who is able to live in peace and cooperation with his community and to give something back to his family. Fathering makes a man--whatever his standing in the eyes of the world-feel strong and good and important, just as he makes his child feel loved and valued.

 

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Mercifully, parenting is not an efficient process--the old concept of "quality time" is a cruel cop-out. A father who gets to hang out with his children is reliving the joys of his own childhood. The play is the thing.

 

Becoming Father the Nurturer rather than just Father the Provider enables a man to fully feet and express his humanity and masculinity. Fathering is the most masculine thing a man can do.

 

Will this new generation discover the healing power of fatherhood? As I look at the young men coming into manhood now, I see many who are willing to risk being hands-on fathers in a way that was rare in my generation. My son and son-in-law and nephews, for instance, are yearning for children, not just children to have but children to raise.

 

They are not alone. I feel optimistic about the sort of fathering these guys will do. The trend is dear: the boys who got fathered want to be fathers, and the boys who didn't fear it.

 

www.psychologytoday.com/articles/199309/fathers-and-sons

 

The power of Dad How parent-child relationships are key to well-being.-child relationships

Do you know how to keep your cool when you’re stuck in traffic? If so, you might have Dad to thank for your equanimity, according to research presented during an APA Annual Convention symposium on the effects of social relationships on well-being.

A study in press in Developmental Psychology suggests that a strong father-son bond forged during childhood may help men deal with everyday stress later in life.

In the study, led by Melanie Mallers, PhD, a psychology professor at California State University–Fullerton, 912 men and women answered questions about the quality of their childhood relationships with each parent, as well as stressful events they experienced and their emotional responses over eight consecutive evenings. The team found that men who reported a good relationship with their fathers during childhood were less affected by stressful events than those who had poor father-son relationships.

One explanation for this effect is that fathers tend to interact with their children — particularly their sons — through rough-and-tumble play, which stimulates and challenges children and can even improve problem-solving skills, Mallers said. These findings “provide evidence that early parent-child-relationship quality can have implications for daily health later in life,” she added.

The parent-child emotional link isn’t a one-way street, however. In other research presented at the symposium, psychologists explored how children can affect their parents’ mental health, even after they have entered adulthood. In a study led by Karen Fingerman, PhD, a psychology professor at Purdue University, 633 Philadelphia-area parents rated their grown children’s achievements in education, career and family life compared with other adults of the same age. The parents also answered questions about their own well-being and whether their children had experienced any of 10 lifestyle and behavioral problems, including trouble with the law, drinking or drug problems, and serious health concerns.

The researchers found that parents who had more than one highly successful adult child reported better well-being, but having even one problematic offspring hurt parents’ mental health. Having only one successful child, however, was not associated with better well-being.

Fingerman is now studying parental support of college students in a cross-national collaboration. She and her collaborators in Korea, China and Germany will be surveying college students this fall to learn more about cultural factors that shape relationships between young adults and their middle-aged parents.

By Amy Novotney

The horse (Equus caballus) is a domesticated, one-toed, hoofed mammal. It belongs to the taxonomic family Equidae and is one of two extant subspecies of Equus ferus. The horse has evolved over the past 45 to 55 million years from a small multi-toed creature, close to Eohippus, into the large, single-toed animal of today. Humans began domesticating horses around 4000 BCE, and their domestication is believed to have been widespread by 3000 BCE. Horses in the subspecies caballus are domesticated, although some domesticated populations live in the wild as feral horses. These feral populations are not true wild horses, which are horses that never have been domesticated. There is an extensive, specialized vocabulary used to describe equine-related concepts, covering everything from anatomy to life stages, size, colors, markings, breeds, locomotion, and behavior.

 

Horses are adapted to run, allowing them to quickly escape predators, and possess an excellent sense of balance and a strong fight-or-flight response. Related to this need to flee from predators in the wild is an unusual trait: horses are able to sleep both standing up and lying down, with younger horses tending to sleep significantly more than adults. Female horses, called mares, carry their young for approximately 11 months and a young horse, called a foal, can stand and run shortly following birth. Most domesticated horses begin training under a saddle or in a harness between the ages of two and four. They reach full adult development by age five, and have an average lifespan of between 25 and 30 years.

 

Horse breeds are loosely divided into three categories based on general temperament: spirited "hot bloods" with speed and endurance; "cold bloods", such as draft horses and some ponies, suitable for slow, heavy work; and "warmbloods", developed from crosses between hot bloods and cold bloods, often focusing on creating breeds for specific riding purposes, particularly in Europe. There are more than 300 breeds of horse in the world today, developed for many different uses.

 

Horses and humans interact in a wide variety of sport competitions and non-competitive recreational pursuits as well as in working activities such as police work, agriculture, entertainment, and therapy. Horses were historically used in warfare, from which a wide variety of riding and driving techniques developed, using many different styles of equipment and methods of control. Many products are derived from horses, including meat, milk, hide, hair, bone, and pharmaceuticals extracted from the urine of pregnant mares. Humans provide domesticated horses with food, water, and shelter, as well as attention from specialists such as veterinarians and farriers.

 

Lifespan and life stages

Depending on breed, management and environment, the modern domestic horse has a life expectancy of 25 to 30 years. Uncommonly, a few animals live into their 40s and, occasionally, beyond. The oldest verifiable record was "Old Billy", a 19th-century horse that lived to the age of 62. In modern times, Sugar Puff, who had been listed in Guinness World Records as the world's oldest living pony, died in 2007 at age 56.

 

Regardless of a horse or pony's actual birth date, for most competition purposes a year is added to its age each January 1 of each year in the Northern Hemisphere and each August 1 in the Southern Hemisphere. The exception is in endurance riding, where the minimum age to compete is based on the animal's actual calendar age.

 

The following terminology is used to describe horses of various ages:

 

Foal

A horse of either sex less than one year old. A nursing foal is sometimes called a suckling, and a foal that has been weaned is called a weanling. Most domesticated foals are weaned at five to seven months of age, although foals can be weaned at four months with no adverse physical effects.

Yearling

A horse of either sex that is between one and two years old.

Colt

A male horse under the age of four. A common terminology error is to call any young horse a "colt", when the term actually only refers to young male horses.

Filly

A female horse under the age of four.

Mare

A female horse four years old and older.

Stallion

A non-castrated male horse four years old and older.The term "horse" is sometimes used colloquially to refer specifically to a stallion.

Gelding

A castrated male horse of any age.

In horse racing, these definitions may differ: For example, in the British Isles, Thoroughbred horse racing defines colts and fillies as less than five years old. However, Australian Thoroughbred racing defines colts and fillies as less than four years old.

 

Size and measurement

The height of horses is measured at the highest point of the withers, where the neck meets the back. This point is used because it is a stable point of the anatomy, unlike the head or neck, which move up and down in relation to the body of the horse.

 

Size varies greatly among horse breeds, as with this full-sized horse and small pony.

In English-speaking countries, the height of horses is often stated in units of hands and inches: one hand is equal to 4 inches (101.6 mm). The height is expressed as the number of full hands, followed by a point, then the number of additional inches, and ending with the abbreviation "h" or "hh" (for "hands high"). Thus, a horse described as "15.2 h" is 15 hands plus 2 inches, for a total of 62 inches (157.5 cm) in height.

 

The size of horses varies by breed, but also is influenced by nutrition. Light-riding horses usually range in height from 14 to 16 hands (56 to 64 inches, 142 to 163 cm) and can weigh from 380 to 550 kilograms (840 to 1,210 lb). Larger-riding horses usually start at about 15.2 hands (62 inches, 157 cm) and often are as tall as 17 hands (68 inches, 173 cm), weighing from 500 to 600 kilograms (1,100 to 1,320 lb). Heavy or draft horses are usually at least 16 hands (64 inches, 163 cm) high and can be as tall as 18 hands (72 inches, 183 cm) high. They can weigh from about 700 to 1,000 kilograms (1,540 to 2,200 lb).

 

The largest horse in recorded history was probably a Shire horse named Mammoth, who was born in 1848. He stood 21.2 1⁄4 hands (86.25 inches, 219 cm) high and his peak weight was estimated at 1,524 kilograms (3,360 lb). The record holder for the smallest horse ever is Thumbelina, a fully mature miniature horse affected by dwarfism. She was 43 centimetres; 4.1 hands (17 in) tall and weighed 26 kg (57 lb).

 

Ponies

Main article: Pony

Ponies are taxonomically the same animals as horses. The distinction between a horse and pony is commonly drawn on the basis of height, especially for competition purposes. However, height alone is not dispositive; the difference between horses and ponies may also include aspects of phenotype, including conformation and temperament.

 

The traditional standard for height of a horse or a pony at maturity is 14.2 hands (58 inches, 147 cm). An animal 14.2 hands (58 inches, 147 cm) or over is usually considered to be a horse and one less than 14.2 hands (58 inches, 147 cm) a pony, but there are many exceptions to the traditional standard. In Australia, ponies are considered to be those under 14 hands (56 inches, 142 cm). For competition in the Western division of the United States Equestrian Federation, the cutoff is 14.1 hands (57 inches, 145 cm). The International Federation for Equestrian Sports, the world governing body for horse sport, uses metric measurements and defines a pony as being any horse measuring less than 148 centimetres (58.27 in) at the withers without shoes, which is just over 14.2 hands (58 inches, 147 cm), and 149 centimetres (58.66 in; 14.2+1⁄2 hands), with shoes.

 

Height is not the sole criterion for distinguishing horses from ponies. Breed registries for horses that typically produce individuals both under and over 14.2 hands (58 inches, 147 cm) consider all animals of that breed to be horses regardless of their height. Conversely, some pony breeds may have features in common with horses, and individual animals may occasionally mature at over 14.2 hands (58 inches, 147 cm), but are still considered to be ponies.

 

Ponies often exhibit thicker manes, tails, and overall coat. They also have proportionally shorter legs, wider barrels, heavier bone, shorter and thicker necks, and short heads with broad foreheads. They may have calmer temperaments than horses and also a high level of intelligence that may or may not be used to cooperate with human handlers. Small size, by itself, is not an exclusive determinant. For example, the Shetland pony which averages 10 hands (40 inches, 102 cm), is considered a pony. Conversely, breeds such as the Falabella and other miniature horses, which can be no taller than 76 centimetres; 7.2 hands (30 in), are classified by their registries as very small horses, not ponies.

 

Genetics

Horses have 64 chromosomes. The horse genome was sequenced in 2007. It contains 2.7 billion DNA base pairs, which is larger than the dog genome, but smaller than the human genome or the bovine genome.

 

Colors and markings

Horses exhibit a diverse array of coat colors and distinctive markings, described by a specialized vocabulary. Often, a horse is classified first by its coat color, before breed or sex. Horses of the same color may be distinguished from one another by white markings, which, along with various spotting patterns, are inherited separately from coat color.

 

Many genes that create horse coat colors and patterns have been identified. Current genetic tests can identify at least 13 different alleles influencing coat color, and research continues to discover new genes linked to specific traits. The basic coat colors of chestnut and black are determined by the gene controlled by the Melanocortin 1 receptor, also known as the "extension gene" or "red factor", as its recessive form is "red" (chestnut) and its dominant form is black. Additional genes control suppression of black color to point coloration that results in a bay, spotting patterns such as pinto or leopard, dilution genes such as palomino or dun, as well as greying, and all the other factors that create the many possible coat colors found in horses.

 

Horses that have a white coat color are often mislabeled; a horse that looks "white" is usually a middle-aged or older gray. Grays are born a darker shade, get lighter as they age, but usually keep black skin underneath their white hair coat (with the exception of pink skin under white markings). The only horses properly called white are born with a predominantly white hair coat and pink skin, a fairly rare occurrence. Different and unrelated genetic factors can produce white coat colors in horses, including several different alleles of dominant white and the sabino-1 gene. However, there are no "albino" horses, defined as having both pink skin and red eyes.

 

Reproduction and development

Gestation lasts approximately 340 days, with an average range 320–370 days, and usually results in one foal; twins are rare. Horses are a precocial species, and foals are capable of standing and running within a short time following birth. Foals are usually born in the spring. The estrous cycle of a mare occurs roughly every 19–22 days and occurs from early spring into autumn. Most mares enter an anestrus period during the winter and thus do not cycle in this period. Foals are generally weaned from their mothers between four and six months of age.

 

Horses, particularly colts, are sometimes physically capable of reproduction at about 18 months, but domesticated horses are rarely allowed to breed before the age of three, especially females. Horses four years old are considered mature, although the skeleton normally continues to develop until the age of six; maturation also depends on the horse's size, breed, sex, and quality of care. Larger horses have larger bones; therefore, not only do the bones take longer to form bone tissue, but the epiphyseal plates are larger and take longer to convert from cartilage to bone. These plates convert after the other parts of the bones, and are crucial to development.

 

Depending on maturity, breed, and work expected, horses are usually put under saddle and trained to be ridden between the ages of two and four. Although Thoroughbred race horses are put on the track as young as the age of two in some countries, horses specifically bred for sports such as dressage are generally not put under saddle until they are three or four years old, because their bones and muscles are not solidly developed. For endurance riding competition, horses are not deemed mature enough to compete until they are a full 60 calendar months (five years) old.

 

Anatomy

The horse skeleton averages 205 bones. A significant difference between the horse skeleton and that of a human is the lack of a collarbone—the horse's forelimbs are attached to the spinal column by a powerful set of muscles, tendons, and ligaments that attach the shoulder blade to the torso. The horse's four legs and hooves are also unique structures. Their leg bones are proportioned differently from those of a human. For example, the body part that is called a horse's "knee" is actually made up of the carpal bones that correspond to the human wrist. Similarly, the hock contains bones equivalent to those in the human ankle and heel. The lower leg bones of a horse correspond to the bones of the human hand or foot, and the fetlock (incorrectly called the "ankle") is actually the proximal sesamoid bones between the cannon bones (a single equivalent to the human metacarpal or metatarsal bones) and the proximal phalanges, located where one finds the "knuckles" of a human. A horse also has no muscles in its legs below the knees and hocks, only skin, hair, bone, tendons, ligaments, cartilage, and the assorted specialized tissues that make up the hoof.

 

Hooves

Main articles: Horse hoof, Horseshoe, and Farrier

The critical importance of the feet and legs is summed up by the traditional adage, "no foot, no horse". The horse hoof begins with the distal phalanges, the equivalent of the human fingertip or tip of the toe, surrounded by cartilage and other specialized, blood-rich soft tissues such as the laminae. The exterior hoof wall and horn of the sole is made of keratin, the same material as a human fingernail. The result is that a horse, weighing on average 500 kilograms (1,100 lb), travels on the same bones as would a human on tiptoe. For the protection of the hoof under certain conditions, some horses have horseshoes placed on their feet by a professional farrier. The hoof continually grows, and in most domesticated horses needs to be trimmed (and horseshoes reset, if used) every five to eight weeks, though the hooves of horses in the wild wear down and regrow at a rate suitable for their terrain.

 

Teeth

Main article: Horse teeth

Horses are adapted to grazing. In an adult horse, there are 12 incisors at the front of the mouth, adapted to biting off the grass or other vegetation. There are 24 teeth adapted for chewing, the premolars and molars, at the back of the mouth. Stallions and geldings have four additional teeth just behind the incisors, a type of canine teeth called "tushes". Some horses, both male and female, will also develop one to four very small vestigial teeth in front of the molars, known as "wolf" teeth, which are generally removed because they can interfere with the bit. There is an empty interdental space between the incisors and the molars where the bit rests directly on the gums, or "bars" of the horse's mouth when the horse is bridled.

 

An estimate of a horse's age can be made from looking at its teeth. The teeth continue to erupt throughout life and are worn down by grazing. Therefore, the incisors show changes as the horse ages; they develop a distinct wear pattern, changes in tooth shape, and changes in the angle at which the chewing surfaces meet. This allows a very rough estimate of a horse's age, although diet and veterinary care can also affect the rate of tooth wear.

 

Digestion

Main articles: Equine digestive system and Equine nutrition

Horses are herbivores with a digestive system adapted to a forage diet of grasses and other plant material, consumed steadily throughout the day. Therefore, compared to humans, they have a relatively small stomach but very long intestines to facilitate a steady flow of nutrients. A 450-kilogram (990 lb) horse will eat 7 to 11 kilograms (15 to 24 lb) of food per day and, under normal use, drink 38 to 45 litres (8.4 to 9.9 imp gal; 10 to 12 US gal) of water. Horses are not ruminants, they have only one stomach, like humans, but unlike humans, they can digest cellulose, a major component of grass. Horses are hindgut fermenters. Cellulose fermentation by symbiotic bacteria occurs in the cecum, or "water gut", which food goes through before reaching the large intestine. Horses cannot vomit, so digestion problems can quickly cause colic, a leading cause of death. Horses do not have a gallbladder; however, they seem to tolerate high amounts of fat in their diet despite lack of a gallbladder.

 

Senses

The horses' senses are based on their status as prey animals, where they must be aware of their surroundings at all times. They have the largest eyes of any land mammal, and are lateral-eyed, meaning that their eyes are positioned on the sides of their heads. This means that horses have a range of vision of more than 350°, with approximately 65° of this being binocular vision and the remaining 285° monocular vision. Horses have excellent day and night vision, but they have two-color, or dichromatic vision; their color vision is somewhat like red-green color blindness in humans, where certain colors, especially red and related colors, appear as a shade of green.

 

Their sense of smell, while much better than that of humans, is not quite as good as that of a dog. It is believed to play a key role in the social interactions of horses as well as detecting other key scents in the environment. Horses have two olfactory centers. The first system is in the nostrils and nasal cavity, which analyze a wide range of odors. The second, located under the nasal cavity, are the vomeronasal organs, also called Jacobson's organs. These have a separate nerve pathway to the brain and appear to primarily analyze pheromones.

 

A horse's hearing is good, and the pinna of each ear can rotate up to 180°, giving the potential for 360° hearing without having to move the head. Noise impacts the behavior of horses and certain kinds of noise may contribute to stress: a 2013 study in the UK indicated that stabled horses were calmest in a quiet setting, or if listening to country or classical music, but displayed signs of nervousness when listening to jazz or rock music. This study also recommended keeping music under a volume of 21 decibels. An Australian study found that stabled racehorses listening to talk radio had a higher rate of gastric ulcers than horses listening to music, and racehorses stabled where a radio was played had a higher overall rate of ulceration than horses stabled where there was no radio playing.

 

Horses have a great sense of balance, due partly to their ability to feel their footing and partly to highly developed proprioception—the unconscious sense of where the body and limbs are at all times. A horse's sense of touch is well-developed. The most sensitive areas are around the eyes, ears, and nose. Horses are able to sense contact as subtle as an insect landing anywhere on the body.

 

Horses have an advanced sense of taste, which allows them to sort through fodder and choose what they would most like to eat, and their prehensile lips can easily sort even small grains. Horses generally will not eat poisonous plants, however, there are exceptions; horses will occasionally eat toxic amounts of poisonous plants even when there is adequate healthy food.

 

Movement

All horses move naturally with four basic gaits:

the four-beat walk, which averages 6.4 kilometres per hour (4.0 mph);

the two-beat trot or jog at 13 to 19 kilometres per hour (8.1 to 11.8 mph) (faster for harness racing horses);

the canter or lope, a three-beat gait that is 19 to 24 kilometres per hour (12 to 15 mph);

the gallop, which averages 40 to 48 kilometres per hour (25 to 30 mph), but the world record for a horse galloping over a short, sprint distance is 70.76 kilometres per hour (43.97 mph).

Besides these basic gaits, some horses perform a two-beat pace, instead of the trot. There also are several four-beat 'ambling' gaits that are approximately the speed of a trot or pace, though smoother to ride. These include the lateral rack, running walk, and tölt as well as the diagonal fox trot. Ambling gaits are often genetic in some breeds, known collectively as gaited horses. These horses replace the trot with one of the ambling gaits.

 

Behavior

Horses are prey animals with a strong fight-or-flight response. Their first reaction to a threat is to startle and usually flee, although they will stand their ground and defend themselves when flight is impossible or if their young are threatened. They also tend to be curious; when startled, they will often hesitate an instant to ascertain the cause of their fright, and may not always flee from something that they perceive as non-threatening. Most light horse riding breeds were developed for speed, agility, alertness and endurance; natural qualities that extend from their wild ancestors. However, through selective breeding, some breeds of horses are quite docile, particularly certain draft horses.

  

Horses fighting as part of herd dominance behaviour

Horses are herd animals, with a clear hierarchy of rank, led by a dominant individual, usually a mare. They are also social creatures that are able to form companionship attachments to their own species and to other animals, including humans. They communicate in various ways, including vocalizations such as nickering or whinnying, mutual grooming, and body language. Many horses will become difficult to manage if they are isolated, but with training, horses can learn to accept a human as a companion, and thus be comfortable away from other horses. However, when confined with insufficient companionship, exercise, or stimulation, individuals may develop stable vices, an assortment of bad habits, mostly stereotypies of psychological origin, that include wood chewing, wall kicking, "weaving" (rocking back and forth), and other problems.

 

Intelligence and learning

Studies have indicated that horses perform a number of cognitive tasks on a daily basis, meeting mental challenges that include food procurement and identification of individuals within a social system. They also have good spatial discrimination abilities. They are naturally curious and apt to investigate things they have not seen before. Studies have assessed equine intelligence in areas such as problem solving, speed of learning, and memory. Horses excel at simple learning, but also are able to use more advanced cognitive abilities that involve categorization and concept learning. They can learn using habituation, desensitization, classical conditioning, and operant conditioning, and positive and negative reinforcement. One study has indicated that horses can differentiate between "more or less" if the quantity involved is less than four.

 

Domesticated horses may face greater mental challenges than wild horses, because they live in artificial environments that prevent instinctive behavior whilst also learning tasks that are not natural. Horses are animals of habit that respond well to regimentation, and respond best when the same routines and techniques are used consistently. One trainer believes that "intelligent" horses are reflections of intelligent trainers who effectively use response conditioning techniques and positive reinforcement to train in the style that best fits with an individual animal's natural inclinations.

 

Temperament

Horses are mammals, and as such are warm-blooded, or endothermic creatures, as opposed to cold-blooded, or poikilothermic animals. However, these words have developed a separate meaning in the context of equine terminology, used to describe temperament, not body temperature. For example, the "hot-bloods", such as many race horses, exhibit more sensitivity and energy, while the "cold-bloods", such as most draft breeds, are quieter and calmer. Sometimes "hot-bloods" are classified as "light horses" or "riding horses", with the "cold-bloods" classified as "draft horses" or "work horses".

 

a sepia-toned engraving from an old book, showing 11 horses of different breeds and sizes in nine different illustrations

Illustration of assorted breeds; slim, light hotbloods, medium-sized warmbloods and draft and pony-type coldblood breeds

"Hot blooded" breeds include "oriental horses" such as the Akhal-Teke, Arabian horse, Barb, and now-extinct Turkoman horse, as well as the Thoroughbred, a breed developed in England from the older oriental breeds. Hot bloods tend to be spirited, bold, and learn quickly. They are bred for agility and speed. They tend to be physically refined—thin-skinned, slim, and long-legged. The original oriental breeds were brought to Europe from the Middle East and North Africa when European breeders wished to infuse these traits into racing and light cavalry horses.

 

Muscular, heavy draft horses are known as "cold bloods", as they are bred not only for strength, but also to have the calm, patient temperament needed to pull a plow or a heavy carriage full of people. They are sometimes nicknamed "gentle giants". Well-known draft breeds include the Belgian and the Clydesdale. Some, like the Percheron, are lighter and livelier, developed to pull carriages or to plow large fields in drier climates. Others, such as the Shire, are slower and more powerful, bred to plow fields with heavy, clay-based soils. The cold-blooded group also includes some pony breeds.

 

"Warmblood" breeds, such as the Trakehner or Hanoverian, developed when European carriage and war horses were crossed with Arabians or Thoroughbreds, producing a riding horse with more refinement than a draft horse, but greater size and milder temperament than a lighter breed. Certain pony breeds with warmblood characteristics have been developed for smaller riders. Warmbloods are considered a "light horse" or "riding horse".

 

Today, the term "Warmblood" refers to a specific subset of sport horse breeds that are used for competition in dressage and show jumping. Strictly speaking, the term "warm blood" refers to any cross between cold-blooded and hot-blooded breeds. Examples include breeds such as the Irish Draught or the Cleveland Bay. The term was once used to refer to breeds of light riding horse other than Thoroughbreds or Arabians, such as the Morgan horse.

 

Sleep patterns

When horses lie down to sleep, others in the herd remain standing, awake, or in a light doze, keeping watch.

Horses are able to sleep both standing up and lying down. In an adaptation from life in the wild, horses are able to enter light sleep by using a "stay apparatus" in their legs, allowing them to doze without collapsing. Horses sleep better when in groups because some animals will sleep while others stand guard to watch for predators. A horse kept alone will not sleep well because its instincts are to keep a constant eye out for danger.

 

Unlike humans, horses do not sleep in a solid, unbroken period of time, but take many short periods of rest. Horses spend four to fifteen hours a day in standing rest, and from a few minutes to several hours lying down. Total sleep time in a 24-hour period may range from several minutes to a couple of hours, mostly in short intervals of about 15 minutes each. The average sleep time of a domestic horse is said to be 2.9 hours per day.

 

Horses must lie down to reach REM sleep. They only have to lie down for an hour or two every few days to meet their minimum REM sleep requirements. However, if a horse is never allowed to lie down, after several days it will become sleep-deprived, and in rare cases may suddenly collapse as it involuntarily slips into REM sleep while still standing. This condition differs from narcolepsy, although horses may also suffer from that disorder.

 

Taxonomy and evolution

The horse adapted to survive in areas of wide-open terrain with sparse vegetation, surviving in an ecosystem where other large grazing animals, especially ruminants, could not. Horses and other equids are odd-toed ungulates of the order Perissodactyla, a group of mammals dominant during the Tertiary period. In the past, this order contained 14 families, but only three—Equidae (the horse and related species), Tapiridae (the tapir), and Rhinocerotidae (the rhinoceroses)—have survived to the present day.

 

The earliest known member of the family Equidae was the Hyracotherium, which lived between 45 and 55 million years ago, during the Eocene period. It had 4 toes on each front foot, and 3 toes on each back foot. The extra toe on the front feet soon disappeared with the Mesohippus, which lived 32 to 37 million years ago. Over time, the extra side toes shrank in size until they vanished. All that remains of them in modern horses is a set of small vestigial bones on the leg below the knee, known informally as splint bones. Their legs also lengthened as their toes disappeared until they were a hooved animal capable of running at great speed. By about 5 million years ago, the modern Equus had evolved. Equid teeth also evolved from browsing on soft, tropical plants to adapt to browsing of drier plant material, then to grazing of tougher plains grasses. Thus proto-horses changed from leaf-eating forest-dwellers to grass-eating inhabitants of semi-arid regions worldwide, including the steppes of Eurasia and the Great Plains of North America.

 

By about 15,000 years ago, Equus ferus was a widespread holarctic species. Horse bones from this time period, the late Pleistocene, are found in Europe, Eurasia, Beringia, and North America. Yet between 10,000 and 7,600 years ago, the horse became extinct in North America. The reasons for this extinction are not fully known, but one theory notes that extinction in North America paralleled human arrival. Another theory points to climate change, noting that approximately 12,500 years ago, the grasses characteristic of a steppe ecosystem gave way to shrub tundra, which was covered with unpalatable plants.

 

Wild species surviving into modern times

Three tan-colored horses with upright manes. Two horses nip and paw at each other, while the third moves towards the camera. They stand in an open, rocky grassland, with forests in the distance.

 

Main article: Wild horse

A truly wild horse is a species or subspecies with no ancestors that were ever successfully domesticated. Therefore, most "wild" horses today are actually feral horses, animals that escaped or were turned loose from domestic herds and the descendants of those animals. Only two wild subspecies, the tarpan and the Przewalski's horse, survived into recorded history and only the latter survives today.

 

The Przewalski's horse (Equus ferus przewalskii), named after the Russian explorer Nikolai Przhevalsky, is a rare Asian animal. It is also known as the Mongolian wild horse; Mongolian people know it as the taki, and the Kyrgyz people call it a kirtag. The subspecies was presumed extinct in the wild between 1969 and 1992, while a small breeding population survived in zoos around the world. In 1992, it was reestablished in the wild by the conservation efforts of numerous zoos. Today, a small wild breeding population exists in Mongolia. There are additional animals still maintained at zoos throughout the world.

 

The question of whether the Przewalski's horse was ever domesticated was challenged in 2018 when DNA studies of horses found at Botai culture sites revealed captured animals with DNA markers of an ancestor to the Przewalski's horse. The study concluded that the Botai animals appear to have been an independent domestication attempt and apparently unsuccessful, as these genetic markers do not appear in modern domesticated horses. However, the question of whether all Przewalski's horses descend from this population is also unresolved, as only one of seven modern Przewalski's horses in the study shared this ancestry.

 

The tarpan or European wild horse (Equus ferus ferus) was found in Europe and much of Asia. It survived into the historical era, but became extinct in 1909, when the last captive died in a Russian zoo. Thus, the genetic line was lost. Attempts have been made to recreate the tarpan, which resulted in horses with outward physical similarities, but nonetheless descended from domesticated ancestors and not true wild horses.

 

Periodically, populations of horses in isolated areas are speculated to be relict populations of wild horses, but generally have been proven to be feral or domestic. For example, the Riwoche horse of Tibet was proposed as such, but testing did not reveal genetic differences from domesticated horses. Similarly, the Sorraia of Portugal was proposed as a direct descendant of the Tarpan on the basis of shared characteristics, but genetic studies have shown that the Sorraia is more closely related to other horse breeds, and that the outward similarity is an unreliable measure of relatedness.

 

Other modern equids

Main article: Equus (genus)

Besides the horse, there are six other species of genus Equus in the Equidae family. These are the ass or donkey, Equus asinus; the mountain zebra, Equus zebra; plains zebra, Equus quagga; Grévy's Zebra, Equus grevyi; the kiang, Equus kiang; and the onager, Equus hemionus.

 

Horses can crossbreed with other members of their genus. The most common hybrid is the mule, a cross between a "jack" (male donkey) and a mare. A related hybrid, a hinny, is a cross between a stallion and a "jenny" (female donkey). Other hybrids include the zorse, a cross between a zebra and a horse. With rare exceptions, most hybrids are sterile and cannot reproduce.

 

Main articles: History of horse domestication theories and Domestication of the horse

Domestication of the horse most likely took place in central Asia prior to 3500 BCE. Two major sources of information are used to determine where and when the horse was first domesticated and how the domesticated horse spread around the world. The first source is based on palaeological and archaeological discoveries; the second source is a comparison of DNA obtained from modern horses to that from bones and teeth of ancient horse remains.

 

The earliest archaeological evidence for the domestication of the horse comes from sites in Ukraine and Kazakhstan, dating to approximately 4000–3500 BCE. By 3000 BCE, the horse was completely domesticated and by 2000 BCE there was a sharp increase in the number of horse bones found in human settlements in northwestern Europe, indicating the spread of domesticated horses throughout the continent. The most recent, but most irrefutable evidence of domestication comes from sites where horse remains were interred with chariots in graves of the Sintashta and Petrovka cultures c. 2100 BCE.

 

A 2021 genetic study suggested that most modern domestic horses descend from the lower Volga-Don region. Ancient horse genomes indicate that these populations influenced almost all local populations as they expanded rapidly throughout Eurasia, beginning about 4,200 years ago. It also shows that certain adaptations were strongly selected due to riding, and that equestrian material culture, including Sintashta spoke-wheeled chariots spread with the horse itself.

 

Domestication is also studied by using the genetic material of present-day horses and comparing it with the genetic material present in the bones and teeth of horse remains found in archaeological and palaeological excavations. The variation in the genetic material shows that very few wild stallions contributed to the domestic horse, while many mares were part of early domesticated herds. This is reflected in the difference in genetic variation between the DNA that is passed on along the paternal, or sire line (Y-chromosome) versus that passed on along the maternal, or dam line (mitochondrial DNA). There are very low levels of Y-chromosome variability, but a great deal of genetic variation in mitochondrial DNA. There is also regional variation in mitochondrial DNA due to the inclusion of wild mares in domestic herds. Another characteristic of domestication is an increase in coat color variation. In horses, this increased dramatically between 5000 and 3000 BCE.

 

Before the availability of DNA techniques to resolve the questions related to the domestication of the horse, various hypotheses were proposed. One classification was based on body types and conformation, suggesting the presence of four basic prototypes that had adapted to their environment prior to domestication. Another hypothesis held that the four prototypes originated from a single wild species and that all different body types were entirely a result of selective breeding after domestication. However, the lack of a detectable substructure in the horse has resulted in a rejection of both hypotheses.

 

Main article: Feral horse

Feral horses are born and live in the wild, but are descended from domesticated animals. Many populations of feral horses exist throughout the world. Studies of feral herds have provided useful insights into the behavior of prehistoric horses, as well as greater understanding of the instincts and behaviors that drive horses that live in domesticated conditions.

 

There are also semi-feral horses in many parts of the world, such as Dartmoor and the New Forest in the UK, where the animals are all privately owned but live for significant amounts of time in "wild" conditions on undeveloped, often public, lands. Owners of such animals often pay a fee for grazing rights.

 

Main articles: Horse breed, List of horse breeds, and Horse breeding

The concept of purebred bloodstock and a controlled, written breed registry has come to be particularly significant and important in modern times. Sometimes purebred horses are incorrectly or inaccurately called "thoroughbreds". Thoroughbred is a specific breed of horse, while a "purebred" is a horse (or any other animal) with a defined pedigree recognized by a breed registry. Horse breeds are groups of horses with distinctive characteristics that are transmitted consistently to their offspring, such as conformation, color, performance ability, or disposition. These inherited traits result from a combination of natural crosses and artificial selection methods. Horses have been selectively bred since their domestication. An early example of people who practiced selective horse breeding were the Bedouin, who had a reputation for careful practices, keeping extensive pedigrees of their Arabian horses and placing great value upon pure bloodlines. These pedigrees were originally transmitted via an oral tradition. In the 14th century, Carthusian monks of southern Spain kept meticulous pedigrees of bloodstock lineages still found today in the Andalusian horse.

 

Breeds developed due to a need for "form to function", the necessity to develop certain characteristics in order to perform a particular type of work. Thus, a powerful but refined breed such as the Andalusian developed as riding horses with an aptitude for dressage. Heavy draft horses were developed out of a need to perform demanding farm work and pull heavy wagons. Other horse breeds had been developed specifically for light agricultural work, carriage and road work, various sport disciplines, or simply as pets. Some breeds developed through centuries of crossing other breeds, while others descended from a single foundation sire, or other limited or restricted foundation bloodstock. One of the earliest formal registries was General Stud Book for Thoroughbreds, which began in 1791 and traced back to the foundation bloodstock for the breed. There are more than 300 horse breeds in the world today.

 

Interaction with humans

Worldwide, horses play a role within human cultures and have done so for millennia. Horses are used for leisure activities, sports, and working purposes. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that in 2008, there were almost 59,000,000 horses in the world, with around 33,500,000 in the Americas, 13,800,000 in Asia and 6,300,000 in Europe and smaller portions in Africa and Oceania. There are estimated to be 9,500,000 horses in the United States alone. The American Horse Council estimates that horse-related activities have a direct impact on the economy of the United States of over $39 billion, and when indirect spending is considered, the impact is over $102 billion. In a 2004 "poll" conducted by Animal Planet, more than 50,000 viewers from 73 countries voted for the horse as the world's 4th favorite animal.

 

Communication between human and horse is paramount in any equestrian activity; to aid this process horses are usually ridden with a saddle on their backs to assist the rider with balance and positioning, and a bridle or related headgear to assist the rider in maintaining control. Sometimes horses are ridden without a saddle, and occasionally, horses are trained to perform without a bridle or other headgear. Many horses are also driven, which requires a harness, bridle, and some type of vehicle.

 

Main articles: Equestrianism, Horse racing, Horse training, and Horse tack

Historically, equestrians honed their skills through games and races. Equestrian sports provided entertainment for crowds and honed the excellent horsemanship that was needed in battle. Many sports, such as dressage, eventing, and show jumping, have origins in military training, which were focused on control and balance of both horse and rider. Other sports, such as rodeo, developed from practical skills such as those needed on working ranches and stations. Sport hunting from horseback evolved from earlier practical hunting techniques. Horse racing of all types evolved from impromptu competitions between riders or drivers. All forms of competition, requiring demanding and specialized skills from both horse and rider, resulted in the systematic development of specialized breeds and equipment for each sport. The popularity of equestrian sports through the centuries has resulted in the preservation of skills that would otherwise have disappeared after horses stopped being used in combat.

 

Horses are trained to be ridden or driven in a variety of sporting competitions. Examples include show jumping, dressage, three-day eventing, competitive driving, endurance riding, gymkhana, rodeos, and fox hunting. Horse shows, which have their origins in medieval European fairs, are held around the world. They host a huge range of classes, covering all of the mounted and harness disciplines, as well as "In-hand" classes where the horses are led, rather than ridden, to be evaluated on their conformation. The method of judging varies with the discipline, but winning usually depends on style and ability of both horse and rider. Sports such as polo do not judge the horse itself, but rather use the horse as a partner for human competitors as a necessary part of the game. Although the horse requires specialized training to participate, the details of its performance are not judged, only the result of the rider's actions—be it getting a ball through a goal or some other task. Examples of these sports of partnership between human and horse include jousting, in which the main goal is for one rider to unseat the other, and buzkashi, a team game played throughout Central Asia, the aim being to capture a goat carcass while on horseback.

 

Horse racing is an equestrian sport and major international industry, watched in almost every nation of the world. There are three types: "flat" racing; steeplechasing, i.e. racing over jumps; and harness racing, where horses trot or pace while pulling a driver in a small, light cart known as a sulky. A major part of horse racing's economic importance lies in the gambling associated with it.

 

Work

There are certain jobs that horses do very well, and no technology has yet developed to fully replace them. For example, mounted police horses are still effective for certain types of patrol duties and crowd control. Cattle ranches still require riders on horseback to round up cattle that are scattered across remote, rugged terrain. Search and rescue organizations in some countries depend upon mounted teams to locate people, particularly hikers and children, and to provide disaster relief assistance. Horses can also be used in areas where it is necessary to avoid vehicular disruption to delicate soil, such as nature reserves. They may also be the only form of transport allowed in wilderness areas. Horses are quieter than motorized vehicles. Law enforcement officers such as park rangers or game wardens may use horses for patrols, and horses or mules may also be used for clearing trails or other work in areas of rough terrain where vehicles are less effective.

 

Although machinery has replaced horses in many parts of the world, an estimated 100 million horses, donkeys and mules are still used for agriculture and transportation in less developed areas. This number includes around 27 million working animals in Africa alone. Some land management practices such as cultivating and logging can be efficiently performed with horses. In agriculture, less fossil fuel is used and increased environmental conservation occurs over time with the use of draft animals such as horses. Logging with horses can result in reduced damage to soil structure and less damage to trees due to more selective logging.

 

Main article: Horses in warfare

Horses have been used in warfare for most of recorded history. The first archaeological evidence of horses used in warfare dates to between 4000 and 3000 BCE, and the use of horses in warfare was widespread by the end of the Bronze Age. Although mechanization has largely replaced the horse as a weapon of war, horses are still seen today in limited military uses, mostly for ceremonial purposes, or for reconnaissance and transport activities in areas of rough terrain where motorized vehicles are ineffective. Horses have been used in the 21st century by the Janjaweed militias in the War in Darfur.

 

Entertainment and culture

Modern horses are often used to reenact many of their historical work purposes. Horses are used, complete with equipment that is authentic or a meticulously recreated replica, in various live action historical reenactments of specific periods of history, especially recreations of famous battles. Horses are also used to preserve cultural traditions and for ceremonial purposes. Countries such as the United Kingdom still use horse-drawn carriages to convey royalty and other VIPs to and from certain culturally significant events. Public exhibitions are another example, such as the Budweiser Clydesdales, seen in parades and other public settings, a team of draft horses that pull a beer wagon similar to that used before the invention of the modern motorized truck.

 

Horses are frequently used in television, films and literature. They are sometimes featured as a major character in films about particular animals, but also used as visual elements that assure the accuracy of historical stories. Both live horses and iconic images of horses are used in advertising to promote a variety of products. The horse frequently appears in coats of arms in heraldry, in a variety of poses and equipment. The mythologies of many cultures, including Greco-Roman, Hindu, Islamic, and Germanic, include references to both normal horses and those with wings or additional limbs, and multiple myths also call upon the horse to draw the chariots of the Moon and Sun. The horse also appears in the 12-year cycle of animals in the Chinese zodiac related to the Chinese calendar.

 

Horses serve as the inspiration for many modern automobile names and logos, including the Ford Pinto, Ford Bronco, Ford Mustang, Hyundai Equus, Hyundai Pony, Mitsubishi Starion, Subaru Brumby, Mitsubishi Colt/Dodge Colt, Pinzgauer, Steyr-Puch Haflinger, Pegaso, Porsche, Rolls-Royce Camargue, Ferrari, Carlsson, Kamaz, Corre La Licorne, Iran Khodro, Eicher, and Baojun. Indian TVS Motor Company also uses a horse on their motorcycles & scooters.

 

Therapeutic use

People of all ages with physical and mental disabilities obtain beneficial results from an association with horses. Therapeutic riding is used to mentally and physically stimulate disabled persons and help them improve their lives through improved balance and coordination, increased self-confidence, and a greater feeling of freedom and independence. The benefits of equestrian activity for people with disabilities has also been recognized with the addition of equestrian events to the Paralympic Games and recognition of para-equestrian events by the International Federation for Equestrian Sports (FEI). Hippotherapy and therapeutic horseback riding are names for different physical, occupational, and speech therapy treatment strategies that use equine movement. In hippotherapy, a therapist uses the horse's movement to improve their patient's cognitive, coordination, balance, and fine motor skills, whereas therapeutic horseback riding uses specific riding skills.

 

Horses also provide psychological benefits to people whether they actually ride or not. "Equine-assisted" or "equine-facilitated" therapy is a form of experiential psychotherapy that uses horses as companion animals to assist people with mental illness, including anxiety disorders, psychotic disorders, mood disorders, behavioral difficulties, and those who are going through major life changes. There are also experimental programs using horses in prison settings. Exposure to horses appears to improve the behavior of inmates and help reduce recidivism when they leave.

 

Products

Horses are raw material for many products made by humans throughout history, including byproducts from the slaughter of horses as well as materials collected from living horses.

 

Products collected from living horses include mare's milk, used by people with large horse herds, such as the Mongols, who let it ferment to produce kumis. Horse blood was once used as food by the Mongols and other nomadic tribes, who found it a convenient source of nutrition when traveling. Drinking their own horses' blood allowed the Mongols to ride for extended periods of time without stopping to eat. The drug Premarin is a mixture of estrogens extracted from the urine of pregnant mares (pregnant mares' urine), and was previously a widely used drug for hormone replacement therapy. The tail hair of horses can be used for making bows for string instruments such as the violin, viola, cello, and double bass.

 

Horse meat has been used as food for humans and carnivorous animals throughout the ages. Approximately 5 million horses are slaughtered each year for meat worldwide. It is eaten in many parts of the world, though consumption is taboo in some cultures, and a subject of political controversy in others. Horsehide leather has been used for boots, gloves, jackets, baseballs, and baseball gloves. Horse hooves can also be used to produce animal glue. Horse bones can be used to make implements. Specifically, in Italian cuisine, the horse tibia is sharpened into a probe called a spinto, which is used to test the readiness of a (pig) ham as it cures. In Asia, the saba is a horsehide vessel used in the production of kumis.

 

Main article: Horse care

Checking teeth and other physical examinations are an important part of horse care.

Horses are grazing animals, and their major source of nutrients is good-quality forage from hay or pasture. They can consume approximately 2% to 2.5% of their body weight in dry feed each day. Therefore, a 450-kilogram (990 lb) adult horse could eat up to 11 kilograms (24 lb) of food. Sometimes, concentrated feed such as grain is fed in addition to pasture or hay, especially when the animal is very active. When grain is fed, equine nutritionists recommend that 50% or more of the animal's diet by weight should still be forage.

 

Horses require a plentiful supply of clean water, a minimum of 38 to 45 litres (10 to 12 US gal) per day. Although horses are adapted to live outside, they require shelter from the wind and precipitation, which can range from a simple shed or shelter to an elaborate stable.

 

Horses require routine hoof care from a farrier, as well as vaccinations to protect against various diseases, and dental examinations from a veterinarian or a specialized equine dentist. If horses are kept inside in a barn, they require regular daily exercise for their physical health and mental well-being. When turned outside, they require well-maintained, sturdy fences to be safely contained. Regular grooming is also helpful to help the horse maintain good health of the hair coat and underlying skin.

 

Climate change

As of 2019, there are around 17 million horses in the world. Healthy body temperature for adult horses is in the range between 37.5 and 38.5 °C (99.5 and 101.3 °F), which they can maintain while ambient temperatures are between 5 and 25 °C (41 and 77 °F). However, strenuous exercise increases core body temperature by 1 °C (1.8 °F)/minute, as 80% of the energy used by equine muscles is released as heat. Along with bovines and primates, equines are the only animal group which use sweating as their primary method of thermoregulation: in fact, it can account for up to 70% of their heat loss, and horses sweat three times more than humans while undergoing comparably strenuous physical activity. Unlike humans, this sweat is created not by eccrine glands but by apocrine glands. In hot conditions, horses during three hours of moderate-intersity exercise can loss 30 to 35 L of water and 100g of sodium, 198 g of choloride and 45 g of potassium. In another difference from humans, their sweat is hypertonic, and contains a protein called latherin, which enables it to spread across their body easier, and to foam, rather than to drip off. These adaptations are partly to compensate for their lower body surface-to-mass ratio, which makes it more difficult for horses to passively radiate heat. Yet, prolonged exposure to very hot and/or humid conditions will lead to consequences such as anhidrosis, heat stroke, or brain damage, potentially culminating in death if not addressed with measures like cold water applications. Additionally, around 10% of incidents associated with horse transport have been attributed to heat stress. These issues are expected to worsen in the future.

 

African horse sickness (AHS) is a viral illness with a mortality close to 90% in horses, and 50% in mules. A midge, Culicoides imicola, is the primary vector of AHS, and its spread is expected to benefit from climate change. The spillover of Hendra virus from its flying fox hosts to horses is also likely to increase, as future warming would expand the hosts' geographic range. It has been estimated that under the "moderate" and high climate change scenarios, RCP4.5 and RCP8.5, the number of threatened horses would increase by 110,000 and 165,000, respectively, or by 175 and 260%

The lightest gray represents shadows cast mid-morning on December 22; the medium shade shows shadows cast late afternoon the same day, and the darkest gray represents the overlap.

 

Found in a document titled "Seattle Urban Design Report: Determinants of City Form." The report has a ton of cool maps representing things like view orientation, landslide hazards, traffic volume, and socioeconomic need. Document 1295, Published Document Collection, Seattle Municipal Archives.

On 21 January 1968 all hell broke loose, on a northern outpost, on the outskirts of the airbase, that controls the route around it the Vietcong guerrilla blew a hole on the outer wall debris came flying by and the Marines rushed out to fire at the enemy. The fight went on that would be determinant in the Tet Offensive. The Marines resisted during many days. But the end of this offensive marked a change in this terrible war.

    

Ok, this is slightly based on the scene from Stanley Kubrik's "Full Metal Jacket" in which the the airbase is attacked and they rush out to defend it.

    

I used some of the new pieces I got in this build and without these I wouldn't have been able to make this this big.

    

Please favorite and comment as much as you'd like :)

    

It's been a long time since a I last uploaded so it would mean a lot :)

    

Thanks,

    

Pedro.

Portrait of a community health activist ASHA shot at Betul, Madhya Pradesh.

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One of the key components of the National Rural Health Mission is to provide every village in the country with a trained female community health activist ASHA or Accredited Social Health Activist. Selected from the village itself and accountable to it, the ASHA will be trained to work as an interface between the community and the public health system. Following are the key components of ASHA :

• ASHA must primarily be a woman resident of the village married/ widowed/ divorced, preferably in the age group of 25 to 45 years.

• She should be a literate woman with due preference in selection to those who are qualified up to 10 standard wherever they are interested and available in good numbers. This may be relaxed only if no suitable person with this qualification is available.

• ASHA will be chosen through a rigorous process of selection involving various community groups, self-help groups, Anganwadi Institutions, the Block Nodal officer, District Nodal officer, the village Health Committee and the Gram Sabha.

• Capacity building of ASHA is being seen as a continuous process. ASHA will have to undergo series of training episodes to acquire the necessary knowledge, skills and confidence for performing her spelled out roles.

• The ASHAs will receive performance-based incentives for promoting universal immunization, referral and escort services for Reproductive & Child Health (RCH) and other healthcare programmes, and construction of household toilets.

• Empowered with knowledge and a drug-kit to deliver first-contact healthcare, every ASHA is expected to be a fountainhead of community participation in public health programmes in her village.

• ASHA will be the first port of call for any health related demands of deprived sections of the population, especially women and children, who find it difficult to access health services.

• ASHA will be a health activist in the community who will create awareness on health and its social determinants and mobilise the community towards local health planning and increased utilisation and accountability of the existing health services.

• She would be a promoter of good health practices and will also provide a minimum package of curative care as appropriate and feasible for that level and make timely referrals.

• ASHA will provide information to the community on determinants of health such as nutrition, basic sanitation & hygienic practices, healthy living and working conditions, information on existing health services and the need for timely utilisation of health & family welfare services.

• She will counsel women on birth preparedness, importance of safe delivery, breast-feeding and complementary feeding, immunization, contraception and prevention of common infections including Reproductive Tract Infection/Sexually Transmitted Infections (RTIs/STIs) and care of the young child.

• ASHA will mobilise the community and facilitate them in accessing health and health related services available at the Anganwadi/sub-centre/primary health centers, such as immunisation, Ante Natal Check-up (ANC), Post Natal Check-up supplementary nutrition, sanitation and other services being provided by the government.

• She will act as a depot older for essential provisions being made available to all habitations like Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORS), Iron Folic Acid Tablet(IFA), chloroquine, Disposable Delivery Kits (DDK), Oral Pills & Condoms, etc.

• At the village level it is recognised that ASHA cannot function without adequate institutional support. Women's committees (like self-help groups or women's health committees), village Health & Sanitation Committee of the Gram Panchayat, peripheral health workers especially ANMs and Anganwadi workers, and the trainers of ASHA and in-service periodic training would be a major source of support to ASHA.

 

Photograph by Firoz Ahmad

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Les récits du tombeau vide relatent, dans les quatre évangiles canoniques, l'épisode au cours duquel les Saintes Femmes trouvent la tombe de Jésus de Nazareth vide, sans le cadavre de celui-ci, au cours du dimanche suivant son crucifiement.

Cet épisode, qui se déroule avant les apparitions aux disciples, est lié à la résurrection de Jésus sans pour autant être déterminant.

Son historicité demeure impossible à démontrer.

 

Гроб Господень, или Святой Гроб — главная святыня христианского мира, гробница в скале; эта гробница признана Историческими церквями местом, где, согласно Евангелию, Иисус Христос был погребён после распятия и на третий день воскрес. Гробница является главным алтарём Храма Воскресения Христова в Иерусалиме.

En èpoques passada es veu que també hi havia bellesa. no us sembla?

És la fira mediaval, com n'hi ha moltes, que es fa a Banyoles. Sí, sí també fan fira... I vaig anar-hi, tot i no estar fi, per sort meva, no perdo mai les ganes de fer fotos, en faré menys, però en faig. Aquesta n'és una.

Avui repasant que havia fet i el molt que em quedava per fer l'he trobada.

Sóc, tant lent, tinc tants dubtes... en fi si fos d'altre manera segurament no seria jo mateix.

La mirada a l'infinit que té és que ja n'estava farta que quasi tots els que portàvem càmara la busquéssim per fer-li fotos, però suposo que és el preu de la "fama".

Representava "la cort" de l'abat que en uns moments determinants va manar en el momestir que hi havia a Banyoles i que un grup d'actors aficionats en feien una "representació" per la fira. La cúria també se sabien envoltar, evidentment, de bellesa jove.

En fi, ja som dijous i diuen que demà plourà, demà tindré, doncs, temps per a fer més coses i possar una mica d'ordre... o potser ni cal, Cal només anar fent i cercant imatges per a compartir.

Visiting Dunnottar Castle this scene caught my eye.

 

Located behind the main walkway heading down towards the castle there is field after field of farm land crops growing, with the sun high in the sky and enjoying a magnificent summers day 2/7/17 this scene had to be captured .

 

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Baltic Centre for Contemporary Art (also known simply as (the) Baltic, stylised as BALTIC) is a centre for contemporary art located on the south bank of the River Tyne in Gateshead, Tyne and Wear, England. It hosts a frequently changing variety of exhibitions, events, and educational programmes with no permanent exhibition. The idea to open a centre for contemporary arts in Gateshead was developed in the 1990s, which was a time of regeneration for the local area—the Sage and Gateshead Millennium Bridge was also being conceived of in this period.

 

Baltic opened in July 2002 in a converted flour mill, which had operated in various capacities from 1950-1984. The architectural design of Baltic was devised by Dominic Williams of Ellis Williams Architects, who won a competition to design the new contemporary arts centre in 1994. The building features exhibition spaces, a visitor centre, a rooftop restaurant and external viewing platforms which offer views of the River Tyne. Baltic's current director, the centre's fifth, is Sarah Munro, who joined in November 2015. As of January 2022, Baltic had welcomed over 8 million visitors.

 

Baltic Flour Mills was built by Joseph Rank of Rank Hovis to a late-1930s design by Hull-based architects Gelder and Kitchen. The first foundations were laid in the late 1930s, and although construction ceased during the Second World War, the mill was completed and started operating in 1950. Known locally as "the pride of Tyneside", 300 people were employed by the mill at its height. The building was composed of two parallel brick façades running east to west, sandwiched between a foundation of concrete silos. The structure could store 22,000 tons of grain. The design of the building also featured a larger silo in which to store and clean wheat. The site was extended in 1957 by the addition of Blue Cross Mill which processed animal feed. In 1976, a fire forced both mills to close, but the silos remained in operation until 1984 to store a portion of the grain owned by the European Economic Community. Baltic Flour Mills was one of a number of mills located along the banks of the Tyne, all of which, due to their size, were prominent local landmarks. The Spillers mill just downstream from Baltic on the north bank of the river was demolished in 2011. Another large mill was owned by the CWS and was located just upstream of Dunston Staiths.

 

The opening of Baltic as a designated centre for contemporary art was part of the revitalisation and post-industrial regeneration of Gateshead's riverside. The regeneration began in the early 1990s and transformed the Quayside into a centre of modern architecture, including the Sage and Millennium Bridge. In 1991, Northern Arts (now part of Arts Council England) released a five-year plan in which it stated its intention to create "major new capital facilities for the Contemporary Visual Arts and Music in Central Tyneside". Northern Arts were keen to convert an old building into a centre for art, rather than build a new one, and the Labour-run Gateshead Council expressed interest in converting the old Flour Mills. This was in contrast to the Conservative-run Newcastle City Council's approach to development, which saw private firms develop mainly flats, hotels, and offices. Gateshead Council purchased the Baltic Flour Mills silo building, and in 1994 they invited the Royal Institute of British Architects to open a competition which would find an architect to design the new arts centre.

 

In 1994, Gateshead Council invited the Royal Institute of British Architects to hold a competition to select a design for the conversion of the Baltic Flour Mills. The objective of the competition was to "provide a national and international Centre for Contemporary visual arts". The brief cited a number of similar examples of old buildings which had been converted into arts centres around the world, including a converted flour mill in Porto, Portugal and the Bankside Power Station in London (now the site of the Tate Modern). After evaluating a total of 140 entries, Dominic Williams – a relatively unknown architect who had only been working for three years – won the competition. He entered the competition with Ellis Williams Architects, his father's firm. Andrew Guest remarks that this "simple, honest, industrial" design was an example of architecture which recognised the designs and context of the past. Williams and Ellis Williams Architects stated their intention to "retain as much of the existing character and fabric of the building as possible" while also clearly presenting the structure's new purpose as an art gallery.

 

The conversion of the flour mills was a complex and technically challenging task. The grain silos were removed, leaving the brick façades unsupported, and a 1,000 tonne steel frame was required to support the remaining building. Four new main floors were inserted into the building supported by a row of pillars. Intermediary floors made out of steel frames and thin concrete were also inserted. These were designed to be removable as to adapt the building and create variable spaces for art. With 13 separate levels in total, Williams claimed he purposefully wanted to create a sense of disorientation for visitors within the building and allow an element of discovery. A spiral staircase winds up the building towards an open-plan office for staff. An efficient ductwork system was installed within the beams which carries heated or chilled air throughout the building. Such a design, conceived of by environmental engineers Atelier Ten, was uncommon for the time. The north and south elevations of the original building were retained along with the original BALTIC FLOUR MILLS lettering and red and yellow bricks. The east and west sides were fully glazed, capturing natural light and allowing views of the River Tyne. Additionally, service towers in the corners of the building, a rooftop viewing box, and a low-rise visitor centre were completed—these now comprise part of the building's major elements. The building stands at 138 feet (42 m) tall. Glass elevators situated close to the exterior offer views of Newcastle, Gateshead and the River Tyne. A restaurant sits at the top of the building, built in a manner which still allows natural light to reach the top gallery floor. The building's interior largely features glass, concrete, aluminium, Welsh Slate, 'Cor-Ten' steel, and Swedish pine. The furniture, purposely built to be flexible and adaptable, was designed by Swedish designer Åke Axelsson.

 

Awards

Baltic won a RIBA award in 2003, a Civic Trust Award in 2004, and in 2006 was selected as one of the top 10 most outstanding arts and culture schemes in the UK as part of the Gulbenkian Prize. In 2012, it won the National Lottery Awards prize for Best Arts Project.

 

The founding director, Sune Nordgren, was appointed in 1997. He oversaw the period prior to Baltic's opening, including the construction of the gallery. After almost six years, Nordgren left to take up a new post as founding director of the National Museum for Art, Architecture and Design, Oslo, Norway. At this time, Baltic was facing financial problems. After Nordgren's departure, a former Baltic chairman accused the centre of overspending on commissions during Nordgren's tenure. Baltic's situation was described by Arts Council England as having "serious inadequacies in financial procedures". Nordgren was briefly succeeded by Stephen Snoddy, who had previously run a new gallery in Milton Keynes. Snoddy only remained with the organisation for 11 months, citing difficulties in leaving his family behind in Manchester while working at Baltic. He was succeeded as director by Peter Doroshenko in 2005. Doroshenko's previous institutions included the Stedelijk Museum voor Actuele Kunst and the Institute of Visual Arts in Milwaukee. He was brought to Baltic to increase visitor numbers and resolve the centre's financial situation, which was criticised by Arts Council England and an insider as being chaotic. Doroshenko organized several exhibitions during his time at Baltic, including Spank the Monkey.

 

In November 2007, Doroshenko left the gallery to head up the PinchukArtCentre in Kiev, Ukraine. He stated that he believed he had made Baltic a more "approachable and visitor friendly place."[30] However, Design Week reported that there were claims that Doroshenko did not deliver the expected "international programme of artistic excellence." Additionally, staff at the centre had complained about his "intolerable" and "bullying" management style. Godfrey Worsdale, founding director of the Middlesbrough Institute of Modern Art, was appointed as director of Baltic in 2008. Worsdale oversaw the 10 year anniversary of Baltic and the hosting of the Turner Prize in 2011. He was awarded an honorary degree from Northumbria University in 2012 in recognition for his work on contemporary art after being on the judging panel for the Turner Prize. He departed in 2015 to take up a new post as director of the Henry Moore Foundation. Sarah Munro MBE became director in November 2015. She was previously artistic director of Tramway in Glasgow and head of arts for Glasgow Life.

 

History as arts centre

During the four-year construction of Baltic, the new organisation arranged a series of events, publications, and artists in residence in anticipation of the centre's opening. In 1999, after the silos had been removed and before the new floors were inserted, the shell of the building was used to house an art installation by Anish Kapoor. Taratantara was a trumpet-shaped installation of PVC 50 metres (160 ft) long and was situated within the centre of the mill. This installation drew 16,000 visitors and marked a turning point between the building's old purpose and its new life as a centre for art. In October 2000, Jenny Holzer's Truisms – a series of aphorisms and slogans – were projected onto the side of the building. Kapoor and Holtzer's works were intended to engage casual passers-by in an artistic dialogue. The identity of Baltic was also solidified by the publication of 16 newsletters between October 1998 and July 2002 when the centre opened to the public. A significant part of this branding was the use of the now registered typeface BALTIC Affisch, designed by Swedish designers Ulf Greger Nilsson and Henrik Nygren and based on the BALTIC FLOUR MILLS lettering on the building's brick façade.

 

Opening

After ten years in the planning and a capital investment of £50m, including £33.4m from the Arts Council Lottery Fund, Baltic opened to the public at midnight on Saturday 13 July 2002. The novelty of opening the new building at midnight was intentional: founding director Sune Nordgren sought a dramatic gesture to herald the beginning of the new centre for arts. The inaugural exhibition, B.OPEN, had work by Chris Burden, Carsten Höller, Julian Opie, Jaume Plensa and Jane and Louise Wilson. Opie, who had previously assisted Dominic Williams with aspects of the building's conversion design, contributed an installation consisting of nude outlines on the walls of floor of the gallery. Plensa's installation featured a room filled with gongs which were available for the audience to play. Plensa also contributed Blake in Gateshead – a beam of light which stretched around 2 kilometres (6,600 ft) into the sky. The installation was placed through the glass doorway of the ground floor. Burden constructed a 1/20th scale replica of the Tyne Bridge out of Meccano. Jane and Louise Wilson created Dreamtime, a video of a rocket launch. An early exhibit by the Japanese artist Yoshitomo Nara was also included. The B.OPEN event attracted over 35,000 visitors in the first week. A live art performance, including Tatsumi Orimito's Bread Man and Anne Bjerge Hansen's Moving Bakery, took place during the opening weekend, in which bread was handed out to passers-by in memory of the Baltic Flour Mill's history. When BALTIC opened, there was a target set for 250,000 visitors a year. It achieved one million visitors in its first year, and by its 10-year anniversary in 2012, 4 million people had visited.

 

Notable events

On 20 September 2007, Baltic management contacted Northumbria Police for advice regarding whether or not a photograph should be displayed as part of the Thanksgiving installation, a forthcoming exhibition by American photographer Nan Goldin. The photograph, along with the rest of the installation, is part of the Sir Elton John Photography Collection. Entitled Klara and Edda belly-dancing features two naked young girls and had previously been exhibited around the world without objections. The installation, which had been scheduled for a four-month exhibition, opened with the remaining photographs whilst Klara and Edda belly-dancing was in possession of the police. However, it closed after just nine days at the request of Elton John. Although this had a determinantal effect on Baltic's reputation in the short-term, Graham Whitham argues in Understand Contemporary Art that it may have given it a higher profile and greater publicity in the long-run.

 

Beryl Cook

In 2007, the largest survey of artist Beryl Cook's work to date was featured in an exhibition at Baltic.[9] Cook enjoyed widespread recognition of her art towards the end of her life; the exhibition at Baltic took place one year before her death. Her paintings depict everyday and familiar social situations in a playful, colourful, and "portly" style. Peter Doreshenko, the director of Baltic at the time of the exhibition, was keen for the gallery to reject the seriousness audiences may associate with it. The exhibition of Cook's work was part of this populist effort to attract new audiences to the then financially-struggling gallery, whose visitor numbers had dropped to less than 500,000 and whose reputation was decreasing. Adrian Searle of The Guardian reviewed the exhibition and, whilst acknowledging that fans would enjoy it, commented "look too long and you may feel a bit queasy".

 

Turner Prize

In 2011, Baltic was the venue for the Turner Prize. This was the first time the event had been held outside of London or Liverpool Tate. The Turner Prize exhibition at Baltic attracted 149,770 visitors to the gallery – almost double the average attendance in London. The event at Baltic was also free, whilst Turner exhibitions at Tate Britain had always previously charged for entry. The winning exhibit was by Martin Boyce with the runners-up being Karla Black, Hilary Lloyd and George Shaw.

 

Judy Chicago

The first major retrospective of American artist Judy Chicago's work was exhibited in Baltic from November 2019 to April 2020. The exhibition included her abstract paintings, records of performance pieces, and began and ended with a four-metre tapestry which portrayed the creation the world from a woman's perspective. At the time of the exhibition, Chicago was in her 80s. Hannah Clugston of The Guardian noted that the more recent featured works embraced the theme of death, particularly End: A Meditation on Death and Extinction, which is based on the stages of grief.

 

Baltic Open Submission

In March 2020, Baltic announced it would be closing due to the COVID-19 pandemic until further notice. In May 2021, it reopened to visitors with four exhibitions. Baltic Open Submission featured works created during lockdown by 158 artists from the North East. The 158 artists were chosen from over 540 original submissions and selected by a panel of three North East-based artists. The final pieces included paintings, drawings, and sound and video installations.

 

Community and cultural impact

At the opening of Baltic, director Sune Nordgren outlined the role of the arts centre within the public sphere. He stated that Baltic should be "a meeting place, a site for connections and confrontation between artists and the public." In an October 2002 lecture at the Power Plant Gallery in Toronto, Nordgren reaffirmed the importance of local outreach and explained his intention for Baltic to regard the local history and culture, comparing his intention to examples of modern art museums where this was not considered, such as the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao (designed in Los Angeles and placed in Spain). From its inception, Baltic emphasised the importance of artist-public relationships and its role as a community hub. "Participate" initiatives encouraged people in the local community to interact with resident artists. A media learning centre in a local library was set up as an extension of Baltic's community resources.

 

In a 2016 talk on Baltic's 10-year strategic plan (officially named Untitled), the current director of Baltic – Sarah Munro – emphasised that the North East of England "has always led, not followed" the agenda for contemporary arts, and that Baltic had been a big part of this trend. She argued that the visual arts can be used to further the economic and social growth of the area, even amidst the backdrop of political issues and austerity. Baltic also launched an international award for emerging artists in 2016, which offered a £30,000 commission and an accompanying exhibition to four recipients. It was the first such competition in the UK to be judged entirely by artists: in 2017, they were Monica Bonvicini, Lorna Simpson, Pedro Cabrita Reis and Mike Nelson. Munro commented that the award was to foster "a dialogue with our audiences at a local, national and international level."

 

Local university partnerships and graduate internships are also important to Baltic's community and cultural influence. In 2011, Baltic and Northumbria University established an artistic partnership through the BxNU Institute of Contemporary Art, a centre for artistic and curatorial research. Christine Borland was appointed as Baltic Professor. A designated gallery space, known as Baltic 39, was established on the top floor of refurbished Edwardian warehouses at 31-39 High Bridge in Newcastle. It was designed by Viennese architects Jabornegg & Palffy and housed artwork from students at the university. Baltic 39 was based at High Bridge from 2012 to 2021.

 

Their annual Self-Publishing Artists’ Market (aka S.P.A.M.) takes the form of a lively programme exploring print culture and practice through talks and workshops with over 50 stalls selling zines and artists’ books. S.P.A.M. Spreads reimagines the market in printed form and has included contributions by artists, activists, illustrators, zine-makers, writers and curators including Vanessa Murrell, Melody Sproates, Okocha Obasi, Stephanie Francis-Shanahan.

Choice is affected by context

 

Choice and preference for that choice are affected by the other items on choice at the time. For example, “a pen selected from a set in which it asymmetrically dominated another pen produced a more positive writing experience and a greater willingness to pay for the pen than if the same pen was selected from a set in which it did not dominate another option”

 

Yoon et al. (2008). Choice Set Configuration as a Determinant of Preference Attribution and Strength. Journal of Consumer Research

 

www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/587630

 

Background image courtesy of: www.flickr.com/photos/orinrobertjohn/114430223. This citation appears in the bottom left of the image.

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

 

__________________________________________________

Outlining a Theory of General Creativity . .

. . on a 'Pataphysical projectory

 

Entropy ≥ Memory ● Creativity ²

__________________________________________________

 

Study of the day:

 

Le conatus (Spinoza) est-il un déterminant de la valeur intrinsèque (Arne Næss) ?

 

Is the conatus (Spinoza), a determination of the intrinsic value (Arne Næss) ?

 

__________________________________________________

rectO-persO | E ≥ m.C² | co~errAnce | TiLt

13 years old street Kid vendor. Skardu, Gilgit Baltistan, North Eastern Pakistan.

 

Child labour in GB, Editorial Published October 29, 2021

www.dawn.com/news/1654697

50,000 GB children involved in child labour: survey

www.dawn.com/news/1654522

Gilgit-Baltistan Child Labour Survey Report

www.unicef.org/pakistan/press-releases/gilgit-baltistan-c...

www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/other/cls2018-19/CLS_K...

Socio-Economic and Health Determinants of Child Labor: An Overview of Multiple index Cluster Survey

pjmhsonline.com/index.php/pjmhs/article/view/314

 

www.youtube.com/watch?v=RP2to9hP4Fc

 

"The first historical act is. . . the production of material life itself. This is indeed a historical act, a fundamental condition of all of history"

 

"Legal relations as well as form of state are to be grasped neither from themselves nor from the so-called general development of the human mind, but rather have their roots in the material conditions of life, the sum total of which Hegel . . . combines under the name of 'civil society.' . . . The anatomy of civil society is to be sought in political economy"

 

"The political, legal, philosophical, literary, and artistic development rests on the economic. But they all react upon one another and upon the economic base. It is not the case that the economic situation is the sole active cause and that everything else is merely a passive effect. There is, rather, a reciprocity within a field of economic necessity which in the last instance always asserts itself"

 

"In the social production which men carry on as they enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will; these relations of production correspond to a definite stage of development of their material powers of production. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society--the real foundation, on which legal and political superstructures arise and to which definite forms of social consciousness correspond. The mode of production of material life determines the general character of the social, political and spiritual processes of life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being determines their consciousness"

 

"According to the materialist conception of history, the ultimately determinant element in history is the production and reproduction of real life. . . . Hence if somebody twists this into saying that the economic element is the only determining one, he transforms that proposition into a meaningless, abstract and senseless phrase. The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the superstructure. . . also exercise their influence upon the course of the historical struggle and in many cases preponderate in determining their form"

 

"The ideas of the ruling class are, in every age, the ruling ideas: i.e., the class which is the dominant material force in society is at the same time its dominant intellectual force. The class which has the means of production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of mental production"

 

[We go astray] "if . . . we detach the ideas of the ruling class from the ruling class itself and attribute to them an independent existence, if we confine ourselves to saying that in a particular age these or those ideas were dominant, without paying attention to the conditions of production and the producers of these ideas, and if we thus ignore the individuals and the world conditions which are the source of these ideas"

 

"The economic structure of capitalist society has grown out of the economic structure of feudal society. The dissolution of the latter sets free the elements of the former"

 

"No social order ever disappears before all the productive forces for which there is room in it have been developed; and new higher relations of production never appear before the material conditions of their existence have matured in the womb of the old society"

 

"The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles"

 

"The separate individuals form a class only in so far as they have to carry on a common battle against another class; otherwise they are on hostile terms with each other as competitors"

 

[The major modern classes are] "the owners merely of labor-power, owners of capital, and landowners, whose respective sources of income are wages, profit and ground rent"

 

"The State is the form in which the individuals of a ruling class assert their common interests"

 

"Objectification is the practice of alienation. Just as man, so long as he is engrossed in religion, can only objectify his essence by an alien and fantastic being; so under the sway of egoistic need, he can only affirm himself and produce objects in practice by subordinating his products and his own activity to the domination of an alien entity, and by attributing to them the significance of an alien entity, namely money"

 

"The commodity form and the value relation between the products of labor which stamps them as commodities, have absolutely no connection with their physical properties and with the material relations arising there from. It is simply a definite relationship between men, that assumes in their eyes the fantastic form of a relations between things. To find an analogy, we must have recourse to the nebulous regions of the religious world. In that world the productions of the human brain appear as independent beings endowed with life, and entering into relation both with one another and with the human race. So it is in the world of commodities, with the products of men's hands. This I call the fetishism which attaches itself tot he products of labor, as soon as they are produced as commodities"

 

"Religious distress is at the same time the expression of real distress and the protest against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of an unspiritual situation. It is the opium of the people"

 

" The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors", and has left no other nexus between people than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment". It has drowned out the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom -- Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation

 

"The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage laborers

"Money is the alienated essence of man's work and existence; the essence dominates him and he worships it"

 

"The state is the intermediary between men and human liberty. Just as Christ is the intermediary to whom man attributes all his own divinity and all his religious bonds, so the state is the intermediary to which man confides all his non divinity and human freedom"

 

"Religious alienation as such occurs only in the sphere of consciousness, in the inner life of man, but economic alienation is that of real life. . . . It therefore affects both aspects"

 

"The object produced by labor, its product, now stands opposed to it as an alien being, as a power independent of the producer. . . . The more the worker expends himself in work the more powerful becomes the world of objects which he creates in face of himself, the poorer he becomes in his inner life, and the less he belongs to himself"

 

"However, alienation appears not merely in the result but also in the process of production, within productive activity itself. . . . If the product of labor is alienation, production itself must be active alienation. . . . The alienation of the object of labor merely summarizes the alienation in the work activity itself"

 

"Work is external to the worker. . . . It is not part of his nature; consequently he does not fulfill himself in his work but denies himself. . . . The worker therefore feels himself at home only during his leisure time, whereas at work he feels homeless"

 

"This is the relationship of the worker to his own activity as something alien, not belonging to him, activity as suffering (passivity), strength as powerlessness, creation as emasculation, the personal physical and mental energy of the worker, his personal life. . . . as an activity which is directed against himself, independent of him and not belonging to him"

 

"What is true of man's relationship to his work, to the product of his work and to himself, is also true of his relationship to other men. . . . Each man is alienated from others . . .each of the others is likewise alienated from human life"

 

"The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and

has reduced the family relation into a mere money relation"

By "The Japanese Diet," I mean a way of getting and staying slim inspired by the Japanese lifestyle, rather than what the Japanese eat, and I'm not saying I do all these things.

 

Eat slowly, with smaller bites using chopsticks

Use smaller plates (Wansink, Ittersum, & Painter, 2006),

Eat a variety of things in very small portions,

Cut your slices of bread in half,

And bring your food to your eyes, so it looks big, like a bonsai tree

Enjoy eating, the taste, texture, look, variety of your food

But do not use food as a way of cheering yourself up

Try to believe that treating yourself with food is less fun than treating yourself with being thin - Kate Moss "Nothing tastes as good as skinny feels" is also a maxim in Japan.

Don't talk when eating, concentrate on your food

Think of food as a gift from all people who made it possible, and say an undirected "thank you" before you start your meal.

 

Do not drink sweet drinks, which are only for children. They contain 6-13 teaspoons of sugar

Do not drink fruit juice, which is only seemingly healthy

If you do drink fruit juice water it down by up to ten to one

Drink green tea, black coffee, wheat tea (mugi cha), or water

Do not eat sweets, which are only for children

If you do eat sweet things only in miniature, and not very sweet

Do not eat dairy products, which are for children, or hefers

Do not eat cheese which is concentrated bulking up food, not even for cattle

Eat less, more often

Eat vegetables Eat vegetables!

Always "eat" soup before your meal

Treat proteins as flavourings, for your vegetable matter, rather than as a way of filling yourself up

Remember that meats are dead animals by eating it raw and call your "beef" cow and your "pork" pig, and eat fish, or failing that chicken in preference to both.

Soy, and other beans, is the best source of protein eat lots of it in many forms (Eda beans, bean sprouts, tofu, miso, kinako ground roasted soya beans, red bean paste which is Japanese for chocolate, natto and others). The Japanese are made of soy!

Rice is better than bread

Cold rice is less calorific than hot

Exercise is better than calorie reduction

 

Wear clothes that fit, no baggies

Get smaller clothes as you get thinner (second hand shops help gaijin, but Japanese usually buy clothes new)

Enjoy your clothes and your appearance

 

Try to look at the world, by always carrying a camera.

Find ways of enjoying your body, especially as it gets thinner

Take selfies!

Look in the mirror (Nagumo, 2012)

Get naked in front of other people

Go to the pool, beach, or public baths

Do things that you could not do before, climb a mountain, run for your bus, or get a longer bicycle stem to get longer and lower when you can.

 

Try to improve your posture

necklaces, sit on the floor, stiff rucksacks, martial arts (see below)

Go to bed early and get up early

Exercise in the morning

See exercise as a form of worship, and your body as a temple.

Do exercises which are a repetition of set forms, ideally with others, such as yoga, aerobics or karate

This encourages you to realise what you yourself look like

 

Drink alcohol only with others (at parties)

or immediately before sleep, never during the day, and like sugar never as a way of cheering yourself up.

 

Talk, and think in a deep voice; high voices are for other people

Try not to think in words, words are for other people.

Be aware of what thoughts as words are - excuses or cake. (Nisbett and Wilson, 1977; Libet 2008, Soon, Brass, Heinze, Haynes, 2008, Kim, 2002)

Be aware of what cake is - autoaffection (Derrida, 2013)

Judge your own behaviour visually, by imagining it, or thinking about how it looks to others, from their reaction especially.

Listen to your breathing or chant a mantra

Do no criticise others, everyone is trying, nor praise yourself

Linguistic praise is something that is or should be only transitive (the only sort of self praise to allow yourself is narcissistic, in the literal sense - an enjoyment of your self imagining, photos, mirror reflection)

Do things for others, especially children

Sleep, and bathe, with your children. There is no better way of enjoying your body.

 

The dark side of Japanese thinness

Smoke cigarettes in moderation (and die thin)

Do not eat much of anything, shrink the size of your stomach, and die with haemorrhoids (which seem to be prevalent in Japan)

  

Very un-Japanese Bibliography

Derrida, J. (2013). Of grammatology. JHU Press. books.google.co.jp/books?id=iagJAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA165&amp...

Haidt, J. (2001). The emotional dog and its rational tail: a social intuitionist approach to moral judgment. Psychological review, 108(4), 814. student.cc.uoc.gr/uploadFiles/179-%CE%9A%CE%A8%CE%92364/m...

Kim, H. S. (2002). We talk, therefore we think? A cultural analysis of the effect of talking on thinking. Journal of personality and social psychology, 83(4), 828. www.researchgate.net/profile/Heejung_Kim5/publication/110...

Nisbett, R. E., & Wilson, T. D. (1977). Telling more than we can know: verbal reports on mental processes. Psychological review, 84(3), 231. l3d.cs.colorado.edu/~ctg/classes/cogsci12/rdg/nisbett-wil...

Soon, C. S., Brass, M., Heinze, H. J., & Haynes, J. D. (2008). Unconscious determinants of free decisions in the human brain. Nature neuroscience, 11(5), 543-545. projects.ecfs.org/pchurch/ATBiology/Papers2012/unconsciou...

Wansink, B., Ittersum, K. van, & Painter, J. E. (2006). Ice Cream Illusions. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 31(3), 240–243. doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2006.04.003

Nagumo, Y. 南雲吉則. (2012). 長生きしたい人は「鏡」を見なさい. 朝日新聞出版.

 

Sandleton.

This area of the Murray Flats beyond Truro and the Mt Lofty Ranges was taken up by pastoral leases in the 1850s with John Murray taking out his lease for Sandalwood station. He named his sheep run after a common native tree which grows in association with Mallee trees. The Hundred of Anna was declared in 1860 but out here on the fringe of Goyder’s Line the land was not surveyed until 1875 when Murray had his lease resumed by the government. The name of this district was changed at this time for some unknown reason to Sandleton. The average rainfall here is about 260 mm of year on the very margin of agricultural land. A few kms north at Steinfeld (Stonefield after 1917) the rainfall was higher although that location is also on the edge of Goyder’s Line. In Steinfeld they have on average 280 mms of rain. Sandleton has tall and dense Mallee indicating good soils which must be why the government considered this area suitable for cropping. The district also had a government well or whim from the early days when flocks of sheep were transported across the Murray Flats up to the Mt Lofty Ranges. Farmers of German background from the Barossa first moved into the Sandleton district around 1880. St Paul’s Evangelical Lutheran church was built here in 1881 with an attached cemetery but the congregation was formed at Bethany in 1880. The Lutheran church was used as a school room from 1882 to 1896. Services ceased in this church in 1955 and it is now just a pile of rubble in a paddock but the church was still standing, albeit in a dilapidated state in 2010. St Paul’s Lutheran cemetery was the final resting place for many members of the Sperling and Semmler families amongst others. The Sperling headstone were written in English even in the 1880s but other headstones were written in German in this cemetery until after World War One. But another Lutheran church and congregation also formed in Sandleton and we can see their structures on the main road today.

 

The first Pilgrim Lutheran Church was built in 1895 and used as a Lutheran school room and manse. It is the southernmost building at the Pilgrim Sandleton site today. Pilgrim Lutheran Church was built in 1914 and was used as a church until 1960. Adjacent to it a school room was built and it operated as a government school from 1909 until its closure in 1941. The Pilgrim congregation could not afford to maintain its small Lutheran school and that closed before the 1909 state school opened. Sandleton in its heyday also had a Post Office run by Daniel Lemke the famous Lutheran school teacher and organ builder of the Barossa Valley. This was probably his retirement job. The Post Office closed in 1975 although Lemke had died much earlier in 1897. The l cemetery behind Pilgrim Lutheran Church with very difficult public access mainly has the graves of the Saegenschnitter, Jurecky, Schwertfeger and Kuhn families. Sandleton Pilgrim Lutheran Church was a vandalised ruin in the mid-1970s with all doors and windows gone etc but it has been restored and is a family home. The district is known for its wombats and John Womersley had his Kookaburra Animal Sanctuary here for several decades. Wombat Rise animal sanctuary was also located at Sandleton in Pilgrim Church but it is now gone. Rainfall was a main determinant of success or failure at Sandleton. In 1910 for example the district had a small population of 21 people but 10 kms north at Steinfeld with slightly higher rainfall that district had a population of 42 people. But although Sandleton is on the fringe of the Goyder’s Line local farmers still sow crops in good season such as in 2016.

 

La catedral de Santiago de Compostel·la (en gallec, catedral de Santiago de Compostela) està acull el que, segons la tradició, és el sepulcre de l'apòstol Sant Jaume, i això va convertir el temple en un dels principals destins de pelegrinatge d'Europa durant l'edat mitjana mitjançant l'anomenat Camí de Sant Jaume, una ruta iniciàtica en què se seguia les petjades de la Via Làctia comunicant la península Ibèrica amb la resta del continent. Això va ser determinant perquè els regnes hispànics medievals participessin en els moviments culturals de l'època. Actualment continua sent un important destí de pelegrinatge. Un privilegi concedit el 1122 pel papa Calixt II va declarar que serien «Any Sant Jubilar» a Compostel·la, tots els anys en què el dia 25 de juliol, dia de sant Jaume, coincidís amb diumenge. Va ser confirmat pel papa Alexandre III a la seva butlla "Regis aeterni" datada el 1179.

 

El nucli antic de Santiago de Compostel·la és Patrimoni de la Humanitat per la UNESCO des de 1985.

 

La façana de la catedral que dóna a la plaça de la Quintana té tres portes. La Porta Reial, d'estil romànic, va ser iniciada sota la direcció de José Vega y Verdugo, començada per José de la Peña de Toro el 1666 i acabada per Domingo d'Andrade el 1700, on va realitzar unes columnes gegants que abasten dues plantes de finestrals, una balustrada amb grans pinacles i una edícula que servia per a una estàtua eqüestre de Santiago (avui desapareguda), tot adornat amb decoració de raïms, de fruites i trofeus militars a gran escala. És el lloc per on entraven els reis d'Espanya, d'aquí li ve el nom i a sobre de la seva llinda s'hi troba l'escut reial.

 

L'altra porta és la Porta del Perdó, anomenada porta Santa, que s'obre només els anys jubilars. Sobre aquesta porta es poden veure, en unes fornícules, les imatges de Sant Jaume i als seus costats els seus deixebles Anastasi i Teodor. Al cos inferior i a ambdós costats de la porta es van col·locar vint-i-quatre figures representant apòstols i profetes que provenien de l'antic cor de pedra del maestro Mateo, a l'interior d'aquesta porta, passant un petit pati, es troba la veritable Porta Santa per la qual s'entra a la girola de l'absis del temple.

 

Pàgina a la UNESCO World Heritage List.

 

Aquesta imatge ha jugat a En un lugar de Flickr.

 

A Google Maps.

I was walking through the Eaton Centre in downtown Toronto when I saw a flash of blue that grabbed my attention in an instant. She was entering a cosmetics store which gave me enough time to figure out the location for a portrait before approaching her. She came out a few minutes later and I introduced myself and my project and she listened with full attention and a smile. Without hesitation she was happy to participate and said it sounded really interesting. She had a few minutes and then had to return to the classroom. She teaches a sociology course at a private college located in the mall. We shook hands. Meet Joanne.

 

She wasn’t sure how to pose but took off her glasses and followed my request that she look into the lens of my camera (well, she did most of the time!) Joanne was animated and very friendly and people around us were interested and amused at the sight of the two of us doing our photo shoot in the midst of the mall. I told her how much I liked all the color and the way her scarf matched her hair. “Oh, thank you” she said with a laugh. “I’m afraid I went a bit heavy on the makeup today.” I told her it worked for her and all that color definitely caught my eye. I told her I’d seen her disappear into the store and didn’t want to interrupt her shopping so I had waited outside. She said “I’m looking for turquoise makeup and I can’t believe no place in the whole mall has any.” I told her she looked like someone who wouldn’t give up easily and I was sure she would find it sooner or later.

 

Joanne is 69 years old and said she was born and raised in Halifax, Nova Scotia on Canada’s Atlantic shore. “I’m a real bluenoser” she said, a term that is used fondly to describe Nova Scotians. (www.cbc.ca/news/canada/nova-scotia/bluenoser-makes-it-int...) She was a bundle of energy and good will and when I told her I am a retired social worker she almost jumped off the floor and told me she is also a social worker and was trained at Hamilton’s McMaster University. She worked in the mental health field. “I used to be an intensive care nurse; social work is a second career for me.” I was impressed that she’s still teaching even though she’s on the brink of turning 70. She clearly has no intention of slowing down anytime soon. “I think these are just the most liberating years, don’t you? Actually, tonight I’m going to a meeting to find out about volunteering with Doctors Without Borders. I know they need professionals and I would be willing to donate a couple of years to such a good cause.” I asked if she encountered age discrimination in her work and she said “There is no such word as ageism in my vocabulary. Only experience.”

 

When I asked Joanne about the greatest challenge in her life she sidestepped the question by answering “Challenges only exist to give us more strength.” I laughed and said it was a great attitude. “You mean kind of like vaccinations?” She laughed and agreed. When I asked if she had a message for the project she said “I’m not put on this earth to comfort the disturbed. I ‘m here to disturb the comfortable” and pointed at her blue hair. “That’s what this is all about.” We both laughed.

 

I was concerned that I was making her late to class and she said “Oh, my students won’t mind. I’ll tell them about meeting you and they will be fascinated. As a matter of fact, come with me and I will introduce you to my class. They would like to meet you and hear what you are doing.” I thanked her and said I was short on time but perhaps another time.

 

Thank you Joanne for such a fun chat and for participating in my Human Family photography project. You are an inspiration.

 

This is my 203rd submission to The Human Family Group on Flickr.

 

You can view more street portraits and stories by visiting The Human Family.

 

Follow-up: I did receive an email from Joanne telling me how much she had enjoyed our meeting and my project and saying that her students were fascinated with my project and eager to meet me.

 

Intrigued that a project encounter had opened the door to this additional experience, I told Joanne I would be pleased to accept the invitation and looked forward to meeting her class on Monday morning. I arrived at 10:30 as planned and found the Herzing Career College exactly where she said it was, in the Eaton Centre mall, above a large bookstore (see comment photo). Most shoppers would never know there was a college in the mall (I didn’t). The receptionist was expecting me “Oh, you must be Jeff Bowen, the guest lecturer” and took me to the classroom. It was a small class of six or eight students and since Joanne had not quite finished her lecture, I was invited to join the class and listen. She made some interesting points about the social determinants of health and had some very strong opinions about the “medicalization” of emotional illnesses.

 

The students knew about me and my project and my past career so once I was introduced, I discovered that the students were more interested in hearing about my project than about my social work career so I spoke at some length about how I started with street portraiture and how this work grew on me. There were lots of questions and the students have my Flickr photostream up on their desktop computers as I spoke. It was really a fun experience and at the conclusion I asked one of the students to take a photo of me with Joanne and the class (see comment photo). I handed out the contact cards I use for the project and most of the students said they are going to start following my project on Flickr.

 

Joanne closed by explaining that the students are going to have to conduct an interview assignment soon and my comments about how I meet and interview strangers was going to be invaluable. All in all it was a great experience, one which I never would have expected when I stopped Joanne the previous week in the mall for a photo.

View On Black

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Cutty Sark is a British clipper ship. Built on the River Leven, Dumbarton, Scotland in 1869 for the Jock Willis Shipping Line, she was one of the last tea clippers to be built and one of the fastest, at the end of a long period of design development for this type of vessel, which ended as steamships took over their routes. She was named after the short shirt of the fictional witch in Robert Burns' poem Tam o' Shanter, first published in 1791.

 

After the big improvement in the fuel efficiency of steamships in 1866, the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 gave them a shorter route to China, so Cutty Sark spent only a few years on the tea trade before turning to the trade in wool from Australia, where she held the record time to Britain for ten years. Continuing improvements in steam technology early in the 1880s meant that steamships also came to dominate the longer sailing route to Australia, and the ship was sold to the Portuguese company Ferreira and Co. in 1895 and renamed Ferreira. She continued as a cargo ship until purchased in 1922 by retired sea captain Wilfred Dowman, who used her as a training ship operating from Falmouth, Cornwall. After his death, Cutty Sark was transferred to the Thames Nautical Training College, Greenhithe, in 1938 where she became an auxiliary cadet training ship alongside HMS Worcester. By 1954, she had ceased to be useful as a cadet ship and was transferred to permanent dry dock at Greenwich, London, for public display.

 

Cutty Sark is listed by National Historic Ships as part of the National Historic Fleet (the nautical equivalent of a Grade 1 Listed Building). She is one of only three remaining intact composite construction (wooden hull on an iron frame) ships from the nineteenth century, the others being the clipper City of Adelaide, now in Port Adelaide, South Australia and the warship HMS Gannet in Chatham. The beached skeleton of Ambassador, of 1869 lying near Punta Arenas, Chile is the only other significant remnant of this construction method.

 

The ship has been damaged by fire twice in recent years, first on 21 May 2007 while undergoing conservation. She was restored and was reopened to the public on 25 April 2012. Funders for the Cutty Sark conservation project include: the Heritage Lottery Fund, the House of Commons Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee, Sammy Ofer Foundation, Greenwich Council, Greater London Authority, The Stavros Niarchos Foundation, Berry Brothers & Rudd, Michael Edwards and Alisher Usmanov.

 

On 19 October 2014 she was damaged in a smaller fire.

 

Cutty Sark whisky derives its name from the ship. An image of the clipper appears on the label, and the maker formerly sponsored the Cutty Sark Tall Ships Race. The ship also inspired the name of the Saunders Roe Cutty Sark flying boat.

 

Cutty Sark was ordered by ship-owner John Willis, who operated a shipping company founded by his father. The company had several ships in the tea trade from China to Britain. Speed was an advantage to vessels carrying a high-value, seasonal product, such as tea. Faster ships could obtain higher rates of freight (the price paid to transport the cargo), and tea merchants would use the names of fast-sailing ships that had carried their products in their advertising.  Cutty Sark was ordered during a boom in building tea clippers in the period 1865–1869—something that was attributed to a substantial reduction in the import duties for tea. introduction  In 1868 the brand-new Aberdeen-built clipper, Thermopylae, set a record time of 61 days port to port on her maiden voyage from London to Melbourne and it was this design that Willis set out to better.

 

It is uncertain how the hull shape for Cutty Sark was chosen. Willis chose Hercules Linton to design and build the ship but Willis already possessed another ship, The Tweed, which he considered to have exceptional performance. The Tweed (originally Punjaub) was a frigate designed by Oliver Lang based on the lines of an old French frigate, built in Bombay for the East India Company as a combination sail/paddle steamer. She and a sister ship were purchased by Willis, who promptly sold the second ship plus engines from The Tweed for more than he paid for both. The Tweed was then lengthened and operated as a fast sailing vessel, but was considered too big for the tea runs. Willis also commissioned two all-iron clippers with designs based upon The Tweed, Hallowe'en and Blackadder. Linton was taken to view The Tweed in dry dock.

 

Willis considered that The Tweed's bow shape was responsible for her notable performance, and this form seems to have been adopted for Cutty Sark. Linton, however, felt that the stern was too barrel shaped and so gave Cutty Sark a squarer stern with less tumblehome. The broader stern increased the buoyancy of the ship's stern, making it lift more in heavy seas so it was less likely that waves would break over the stern, and over the helmsman at the wheel. Cutty Sark was given masts that followed the design of The Tweed, with similar good rake and the foremast on both placed further aft than usual.

 

A contract for Cutty Sark's construction was signed on 1 February 1869 with the firm of Scott & Linton, which had only been formed in May 1868. Their shipyard was at Dumbarton on the River Leven on a site previously occupied by shipbuilders William Denny & Brothers. The contract required the ship to be completed within six months at a contracted price of £17 per ton and maximum size of 950 tons. This was a highly competitive price for an experimental, state-of-the-art vessel, and for a customer requiring the highest standards. Payment would be made in seven instalments as the ship progressed, but with a penalty of £5 for every day the ship was late. The ship was to be built to Lloyd's A1 standard and her construction was supervised on behalf of Willis by Captain George Moodie, who would command her when completed. Construction delays occurred when the Lloyd's inspectors required additional strengthening in the ship.

 

Work on the ship was suspended when Scott and Linton ran out of money to continue. Rather than simply liquidate the company, an arrangement was made for Denny's to take over the contract and complete the ship, which was finally launched on 22 November 1869 by Captain Moodie's wife. The ship was moved to Denny's yard to have her masts fitted, and then on 20 December towed downriver to Greenock to have her running rigging installed. In the event, completing the ship meant the company's creditors were owed even more money than when work had first been halted.

 

Cutty Sark has a registered length of 212.5 feet (64.77 m), with a depth of hold of 21 feet (6.40 m) and a net tonnage of 921. The hull is one of the sharpest of all the tea clippers: she has a coefficient of under deck tonnage of 0.55, compared to Thermopylae at 0.58.  Cutty Sark's prismatic coefficient, another measure of hull sharpness, is 0.628; this allows comparison with US-built clippers studied by Howard I. Chapelle. After water-line length, the prismatic coefficient is the next most important determinant of potential hull speed. Unladen, or with a cargo of low density, ballast was required for stability. For example, when she was loaded with wool, 200 tons of ballast was carried. The largest wool cargo she ever carried was 900 tons' weight (the total of ballast and cargo of 1,100 tons is consistent with the estimated deadweight cargo capacity of 1,135 tons at 20-foot draught). The largest tea cargo carried was 615 tons' weight. Conversely, a dense cargo allowed full use of the deadweight capacity: if loaded with coal, she would usually carry 1,100 tons.

 

Broadly, the parts of the ship visible above the waterline were constructed from East India teak, while American rock elm was used for the ship's bottom. The stem, 15 in × 15 in (38 cm × 38 cm), and sternpost, 16.5 in × 15 in (42 cm × 38 cm), were of teak while the rudder was of English oak. The keel was replaced in the 1920s with one constructed from 15-inch (38 cm) pitch pine. The deck was made of 3.5-inch (8.9 cm) thick teak while the 'tween deck was 3-inch (7.6 cm) yellow pine. The keel, 16.5 in × 15 in (42 cm × 38 cm), had on either side a garboard strake, 11 in × 12 in (28 cm × 30 cm), and then 6-inch (150 mm) planking decreasing to 4.75 in (12.1 cm) at one-fifth the depth of the hold. Teak planking began at approximately the level of the bilge stringer. The hull was covered by Muntz metal sheeting up to the 18-foot (5.5 m) depth mark, and all the external timbers were secured by Muntz metal bolts to the internal iron frame. The wrought-iron frame was an innovation first experimented with in shipbuilding in the 1840s, and was the standard building method for tea clippers by the middle of the 1860s.  It consisted of frames (vertical), beams (horizontal) and cross bracing (diagonal members).

 

The diagonally-braced iron frame made for a strong, rigid ship; diagonal members prevent racking (shearing, where frame rectangles become parallelograms). Less working and leaking of the hull meant less crew time spent pumping, allowing more time to be spent on changes of sail. The wrought-iron-framed hull also took up less cargo space than an all-wood hull would have done. The Muntz metal sheeting reduced fouling of Cutty Sark's hull; with a cleaner hull, she could sail faster.[

Baltic Centre for Contemporary Art (also known simply as (the) Baltic, stylised as BALTIC) is a centre for contemporary art located on the south bank of the River Tyne in Gateshead, Tyne and Wear, England. It hosts a frequently changing variety of exhibitions, events, and educational programmes with no permanent exhibition. The idea to open a centre for contemporary arts in Gateshead was developed in the 1990s, which was a time of regeneration for the local area—the Sage and Gateshead Millennium Bridge was also being conceived of in this period.

 

Baltic opened in July 2002 in a converted flour mill, which had operated in various capacities from 1950-1984. The architectural design of Baltic was devised by Dominic Williams of Ellis Williams Architects, who won a competition to design the new contemporary arts centre in 1994. The building features exhibition spaces, a visitor centre, a rooftop restaurant and external viewing platforms which offer views of the River Tyne. Baltic's current director, the centre's fifth, is Sarah Munro, who joined in November 2015. As of January 2022, Baltic had welcomed over 8 million visitors.

 

Baltic Flour Mills was built by Joseph Rank of Rank Hovis to a late-1930s design by Hull-based architects Gelder and Kitchen. The first foundations were laid in the late 1930s, and although construction ceased during the Second World War, the mill was completed and started operating in 1950. Known locally as "the pride of Tyneside", 300 people were employed by the mill at its height. The building was composed of two parallel brick façades running east to west, sandwiched between a foundation of concrete silos. The structure could store 22,000 tons of grain. The design of the building also featured a larger silo in which to store and clean wheat. The site was extended in 1957 by the addition of Blue Cross Mill which processed animal feed. In 1976, a fire forced both mills to close, but the silos remained in operation until 1984 to store a portion of the grain owned by the European Economic Community. Baltic Flour Mills was one of a number of mills located along the banks of the Tyne, all of which, due to their size, were prominent local landmarks. The Spillers mill just downstream from Baltic on the north bank of the river was demolished in 2011. Another large mill was owned by the CWS and was located just upstream of Dunston Staiths.

 

The opening of Baltic as a designated centre for contemporary art was part of the revitalisation and post-industrial regeneration of Gateshead's riverside. The regeneration began in the early 1990s and transformed the Quayside into a centre of modern architecture, including the Sage and Millennium Bridge. In 1991, Northern Arts (now part of Arts Council England) released a five-year plan in which it stated its intention to create "major new capital facilities for the Contemporary Visual Arts and Music in Central Tyneside". Northern Arts were keen to convert an old building into a centre for art, rather than build a new one, and the Labour-run Gateshead Council expressed interest in converting the old Flour Mills. This was in contrast to the Conservative-run Newcastle City Council's approach to development, which saw private firms develop mainly flats, hotels, and offices. Gateshead Council purchased the Baltic Flour Mills silo building, and in 1994 they invited the Royal Institute of British Architects to open a competition which would find an architect to design the new arts centre.

 

In 1994, Gateshead Council invited the Royal Institute of British Architects to hold a competition to select a design for the conversion of the Baltic Flour Mills. The objective of the competition was to "provide a national and international Centre for Contemporary visual arts". The brief cited a number of similar examples of old buildings which had been converted into arts centres around the world, including a converted flour mill in Porto, Portugal and the Bankside Power Station in London (now the site of the Tate Modern). After evaluating a total of 140 entries, Dominic Williams – a relatively unknown architect who had only been working for three years – won the competition. He entered the competition with Ellis Williams Architects, his father's firm. Andrew Guest remarks that this "simple, honest, industrial" design was an example of architecture which recognised the designs and context of the past. Williams and Ellis Williams Architects stated their intention to "retain as much of the existing character and fabric of the building as possible" while also clearly presenting the structure's new purpose as an art gallery.

 

The conversion of the flour mills was a complex and technically challenging task. The grain silos were removed, leaving the brick façades unsupported, and a 1,000 tonne steel frame was required to support the remaining building. Four new main floors were inserted into the building supported by a row of pillars. Intermediary floors made out of steel frames and thin concrete were also inserted. These were designed to be removable as to adapt the building and create variable spaces for art. With 13 separate levels in total, Williams claimed he purposefully wanted to create a sense of disorientation for visitors within the building and allow an element of discovery. A spiral staircase winds up the building towards an open-plan office for staff. An efficient ductwork system was installed within the beams which carries heated or chilled air throughout the building. Such a design, conceived of by environmental engineers Atelier Ten, was uncommon for the time. The north and south elevations of the original building were retained along with the original BALTIC FLOUR MILLS lettering and red and yellow bricks. The east and west sides were fully glazed, capturing natural light and allowing views of the River Tyne. Additionally, service towers in the corners of the building, a rooftop viewing box, and a low-rise visitor centre were completed—these now comprise part of the building's major elements. The building stands at 138 feet (42 m) tall. Glass elevators situated close to the exterior offer views of Newcastle, Gateshead and the River Tyne. A restaurant sits at the top of the building, built in a manner which still allows natural light to reach the top gallery floor. The building's interior largely features glass, concrete, aluminium, Welsh Slate, 'Cor-Ten' steel, and Swedish pine. The furniture, purposely built to be flexible and adaptable, was designed by Swedish designer Åke Axelsson.

 

Awards

Baltic won a RIBA award in 2003, a Civic Trust Award in 2004, and in 2006 was selected as one of the top 10 most outstanding arts and culture schemes in the UK as part of the Gulbenkian Prize. In 2012, it won the National Lottery Awards prize for Best Arts Project.

 

The founding director, Sune Nordgren, was appointed in 1997. He oversaw the period prior to Baltic's opening, including the construction of the gallery. After almost six years, Nordgren left to take up a new post as founding director of the National Museum for Art, Architecture and Design, Oslo, Norway. At this time, Baltic was facing financial problems. After Nordgren's departure, a former Baltic chairman accused the centre of overspending on commissions during Nordgren's tenure. Baltic's situation was described by Arts Council England as having "serious inadequacies in financial procedures". Nordgren was briefly succeeded by Stephen Snoddy, who had previously run a new gallery in Milton Keynes. Snoddy only remained with the organisation for 11 months, citing difficulties in leaving his family behind in Manchester while working at Baltic. He was succeeded as director by Peter Doroshenko in 2005. Doroshenko's previous institutions included the Stedelijk Museum voor Actuele Kunst and the Institute of Visual Arts in Milwaukee. He was brought to Baltic to increase visitor numbers and resolve the centre's financial situation, which was criticised by Arts Council England and an insider as being chaotic. Doroshenko organized several exhibitions during his time at Baltic, including Spank the Monkey.

 

In November 2007, Doroshenko left the gallery to head up the PinchukArtCentre in Kiev, Ukraine. He stated that he believed he had made Baltic a more "approachable and visitor friendly place."[30] However, Design Week reported that there were claims that Doroshenko did not deliver the expected "international programme of artistic excellence." Additionally, staff at the centre had complained about his "intolerable" and "bullying" management style. Godfrey Worsdale, founding director of the Middlesbrough Institute of Modern Art, was appointed as director of Baltic in 2008. Worsdale oversaw the 10 year anniversary of Baltic and the hosting of the Turner Prize in 2011. He was awarded an honorary degree from Northumbria University in 2012 in recognition for his work on contemporary art after being on the judging panel for the Turner Prize. He departed in 2015 to take up a new post as director of the Henry Moore Foundation. Sarah Munro MBE became director in November 2015. She was previously artistic director of Tramway in Glasgow and head of arts for Glasgow Life.

 

History as arts centre

During the four-year construction of Baltic, the new organisation arranged a series of events, publications, and artists in residence in anticipation of the centre's opening. In 1999, after the silos had been removed and before the new floors were inserted, the shell of the building was used to house an art installation by Anish Kapoor. Taratantara was a trumpet-shaped installation of PVC 50 metres (160 ft) long and was situated within the centre of the mill. This installation drew 16,000 visitors and marked a turning point between the building's old purpose and its new life as a centre for art. In October 2000, Jenny Holzer's Truisms – a series of aphorisms and slogans – were projected onto the side of the building. Kapoor and Holtzer's works were intended to engage casual passers-by in an artistic dialogue. The identity of Baltic was also solidified by the publication of 16 newsletters between October 1998 and July 2002 when the centre opened to the public. A significant part of this branding was the use of the now registered typeface BALTIC Affisch, designed by Swedish designers Ulf Greger Nilsson and Henrik Nygren and based on the BALTIC FLOUR MILLS lettering on the building's brick façade.

 

Opening

After ten years in the planning and a capital investment of £50m, including £33.4m from the Arts Council Lottery Fund, Baltic opened to the public at midnight on Saturday 13 July 2002. The novelty of opening the new building at midnight was intentional: founding director Sune Nordgren sought a dramatic gesture to herald the beginning of the new centre for arts. The inaugural exhibition, B.OPEN, had work by Chris Burden, Carsten Höller, Julian Opie, Jaume Plensa and Jane and Louise Wilson. Opie, who had previously assisted Dominic Williams with aspects of the building's conversion design, contributed an installation consisting of nude outlines on the walls of floor of the gallery. Plensa's installation featured a room filled with gongs which were available for the audience to play. Plensa also contributed Blake in Gateshead – a beam of light which stretched around 2 kilometres (6,600 ft) into the sky. The installation was placed through the glass doorway of the ground floor. Burden constructed a 1/20th scale replica of the Tyne Bridge out of Meccano. Jane and Louise Wilson created Dreamtime, a video of a rocket launch. An early exhibit by the Japanese artist Yoshitomo Nara was also included. The B.OPEN event attracted over 35,000 visitors in the first week. A live art performance, including Tatsumi Orimito's Bread Man and Anne Bjerge Hansen's Moving Bakery, took place during the opening weekend, in which bread was handed out to passers-by in memory of the Baltic Flour Mill's history. When BALTIC opened, there was a target set for 250,000 visitors a year. It achieved one million visitors in its first year, and by its 10-year anniversary in 2012, 4 million people had visited.

 

Notable events

On 20 September 2007, Baltic management contacted Northumbria Police for advice regarding whether or not a photograph should be displayed as part of the Thanksgiving installation, a forthcoming exhibition by American photographer Nan Goldin. The photograph, along with the rest of the installation, is part of the Sir Elton John Photography Collection. Entitled Klara and Edda belly-dancing features two naked young girls and had previously been exhibited around the world without objections. The installation, which had been scheduled for a four-month exhibition, opened with the remaining photographs whilst Klara and Edda belly-dancing was in possession of the police. However, it closed after just nine days at the request of Elton John. Although this had a determinantal effect on Baltic's reputation in the short-term, Graham Whitham argues in Understand Contemporary Art that it may have given it a higher profile and greater publicity in the long-run.

 

Beryl Cook

In 2007, the largest survey of artist Beryl Cook's work to date was featured in an exhibition at Baltic.[9] Cook enjoyed widespread recognition of her art towards the end of her life; the exhibition at Baltic took place one year before her death. Her paintings depict everyday and familiar social situations in a playful, colourful, and "portly" style. Peter Doreshenko, the director of Baltic at the time of the exhibition, was keen for the gallery to reject the seriousness audiences may associate with it. The exhibition of Cook's work was part of this populist effort to attract new audiences to the then financially-struggling gallery, whose visitor numbers had dropped to less than 500,000 and whose reputation was decreasing. Adrian Searle of The Guardian reviewed the exhibition and, whilst acknowledging that fans would enjoy it, commented "look too long and you may feel a bit queasy".

 

Turner Prize

In 2011, Baltic was the venue for the Turner Prize. This was the first time the event had been held outside of London or Liverpool Tate. The Turner Prize exhibition at Baltic attracted 149,770 visitors to the gallery – almost double the average attendance in London. The event at Baltic was also free, whilst Turner exhibitions at Tate Britain had always previously charged for entry. The winning exhibit was by Martin Boyce with the runners-up being Karla Black, Hilary Lloyd and George Shaw.

 

Judy Chicago

The first major retrospective of American artist Judy Chicago's work was exhibited in Baltic from November 2019 to April 2020. The exhibition included her abstract paintings, records of performance pieces, and began and ended with a four-metre tapestry which portrayed the creation the world from a woman's perspective. At the time of the exhibition, Chicago was in her 80s. Hannah Clugston of The Guardian noted that the more recent featured works embraced the theme of death, particularly End: A Meditation on Death and Extinction, which is based on the stages of grief.

 

Baltic Open Submission

In March 2020, Baltic announced it would be closing due to the COVID-19 pandemic until further notice. In May 2021, it reopened to visitors with four exhibitions. Baltic Open Submission featured works created during lockdown by 158 artists from the North East. The 158 artists were chosen from over 540 original submissions and selected by a panel of three North East-based artists. The final pieces included paintings, drawings, and sound and video installations.

 

Community and cultural impact

At the opening of Baltic, director Sune Nordgren outlined the role of the arts centre within the public sphere. He stated that Baltic should be "a meeting place, a site for connections and confrontation between artists and the public." In an October 2002 lecture at the Power Plant Gallery in Toronto, Nordgren reaffirmed the importance of local outreach and explained his intention for Baltic to regard the local history and culture, comparing his intention to examples of modern art museums where this was not considered, such as the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao (designed in Los Angeles and placed in Spain). From its inception, Baltic emphasised the importance of artist-public relationships and its role as a community hub. "Participate" initiatives encouraged people in the local community to interact with resident artists. A media learning centre in a local library was set up as an extension of Baltic's community resources.

 

In a 2016 talk on Baltic's 10-year strategic plan (officially named Untitled), the current director of Baltic – Sarah Munro – emphasised that the North East of England "has always led, not followed" the agenda for contemporary arts, and that Baltic had been a big part of this trend. She argued that the visual arts can be used to further the economic and social growth of the area, even amidst the backdrop of political issues and austerity. Baltic also launched an international award for emerging artists in 2016, which offered a £30,000 commission and an accompanying exhibition to four recipients. It was the first such competition in the UK to be judged entirely by artists: in 2017, they were Monica Bonvicini, Lorna Simpson, Pedro Cabrita Reis and Mike Nelson. Munro commented that the award was to foster "a dialogue with our audiences at a local, national and international level."

 

Local university partnerships and graduate internships are also important to Baltic's community and cultural influence. In 2011, Baltic and Northumbria University established an artistic partnership through the BxNU Institute of Contemporary Art, a centre for artistic and curatorial research. Christine Borland was appointed as Baltic Professor. A designated gallery space, known as Baltic 39, was established on the top floor of refurbished Edwardian warehouses at 31-39 High Bridge in Newcastle. It was designed by Viennese architects Jabornegg & Palffy and housed artwork from students at the university. Baltic 39 was based at High Bridge from 2012 to 2021.

 

Their annual Self-Publishing Artists’ Market (aka S.P.A.M.) takes the form of a lively programme exploring print culture and practice through talks and workshops with over 50 stalls selling zines and artists’ books. S.P.A.M. Spreads reimagines the market in printed form and has included contributions by artists, activists, illustrators, zine-makers, writers and curators including Vanessa Murrell, Melody Sproates, Okocha Obasi, Stephanie Francis-Shanahan.

Museum Fünf Kontinente, Munich, Germany.

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While felines are often depicted in Pre-Columbian art, canines are rare. Here, however, we see two dogs flanking the deity at the base of the vessel's neck. I can't identify the species to which these dogs belong. (I call them dogs because of their short tails, blunt snouts and short bodies. There are foxes in Peru, but they don't look like this. They look like foxes!)

 

Peru is home to the Peruvian hairless dog. I've seen tall and lanky hairless dogs in Peru and one little individual the size of a Scotch Terrier. What they had in common is they all wore garments to keep the sun from damaging the hairless skin on their backs.

 

The dogs on this vessel do not seem to be wearing T-shirts or natty vests like their modern counterparts.

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The Sican (also Sicán) culture is the name that archaeologist Izumi Shimada gave to the culture that inhabited what is now the north coast of Peru between about 750 and 1375. According to Shimada, Sican means "temple of the Moon".[1]

 

The Sican culture is also referred to as Lambayeque culture, after the name of the region in Peru. It succeeded the Moche culture.

 

There is still controversy among archeologists and anthropologists over whether the two are separate cultures.

 

The Sican culture is divided into three major periods based on cultural changes as evidenced in archeological artifacts.[2]

 

Archaeologist Izumi Shimada, founder of the Sican Archaeological Project, named the prehistoric culture which he discovered in northwestern Peru. They succeeded the Moche and preceded the Inca Empire, the historical civilization that encountered the Spanish explorers and conquistadors.

 

The Sican inhabited a coastal territory near the La Leche and Lambayeque Rivers. The archaeological sites span the Lambayeque region, including the Motupe, La Leche, Lambayeque, and Zaña valleys, near modern-day Chiclayo.[2] Numerous sites have been identified in the Batán Grande area of the La Leche Valley.

 

The climate of the area during Sican occupation was similar to the current climate, despite changes in landscape accumulated in the last 600 years. The drought-and-flood cycles seen in the region for the past 1500 years did not spare the Sican culture. (Goldstein and Shimada 2007, p. 49)

 

The Early Sican period began around 750 and lasted until 900. The lack of artifacts has limited the development of knowledge about this early period.

 

The Sican were probably descendants of the Moche culture, which fell around 800. Their works shows shared motifs in the artifacts recovered.[3]

 

Similar groups include Cajamarca, Wari and Pachacamac. From remains found in the archaeological locations, researchers have determined that this culture maintained commercial exchange with people from present-day Ecuador (shells and snails), Colombia to the north (emeralds and amber), Chile to the south (blue stone), and the eastern basin of the Marañón River (seeds of gold).

 

The Lambayeque culture may have been a separate trading people as well.

 

Around 800, the Sican created the city of Poma, located at Batán Grande, in La Leche Valley. Few other Early Sican sites have been discovered.

 

The Early Sican culture is known for the highly polished, black-finish ceramics found in the La Leche Valley. This black-finish ceramic style began in the Moche culture prior to the Early Sican, and shows the sharing of cultures in the region.

 

Much of the ceramics were examples of a single spout, loop-handle bottle, featuring an anthropomorphic-avian (bird) face at the spout base. The face consisted of bulging eyes, a hooked beak or triangular projection instead of a nose, stylized ears, and no mouth.

 

It appeared to be a predecessor to the related faces of the Sican Deity and the Sican Lord of the Middle Sican culture. (Shimada 2000, p. 51)

 

Aside from the shared ceramic styles, much of the Early Sican defines a distinguishable culture. While the ceramic styles and iconography show some continuity with previous cultures, the combination of all the influences is Sican.

 

The changing ceramic styles, iconography, and funerary practices reflect a change in religious ideology and cosmology that expressed the Sican culture. Most importantly, the late Early Sican period saw the accumulation of these changes in art style and iconography, coupled with other changes in organization, by which the Sican constructed monumental adobe structures, developed large-scale copper alloy smelting and metalworking, and developed the elaborate funerary tradition that would come to characterize the Middle Sican (Shimada 1985, p. 361).

 

Such changes have been seen by researchers at sites in Batán Grande, including the Huaca del Pueblo site, dated to around 850-900.

 

The Middle Sican period lasted from 900 to 1100 . This is the period of the Sican's “cultural florescence,” and is marked by the emergence of various cultural innovations, some of which were unprecedented in the local area.[3]

 

The decline of the Wari Empire and the Middle Cajamarca polity enabled the resurgence in local political and religious identity and autonomy.[3]

 

The Middle Sican culture is marked by distinctive characteristics in six areas: art and ideology, crafts and technology, funerary customs, long-distance trade, religious cities and monumental temples, and the structure and authority of the state (Shimada 2000, p. 52-61; Shimada 1985, p. 365-369).

 

Together, these characteristics provide evidence that the Sicán culture had a highly productive economy, clear social differentiation, and an influential religious ideology. The religious ideology was the underpinning of the structure of their theocratic state.[3]

 

Sicán art is representational in style and religious in nature. Features such as sculptural representation and the minimization of number of colors (one to three), were common among the art of many earlier cultures that flourished on the north coast of Peru.[3] Sicán art reconfigured the motifs, conventions, and concepts of these antecedent cultures (mainly the Wari and Moche) into an overall new and unique style. The references to the old ideas, images and ways of antecedent cultures in Sicán art would have been useful in providing prestige and legitimacy to the new Sicán religion which was emerging.[3]

 

Sicán iconography is dominated by the Sican Deity[4][5] It decorates all artistic media of the Sicán, including ceramics, metal works, and textiles.[3] The icon is most commonly represented with a mask face and upturned eyes.[2]

 

Sometimes it may be shown with avian features, such as beaks, wings, and talons, which are evident in Early Sicán ceramics.[3]

 

These avian features are related to Naylamp, the key figure in Sicán mythology. The name "Naylamp" was first mentioned by the Spanish chronicler Miguel Cabello Valboa, who referred to the Moche figure "Naymlap" in his 1586 Miscelánea Antártica.

 

Later authors believe the form is Mochica Ñañlap, of which the first part is ñañ "waterfowl"; a connexion has been made between the Moche and Chimú cultures and the empire of Chimor and the Mochica language.

Sican gold cup, 850-1050

 

Naylamp was said to be the founder of the first dynasty of prehistoric kings in La Leche and Lambayeque valleys. In The Legend of Naylamp, first recorded in the 16th century by the Spanish chronicler Miguel Cabello de Balboa, Naylamp is said to have traveled on a balsa raft by sea to the Lambayeque shores. He founded a large city, and the 12 sons of his eldest son each founded a new city in the Lambayeque region.

 

When Naylamp died, he sprouted wings and flew off to another world (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 18 and 65).

 

Middle Sicán art did not change the concept or representation of the icon of the Sicán Deity. Both the preceding Moche and Wari cultures feature a single dominant male figure, and the upturned eyes characteristic of the Sicán Deity are common to the art and iconography of other Pre-Hispanic societies.

 

The iconography accompanying the Sicán Deity was unique and significant (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 66).

 

Iconography of the moon and the ocean may symbolize the Sicán Deity's involvement in the wellbeing of marine life and fishermen. Iconography related to water signifies the importance of irrigation and agriculture to the Sicán.

 

Other iconography, such as of the sun and moon, symbolizes the importance of duality in both human and celestial life.

 

Depictions of the Sicán Deity with tumi knives and trophy heads may indicate his omnipotent control in both human life and the celestial world (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 66; Shimada 2000, p. 52-53). Through the iconography which the Sicán associated with the icon, anthropologists theorize that the Sicán Deity may have been attributed with power to control all of the celestial forces fundamental to life and abundance (Shimada 2000, p. 53).

 

The lack of representation of humans in Middle Sicán art emphasizes the omnipresence of the Sicán Deity in Sicán iconography.

 

The only exceptions are representations of the Sicán Lord, the male elite personage, and his entourage. (Shimada 2000, p. 53)

 

Iconography of the Sicán Lord is almost identical to the Sicán Deity, except that he is shown in natural settings and does not have avian features.[2][5] The Sicán Lord was probably meant to represent an earthly alter-ego of the

 

The population of Batán Grande included many skilled artisans. Craft production during the Middle Sican flourished and became one of the leading characteristics of the period.

 

The highly polished black finish ceramics from the Early Sican bloomed in this later phase, along with metallurgy; however, the ceramic technology used in the Middle Sican developed over 2500 years from local pottery production techniques (Shimada and Wagner 2001, p. 26).

 

Workshops, such as the one found at Huaca Sialupe to the west of Batán Grande, likely had both pottery and metalworking production sites (Goldsmith and Shimada 2007, p. 45).

 

Ceramics allowed for a medium to convey political and religious ideology in the forms of storage vessels, architectural ornaments, cooking vessels, sculptures of the Deity or animals, and other types proliferated during this period.[2][5]

 

The potters likely worked separately from one another, rather than in assembly-line type production. Huaca Sialupe excavations produced clusters of similar kilns using local hardwood for charcoal.

 

Field experiments indicated that the kilns were used either for ceramics or metallurgy (Shimada and Wagner 2001, p. 28).

 

The Paleteada ceramics used the paddle-and-anvil technique to form and decorate pottery, primarily with geometric designs (Cleland and Shimada 1998, p. 112).

 

The monochrome black pottery became widely popular across the region during the Middle Sican as the Sican themselves began to emphasize the black pottery, with the help of the Middle Sican religious prestige.

 

Only the geometric designs continued on the pottery into the Late Sican.[2]

 

Metallurgy is one of the Sican's greatest legacies, lasting nearly 600 years at Batán Grande (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 83). Some Middle Sican workshops showed multicraft production and it is likely the crafts competed for resources, such as fuel for kilns.

 

Middle- and high-status burials both contained the black ceramics, while only the social elite had access to the precious metal object; therefore, metalworking probably was given production preference by the elites (Goldsmith and Shimada 2007, p. 47).

 

The greatness of Middle Sican metallurgy was the large scale smelting and diverse use of arsenical copper, which was more ductile and corrosion-resistant than pure copper.[2][5]

 

The great amounts of smelting and/or metalworking sites found in the Lambayeque region point to the convergence of major factors to allow such an occurrence: accessible ore deposits, extensive forests for hardwood to make charcoal, pottery making tradition using efficient kilns, gold working tradition that formed the basis for later metalworking technology, and a demand for goods by the elites (Shimada, Goldstein, Wagner, Bezur 2007, p. 339).

 

The large number of smelting sites also point to the amount of labor required by using their method. In modern standards, their copper-alloy smelting was inefficient, which could have led to the high number of workshops with multiple furnaces (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 85).

 

The precious metal objects found in Middle Sican sites reveal the unprecedented scale of their production and use.

 

Metal objects permeated all levels of society. Tumbaga, a thin sheet of low karat gold alloy, was used to wrap ceramic vessels for the lower elites, while the upper elites had high karat gold alloys.

 

Common laborers only had arsenical copper objects. The precious metal objects then clearly demonstrate a hierarchy within the society (Shimada 2000, p. 56).

 

No evidence of metalworking at the large sites has been uncovered, such as the Middle Sican capital Sican or elsewhere in the Batán Grande area, but the precious metal objects were clearly for the elites.

 

From their high status sites, the elites supervised the manufacturing of their precious metal objects for ritual or funerary purposes (Shimada and Merkel 1991, p. 86).

 

Excavations of religious sites have revealed much about the funerary practices of the Sicán people.

 

These funerary practices have helped anthropologists understand the broader organization and structure of Sicán society and religion.

 

Most of the evidence for these funerary practices has been based on excavations carried out at the Huaca Loro site in Poma by Izumi Shimada and the SAP.

 

First of all, the funerary practices at Huaca Loro reflect the social differentiation and hierarchy present Sicán society. This social stratification is revealed in varying burial types and practices, along with accompanying grave goods.

 

The most obvious difference in burial type based on social hierarchy was that commoners were buried in simple, shallow graves on the peripheries of the monumental mounds while the elite of Sicán society were buried in deep shaft tombs beneath monumental mounds, as shown in the East and West tombs at Huaca Loro.[5][6]

 

Secondly, it was found that one's social status was also a determinant of the burial position of the body; seated, extended, or flexed. For example, bodies of the High Elite were always buried in the seated position, while commoners could be buried in a seated, extended, or flexed position (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87; Shimada et al. 2004).

 

Furthermore, social differentiation is manifested even within the elite tombs at Huaca Loro, through the grouping and placement of bodies.

 

The complex internal organization of both East and West Tombs was designed according to specific social and kinship relationships (Shimada et al. 2004).

 

Recent studies that included the use of MtDNA (systematic mitochondrial DNA) analysis and inherited dental traits analysis revealed that women in the West Tomb were grouped according to their kinship ties to the principal personage and each other (Shimada et al. 2005; Shimada et al. 2004).

 

The grouping of women in the south part of the West Tomb were found to be maternally related to one another, as well as the principal personage; the grouping of women in the north part of the West Tomb were found to not only be unrelated to one another, but also unrelated to the principal personage.

 

Further, ceramics in the south part were found to be of typical Middle Sicán style, while the ceramics in the North part were of a Mochica style (Shimada et al. 2005; Shimada et al. 2004).

'

This evidence suggests that while the women of the South part of the West tomb were grouped and placed according to their kinship ties with the principal personage, the women of the North part of the West tomb had no kinship ties with the principal personage or each other therefore were placed and grouped according to some other distinct relationship to the principal personage.

 

This genetic evidence and along with the differing styles of ceramics suggests that the North-niche women of the West Tomb were perhaps descendants of a different ethnic group, the Moche, who had been integrated into Sicán society under political domination (Shimada et al. 2004).

 

While these relationships have not been proved definitively, it shows the great complexity itself of elite burial practices based on social differentiation.

 

Social stratification and hierarchy is also evidenced through the variation in quantity and quality of grave goods associated with those of different social status.

 

The elite East Tomb at Huaca Loro, contained over a ton of diverse grave goods, over two-thirds of which were objects of arsenical bronze, tumbaga (low-karat gold), silver and copper alloys, and high-karat gold alloys.[7][8]

 

Other grave goods of the elite included semi-precious stone objects, amber, feathers, textiles, imported shells (such as conus and spondylus), shell beads, and double spout bottles. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87; Shimada 2000, p. 56; Bruhns 1994, p. 290)

 

On the other hand, commoner burials had a significantly less amount of grave goods of different types, made of less valuable materials.

 

For example, commoner grave goods at Huaca Loro were usually restricted to single-spout bottles, utilitarian plain and/or paddle decorated pottery, and copper-arsenic objects, instead of the precious metal objects of the elite tombs. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, p. 87, Shimada et al. 2004)

 

The power of the elite of Sicán society is demonstrated not only by the amount, quality, and diversity of exotic and status goods accumulated in the tombs, but also by the amount of time and labor that would have gone into making and acquiring them. (Shimada 2000, p. 56)

 

All together, the construction of the monumental mound at Huaca Loro, the preparation of the East and West Tombs and performance of the associated rituals required careful and complex planning, and considerable material, labor resources and time, and suggests the elite's control and monopoly of power in society.[2]

 

Secondly, the funerary practices of the Sicán suggest the existence of an elite lineage that used the new Sicán religion to demonstrate and maintain their power (Shimada et al. 2004).

 

The Sicán elite used funerary practices as a way to symbolize their relationship to the divine. The sheer size and grandeur of the monumental mounds built above the elite tombs would have been awe-inspiring to Sicán citizens and a symbol the divine nature of the figures buried below. (Shimada et al. 2004)

 

Colorful murals with religious iconography decorated ceremonial precincts in the temples of the mounds, establishing the sanctity of the ritual space, and reaffirming this connection of the buried elite below to the divine. (Nickle Arts Museum 2006, Shimada et al. 2004)

 

Also, the principal personage of the East Tomb at Huaca Loro wears a mask identical to the Sicán Deity, which is another reference to his relationship to the Deity and the divine. (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 389)

 

The construction itself of these monumental mounds served as a reminder of the elite's power and endurance, and combined with the symbolic use of Sicán religious iconography to justify the divine merits of the elite lineage, was an attempt by the Sicán elite to “preserve the status quo of inherited rights.” (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 370)

 

The funerary rites and rituals performed by the living lineage members served to further reinforce their lineage identity and the three-way relationship between the divine, the dead, and the living elite. (Shimada et al. 2004, p. 389)

 

The variety of grave goods suggests the wide range of power of the Middle Sican elite.

 

They not only received the most grave offerings, but also the best quality and exotic offerings.

 

None of the metalworking sites showed evidence of on-site mining of any of the materials.

 

In addition, the spondylus shell, emeralds, feathers, and other minerals were imported to the area. Their materials came from mainly the northern Andes, such as Ecuador (from the Manteno and Milagro cultures), Peru, Colombia, but could have also reached as far south as the Tiwanaku empire in the south-central Andes and east to the Marañón River, a major tributary of the Amazon River.[2][5][9]

 

The Middle Sican trade networks appear to be unprecedented in range and goods involved, which helped to insure the spread of Sican religion and polity outside of the Lambayeque and La Leche valleys (Shimada 2000, p. 58).

 

They also could have controlled the transport methods in addition to the goods being traded. The breeding and herding of llamas on the North Coast since the time of the Moche could have been utilized by the Sican to provide the goods as well as a caravan of llamas to transport the goods considerable distances (Shimada 1985, p. 391).

 

The Sicán culture is characterized by the establishment of religious cities with monumental temples.[2][5]

 

The religious capital city and cultural center of the Middle Sicán is referenced as the Sicán Precinct. (Bruhns 1994, p. 293).

 

This T-shaped area is defined by monumental mounds of Huaca Loro, El Moscón, Las Ventanas, La Merced, and Abejas built between around AD 900 and 1050.[5][10] The pyramidal monumental mounds were used as both burials sites for the elite and places of worship and ritual.[2][10]

 

The construction of the monumental mounds required considerable material, labor resources and time, indicating the Sicán elite's control and monopoly over the society's resources and manpower.

 

They are a dramatic symbol of the power, wealth and permanence of the Middle Sicán elite and their theocratic state that dominated much of the north coast.[2]

 

Two types of mounds are found in the Lambayeque Valley dating to the Sicán. The first type is the T-shaped mound, which is a relatively low mound with a short, central ramp providing direct access to the top of the mound.

 

The second type is a relatively tall mound with steep sides and a zig-zagging ramp to provide circuitous access to the mound top. This second type also featured an enclosed structure at the top of the mound, likely for private rituals, whereas the first type of mound was likely for public rituals (Shimada 2000, p. 60; Shimada, Shinoda, Farnum, Corruccini, Watanabe 2004, p. 388).

 

The mounds also covered and protected the shafts of tombs of elites underneath.

 

The Sicán used a walled-chamber-and-fill technique (which first appeared on the North Coast during Moche V) for constructing the monumental mound where the walls were created by adobe bricks and mortar in conjunction with chambers of superimposed lattices filled with refuse and other readily available materials.[2][5][11]

 

Marks on the adobe bricks used to make the mounds are indications of the patrons donating materials and/or labor for the construction of the temples (Shimada 2000, p. 60).

 

This construction technique required “large-scale, unified construction with centrally pooled materials and labor force” (Shimada 2000 p. 60). It allowed for rapid erection of monumental buildings while minimizing labor and material investment and promoted the centralization of political and religious power in order to plan and complete these monumental mounds.[2][12]

Agriculture and canals

 

While the Sican ceramics and metallurgy are vastly studied, agriculture during the Middle to Late Sican may have been linked to their increasing craft production.

 

Shimada suggests that the canals at Pampa de Chaparri were developed by the Sican as part of an agro-industrial complex marked by an increase in mining and smelting operations, settlement growth, and the expansion of agriculture.[13] Along the canals, 39

Middle Sican sites and 76 Late Sican sites were identified; however, few sites were located in the irrigation fields.

 

This Sican occupation at the irrigation system points to its construction during the Middle Sican. The construction of this irrigation system, as well as the association of hierarchical social units and canal branches, coincides with the rapid and dramatic growth of the Middle Sican. Irrigation for agriculture was a necessity for the Sican elite to produce a surplus of food to feed artisans and laborers, who in turn support the elites.[14]

 

The Late Sican period began around 1100 and ended with the conquest of the Lambayeque region by the Chimú kingdom of Chimor circa 1375.

 

Around 1020, a major drought lasting 30 years occurred at Sican. At the time of the drought, the Sican Deity, so closely tied to the ocean and water in general, was at the center of Sican religion. The catastrophic changes in weather were thus linked to the Sican Deity, mainly to the failure of the Sican Deity to mediate nature for the Sican people.[15]

 

The Sican ceremonies (and temples/mounds on which they were performed) were supposed to ensure that there was an abundance of nature for the people.

 

The elites were the mediators between the common people and the Sican Deity, as the Sican Deity was the mediator between nature and the Sican people.[15]

 

After 30 years of uncertainty in respect to nature, the temples that were the center of Middle Sican religion and elite power were burned and abandoned between 1050 and 1100.

 

Perhaps the ancestor cult and aggrandizing of the elites caused too much resentment. Coupled with the drought that surely weakened agriculture in the area, the tolerance of the common population plummeted, forcing the removal of the political and religious leadership at Sican to save the people.[2]

 

There was little or no repair of the destruction of Sican, and further damage was inflicted by El Nino floods around 1100.

 

The burning and abandonment of the previous capital meant that a new capital needed to be built. Túcume or "el Purgatorio" was constructed as the new Late Sican capital at the juncture of the La Leche and Lambayeque Valleys.

 

Túcume became the new religious and ceremonial center of the Sican. The religious and iconographic legacies of the Middle Sican abruptly disappeared. It is at this juncture, when the Sican Deity and Sican Lord disappear from art, is when the Late Sican begins.

 

Other mythical depictions from the Middle Sican continued in the Late Sican and reflect the revitalization of the religion going back to tradition relationships with nature. Icons include felines, fish, and birds that were secondary to the Sican Deity during the previous era, but were also linked to previous cultures in the area.

 

Sican material culture, such as ceramics and metallurgy, unrelated to religion or politics did not suffer a severe change during the Middle Sican to Late Sican transition.[2][5][15][16]

 

Agriculture and irrigation were also not affected by the transition of political and religious power, as evidenced by the lack of effects on Pampa de Chaparri and numerous large urban hill-side settlements.[14][17]

 

Túcume took on the religious and ceremonial prestige as the site of Sican claimed during the Middle Sican. The mounds and temples from the Middle Sican were continued into the Late Sican since the idea of mounds were not associated with the fall of the Middle Sican, only those mounds in Batán Grande.

 

The same types of ceremonial and religious artifacts made from the same materials were found at Túcume.

 

The site grew enormously during its 250-year Late Sican occupation. By the time of the Chimú conquest of the Lambayeque region in 1375, there were 26 major mounds and enclosures.

 

The site is built on 220 hectares around the La Raya Mountain. Túcume is seen as the reorganization and reunification of the Sican elite and Sican population as a whole until the fall of the Sican to the Chimú.[17]

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sican_culture

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

On 21 January 1968 all hell broke loose, on a northern outpost, on the outskirts of the airbase, that controls the route around it the Vietcong guerrilla blew a hole on the outer wall debris came flying by and the Marines rushed out to fire at the enemy. The fight went on that would be determinant in the Tet Offensive. The Marines resisted during many days. But the end of this offensive marked a change in this terrible war.

    

Ok, this is slightly based on the scene from Stanley Kubrik's "Full Metal Jacket" in which the the airbase is attacked and they rush out to defend it.

    

I used some of the new pieces I got in this build and without these I wouldn't have been able to make this this big.

    

Please favorite and comment as much as you'd like :)

    

It's been a long time since a I last uploaded so it would mean a lot :)

    

Thanks,

    

Pedro.

That's a match between Nikon D750 and D200 !!

So your vote will be determinant !!!

Wikipedia, Aveiro (pronounced [aˈvɐjɾu] ⓘ) is a city and a municipality in Portugal. In 2021, the population was 80,880,[1] in an area of 197.58 square kilometres (76.29 sq mi):[2] it is the second most populous city in the Centro Region of Portugal (after Coimbra).

 

Along with the neighbouring city of Ílhavo, Aveiro is part of an urban agglomeration that includes 120,000 inhabitants, making it one of the most important populated regions by density in the North Region, and primary centre of the Intermunicipal Community of Aveiro and Baixo Vouga. Administratively, the president of the municipal government is José Ribau Esteves, elected by coalition between the Social Democratic Party and the Democratic Social Centre, who governs the ten civil parishes (Portuguese: freguesias).

 

History

The presence of human settlement in the territory of Aveiro extends to the period associated with the great dolmens of pre-history, which exist in most of the region.[3] The Latinised toponym ‘'Averius'’ derived from the Celtic word aber (river-mouth, etym.< Brythonic *aber < Proto-Celtic *adberos, compare Welsh Aberystwyth).[4]

 

For a long period Aveiro was an important economic link in the production of salt and commercial shipping.[3] It was a centre of salt exploration by the Romans and trade centre through the Middle Ages, registered since 26 January 959 (from the testament of Countess Mumadona Dias to the cenóbio of Guimarães).[3] During this testament, Mumadona Dias also highlighted the ancient name for Aveiro, this time referring to the monastery's lands in Alauario et Salinas, literally, "a gathering place or preserve of birds and of great salt".[3] From 11th century onwards, Aveiro became popular with Portuguese royalty.

 

Kingdom of Portugal

 

Infanta D. Joana, daughter of King Afonso V

Later, King João I, on the advice of his son Pedro, who was the donatary of Aveiro, requested the construction of fortification walls.

 

King D. Duarte conceded in 1435 the privilege of providing an annual duty-free fair, later referred to as the Feira de Março (March Fair), today still an annual tradition.

 

The Princess St. Joana, daughter of Afonso V lived in Aveiro, entering the convent of Jesus, and lived there until her death on 12 May 1490. During her life her presence brought attention to the town, and favoured it with an elevated level of development for the time.

 

The first charter (foral) was conceded by Manuel I of Portugal on 4 August 1515, as indicated in the Livro de Leituras Novas de Forais da Estremadura. Its geographic position along the Aveiro River had always helped it to subsist and grow, supported by salt market, fishing and maritime commercial development. By the beginning of the 15th century, there already existed a great wall around the historical centre, intonating the significance of the community and growth of the population.[3] This included the founding of many religious institutions and their supports, which assisted during the 17th and 18th century crises associated with silt in the waterway.[3] In the winter of 1575, a terrible storm closed the entrance to its port, ending a thriving trade in metals and tiles, and creating a reef barrier at the Atlantic Ocean. The walls were subsequently demolished and used to create the docks around the new sand bar.

  

A depiction of the execution of Duke José Mascarenhas of Aveiro

Between the 16th and 17th centuries, the river's instability at the mouth (between the Ria and open ocean) resulted in the closure of the canal, impeding the use of the port of Aveiro, and creating stagnation in the waters of the lagoon. This blow to the economy created a social and economic crisis, and resulted in the decrease in the population and emigration. It was at this time that the Church of the Miserícordia was constructed, during the Philippine Dynastic union.

  

José Estêvão, parliamentary and 19th-century hero

In 1759, King José I elevated the town to the status of city, a few months after condemning the Duke of Aveiro (a title established in 1547 by João III), José Mascarenhas, to death. As a result, Aveiro became known as Nova Bragança: it was later abandoned much later, and returned to Aveiro. In 1774, by request of King José, Pope Clement XIV instituted the Diocese of Aveiro.

 

In the 19th century, the Aveirense were active during the Liberal Wars, and it was José Estêvão Coelho de Magalhães, a parliamentary member who was determinant in resolving the problem of access along the Ria. He also helped with the development of transport, especially the railway line between Lisbon and Porto. It was the opening of the artificial canals, completed in 1808, that allowed Aveiro to expand economically, marking the beginning in the town's growth.[3]

 

The municipality was elevated to the status of town, centered on its principal church, consecrated to the Archangel Michael, today the location of the Praça da República (having been demolished in 1835).

 

Geography

 

Bridge over canal in Aveiro

Located on the shore of the Atlantic Ocean, Aveiro is an industrial city with an important seaport.

 

The seat of the municipality is the city of Aveiro, comprising the five urban parishes with about 73,003 inhabitants. The city of Aveiro is also the capital of the District of Aveiro, and the largest city in the Baixo Vouga intermunicipal community subregion.

 

Aveiro is known as "the Portuguese Venice", due to its system of canals and boats similar to the Italian city of Venice.[5]

 

Climate

Aveiro has a warm-summer Mediterranean climate[6] influenced by its proximity to the Atlantic Ocean. The maritime influence causes a narrow temperature range resulting in summers averaging around 24 °C (75 °F) in daytime temperatures, considerably lower than inland areas on the same parallel on the Iberian Peninsula. As typical of mediterranean climates, summers are dry and winters are wet. A characteristic of the coastal climate is that frosts are rare and never severe, though still happening on average 9 days per year.[7] The hottest temperature recorded was 39.3 °C (102.7 °F).[8] Temperatures above 32 °C (90 °F) are only occasional.[9]

 

Climate data for Aveiro, 1981-2010

MonthJanFebMarAprMayJunJulAugSepOctNovDecYear

Record high °C (°F)21.5

(70.7)25.0

(77.0)28.9

(84.0)32.5

(90.5)39.0

(102.2)37.6

(99.7)39.3

(102.7)38.1

(100.6)35.1

(95.2)33.5

(92.3)26.0

(78.8)24.0

(75.2)39.3

(102.7)

Mean daily maximum °C (°F)14.4

(57.9)15.4

(59.7)17.5

(63.5)18.2

(64.8)20.2

(68.4)22.8

(73.0)24.0

(75.2)24.4

(75.9)23.7

(74.7)21.1

(70.0)17.4

(63.3)15.2

(59.4)19.5

(67.1)

Daily mean °C (°F)10.4

(50.7)11.4

(52.5)13.3

(55.9)14.3

(57.7)16.3

(61.3)18.9

(66.0)20.1

(68.2)20.4

(68.7)19.5

(67.1)17.1

(62.8)13.6

(56.5)11.5

(52.7)15.5

(59.9)

Mean daily minimum °C (°F)6.3

(43.3)7.3

(45.1)9.1

(48.4)10.3

(50.5)12.5

(54.5)15.0

(59.0)16.1

(61.0)16.2

(61.2)15.2

(59.4)13.0

(55.4)9.8

(49.6)7.8

(46.0)11.5

(52.7)

Record low °C (°F)−3.0

(26.6)−2.5

(27.5)0.0

(32.0)1.5

(34.7)5.5

(41.9)8.5

(47.3)11.4

(52.5)10.0

(50.0)8.5

(47.3)3.5

(38.3)1.0

(33.8)−3.0

(26.6)−3.0

(26.6)

Average precipitation mm (inches)119.8

(4.72)87.5

(3.44)67.2

(2.65)91.2

(3.59)74.9

(2.95)29.3

(1.15)13.5

(0.53)19.7

(0.78)49.3

(1.94)128.8

(5.07)128.3

(5.05)134.5

(5.30)944.0

(37.17)

Source: Instituto Português do Mar e da Atmosfera[10]

Demography

 

The civil parishes of the municipality of Aveiro

Population of Aveiro Municipality (1801 – 2008)

1801184919001930196019811991200120082021

14 14410 78024 91931 64446 05560 28466 44473 33573 10080 880

Administratively, the municipality is divided into 10 civil parishes (Portuguese: freguesias):[11]

 

Aradas

Cacia

Eixo e Eirol

Esgueira

Glória e Vera Cruz (urban centre and location of the seat of the municipality of Aveiro)

Oliveirinha

Requeixo, Nossa Senhora de Fátima e Nariz

Santa Joana

São Bernardo

São Jacinto

São Jacinto is located on an eponymous peninsula, between the Atlantic Ocean and Ria de Aveiro. Aveiro had 61,430 eligible voters in 2006.

 

International relations

See also: List of twin towns and sister cities in Portugal

Aveiro's sister cities are:[12]

 

France – Arcachon, France, since 1989

Brazil – Belém, Brazil, since 1970

France – Bourges, France, since 1989

Greece – Cholargos, Greece, since 2001

Spain – Ciudad Rodrigo, Spain, since 1989

Brazil – Cubatão, Brazil, since 1992[13][14]

Guinea-Bissau – Farim, Guinea-Bissau, since 1992

Italy – Forlì, Italy, since 1990

Mozambique – Inhambane, Mozambique, since 1989

Tunisia – Mahdia, Tunisia, since 1998

Japan – Ōita, Japan, since 1978

China – Panyu District, China since 2000

Brazil – Pelotas, Brazil, since 1996

Mozambique – Pemba, Mozambique, since 1995

Cape Verde – Santa Cruz, Cape Verde, since 1993

São Tomé and Príncipe – Santo António, São Tomé and Príncipe, since 1998

Canada – Trois-Rivières, Canada, since 1996

Portugal – Viana do Castelo, Portugal, since 1910

Economy

Aveiro was known for many years for its production of salt and for the moliço seagrass harvest, which was used as fertilizer before the development of chemicals for that purpose. The boats once used for harvesting now carry tourists on the canals.[3][15] Salt production has also decreased dramatically with only a few salt ponds still remaining.[16]

 

The region is now known for the preponderance of ceramics industries, a reflection of the regions advancements, resulting in a long productive tradition since the late Roman, early medieval period (reflected in the ceramics kilns).[3]

 

Software development is important too, both at the R&D centre for a large telecom company and at the University of Aveiro (UA) which is attended by 15,000 students on undergraduate and postgraduate programs. UA works with companies in national and European R&D projects.[17][18]

 

The city of Aveiro has several shopping centers and malls (Pingo Doce Shopping Center, Fórum Aveiro, Glicínias Plaza (Jumbo – Auchan), Aveiro's Shopping Center (Continente & Mediamarkt), Aveiro's Retail Park and the Oita Shopping Center). This city has many traditional commerce stores. The most central one being Forum Aveiro with clothes stores, restaurant zone and book stores.

 

The town's unemployment rate in 2015 was 12.5%; the University of Aveiro is a major employer.[19]

 

Tourism

 

The central area with its Art Nouveau buildings and boat rides on Barcos Moliceiros attracts many tourists.

Tourism is also important for the economy.[20] The old town centre, with its Art Nouveau and Romanesque architecture[21] and "gondolas" (barcos moliceiros once used for collecting moliço seaweed) plying the Ria de Aveiro canals, is referred to as "The Venice of Portugal" in some tourist brochures.[22][23]

 

Important tourist attractions are the Arte Nova (Art Nouveau) architectural designs and tiles of some buildings that were created in the early 20th century,[24] the Art Nouveau museum, the Aveiro Museum (Museu de Aveiro, formerly the Mosteiro de Jesus convent with exhibits of King Afonso V's daughter, Santa Joana), the 15th century Aveiro Sé or São Domingos cathedral and the Church of Jesus (Igreja de Jesus) with its architecture. The nearby beaches, Costa Nova and Barra, attract many visitors in warm weather; they can be reached by bus from Aveiro. Other sites of interest to tourists include the Carmelite Church and the Misericórdia Church built in the 16th century.

 

Transport

The local economy is fed by a series of transport networks that cross the municipal boundaries.

 

Air

Regional gateways include air service through the Aeródromo de Aveiro/São Jacinto (LPAV) and the Porto de Aveiro (Ílhavo/Aveiro).

 

Rail

 

The old railway station

Rail service includes service by Alfa Pendular (between Lisbon and Braga; Lisbon and Oporto; Faro and Oporto) and Intercity (between Lisbon and Oporto as well as Lisbon and Guimarães) trains; suburban links through the Urbanos do Porto and, also, the Linha do Vouga, a narrow gauge railway to Águeda and Sernada do Vouga.

 

Road

The primary expressways and inter-regional thoroughfares include: A1 (between Porto and Lisbon); and the A25 (which links Viseu, Guarda and Vilar Formoso).

 

Intercity buses connect Aveiro with Porto and Lisbon several times a day.[25]

 

Water

Moliceiros provide access along the Ria for tourist visits, in addition to traditional fishing or recreational purposes, including regattas.

 

Architecture

 

The front facade of the Cathedral of Aveiro

The architecture of Aveiro is influenced by two phases: the pre-Kingdom era, with a number of historical monuments; and the modernist movements resulting from the expansion of economy during the 19th-20th centuries.

 

The city's primary landmark is the 15th century Monastery of Jesus (Portuguese: Mosteiro de Jesus), containing the tomb of King Afonso V's daughter, St. Joana (who died in 1490). The presence of this royal personage, beatified in 1693, proved to be of great benefit when she bequeathed her valuable estate to the convent. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the convent housed a school of embroidery, but was transformed into the Museu de Santa Joana, or simply, the Museum of Aveiro, housing many of these handicrafts.

  

Art Nouveau (Novo) buildings in Aveiro (2019)

The abundance of 19th-20th century architectural buildings reflects the effects of the boom during that period, including many of the Arte Nova and Art Deco buildings, inspired by modernist trends and Nationalist tendencies of the Estado Novo regime.[3] The best of these is in the university campus, where many of the nationalist architects were involved in construction projects.[3] The Arte Nova architecture was built by wealthy families from Brazil; their buildings included homes and shops. Traditional Portuguese decorations such as tiles were used. The concept did not last for a long time, but its presence is very distinctive in Aveiro; it is one of only 20 cities in the world that are included in the Réseau Art Nouveau Network, listing cities in Europe that are known for this architectural style.[26]

 

There are several attractions in the city of Aveiro, including cathedrals, canals and the beaches, including the Ílhavo ceramica de Vista Alegre and the beaches of Barra, Costa Nova do Prado, and Gafanha da Nazaré.

 

Culture

Aveiro is known in Portugal for its traditional sweets, Ovos Moles de Aveiro (PGI),[27] trouxas de ovos, both made from eggs. Raivas are also typical biscuits of Aveiro.

 

The municipal holiday is 12 May, the day of Joanna, Princess of Portugal (1452–1490).

 

Education

 

University of Aveiro

The University of Aveiro was created in 1973[28] and attracts thousands of students to the city. It is ranked as the 354th best university in the world in the Times World University Rankings, and the 2nd best in Portugal.[29]

 

The university has about 430 professors (with PhD degrees), 11,000 undergraduate students, and 1,300 post-graduate students.

 

Sport

 

The Estádio Municipal de Aveiro used to host the football club S.C. Beira-Mar and was a venue at Euro 2004.

Sport Clube Beira-Mar is an association football club. Founded in 1922, it has a sports academy with various youth levels in sports including basketball and futsal. The club used to play at Estádio Municipal de Aveiro, designed by Portuguese architect Tomás Taveira for Euro 2004, where it held two group matches.[30]

 

The other long-established club in the city, Os Galitos, was founded in 1904 and houses a wide variety of sports. Its rowers have represented Portugal in international tournaments including the Olympic Games

 

Lorenzo Lotto, 1480-1556,

actif à Venise, Bergame et dans les Marches

Vierge et l'Enfant avec sainte Catherine et Jacques le Majeur, environ de 1527 à 1533

Le motif, si populaire à Venice, d'une réunion de saints autour de la Madone par la génération des étudiants de Bellini avait expérimenté une conversion: L'ordre strictement hiérarchique des saints est assoupli de plus en plus. Lotto a joué un rôle déterminant dans cette évolution; il a le premier la Madone, anciennement toujours trônant entièrement intégrée dans l'environnement et laissa ce rassemblement, étroitement lié entre figure et la nature par la lumière changeante et les ombres faire apparaître mysterieusement animé.

 

Lorenzo Lotto, 1480-1556,

tätig in Venedig, Bergamo und in den Marken

Maria mit Kind und Heiliger Katharina und Jakobus dem Älteren, um 1527/33

Das in Venedig so beliebte Motiv einer Versammlung von Heiligen um die Madonna erfuhr durch die Generation der Bellini-Schüler eine Wandlung: Die streng hierarchische Ordnung der Heiligen wird mehr und mehr gelockert. Lotto hatte an dieser Entwicklung maßgeblichen Anteil; er band als erster die früher stets thronende Madonna gänzlich in die Umgebung ein und ließ dieses eng verschränkte Miteinander von Figur und Natur durch wechselhaftes Licht und Schatten geheimnivoll belebt erscheinen.

 

Austria Kunsthistorisches Museum

Federal Museum

Logo KHM

Regulatory authority (ies)/organs to the Federal Ministry for Education, Science and Culture

Founded 17 October 1891

Headquartered Castle Ring (Burgring), Vienna 1, Austria

Management Sabine Haag

www.khm.at website

Main building of the Kunsthistorisches Museum at Maria-Theresa-Square

The Kunsthistorisches Museum (KHM abbreviated) is an art museum in Vienna. It is one of the largest and most important museums in the world. It was opened in 1891 and 2012 visited of 1.351.940 million people.

The museum

The Kunsthistorisches Museum is with its opposite sister building, the Natural History Museum (Naturhistorisches Museum), the most important historicist large buildings of the Ringstrasse time. Together they stand around the Maria Theresa square, on which also the Maria Theresa monument stands. This course spans the former glacis between today's ring road and 2-line, and is forming a historical landmark that also belongs to World Heritage Site Historic Centre of Vienna.

History

Archduke Leopold Wilhelm in his Gallery

The Museum came from the collections of the Habsburgs, especially from the portrait and armor collections of Ferdinand of Tyrol, the collection of Emperor Rudolf II (most of which, however scattered) and the art collection of Archduke Leopold Wilhelm into existence. Already In 1833 asked Joseph Arneth, curator (and later director) of the Imperial Coins and Antiquities Cabinet, bringing together all the imperial collections in a single building .

Architectural History

The contract to build the museum in the city had been given in 1858 by Emperor Franz Joseph. Subsequently, many designs were submitted for the ring road zone. Plans by August Sicard von Sicardsburg and Eduard van der Null planned to build two museum buildings in the immediate aftermath of the Imperial Palace on the left and right of the Heroes' Square (Heldenplatz). The architect Ludwig Förster planned museum buildings between the Schwarzenberg Square and the City Park, Martin Ritter von Kink favored buildings at the corner Währingerstraße/ Scots ring (Schottenring), Peter Joseph, the area Bellariastraße, Moritz von Loehr the south side of the opera ring, and Ludwig Zettl the southeast side of the grain market (Getreidemarkt).

From 1867, a competition was announced for the museums, and thereby set their current position - at the request of the Emperor, the museum should not be too close to the Imperial Palace, but arise beyond the ring road. The architect Carl von Hasenauer participated in this competition and was able the at that time in Zürich operating Gottfried Semper to encourage to work together. The two museum buildings should be built here in the sense of the style of the Italian Renaissance. The plans got the benevolence of the imperial family. In April 1869, there was an audience with of Joseph Semper at the Emperor Franz Joseph and an oral contract was concluded, in July 1870 was issued the written order to Semper and Hasenauer.

Crucial for the success of Semper and Hasenauer against the projects of other architects were among others Semper's vision of a large building complex called "Imperial Forum", in which the museums would have been a part of. Not least by the death of Semper in 1879 came the Imperial Forum not as planned for execution, the two museums were built, however.

Construction of the two museums began without ceremony on 27 November 1871 instead. Semper moved to Vienna in the sequence. From the beginning, there were considerable personal differences between him and Hasenauer, who finally in 1877 took over sole construction management. 1874, the scaffolds were placed up to the attic and the first floor completed, built in 1878, the first windows installed in 1879, the Attica and the balustrade from 1880 to 1881 and built the dome and the Tabernacle. The dome is topped with a bronze statue of Pallas Athena by Johannes Benk.

The lighting and air conditioning concept with double glazing of the ceilings made ​​the renunciation of artificial light (especially at that time, as gas light) possible, but this resulted due to seasonal variations depending on daylight to different opening times .

Kuppelhalle

Entrance (by clicking the link at the end of the side you can see all the pictures here indicated!)

Grand staircase

Hall

Empire

The Kunsthistorisches Museum was on 17 October 1891 officially opened by Emperor Franz Joseph I. Since 22 October 1891 , the museum is accessible to the public. Two years earlier, on 3 November 1889, the collection of arms, Arms and Armour today, had their doors open. On 1 January 1890 the library service resumed its operations. The merger and listing of other collections of the Highest Imperial Family from the Upper and Lower Belvedere, the Hofburg Palace and Ambras in Tyrol will need another two years.

189, the farm museum was organized in seven collections with three directorates:

Directorate of coins, medals and antiquities collection

The Egyptian Collection

The Antique Collection

The coins and medals collection

Management of the collection of weapons, art and industrial objects

Weapons collection

Collection of industrial art objects

Directorate of Art Gallery and Restaurieranstalt (Restoration Office)

Collection of watercolors, drawings, sketches, etc.

Restoration Office

Library

Very soon the room the Court Museum (Hofmuseum) for the imperial collections was offering became too narrow. To provide temporary help, an exhibition of ancient artifacts from Ephesus in the Theseus Temple was designed. However, additional space had to be rented in the Lower Belvedere.

1914, after the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, heir to the throne, his " Estonian Forensic Collection " passed to the administration of the Court Museum. This collection, which emerged from the art collection of the house of d' Este and world travel collection of Franz Ferdinand, was placed in the New Imperial Palace since 1908. For these stocks, the present collection of old musical instruments and the Museum of Ethnology emerged.

The First World War went by, apart from the oppressive economic situation without loss. The farm museum remained during the five years of war regularly open to the public.

Until 1919 the K.K. Art Historical Court Museum was under the authority of the Oberstkämmereramt (head chamberlain office) and belonged to the House of Habsburg-Lorraine. The officials and employees were part of the royal household.

First Republic

The transition from monarchy to republic, in the museum took place in complete tranquility. On 19 November 1918 the two imperial museums on Maria Theresa Square were placed under the state protection of the young Republic of German Austria. Threatening to the stocks of the museum were the claims raised in the following weeks and months of the "successor states" of the monarchy as well as Italy and Belgium on Austrian art collection. In fact, it came on 12th February 1919 to the violent removal of 62 paintings by armed Italian units. This "art theft" left a long time trauma among curators and art historians.

It was not until the Treaty of Saint-Germain of 10 September 1919, providing in Article 195 and 196 the settlement of rights in the cultural field by negotiations. The claims of Belgium, Czechoslovakia, and Italy again could mostly being averted in this way. Only Hungary, which presented the greatest demands by far, was met by more than ten years of negotiation in 147 cases.

On 3 April 1919 was the expropriation of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine by law and the acquisition of its property, including the "Collections of the Imperial House" , by the Republic. Of 18 June 1920 the then provisional administration of the former imperial museums and collections of Este and the secular and clergy treasury passed to the State Office of Internal Affairs and Education, since 10 November 1920, the Federal Ministry of the Interior and Education. A few days later it was renamed the Art History Court Museum in the "Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna State", 1921 "Kunsthistorisches Museum" . Of 1st January 1921 the employees of the museum staff passed to the state of the Republic.

Through the acquisition of the former imperial collections owned by the state, the museum found itself in a complete new situation. In order to meet the changed circumstances in the museum area, designed Hans Tietze in 1919 the "Vienna Museum program". It provided a close cooperation between the individual museums to focus at different houses on main collections. So dominated exchange, sales and equalizing the acquisition policy in the interwar period. Thus resulting until today still valid collection trends. Also pointing the way was the relocation of the weapons collection from 1934 in its present premises in the New Castle, where since 1916 the collection of ancient musical instruments was placed.

With the change of the imperial collections in the ownership of the Republic the reorganization of the internal organization went hand in hand, too. Thus the museum was divided in 1919 into the

Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection (with the Oriental coins)

Collection of Classical Antiquities

Collection of ancient coins

Collection of modern coins and medals

Weapons collection

Collection of sculptures and crafts with the Collection of Ancient Musical Instruments

Picture Gallery

The Museum 1938-1945

Count Philipp Ludwig Wenzel Sinzendorf according to Rigaud. Clarisse 1948 by Baroness de Rothschildt "dedicated" to the memory of Baron Alphonse de Rothschildt; restituted to the Rothschilds in 1999, and in 1999 donated by Bettina Looram Rothschild, the last Austrian heiress.

With the "Anschluss" of Austria to the German Reich all Jewish art collections such as the Rothschilds were forcibly "Aryanised". Collections were either "paid" or simply distributed by the Gestapo at the museums. This resulted in a significant increase in stocks. But the KHM was not the only museum that benefited from the linearization. Systematically looted Jewish property was sold to museums, collections or in pawnshops throughout the empire.

After the war, the museum struggled to reimburse the "Aryanised" art to the owners or their heirs. They forced the Rothschild family to leave the most important part of their own collection to the museum and called this "dedications", or "donations". As a reason, was the export law stated, which does not allow owners to perform certain works of art out of the country. Similar methods were used with other former owners. Only on the basis of international diplomatic and media pressure, to a large extent from the United States, the Austrian government decided to make a change in the law (Art Restitution Act of 1998, the so-called Lex Rothschild). The art objects were the Rothschild family refunded only in the 1990s.

The Kunsthistorisches Museum operates on the basis of the federal law on the restitution of art objects from the 4th December 1998 (Federal Law Gazette I, 181 /1998) extensive provenance research. Even before this decree was carried out in-house provenance research at the initiative of the then archive director Herbert Haupt. This was submitted in 1998 by him in collaboration with Lydia Grobl a comprehensive presentation of the facts about the changes in the inventory levels of the Kunsthistorisches Museum during the Nazi era and in the years leading up to the State Treaty of 1955, an important basis for further research provenance.

The two historians Susanne Hehenberger and Monika Löscher are since 1st April 2009 as provenance researchers at the Kunsthistorisches Museum on behalf of the Commission for Provenance Research operating and they deal with the investigation period from 1933 to the recent past.

The museum today

Today the museum is as a federal museum, with 1st January 1999 released to the full legal capacity - it was thus the first of the state museums of Austria, implementing the far-reaching self-financing. It is by far the most visited museum in Austria with 1.3 million visitors (2007).

The Kunsthistorisches Museum is under the name Kunsthistorisches Museum and Museum of Ethnology and the Austrian Theatre Museum with company number 182081t since 11 June 1999 as a research institution under public law of the Federal virtue of the Federal Museums Act, Federal Law Gazette I/115/1998 and the Museum of Procedure of the Kunsthistorisches Museum and Museum of Ethnology and the Austrian Theatre Museum, 3 January 2001, BGBl II 2/ 2001, in force since 1 January 2001, registered.

In fiscal 2008, the turnover was 37.185 million EUR and total assets amounted to EUR 22.204 million. In 2008 an average of 410 workers were employed.

Management

1919-1923: Gustav Glück as the first chairman of the College of science officials

1924-1933: Hermann Julius Hermann 1924-1925 as the first chairman of the College of the scientific officers in 1925 as first director

1933: Arpad Weixlgärtner first director

1934-1938: Alfred Stix first director

1938-1945: Fritz Dworschak 1938 as acting head, from 1938 as a chief in 1941 as first director

1945-1949: August von Loehr 1945-1948 as executive director of the State Art Collections in 1949 as general director of the historical collections of the Federation

1945-1949: Alfred Stix 1945-1948 as executive director of the State Art Collections in 1949 as general director of art historical collections of the Federation

1949-1950: Hans Demel as administrative director

1950: Karl Wisoko-Meytsky as general director of art and historical collections of the Federation

1951-1952: Fritz Eichler as administrative director

1953-1954: Ernst H. Buschbeck as administrative director

1955-1966: Vincent Oberhammer 1955-1959 as administrative director, from 1959 as first director

1967: Edward Holzmair as managing director

1968-1972: Erwin Auer first director

1973-1981: Friderike Klauner first director

1982-1990: Hermann Fillitz first director

1990: George Kugler as interim first director

1990-2008: Wilfried Seipel as general director

Since 2009: Sabine Haag as general director

Collections

To the Kunsthistorisches Museum are also belonging the collections of the New Castle, the Austrian Theatre Museum in Palais Lobkowitz, the Museum of Ethnology and the Wagenburg (wagon fortress) in an outbuilding of Schönbrunn Palace. A branch office is also Ambras in Innsbruck.

Kunsthistorisches Museum (main building)

Picture Gallery

Egyptian and Near Eastern Collection

Collection of Classical Antiquities

Vienna Chamber of Art

Numismatic Collection

Library

New Castle

Ephesus Museum

Collection of Ancient Musical Instruments

Arms and Armour

Archive

Hofburg

The imperial crown in the Treasury

Imperial Treasury of Vienna

Insignia of the Austrian Hereditary Homage

Insignia of imperial Austria

Insignia of the Holy Roman Empire

Burgundian Inheritance and the Order of the Golden Fleece

Habsburg-Lorraine Household Treasure

Ecclesiastical Treasury

Schönbrunn Palace

Imperial Carriage Museum Vienna

Armory in Ambras Castle

Ambras Castle

Collections of Ambras Castle

Major exhibits

Among the most important exhibits of the Art Gallery rank inter alia:

Jan van Eyck: Cardinal Niccolò Albergati, 1438

Martin Schongauer: Holy Family, 1475-80

Albrecht Dürer : Trinity Altar, 1509-16

Portrait Johann Kleeberger, 1526

Parmigianino: Self Portrait in Convex Mirror, 1523/24

Giuseppe Arcimboldo: Summer 1563

Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio: Madonna of the Rosary 1606/ 07

Caravaggio: Madonna of the Rosary (1606-1607)

Titian: Nymph and Shepherd to 1570-75

Portrait of Jacopo de Strada, 1567/68

Raffaello Santi: Madonna of the Meadow, 1505 /06

Lorenzo Lotto: Portrait of a young man against white curtain, 1508

Peter Paul Rubens: The altar of St. Ildefonso, 1630-32

The Little Fur, about 1638

Jan Vermeer: The Art of Painting, 1665/66

Pieter Bruegel the Elder: Fight between Carnival and Lent, 1559

Kids, 1560

Tower of Babel, 1563

Christ Carrying the Cross, 1564

Gloomy Day (Early Spring), 1565

Return of the Herd (Autumn), 1565

Hunters in the Snow (Winter) 1565

Bauer and bird thief, 1568

Peasant Wedding, 1568/69

Peasant Dance, 1568/69

Paul's conversion (Conversion of St Paul), 1567

Cabinet of Curiosities:

Saliera from Benvenuto Cellini 1539-1543

Egyptian-Oriental Collection:

Mastaba of Ka Ni Nisut

Collection of Classical Antiquities:

Gemma Augustea

Treasure of Nagyszentmiklós

Gallery: Major exhibits

de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kunsthistorisches_Museum

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Found in a document titled "Seattle Urban Design Report: Determinants of City Form." The report has a ton of cool maps representing things like view orientation, shadow patterns, landslide hazards, traffic volume, and socioeconomic need. Document 1295, Published Document Collection, Seattle Municipal Archives.

Botero

Celebrate Life!

 

Kunsthal

Rotterdam, 2016

 

Met trots brengt de Kunsthal Rotterdam deze zomer een groot retrospectief van de wereldberoemde Colombiaanse kunstenaar Fernando Botero (1932). Geselecteerd uit Botero’s eigen collectie laat de tentoonstelling een overzicht zien van de door hemzelf meest geliefde schilderijen uit zijn omvangrijke oeuvre. ‘Botero: Celebrate Life!’ brengt bijna honderd schilderijen, tekeningen en pastels en een enkel beeldhouwwerk bij elkaar, met als blikvanger een enorme ‘Caballo’, Botero’s bekende beeldhouwwerk van een paard.

 

Te zien zijn schilderijen van het op zijn jeugdherinneringen geïnspireerde leven in Latijns-Amerika en reproducties van klassieke meesters in de herkenbare Botero stijl. Ook stierenvechten en het circus zijn thema’s die in de werken aan bod komen. De kunst van Botero staat letterlijk bol van het Latijns Amerikaanse leven. De reusachtige, opgeblazen lichamen en voorwerpen lijken ondanks hun omvang gewichtloos en daardoor soms zelfs te zweven. Dit volume is een vast onderdeel van Botero’s werk en geeft zijn kunst iets overdadigs, met nu eens een komisch en dan weer een ontroerend effect. Bijzonder is de serie van vrouwelijke Santa’s, geïnspireerd op de iconische beelden van vrouwelijke heiligen. Botero verbeeldt hen als wereldse heldinnen, met betekenisvolle accessoires zoals een bijbel of kaars, waarbij hun aureool in verrassend contrast staat met de kledij en lichaamshouding.

 

Latijns Amerikaanse leven

‘Botero: Celebrate Life! laat zien hoe Fernando Botero een magische wereld schept vol personages en scenes uit het dagelijks leven, waar politiek en religie nadrukkelijk onderdeel van uitmaken. Hoewel zijn werk in eerste instantie licht en luchtig oogt, is ook de gewelddadige geschiedenis van zijn vaderland Colombia voelbaar. Zijn afkomst en achtergrond hebben Botero op een diepgaande manier beïnvloed, wat direct tot uiting komt in zijn werken van de president, executies en huilende weduwen en indirect in zijn schilderijen van feestende mensen, die met uitdrukkingsloze gezichten dansen onder het licht van kale peertjes.

 

Hommage aan oude meesters

Fernando Botero is een veelzijdig kunstenaar, die zowel put uit de Latijns-Amerikaanse traditie als uit de Europese kunstgeschiedenis. Zo brengt hij een hommage aan beroemde werken van oude meesters zoals Diego Velázquez, van Eyck en Piero della Francesca. De werken zijn een eerbetoon aan de kunstenaars die hij jarenlang bestudeerde en een ode aan de technieken, het vakmanschap en de esthetiek van de oude meesters. Religie is voor Botero een geliefd onderwerp. Op satirische wijze geeft hij commentaar in schilderijen van nonnen, kardinalen en pausen. Andere thema's in zijn werk proberen de magie van het dagelijks leven in Latijns Amerika te vangen. Zo tonen zijn werken van stierengevechten niet alleen de matador, maar ook zangers, musici, dansers en verschillende leden van de familie van de stierenvechter. Zijn stillevens tonen de vruchten en drankjes van het Zuid-Amerikaanse continent, met hun briljante kleuren en populaire delicatessen. En in zijn schilderijen met het thema circus herkennen we de komische en absurde houdingen, waarbij naast het altijd terugkerende volume ook het kleurgebruik heel bepalend is.

  

This summer Kunsthal Rotterdam is proud to present a large-scale retrospective of the world-famous Colombian artist Fernando Botero (1932). This selection from Botero’s own collection provides a panorama of the artist’s personal favorites from his considerable oeuvre. ‘Botero: Celebrate Life!’ will exhibit almost a hundred paintings, sketches and pastels as well as a few sculptures, including the enormous eye-catcher ‘Caballo’, Botero’s famous sculpture of a horse.

Visitors will be able to see paintings of life in Latin America based on reminiscences from his youth, and reproductions of classical masters in the recognizable Botero style. The bull-fight and the circus are also featured in these works. Botero’s art is full of Latin American life. The gigantic, inflated bodies and objects appear weightless in spite of their volume, which sometimes even seems to make them look as if they are floating. This volume is a recurrent feature in Botero’s work and gives his art an exuberance that can be comical or moving. The series of female Santas, inspired by the iconic images of female saints, is remarkable. Botero represents them as worldly heroines with meaningful accessories such as a bible or candle, putting their halo in sharp contrast with their clothing and posture.

 

Latin American life

'Botero: Celebrate Life!' shows how Fernando Botero creates a magical world full of characters and scenes from daily life, of which politics and religion form an important part. Although his work appears at first sight to be airy and light-hearted, the violent history of his native country Colombia can be felt. His origin and background have influenced Botero profoundly, which finds expression directly in his works of the president, executions and weeping widows, and indirectly in his paintings of people partying, dancing with expressionless faces under the light of naked light bulbs.

 

Homage to the Old Masters

Fernando Botero is a multi-faceted artist who draws on both the Latin American tradition and the history of European art. He pays homage to famous works by such Old Masters as Diego Velázquez, Jan van Eyck and Piero della Francesca. The works are a tribute to the artists whom he studied for years and an ode to the techniques, craftsmanship and aesthetics of the Old Masters. Religion is one of Botero’s favorite themes. He comments on it satirically in paintings of nuns, cardinals and popes. Other themes in his work try to capture the magic of everyday life in Latin America. For example, his images of bull-fights include not only the matador, but also the singers, musicians, dancers and various members of the bull-fighter’s family. His still-lifes show the fruits and beverages of the South American continent with their brilliant colors and popular delicacies. And in his paintings of the circus we can recognize the comical and absurd postures in which not only the constantly recurring volume but also the use of color are highly determinant elements.

Nectar eating fly of the Muscidae family.

 

It's very dificult to identify species from the Diptera (true flies) order as they contain over 240,000 species. Even cutting it down to the Muscidae family you still have over 4000 species to find the right one. This identification is impossible for me with my limited knowledge and I of course take help from experts on this, but even they have trouble getting it right. Many, maybe even most of these 4000 species look very much alike.

I did see that this is a female though as females have their eyes apart while males eyes meet up at the top.

 

As an amateur I was fooled in beleiving this was a Phaonia tuguriorum but I was told that the Phaonia tuguriorum has a red-tipped scutellum which my photo did not show.

This Phaonia angelicae can be identified (through one of my better ID photos of it) by, and I quote "the two rows of posterior setae on the mid tibia (pd and pv) which is a determinant character of P. angelicae."

In plain english one could say that the mid pair of legs, their mid section, has two rows of hairs which is typical of this species.

The hairs on the legs of flies are very sensitive and used to taste with. This is why a fly will walk over anything before starting to eat on it.

 

Reference:

Thank you to Stephane Lebrun at Diptera.info for helping me with identifying this diptera and for the explanation of the special characteristics of the Phaonia angelicae.

1101_2011_Update

 

Thanks for the German AtmoSAFE Company choosing this zebrafish photo named "Female Zebrafish-01_Worth $200 US dollars" on their official website homepage.

The homegape URL is " www.atmosafe.net/de.html ".

The application article is "Der Zebrafisch mag keinen Stress" and its URL is " www.atmosafe.net/de/anwendungen/bebrueten-und-zuechten/ze... "

 

0428.2011 Update

 

Thanks for the Anaspec Company choosing this zebrafish photo named "Female Zebrafish-01_worth $200 US dollars" on one Z-Fish Antibodies ad in the 2011 zebrafish meeting brochure (www.union.wisc.edu/zebrafish/).

 

The zebrafish meeting is "4th Strategic Conference of Zebrafish Investigators" to be held January 29th - February 2nd, 2011 at Asilomar Conference Center in Pacific Grove, California.

 

0214.2010 Update

Thanks for the Notre Dame University's NDeRC (Notre Dame extended Research Community) choose this photo as the main photo along their BioEyes website (erc.nd.edu/blogs/bioeyes/) and thier Collaborations website (erc.nd.edu/collaborations/).

 

0422.2009 Update

Thanks for the CBCnews Canada choosing this zebrafish photo named "Female Zebrafish-01_Worth $200 US dollars" on their official website.

The homegape URL is "http://www.cbc.ca/news".

The application article is "The eyes have it" and its URL is "http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/the-eyes-have-it-1.791619"

 

Acknowledgement :

Thanks for the "Lin Li-Yih Lab"* supplied the zebrafish.

* Lin Li-Yih Lab, The Department of Life Science, The National Taiwan Normal University, ROC.

 

........................................................................................................................................................

The following descriptions of zebrafish quote from wikipedia website (URL: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zebrafish). All Rights are belonging to "Wikipedia website".

 

Zebrafish:

 

1.Introduce: The zebrafish, Danio rerio, is a tropical freshwater fish belonging to the minnow family (Cyprinidae). It is a popular aquarium fish, frequently sold under the trade name zebra danio, and is an important vertebrate model organism in scientific research.

 

2.Distribution: The zebrafish is native to the streams of the southeastern Himalayan region., including the countries Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Myanmar. It arose in the Ganges region in Eastern India. It commonly inhabits streams, canals, ditches, ponds, and slow-moving to stagnant water bodies, including rice fields. Zebrafish have been introduced to parts of the United States, presumably by deliberate release or by escape from fish farms. They have also been sighted in Colombia.

 

3.Description: The fish is named for the five uniform, pigmented, horizontal blue stripes on the side of the body, all of which extend to the end of the caudal fin. Its shape can be described as fusiform and laterally compressed, with its mouth directed upwards. Males are torpedo shaped and have gold stripes between the blue stripes; females have a larger, whitish belly and have silver stripes instead of gold. Adult females will exhibit a small genital papilla in front of the anal fin origin. The zebrafish can grow to 6.4 centimetres (2.5 in), although it is uncommon for them to grow past 4 centimetres in captivity.

The approximate generation time for the Danio is 3–4 months. It has been observed that there must be a male present in order for ovulation and spawning of eggs to occur. Females are able to spawn as often as 2–3 days with hundreds of eggs being laid in each clutch. Upon release from the mother, developmental steps will be made, however without the presence of sperm growth will stop after the first few embryonic cleavages. Fertilized eggs will almost immediately become transparent, which is an important characteristic yielding D. rerio as a convenient research model. Development rapidly progresses, with precursors to all major organs appearing within 36 hours of fertilization. Hatching will take place anywhere from 48–72 hours post-fertilization, depending on the internal conditions of the embryo itself and the external temperature (ideally 28.5 °C). Swimming and feeding behavior are observed to occur approximately 72 hours post-fertilization. The sex of juvenile zebrafish cannot be distinguished except by dissection, and the genetic sex determinants are not clearly understood. The range of life-span for a zebrafish in captivity is around 2–3 years, although in ideal conditions, they may live up to 5 years. The zebrafish is omnivorous, and it primarily eats zooplankton, insects, and phytoplankton. It can eat a variety of foods if its main sources are not readily available.

 

4.Model organism for development and genetics: Zebrafish chromatophores, shown here mediating background adaptation, are studied by scientists D. rerio are a common and useful model organism for studies of vertebrate development and gene function. They may supplement higher vertebrate models, such as rats and mice. Pioneering work of George Streisinger at the University of Oregon established the zebrafish as a model organism; its importance was consolidated by large scale forward genetic screens (commonly referred to as the Tübingen/Boston screens). The scholarly journal Development devoted an issue to research using the fish in celebration of this landmark. An online database of zebrafish genetic, genomic, and developmental information, the Zebrafish Information Network (ZFIN), has been established. D. rerio is one of the few species of fish to have been flown into space.

A Zebrafish Pigment Mutant. The mutant called bleached blond was produced by insertional mutagenesis. The embryos in the picture are four days old. At the top is a wild-type embryo, below is the mutant. The mutant lacks black pigment in the melanocytes because it fails to synthesise melanin properly.

Research with D. rerio has allowed advances in the fields of developmental biology, oncology, toxicology, reproductive studies, teratology, genetics, neurobiology, environmental sciences, stem cell and regenerative medicine, and evolutionary theory. Perhaps its greatest advantages for use in the laboratory as a model system come from its now sequenced genetic code, well understood, easily observable and testable developmental behaviors, and the availability of well-characterized mutants. Zebrafish embryonic development provides advantages over other vertebrate model organisms as well. Although the overall generation time of zebrafish is comparable to that of mice, zebrafish embryos develop rapidly, progressing from eggs to larvae in under three days. The embryos are large, robust, and transparent and develop externally to the mother, characteristics which all facilitate experimental manipulation and observation. Their nearly constant size during early development facilitates simple staining techniques, and drugs may be administered by adding directly to the tank. Unfertilized eggs can be made to divide, and the two-celled embryo fused into a single cell, creating a fully homozygous embryo.

See link for pigmentation mutants of D rerio: www.nature.com/hdy/journal/v97/n3/fig_tab/6800867f5.html#...

A common reverse genetics technique is to reduce gene expression or modify splicing in zebrafish using Morpholino antisense technology. Morpholino oligonucleotides are stable, synthetic macromolecules that contain the same bases as DNA or RNA; by binding to complementary RNA sequences, they reduce the expression of specific genes. The journal Genesis devoted an issue to research using Morpholino oligos, mostly in D. rerio. Morpholino oligonucleotides can be injected into one cell of a zebrafish embryo after the 32-cell stage, producing an organism in which gene expression is reduced in only the cells descended from the injected cell. However, cells in the early embryo (<32 cells) are interpermeable to large molecules, allowing diffusion of Morpholinos between cells. A known problem with gene knockdowns in zebrafish is that, because the genome underwent a duplication after the divergence of ray-finned fishes and lobe-finned fishes, it is not always easy to silence the activity one of the two gene paralogs reliably due to complementation by the other paralog.

Despite the complications of the zebrafish genome a number of commercially available global platforms for analysis of both gene expression by microarrays and promoter regulation using ChIP-on-chip exist.

Zebrafish have the ability to regenerate fins, skin, the heart, and the brain (in larval stages). Zebrafish have also been found to regenerate photoreceptors and retinal neurons following injury. The mechanisms of this regeneration are unknown, but are currently being studied. Researchers frequently cut the dorsal and ventral tail fins and analyze their regrowth to test for mutations. This research is leading the scientific community in the understanding of healing/repair mechanisms in vertebrates.

 

5.Recent developments: In October 2001, researchers from the University of Oklahoma published the complete mitochondrial DNA sequence of D. rerio. The length of the zebrafish mitochondrial genome is 16,596 base pairs. This is within 100 base pairs of other related species of fish, and it is notably only 18 bp longer than the goldfish (Carassius auratus) and 21 bp longer than the carp (Cyprinus carpio). The zebrafish gene order and content is identical to the common vertebrate form of mitochondrial DNA. It contains 13 protein-coding genes and a noncoding control region containing the origin of replication for the heavy strand. In between a grouping of five tRNA genes, a sequence resembling vertebrate origin of light strand replication is found. In comparing the nucleotide sequence to other vertebrates it is difficult to draw any evolutionary conclusions because it is difficult to determine as to whether base pair changes have adaptive significance.

In December 2005, a study of the golden strain identified the gene responsible for the unusual pigmentation of this strain as SLC24A5, a solute carrier that appeared to be required for melanin production, and confirmed its function with a Morpholino knockdown. The orthologous gene was then characterized in humans and a one base pair difference was found to segregate strongly between fair-skinned Europeans and dark-skinned Africans. This study featured on the cover of the academic journal Science and demonstrates the power of zebrafish as a model organism in the relatively new field of comparative genomics.

In January 2007, Chinese researchers at Fudan University raised genetically modified fish that can detect estrogen pollution in lakes and rivers, showing environmental officials what waterways need to be treated for the substance, which is linked to male infertility. Song Houyan and Zhong Tao, professors at Fudan's molecular medicine lab, spent three years cloning estrogen-sensitive genes and injecting them into the fertile eggs of zebrafish. The modified fish turn green if they are placed into water that is polluted by estrogen.

On August 1, 2007, researchers at University College London said they had grown in the laboratory a type of adult stem cell found in the eyes of fish and mammals that develops into neurons in the retina. These cells could be injected in the eye to treat all diseases where the retinal neurons are damaged — nearly every disease of the eye, including macular degeneration, glaucoma, and diabetes-related blindness. Damage to the retina — the part of the eye that sends messages to the brain — is responsible for most cases of sight loss. The researchers studied Müller glial cells in the eyes of humans aged from 18 months to 91 years and were able to develop them into all types of neurons found in the retina. They were also able to grow them easily in the lab, they reported in the journal Stem Cells. The cells were tested in rats with diseased retinas, where they successfully migrated into the retina and took on the characteristics of the surrounding neurons. Now the team is working on the same approach in humans.

In February 2008, researchers at Children's Hospital Boston reported in the journal Cell Stem Cell the development of a new strain of zebrafish, named Casper, with see-through bodies. This allows for detailed visualization of individual blood stem cells and metastasizing (spreading) cancer cells within a living adult organism. Because the function of many genes are shared between fish and humans, this tool is expected to yield insight into human diseases such as leukemia and other cancers.

In April 2009, Researchers at the Institute of Genomics and Integrative Biology, Delhi announced the sequencing of the wild-type strain of Zebrafish, complete with about 1.7 billion genetic alphabets.

 

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Nikon AF-D 60mm F2.8 Macro

 

可以到以下網址察看斑馬魚資料，資料取自維基百科！

 

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zebrafish

 

阿鶴已經上傳一套斑馬魚胚胎發育照片，從剛受精到4.5天的仔魚照片都有。，請點擊以下網址：

 

www.flickr.com/photos/chenhowen/sets/72157618669794787/

 

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 

There is one biochemistry company pay our lab $200 (US dollars) to get the rights to put this photo on their website and their product fliers. 0808.2009

 

有一家美國生技公司花200美金（約台幣6600元）向實驗室買使用權，之後這張斑馬魚照片會放在該公司的網站和產品封面。 0830.2009

L'aerodrom d'Alfés tancà portes aquest 2015, despres de decades sent el club aeri de Lleida. Ara aquests vols s'han traslladat al nou aeroport d'Alguaire. De fet el factor determinant per tancar Alfés fou que es troba en la pràcticament única timoneda d'ambient estepic de Catalunya. És un espai aparentment molt sec i pelat, però que té un ecosistema molt especial. Com a aficionat tant als avions com a l'ornitología entenc en part els arguments de cada banda, tot i que posats a fer em decanto per protegir la cada cop més amenaçada natura.

 

Alfés també tingué protagonisme com a base aerea republicana durant la guerra civil, i es poden veure diversos elements de fortificació a l'entorn de les antigues instal·lacions del aerodrom.

 

ca.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aer%C3%B2drom_d'Alf%C3%A9s

 

ca.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timoneda_d'Alf%C3%A9s

 

==============================================

 

This is the now closed Alfés airfield, which served the city of Lleida as sports airfield. Unforntunately it lays in a flat plateau, a unique natural ecosystem for steppic birds. This ultimately dictated the ending of the aircraft operations there.

 

Alfés airfield had a military role in the spanish civil war, as both sides used it for its fighter & bomber squadrons. Several bunkers lay arround it and had been restored.

 

ca.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aer%C3%B2drom_d'Alf%C3%A9s

 

trenca.org/en/trenca-signs-a-new-land-stewardship-agreeme...

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Some 80% of Scotland’s land mass is under agricultural production, making the industry the single biggest determinant of the landscape we see around us. Scotland’s farmers, crofters and growers produce output worth around £2.9 billion a year, and are responsible for much of Scotland’s £5 billion food and drink exports. The export target for 2017 is £7.1 billion.

 

Around 67,000 people are directly employed in agriculture in Scotland – this represents around 8% of the rural workforce and means that agriculture is the third largest employer in rural Scotland after the service and public sectors. It is estimated that a further 360,000 jobs (1 in 10 of all Scottish jobs) are dependent on agriculture.

 

The agri-food sector is now the UKs largest manufacturing sector.

 

Around 85% of Scotland is classified as Less Favoured Area. This is an EU classification which recognises natural and geographic disadvantage.

 

There are large numbers of farms in north west Scotland, but these are significantly smaller in terms of the numbers of livestock/area of crops grown than farms elsewhere. Sheep farming is the predominant type of farming in the north west and there are also many sheep farms in the south of the country. Larger cereal farms are concentrated in the east. Beef farming takes place throughout Scotland, but is particularly common in the south west. This area also has the bulk of the dairy industry.

Baltic Centre for Contemporary Art (also known simply as (the) Baltic, stylised as BALTIC) is a centre for contemporary art located on the south bank of the River Tyne in Gateshead, Tyne and Wear, England. It hosts a frequently changing variety of exhibitions, events, and educational programmes with no permanent exhibition. The idea to open a centre for contemporary arts in Gateshead was developed in the 1990s, which was a time of regeneration for the local area—the Sage and Gateshead Millennium Bridge was also being conceived of in this period.

 

Baltic opened in July 2002 in a converted flour mill, which had operated in various capacities from 1950-1984. The architectural design of Baltic was devised by Dominic Williams of Ellis Williams Architects, who won a competition to design the new contemporary arts centre in 1994. The building features exhibition spaces, a visitor centre, a rooftop restaurant and external viewing platforms which offer views of the River Tyne. Baltic's current director, the centre's fifth, is Sarah Munro, who joined in November 2015. As of January 2022, Baltic had welcomed over 8 million visitors.

 

Baltic Flour Mills was built by Joseph Rank of Rank Hovis to a late-1930s design by Hull-based architects Gelder and Kitchen. The first foundations were laid in the late 1930s, and although construction ceased during the Second World War, the mill was completed and started operating in 1950. Known locally as "the pride of Tyneside", 300 people were employed by the mill at its height. The building was composed of two parallel brick façades running east to west, sandwiched between a foundation of concrete silos. The structure could store 22,000 tons of grain. The design of the building also featured a larger silo in which to store and clean wheat. The site was extended in 1957 by the addition of Blue Cross Mill which processed animal feed. In 1976, a fire forced both mills to close, but the silos remained in operation until 1984 to store a portion of the grain owned by the European Economic Community. Baltic Flour Mills was one of a number of mills located along the banks of the Tyne, all of which, due to their size, were prominent local landmarks. The Spillers mill just downstream from Baltic on the north bank of the river was demolished in 2011. Another large mill was owned by the CWS and was located just upstream of Dunston Staiths.

 

The opening of Baltic as a designated centre for contemporary art was part of the revitalisation and post-industrial regeneration of Gateshead's riverside. The regeneration began in the early 1990s and transformed the Quayside into a centre of modern architecture, including the Sage and Millennium Bridge. In 1991, Northern Arts (now part of Arts Council England) released a five-year plan in which it stated its intention to create "major new capital facilities for the Contemporary Visual Arts and Music in Central Tyneside". Northern Arts were keen to convert an old building into a centre for art, rather than build a new one, and the Labour-run Gateshead Council expressed interest in converting the old Flour Mills. This was in contrast to the Conservative-run Newcastle City Council's approach to development, which saw private firms develop mainly flats, hotels, and offices. Gateshead Council purchased the Baltic Flour Mills silo building, and in 1994 they invited the Royal Institute of British Architects to open a competition which would find an architect to design the new arts centre.

 

In 1994, Gateshead Council invited the Royal Institute of British Architects to hold a competition to select a design for the conversion of the Baltic Flour Mills. The objective of the competition was to "provide a national and international Centre for Contemporary visual arts". The brief cited a number of similar examples of old buildings which had been converted into arts centres around the world, including a converted flour mill in Porto, Portugal and the Bankside Power Station in London (now the site of the Tate Modern). After evaluating a total of 140 entries, Dominic Williams – a relatively unknown architect who had only been working for three years – won the competition. He entered the competition with Ellis Williams Architects, his father's firm. Andrew Guest remarks that this "simple, honest, industrial" design was an example of architecture which recognised the designs and context of the past. Williams and Ellis Williams Architects stated their intention to "retain as much of the existing character and fabric of the building as possible" while also clearly presenting the structure's new purpose as an art gallery.

 

The conversion of the flour mills was a complex and technically challenging task. The grain silos were removed, leaving the brick façades unsupported, and a 1,000 tonne steel frame was required to support the remaining building. Four new main floors were inserted into the building supported by a row of pillars. Intermediary floors made out of steel frames and thin concrete were also inserted. These were designed to be removable as to adapt the building and create variable spaces for art. With 13 separate levels in total, Williams claimed he purposefully wanted to create a sense of disorientation for visitors within the building and allow an element of discovery. A spiral staircase winds up the building towards an open-plan office for staff. An efficient ductwork system was installed within the beams which carries heated or chilled air throughout the building. Such a design, conceived of by environmental engineers Atelier Ten, was uncommon for the time. The north and south elevations of the original building were retained along with the original BALTIC FLOUR MILLS lettering and red and yellow bricks. The east and west sides were fully glazed, capturing natural light and allowing views of the River Tyne. Additionally, service towers in the corners of the building, a rooftop viewing box, and a low-rise visitor centre were completed—these now comprise part of the building's major elements. The building stands at 138 feet (42 m) tall. Glass elevators situated close to the exterior offer views of Newcastle, Gateshead and the River Tyne. A restaurant sits at the top of the building, built in a manner which still allows natural light to reach the top gallery floor. The building's interior largely features glass, concrete, aluminium, Welsh Slate, 'Cor-Ten' steel, and Swedish pine. The furniture, purposely built to be flexible and adaptable, was designed by Swedish designer Åke Axelsson.

 

Awards

Baltic won a RIBA award in 2003, a Civic Trust Award in 2004, and in 2006 was selected as one of the top 10 most outstanding arts and culture schemes in the UK as part of the Gulbenkian Prize. In 2012, it won the National Lottery Awards prize for Best Arts Project.

 

The founding director, Sune Nordgren, was appointed in 1997. He oversaw the period prior to Baltic's opening, including the construction of the gallery. After almost six years, Nordgren left to take up a new post as founding director of the National Museum for Art, Architecture and Design, Oslo, Norway. At this time, Baltic was facing financial problems. After Nordgren's departure, a former Baltic chairman accused the centre of overspending on commissions during Nordgren's tenure. Baltic's situation was described by Arts Council England as having "serious inadequacies in financial procedures". Nordgren was briefly succeeded by Stephen Snoddy, who had previously run a new gallery in Milton Keynes. Snoddy only remained with the organisation for 11 months, citing difficulties in leaving his family behind in Manchester while working at Baltic. He was succeeded as director by Peter Doroshenko in 2005. Doroshenko's previous institutions included the Stedelijk Museum voor Actuele Kunst and the Institute of Visual Arts in Milwaukee. He was brought to Baltic to increase visitor numbers and resolve the centre's financial situation, which was criticised by Arts Council England and an insider as being chaotic. Doroshenko organized several exhibitions during his time at Baltic, including Spank the Monkey.

 

In November 2007, Doroshenko left the gallery to head up the PinchukArtCentre in Kiev, Ukraine. He stated that he believed he had made Baltic a more "approachable and visitor friendly place."[30] However, Design Week reported that there were claims that Doroshenko did not deliver the expected "international programme of artistic excellence." Additionally, staff at the centre had complained about his "intolerable" and "bullying" management style. Godfrey Worsdale, founding director of the Middlesbrough Institute of Modern Art, was appointed as director of Baltic in 2008. Worsdale oversaw the 10 year anniversary of Baltic and the hosting of the Turner Prize in 2011. He was awarded an honorary degree from Northumbria University in 2012 in recognition for his work on contemporary art after being on the judging panel for the Turner Prize. He departed in 2015 to take up a new post as director of the Henry Moore Foundation. Sarah Munro MBE became director in November 2015. She was previously artistic director of Tramway in Glasgow and head of arts for Glasgow Life.

 

History as arts centre

During the four-year construction of Baltic, the new organisation arranged a series of events, publications, and artists in residence in anticipation of the centre's opening. In 1999, after the silos had been removed and before the new floors were inserted, the shell of the building was used to house an art installation by Anish Kapoor. Taratantara was a trumpet-shaped installation of PVC 50 metres (160 ft) long and was situated within the centre of the mill. This installation drew 16,000 visitors and marked a turning point between the building's old purpose and its new life as a centre for art. In October 2000, Jenny Holzer's Truisms – a series of aphorisms and slogans – were projected onto the side of the building. Kapoor and Holtzer's works were intended to engage casual passers-by in an artistic dialogue. The identity of Baltic was also solidified by the publication of 16 newsletters between October 1998 and July 2002 when the centre opened to the public. A significant part of this branding was the use of the now registered typeface BALTIC Affisch, designed by Swedish designers Ulf Greger Nilsson and Henrik Nygren and based on the BALTIC FLOUR MILLS lettering on the building's brick façade.

 

Opening

After ten years in the planning and a capital investment of £50m, including £33.4m from the Arts Council Lottery Fund, Baltic opened to the public at midnight on Saturday 13 July 2002. The novelty of opening the new building at midnight was intentional: founding director Sune Nordgren sought a dramatic gesture to herald the beginning of the new centre for arts. The inaugural exhibition, B.OPEN, had work by Chris Burden, Carsten Höller, Julian Opie, Jaume Plensa and Jane and Louise Wilson. Opie, who had previously assisted Dominic Williams with aspects of the building's conversion design, contributed an installation consisting of nude outlines on the walls of floor of the gallery. Plensa's installation featured a room filled with gongs which were available for the audience to play. Plensa also contributed Blake in Gateshead – a beam of light which stretched around 2 kilometres (6,600 ft) into the sky. The installation was placed through the glass doorway of the ground floor. Burden constructed a 1/20th scale replica of the Tyne Bridge out of Meccano. Jane and Louise Wilson created Dreamtime, a video of a rocket launch. An early exhibit by the Japanese artist Yoshitomo Nara was also included. The B.OPEN event attracted over 35,000 visitors in the first week. A live art performance, including Tatsumi Orimito's Bread Man and Anne Bjerge Hansen's Moving Bakery, took place during the opening weekend, in which bread was handed out to passers-by in memory of the Baltic Flour Mill's history. When BALTIC opened, there was a target set for 250,000 visitors a year. It achieved one million visitors in its first year, and by its 10-year anniversary in 2012, 4 million people had visited.

 

Notable events

On 20 September 2007, Baltic management contacted Northumbria Police for advice regarding whether or not a photograph should be displayed as part of the Thanksgiving installation, a forthcoming exhibition by American photographer Nan Goldin. The photograph, along with the rest of the installation, is part of the Sir Elton John Photography Collection. Entitled Klara and Edda belly-dancing features two naked young girls and had previously been exhibited around the world without objections. The installation, which had been scheduled for a four-month exhibition, opened with the remaining photographs whilst Klara and Edda belly-dancing was in possession of the police. However, it closed after just nine days at the request of Elton John. Although this had a determinantal effect on Baltic's reputation in the short-term, Graham Whitham argues in Understand Contemporary Art that it may have given it a higher profile and greater publicity in the long-run.

 

Beryl Cook

In 2007, the largest survey of artist Beryl Cook's work to date was featured in an exhibition at Baltic.[9] Cook enjoyed widespread recognition of her art towards the end of her life; the exhibition at Baltic took place one year before her death. Her paintings depict everyday and familiar social situations in a playful, colourful, and "portly" style. Peter Doreshenko, the director of Baltic at the time of the exhibition, was keen for the gallery to reject the seriousness audiences may associate with it. The exhibition of Cook's work was part of this populist effort to attract new audiences to the then financially-struggling gallery, whose visitor numbers had dropped to less than 500,000 and whose reputation was decreasing. Adrian Searle of The Guardian reviewed the exhibition and, whilst acknowledging that fans would enjoy it, commented "look too long and you may feel a bit queasy".

 

Turner Prize

In 2011, Baltic was the venue for the Turner Prize. This was the first time the event had been held outside of London or Liverpool Tate. The Turner Prize exhibition at Baltic attracted 149,770 visitors to the gallery – almost double the average attendance in London. The event at Baltic was also free, whilst Turner exhibitions at Tate Britain had always previously charged for entry. The winning exhibit was by Martin Boyce with the runners-up being Karla Black, Hilary Lloyd and George Shaw.

 

Judy Chicago

The first major retrospective of American artist Judy Chicago's work was exhibited in Baltic from November 2019 to April 2020. The exhibition included her abstract paintings, records of performance pieces, and began and ended with a four-metre tapestry which portrayed the creation the world from a woman's perspective. At the time of the exhibition, Chicago was in her 80s. Hannah Clugston of The Guardian noted that the more recent featured works embraced the theme of death, particularly End: A Meditation on Death and Extinction, which is based on the stages of grief.

 

Baltic Open Submission

In March 2020, Baltic announced it would be closing due to the COVID-19 pandemic until further notice. In May 2021, it reopened to visitors with four exhibitions. Baltic Open Submission featured works created during lockdown by 158 artists from the North East. The 158 artists were chosen from over 540 original submissions and selected by a panel of three North East-based artists. The final pieces included paintings, drawings, and sound and video installations.

 

Community and cultural impact

At the opening of Baltic, director Sune Nordgren outlined the role of the arts centre within the public sphere. He stated that Baltic should be "a meeting place, a site for connections and confrontation between artists and the public." In an October 2002 lecture at the Power Plant Gallery in Toronto, Nordgren reaffirmed the importance of local outreach and explained his intention for Baltic to regard the local history and culture, comparing his intention to examples of modern art museums where this was not considered, such as the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao (designed in Los Angeles and placed in Spain). From its inception, Baltic emphasised the importance of artist-public relationships and its role as a community hub. "Participate" initiatives encouraged people in the local community to interact with resident artists. A media learning centre in a local library was set up as an extension of Baltic's community resources.

 

In a 2016 talk on Baltic's 10-year strategic plan (officially named Untitled), the current director of Baltic – Sarah Munro – emphasised that the North East of England "has always led, not followed" the agenda for contemporary arts, and that Baltic had been a big part of this trend. She argued that the visual arts can be used to further the economic and social growth of the area, even amidst the backdrop of political issues and austerity. Baltic also launched an international award for emerging artists in 2016, which offered a £30,000 commission and an accompanying exhibition to four recipients. It was the first such competition in the UK to be judged entirely by artists: in 2017, they were Monica Bonvicini, Lorna Simpson, Pedro Cabrita Reis and Mike Nelson. Munro commented that the award was to foster "a dialogue with our audiences at a local, national and international level."

 

Local university partnerships and graduate internships are also important to Baltic's community and cultural influence. In 2011, Baltic and Northumbria University established an artistic partnership through the BxNU Institute of Contemporary Art, a centre for artistic and curatorial research. Christine Borland was appointed as Baltic Professor. A designated gallery space, known as Baltic 39, was established on the top floor of refurbished Edwardian warehouses at 31-39 High Bridge in Newcastle. It was designed by Viennese architects Jabornegg & Palffy and housed artwork from students at the university. Baltic 39 was based at High Bridge from 2012 to 2021.

 

Their annual Self-Publishing Artists’ Market (aka S.P.A.M.) takes the form of a lively programme exploring print culture and practice through talks and workshops with over 50 stalls selling zines and artists’ books. S.P.A.M. Spreads reimagines the market in printed form and has included contributions by artists, activists, illustrators, zine-makers, writers and curators including Vanessa Murrell, Melody Sproates, Okocha Obasi, Stephanie Francis-Shanahan.

The potato is a starchy, tuberous crop from the perennial nightshade Solanum tuberosum. In many contexts, potato refers to the edible tuber, but it can also refer to the plant itself. Common or slang terms include tater, tattie and spud. Potatoes were introduced to Europe in the second half of the 16th century by the Spanish. Today they are a staple food in many parts of the world and an integral part of much of the world's food supply. As of 2014, potatoes were the world's fourth-largest food crop after maize (corn), wheat, and rice.

 

Wild potato species can be found throughout the Americas, from the United States to southern Chile. The potato was originally believed to have been domesticated independently in multiple locations, but later genetic testing of the wide variety of cultivars and wild species traced a single origin for potatoes. In the area of present-day southern Peru and extreme northwestern Bolivia, from a species in the Solanum brevicaule complex, potatoes were domesticated approximately 7,000–10,000 years ago. In the Andes region of South America, where the species is indigenous, some close relatives of the potato are cultivated.

 

Following millennia of selective breeding, there are now over 1,000 different types of potatoes. Over 99% of presently cultivated potatoes worldwide descended from varieties that originated in the lowlands of south-central Chile, which have displaced formerly popular varieties from the Andes.

 

The importance of the potato as a food source and culinary ingredient varies by region and is still changing. It remains an essential crop in Europe, especially eastern and central Europe, where per capita production is still the highest in the world, while the most rapid expansion in production over the past few decades has occurred in southern and eastern Asia, with China and India leading the world in overall production as of 2014.

 

Being a nightshade similar to tomatoes, the vegetative and fruiting parts of the potato contain the toxin solanine and are not fit for human consumption. Normal potato tubers that have been grown and stored properly produce glycoalkaloids in amounts small enough to be negligible to human health, but if green sections of the plant (namely sprouts and skins) are exposed to light, the tuber can accumulate a high enough concentration of glycoalkaloids to affect human health.

 

ETYMOLOGY

The English word potato comes from Spanish patata (the name used in Spain). The Spanish Royal Academy says the Spanish word is a hybrid of the Taíno batata (sweet potato) and the Quechua papa (potato). The name originally referred to the sweet potato although the two plants are not closely related. The 16th-century English herbalist John Gerard referred to sweet potatoes as "common potatoes", and used the terms "bastard potatoes" and "Virginia potatoes" for the species we now call "potato". In many of the chronicles detailing agriculture and plants, no distinction is made between the two. Potatoes are occasionally referred to as "Irish potatoes" or "white potatoes" in the United States, to distinguish them from sweet potatoes.

 

The name spud for a small potato comes from the digging of soil (or a hole) prior to the planting of potatoes. The word has an unknown origin and was originally (c. 1440) used as a term for a short knife or dagger, probably related to the Latin "spad-" a word root meaning "sword"; cf. Spanish "espada", English "spade" and "spadroon". It subsequently transferred over to a variety of digging tools. Around 1845, the name transferred to the tuber itself, the first record of this usage being in New Zealand English. The origin of the word "spud" has erroneously been attributed to an 18th-century activist group dedicated to keeping the potato out of Britain, calling itself The Society for the Prevention of Unwholesome Diet (S.P.U.D.). It was Mario Pei's 1949 The Story of Language that can be blamed for the word's false origin. Pei writes, "the potato, for its part, was in disrepute some centuries ago. Some Englishmen who did not fancy potatoes formed a Society for the Prevention of Unwholesome Diet. The initials of the main words in this title gave rise to spud." Like most other pre-20th century acronymic origins, this is false, and there is no evidence that a Society for the Prevention of Unwholesome Diet ever existed.

 

CHARACTERISTICS

Potato plants are herbaceous perennials that grow about 60 cm high, depending on variety, with the leaves dying back after flowering, fruiting and tuber formation. They bear white, pink, red, blue, or purple flowers with yellow stamens. In general, the tubers of varieties with white flowers have white skins, while those of varieties with colored flowers tend to have pinkish skins. Potatoes are mostly cross-pollinated by insects such as bumblebees, which carry pollen from other potato plants, though a substantial amount of self-fertilizing occurs as well. Tubers form in response to decreasing day length, although this tendency has been minimized in commercial varieties.

 

After flowering, potato plants produce small green fruits that resemble green cherry tomatoes, each containing about 300 seeds. Like all parts of the plant except the tubers, the fruit contain the toxic alkaloid solanine and are therefore unsuitable for consumption. All new potato varieties are grown from seeds, also called "true potato seed", "TPS" or "botanical seed" to distinguish it from seed tubers. New varieties grown from seed can be propagated vegetatively by planting tubers, pieces of tubers cut to include at least one or two eyes, or cuttings, a practice used in greenhouses for the production of healthy seed tubers. Plants propagated from tubers are clones of the parent, whereas those propagated from seed produce a range of different varieties.

 

GENETICS

There are about 5,000 potato varieties worldwide. Three thousand of them are found in the Andes alone, mainly in Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Chile, and Colombia. They belong to eight or nine species, depending on the taxonomic school. Apart from the 5,000 cultivated varieties, there are about 200 wild species and subspecies, many of which can be cross-bred with cultivated varieties. Cross-breeding has been done repeatedly to transfer resistances to certain pests and diseases from the gene pool of wild species to the gene pool of cultivated potato species. Genetically modified varieties have met public resistance in the United States and in the European UnionThe major species grown worldwide is Solanum tuberosum (a tetraploid with 48 chromosomes), and modern varieties of this species are the most widely cultivated. There are also four diploid species (with 24 chromosomes): S. stenotomum, S. phureja, S. goniocalyx, and S. ajanhuiri. There are two triploid species (with 36 chromosomes): S. chaucha and S. juzepczukii. There is one pentaploid cultivated species (with 60 chromosomes): S. curtilobum. There are two major subspecies of Solanum tuberosum: andigena, or Andean; and tuberosum, or Chilean. The Andean potato is adapted to the short-day conditions prevalent in the mountainous equatorial and tropical regions where it originated; the Chilean potato, however, native to the Chiloé Archipelago, is adapted to the long-day conditions prevalent in the higher latitude region of southern Chile.

 

The International Potato Center, based in Lima, Peru, holds an ISO-accredited collection of potato germplasm. The international Potato Genome Sequencing Consortium announced in 2009 that they had achieved a draft sequence of the potato genome. The potato genome contains 12 chromosomes and 860 million base pairs, making it a medium-sized plant genome. More than 99 percent of all current varieties of potatoes currently grown are direct descendants of a subspecies that once grew in the lowlands of south-central Chile. Nonetheless, genetic testing of the wide variety of cultivars and wild species affirms that all potato subspecies derive from a single origin in the area of present-day southern Peru and extreme Northwestern Bolivia (from a species in the Solanum brevicaule complex). The wild Crop Wild Relatives Prebreeding project encourages the use of wild relatives in breeding programs. Enriching and preserving the gene bank collection to make potatoes adaptive to diverse environmental conditions is seen as a pressing issue due to climate change.

 

Most modern potatoes grown in North America arrived through European settlement and not independently from the South American sources, although at least one wild potato species, Solanum fendleri, naturally ranges from Peru into Texas, where it is used in breeding for resistance to a nematode species that attacks cultivated potatoes. A secondary center of genetic variability of the potato is Mexico, where important wild species that have been used extensively in modern breeding are found, such as the hexaploid Solanum demissum, as a source of resistance to the devastating late blight disease. Another relative native to this region, Solanum bulbocastanum, has been used to genetically engineer the potato to resist potato blight.

 

Potatoes yield abundantly with little effort, and adapt readily to diverse climates as long as the climate is cool and moist enough for the plants to gather sufficient water from the soil to form the starchy tubers. Potatoes do not keep very well in storage and are vulnerable to moulds that feed on the stored tubers and quickly turn them rotten, whereas crops such as grain can be stored for several years with a low risk of rot. The yield of Calories per acre (about 9.2 million) is higher than that of maize (7.5 million), rice (7.4 million), wheat (3 million), or soybean (2.8 million).

 

VARIETIES

There are close to 4,000 varieties of potato including common commercial varieties, each of which has specific agricultural or culinary attributes. Around 80 varieties are commercially available in the UK. In general, varieties are categorized into a few main groups based on common characteristics, such as russet potatoes (rough brown skin), red potatoes, white potatoes, yellow potatoes (also called Yukon potatoes) and purple potatoes.

 

For culinary purposes, varieties are often differentiated by their waxiness: floury or mealy baking potatoes have more starch (20–22%) than waxy boiling potatoes (16–18%). The distinction may also arise from variation in the comparative ratio of two different potato starch compounds: amylose and amylopectin. Amylose, a long-chain molecule, diffuses from the starch granule when cooked in water, and lends itself to dishes where the potato is mashed. Varieties that contain a slightly higher amylopectin content, which is a highly branched molecule, help the potato retain its shape after being boiled in water. Potatoes that are good for making potato chips or potato crisps are sometimes called "chipping potatoes", which means they meet the basic requirements of similar varietal characteristics, being firm, fairly clean, and fairly well-shaped.

 

The European Cultivated Potato Database (ECPD) is an online collaborative database of potato variety descriptions that is updated and maintained by the Scottish Agricultural Science Agency within the framework of the European Cooperative Programme for Crop Genetic Resources Networks (ECP/GR)—which is run by the International Plant Genetic Resources Institute (IPGRI).

 

PIGMENTATION

Dozens of potato cultivars have been selectively bred specifically for their skin or, more commonly, flesh color, including gold, red, and blue varieties that contain varying amounts of phytochemicals, including carotenoids for gold/yellow or polyphenols for red or blue cultivars. Carotenoid compounds include provitamin A alpha-carotene and beta-carotene, which are converted to the essential nutrient, vitamin A, during digestion. Anthocyanins mainly responsible for red or blue pigmentation in potato cultivars do not have nutritional significance, but are used for visual variety and consumer appeal. Recently, as of 2010, potatoes have also been bioengineered specifically for these pigmentation traits.

 

GENETICALLY ENGINEERED POTATOES

Genetic research has produced several genetically modified varieties. 'New Leaf', owned by Monsanto Company, incorporates genes from Bacillus thuringiensis, which confers resistance to the Colorado potato beetle; 'New Leaf Plus' and 'New Leaf Y', approved by US regulatory agencies during the 1990s, also include resistance to viruses. McDonald's, Burger King, Frito-Lay, and Procter & Gamble announced they would not use genetically modified potatoes, and Monsanto published its intent to discontinue the line in March 2001.

 

Waxy potato varieties produce two main kinds of potato starch, amylose and amylopectin, the latter of which is most industrially useful. BASF developed the Amflora potato, which was modified to express antisense RNA to inactivate the gene for granule bound starch synthase, an enzyme which catalyzes the formation of amylose. Amflora potatoes therefore produce starch consisting almost entirely of amylopectin, and are thus more useful for the starch industry. In 2010, the European Commission cleared the way for 'Amflora' to be grown in the European Union for industrial purposes only—not for food. Nevertheless, under EU rules, individual countries have the right to decide whether they will allow this potato to be grown on their territory. Commercial planting of 'Amflora' was expected in the Czech Republic and Germany in the spring of 2010, and Sweden and the Netherlands in subsequent years. Another GM potato variety developed by BASF is 'Fortuna' which was made resistant to late blight by adding two resistance genes, blb1 and blb2, which originate from the Mexican wild potato Solanum bulbocastanum. In October 2011 BASF requested cultivation and marketing approval as a feed and food from the EFSA. In 2012, GMO development in Europe was stopped by BASF.

 

In November 2014, the USDA approved a genetically modified potato developed by J.R. Simplot Company, which contains genetic modifications that prevent bruising and produce less acrylamide when fried than conventional potatoes; the modifications do not cause new proteins to be made, but rather prevent proteins from being made via RNA interference.

 

HISTORY

The potato was first domesticated in the region of modern-day southern Peru and extreme northwestern Bolivia between 8000 and 5000 BC. It has since spread around the world and become a staple crop in many countries.

 

The earliest archaeologically verified potato tuber remains have been found at the coastal site of Ancon (central Peru), dating to 2500 BC. The most widely cultivated variety, Solanum tuberosum tuberosum, is indigenous to the Chiloé Archipelago, and has been cultivated by the local indigenous people since before the Spanish conquest.

 

According to conservative estimates, the introduction of the potato was responsible for a quarter of the growth in Old World population and urbanization between 1700 and 1900. In the Altiplano, potatoes provided the principal energy source for the Inca civilization, its predecessors, and its Spanish successor. Following the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire, the Spanish introduced the potato to Europe in the second half of the 16th century, part of the Columbian exchange. The staple was subsequently conveyed by European mariners to territories and ports throughout the world. The potato was slow to be adopted by European farmers, but soon enough it became an important food staple and field crop that played a major role in the European 19th century population boom. However, lack of genetic diversity, due to the very limited number of varieties initially introduced, left the crop vulnerable to disease. In 1845, a plant disease known as late blight, caused by the fungus-like oomycete Phytophthora infestans, spread rapidly through the poorer communities of western Ireland as well as parts of the Scottish Highlands, resulting in the crop failures that led to the Great Irish Famine. Thousands of varieties still persist in the Andes however, where over 100 cultivars might be found in a single valley, and a dozen or more might be maintained by a single agricultural household.

 

PRODUCTION

In 2016, world production of potatoes was 377 million tonnes, led by China with over 26% of the world total (see table). Other major producers were India, Russia, Ukraine and the United States. It remains an essential crop in Europe (especially eastern and central Europe), where per capita production is still the highest in the world, but the most rapid expansion over the past few decades has occurred in southern and eastern Asia.

 

NUTRITION

A raw potato is 79% water, 17% carbohydrates (88% is starch), 2% protein, and contains negligible fat (see table). In an amount measuring 100 grams, raw potato provides 322 kilojoules (77 kilocalories) of energy and is a rich source of vitamin B6 and vitamin C (23% and 24% of the Daily Value, respectively), with no other vitamins or minerals in significant amount (see table). The potato is rarely eaten raw because raw potato starch is poorly digested by humans. When a potato is baked, its contents of vitamin B6 and vitamin C decline notably, while there is little significant change in the amount of other nutrients.

 

Potatoes are often broadly classified as having a high glycemic index (GI) and so are often excluded from the diets of individuals trying to follow a low-GI diet. The GI of potatoes can vary considerably depending on the cultivar or cultivar category (such as "red", russet, "white", or King Edward), growing conditions and storage, preparation methods (by cooking method, whether it is eaten hot or cold, whether it is mashed or cubed or consumed whole), and accompanying foods consumed (especially the addition of various high-fat or high-protein toppings). In particular, consuming reheated or cooled potatoes that were previously cooked may yield a lower GI effect.

 

In the UK, potatoes are not considered by the National Health Service (NHS) as counting or contributing towards the recommended daily five portions of fruit and vegetables, the 5-A-Day program.

 

COMPARISON TO OTHER STAPLE FOODS

This table shows the nutrient content of potatoes next to other major staple foods, each one measured in its respective raw state, even though staple foods are not commonly eaten raw and are usually sprouted or cooked before eating. In sprouted and cooked form, the relative nutritional and anti-nutritional contents of each of these grains (or other foods) may be different from the values in this table. Each nutrient (every row) has the highest number highlighted to show the staple food with the greatest amount in a 100-gram raw portion.

 

TOXICITY

Potatoes contain toxic compounds known as glycoalkaloids, of which the most prevalent are solanine and chaconine. Solanine is found in other plants in the same family, Solanaceae, which includes such plants as deadly nightshade (Atropa belladonna), henbane (Hyoscyamus niger) and tobacco (Nicotiana spp.), as well as the food plants eggplant and tomato. These compounds, which protect the potato plant from its predators, are generally concentrated in its leaves, flowers, sprouts, and fruits (in contrast to the tubers). In a summary of several studies, the glycoalkaloid content was highest in the flowers and sprouts and lowest in the tuber flesh. (The glycoalkaloid content was, in order from highest to lowest: flowers, sprouts, leaves, skin, roots, berries, peel [skin plus outer cortex of tuber flesh], stems, and tuber flesh.)

 

Exposure to light, physical damage, and age increase glycoalkaloid content within the tuber. Cooking at high temperatures—over 170 °C—partly destroys these compounds. The concentration of glycoalkaloids in wild potatoes is sufficient to produce toxic effects in humans. Glycoalkaloid poisoning may cause headaches, diarrhea, cramps, and, in severe cases, coma and death. However, poisoning from cultivated potato varieties is very rare. Light exposure causes greening from chlorophyll synthesis, giving a visual clue as to which areas of the tuber may have become more toxic. However, this does not provide a definitive guide, as greening and glycoalkaloid accumulation can occur independently of each other.

 

Different potato varieties contain different levels of glycoalkaloids. The Lenape variety was released in 1967 but was withdrawn in 1970 as it contained high levels of glycoalkaloids. Since then, breeders developing new varieties test for this, and sometimes have to discard an otherwise promising cultivar. Breeders try to keep glycoalkaloid levels below 200 mg/kg). However, when these commercial varieties turn green, they can still approach solanine concentrations of 1000 mg/kg. In normal potatoes, analysis has shown solanine levels may be as little as 3.5% of the breeders' maximum, with 7–187 mg/kg being found. While a normal potato tuber has 12–20 mg/kg of glycoalkaloid content, a green potato tuber contains 250–280 mg/kg and its skin has 1500–2200 mg/kg.

 

GROWTH AND CULTIVATION

SEED POTATOES

Potatoes are generally grown from seed potatoes, tubers specifically grown to be free from disease and to provide consistent and healthy plants. To be disease free, the areas where seed potatoes are grown are selected with care. In the US, this restricts production of seed potatoes to only 15 states out of all 50 states where potatoes are grown. These locations are selected for their cold, hard winters that kill pests and summers with long sunshine hours for optimum growth. In the UK, most seed potatoes originate in Scotland, in areas where westerly winds prevent aphid attack and thus prevent spread of potato virus pathogens.

 

PHASES OF GROWTH

Potato growth is divided into five phases. During the first phase, sprouts emerge from the seed potatoes and root growth begins. During the second, photosynthesis begins as the plant develops leaves and branches. In the third phase, stolons develop from lower leaf axils on the stem and grow downwards into the ground and on these stolons new tubers develop as swellings of the stolon. This phase is often, but not always, associated with flowering. Tuber formation halts when soil temperatures reach 27 °C; hence potatoes are considered a cool-season, or winter, crop. Tuber bulking occurs during the fourth phase, when the plant begins investing the majority of its resources in its newly formed tubers. At this phase, several factors are critical to a good yield: optimal soil moisture and temperature, soil nutrient availability and balance, and resistance to pest attacks. The fifth and final phase is the maturation of the tubers: the plant canopy dies back, the tuber skins harden, and the sugars in the tubers convert to starches.

 

CHALLENGES

New tubers may start growing at the surface of the soil. Since exposure to light leads to an undesirable greening of the skins and the development of solanine as a protection from the sun's rays, growers cover surface tubers. Commercial growers cover them by piling additional soil around the base of the plant as it grows (called "hilling" up, or in British English "earthing up"). An alternative method, used by home gardeners and smaller-scale growers, involves covering the growing area with organic mulches such as straw or plastic sheets.

 

Correct potato husbandry can be an arduous task in some circumstances. Good ground preparation, harrowing, plowing, and rolling are always needed, along with a little grace from the weather and a good source of water. Three successive plowings, with associated harrowing and rolling, are desirable before planting. Eliminating all root-weeds is desirable in potato cultivation. In general, the potatoes themselves are grown from the eyes of another potato and not from seed. Home gardeners often plant a piece of potato with two or three eyes in a hill of mounded soil. Commercial growers plant potatoes as a row crop using seed tubers, young plants or microtubers and may mound the entire row. Seed potato crops are rogued in some countries to eliminate diseased plants or those of a different variety from the seed crop.

 

Potatoes are sensitive to heavy frosts, which damage them in the ground. Even cold weather makes potatoes more susceptible to bruising and possibly later rotting, which can quickly ruin a large stored crop.

 

PESTS

The historically significant Phytophthora infestans (late blight) remains an ongoing problem in Europe and the United States. Other potato diseases include Rhizoctonia, Sclerotinia, black leg, powdery mildew, powdery scab and leafroll virus.

 

Insects that commonly transmit potato diseases or damage the plants include the Colorado potato beetle, the potato tuber moth, the green peach aphid (Myzus persicae), the potato aphid, beet leafhoppers, thrips, and mites. The potato cyst nematode is a microscopic worm that thrives on the roots, thus causing the potato plants to wilt. Since its eggs can survive in the soil for several years, crop rotation is recommended.

 

During the crop year 2008, many of the certified organic potatoes produced in the United Kingdom and certified by the Soil Association as organic were sprayed with a copper pesticide to control potato blight (Phytophthora infestans). According to the Soil Association, the total copper that can be applied to organic land is 6 kg/ha/year.

 

According to an Environmental Working Group analysis of USDA and FDA pesticide residue tests performed from 2000 through 2008, 84% of the 2,216 tested potato samples contained detectable traces of at least one pesticide. A total of 36 unique pesticides were detected on potatoes over the 2,216 samples, though no individual sample contained more than 6 unique pesticide traces, and the average was 1.29 detectable unique pesticide traces per sample. The average quantity of all pesticide traces found in the 2,216 samples was 1.602 ppm. While this was a very low value of pesticide residue, it was the highest amongst the 50 vegetables analyzed.

 

HARVEST

At harvest time, gardeners usually dig up potatoes with a long-handled, three-prong "grape" (or graip), i.e., a spading fork, or a potato hook, which is similar to the graip but with tines at a 90° angle to the handle. In larger plots, the plow is the fastest implement for unearthing potatoes. Commercial harvesting is typically done with large potato harvesters, which scoop up the plant and surrounding earth. This is transported up an apron chain consisting of steel links several feet wide, which separates some of the dirt. The chain deposits into an area where further separation occurs. Different designs use different systems at this point. The most complex designs use vine choppers and shakers, along with a blower system to separate the potatoes from the plant. The result is then usually run past workers who continue to sort out plant material, stones, and rotten potatoes before the potatoes are continuously delivered to a wagon or truck. Further inspection and separation occurs when the potatoes are unloaded from the field vehicles and put into storage.

 

Immature potatoes may be sold as "creamer potatoes" and are particularly valued for taste. These are often harvested by the home gardener or farmer by "grabbling", i.e. pulling out the young tubers by hand while leaving the plant in place. A creamer potato is a variety of potato harvested before it matures to keep it small and tender. It is generally either a Yukon Gold potato or a red potato, called gold creamers or red creamers respectively, and measures approximately 2.5 cm in diameter. The skin of creamer potatoes is waxy and high in moisture content, and the flesh contains a lower level of starch than other potatoes. Like potatoes in general, they can be prepared by boiling, baking, frying, and roasting. Slightly older than creamer potatoes are "new potatoes", which are also prized for their taste and texture and often come from the same varieties.

 

Potatoes are usually cured after harvest to improve skin-set. Skin-set is the process by which the skin of the potato becomes resistant to skinning damage. Potato tubers may be susceptible to skinning at harvest and suffer skinning damage during harvest and handling operations. Curing allows the skin to fully set and any wounds to heal. Wound-healing prevents infection and water-loss from the tubers during storage. Curing is normally done at relatively warm temperatures 10 to 16 °C with high humidity and good gas-exchange if at all possible.

 

STORAGE

Storage facilities need to be carefully designed to keep the potatoes alive and slow the natural process of decomposition, which involves the breakdown of starch. It is crucial that the storage area is dark, ventilated well and, for long-term storage, maintained at temperatures near 4 °C. For short-term storage, temperatures of about 7 to 10 °C are preferred.

 

On the other hand, temperatures below 4 °C convert the starch in potatoes into sugar, which alters their taste and cooking qualities and leads to higher acrylamide levels in the cooked product, especially in deep-fried dishes. The discovery of acrylamides in starchy foods in 2002 has led to international health concerns. They are believed to be probable carcinogens and their occurrence in cooked foods is being studied for potentially influencing health problems.

 

Under optimum conditions in commercial warehouses, potatoes can be stored for up to 10–12 months. The commercial storage and retrieval of potatoes involves several phases: first drying surface moisture; wound healing at 85% to 95% relative humidity and temperatures below 25 °C; a staged cooling phase; a holding phase; and a reconditioning phase, during which the tubers are slowly warmed. Mechanical ventilation is used at various points during the process to prevent condensation and the accumulation of carbon dioxide.

 

When stored in homes unrefrigerated, the shelf life is usually a few weeks.

 

If potatoes develop green areas or start to sprout, trimming or peeling those green-colored parts is inadequate to remove copresent toxins, and such potatoes are no longer edible.

 

YIELD

The world dedicated 18.6 million ha in 2010 for potato cultivation. The average world farm yield for potato was 17.4 tonnes per hectare, in 2010. Potato farms in the United States were the most productive in 2010, with a nationwide average of 44.3 tonnes per hectare. United Kingdom was a close second.

 

New Zealand farmers have demonstrated some of the best commercial yields in the world, ranging between 60 and 80 tonnes per hectare, some reporting yields of 88 tonnes potatoes per hectare.

 

There is a big gap among various countries between high and low yields, even with the same variety of potato. Average potato yields in developed economies ranges between 38–44 tonnes per hectare. China and India accounted for over a third of world's production in 2010, and had yields of 14.7 and 19.9 tonnes per hectare respectively. The yield gap between farms in developing economies and developed economies represents an opportunity loss of over 400 million tonnes of potato, or an amount greater than 2010 world potato production. Potato crop yields are determined by factors such as the crop breed, seed age and quality, crop management practices and the plant environment. Improvements in one or more of these yield determinants, and a closure of the yield gap, can be a major boost to food supply and farmer incomes in the developing world.

 

USES

Potatoes are prepared in many ways: skin-on or peeled, whole or cut up, with seasonings or without. The only requirement involves cooking to swell the starch granules. Most potato dishes are served hot but some are first cooked, then served cold, notably potato salad and potato chips (crisps). Common dishes are: mashed potatoes, which are first boiled (usually peeled), and then mashed with milk or yogurt and butter; whole baked potatoes; boiled or steamed potatoes; French-fried potatoes or chips; cut into cubes and roasted; scalloped, diced, or sliced and fried (home fries); grated into small thin strips and fried (hash browns); grated and formed into dumplings, Rösti or potato pancakes. Unlike many foods, potatoes can also be easily cooked in a microwave oven and still retain nearly all of their nutritional value, provided they are covered in ventilated plastic wrap to prevent moisture from escaping; this method produces a meal very similar to a steamed potato, while retaining the appearance of a conventionally baked potato. Potato chunks also commonly appear as a stew ingredient. Potatoes are boiled between 10 and 25 minutes, depending on size and type, to become soft.

 

OTHER THAN FOR EATING

Potatoes are also used for purposes other than eating by humans, for example:

 

Potatoes are used to brew alcoholic beverages such as vodka, poitín, or akvavit.

They are also used as fodder for livestock. Livestock-grade potatoes, considered too small and/or blemished to sell or market for human use but suitable for fodder use, have been called chats in some dialects. They may be stored in bins until use; they are sometimes ensiled. Some farmers prefer to steam them rather than feed them raw and are equipped to do so efficiently.

Potato starch is used in the food industry as a thickener and binder for soups and sauces, in the textile industry as an adhesive, and for the manufacturing of papers and boards.

Maine companies are exploring the possibilities of using waste potatoes to obtain polylactic acid for use in plastic products; other research projects seek ways to use the starch as a base for biodegradable packaging.

Potato skins, along with honey, are a folk remedy for burns in India. Burn centres in India have experimented with the use of the thin outer skin layer to protect burns while healing.

Potatoes (mainly Russets) are commonly used in plant research. The consistent parenchyma tissue, the clonal nature of the plant and the low metabolic activity provide a very nice "model tissue" for experimentation. Wound-response studies are often done on potato tuber tissue, as are electron transport experiments. In this respect, potato tuber tissue is similar to Drosophila melanogaster, Caenorhabditis elegans and Escherichia coli: they are all "standard" research organisms.

Potatoes have been delivered with personalized messages as a novelty. Potato delivery services include Potato Parcel and Mail A Spud.

 

WIKIPEDIA

Found in a document titled "Seattle Urban Design Report: Determinants of City Form." The report has a ton of cool maps representing things like view orientation, shadow patterns, landslide hazards, traffic volume, and socioeconomic need. Document 1295, Published Document Collection, Seattle Municipal Archives.

Fifth generation

International (GE; 1991–1997)

 

Overview:

 

Also calledMazda 626

Mazda Cronos (Japan)

ɛ̃fini MS-6

Ford Telstar

Autozam Clef

 

ProductionNovember 1991 – 1997

AssemblyJapan: Hofu

Colombia: Bogotá

United States: Flat Rock, Michigan (AAI)

DesignerYasuo Aoyagi (1989)

Body and chassis

Body style4-door sedan

5-door hatchback

LayoutTransverse front-engine, front-wheel drive

Transverse front-engine, four-wheel drive

PlatformMazda GE platform

RelatedMazda MX-6

Ford Probe

Powertrain

Engine

1.8 L FP I4

2.0 L FS-DE I4

2.0 L KF-ZE V6

2.5 L KL-DE V6

2.5 L KL-ZE V6

2.0 L RFT Comprex diesel I4

Transmission5-speed manual

4-speed automatic

Dimensions

Wheelbase2,610 mm (102.8 in)

Length4,670–4,695 mm (183.9–184.8 in) (sedan/hatchback)

Width1,750 mm (68.9 in)

Height1,400 mm (55.1 in)

Curb weight1,180–1,340 kg (2,601–2,954 lb) (sedan/hatchback)

 

For the fifth generation, GE series sedan and hatchback, the Capella name was dropped—although export markets retained the 626 title. Its nameplate replacements, the Mazda Cronos (sedan) and ɛ̃fini MS-6 (hatchback) that launched in November 1991 were pitched to Japanese customers instead. Built on the GE platform, the hatchback-only MS-6 was launched under the ɛ̃fini brand, as a separate car from the sedan-only Cronos, as Mazda was at the beginning of an ambitious five-brand expansion plan of doubling sales. Including the badge-engineered Ford Telstar (sold at Japanese Ford dealerships called Autorama), the Mazda MX-6 coupe, and the Autozam Clef, a total of five cars were spawned off the same platform, launched under four different brands in Japan over a two-year period.

 

All of these models ended their production run prematurely, most likely due to the difficulties involved in promoting so many new nameplates as the Japanese economy began to feel the effects of the recession as a result of the Japanese asset price bubble from 1985-1991. While the MS-6 shared the Cronos GE platform, it was marketed as the more sporty of the two. The Capella badge lived on with the wagon/van versions on the previous GV series until 1999. Until 1989, Japanese car taxation used a car's width as a key determinant. The Cronos and its siblings all exceed the critical 1,700 mm (66.9 in) level in width. The series GE platform shared the same width dimension as the luxury brand ɛ̃fini MS-8 and ɛ̃fini MS-6, sharing the 2.5 V6. Moving in accord with early-1990s zeitgeist, Mazda considered width a key factor in the Cronos' sales failure, and proceeded to create a narrower stopgap model from the CG platform. This car was introduced in 1994 as the new CG series Capella sedan.

 

Export

 

Nonetheless, the GE Cronos and MS-6 continued to be sold as the Mazda 626 in nearly all export markets. The 626 was again Wheels magazine's Car of the Year for a second time in 1992.

 

The European (E-spec) and Asian (JDM) models had many differences versus the North American (A-spec) models. These include: raised turn signal side markers vs the A-Spec flush mounted side markers, small fog lights with silver bezels vs the A-Spec full fitting fog lights, different interior cloth patterns, projector headlamps (glass lenses), a 1.8 L FP engine, and a hatchback model. Europe also received a diesel-engined version, using the "Comprex" pressure-wave supercharged RF engine seen in the previous generation JDM Capella. Power in Europe is 75 PS (55 kW) ECE at 4000 rpm, while the Japanese model claims 82 PS (60 kW) JIS at the same engine speed.[15]

 

For the first time for a Mazda, the 626 began overseas manufacture manufacture in the US at Flat Rock, Michigan on 1 September 1992 for the 1993 model year. The car was originally known as the "626 Cronos" in Canada, but dropped the Cronos for the 1996 model year. Mazda's 2.5 L V6 engine debuted to rave reviews. Though the 626's manual transmission was highly regarded, Four-cylinder 626s from 1994 onwards used the Ford CD4E automatic transmission (designated by Mazda as LA4A-EL), which was an attempt to solve some of the 1993 model's transmission related issues. The CD4E was manufactured by Ford at their Batavia, Ohio facility. The CD4E was manufactured in Batavia, Ohio under the partnership name of ZF Batavia; a joint venture between Ford and ZF Friedrichshafen AG. It wasn't until a few years after the fourth generation of the Mazda 626 was produced that it became known for its extremely high failure rate, thus making the change in 1994 to the CD4E an irrelevant one. It is widely known to transmission specialists that the CD4E overheats due to a poorly designed valve body and torque converter. Mazda issued a couple of Technical Service Bulletins (0400502, 01598, 003/97K, 006/95) regarding the transmission and torque converter. Dealerships were briefly instructed to install an external transmission cooler, but at cost to the owner and only if requested. The CD4E was produced until 2008 at Batavia. No recall was ever issued for a single year of the CD4E, causing a loss of confidence from the general public in years to come. In 1994, a passenger side airbag was added, whilst some models of the 1994 and 1995 Mazda 626 2.0L automatics were outfitted with Ford's EEC-IV diagnostic system. In North America, the V6 spread to the LX trim in addition to the leather ES trim. New for 1996 and 1997 models were a redesigned hood (raised center portion), chrome grille fairing (attached to the hood), and the introduction of the On Board Diagnostics II revision (OBD-II).

 

In Colombia the car was named 626 Matsuri to differentiate from the past version that was sold at the same time.

 

Mazda New Zealand assembled this generation for four years with few changes. Ford's variants (since 1987 all built in the same Ford-Mazda joint venture Vehicle Assemblers of New Zealand (VANZ) factory in Wiri, South Auckland) had minor styling and equipment differences (the top Telstar hatchback had an electric sunroof) and anti-lock brakes were now standard on some models, for which factory engineers had to build a special test rig at the end of the assembly line. These were also the first 626/Telstar models to have factory fitted air conditioning, though only on the top Limited (626) and TX-5 Ghia (Telstar) five-door hatchbacks.

 

[Text from Wikipedia]

 

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mazda_Capella

 

The version shown here is a International-Specification 626 Liftback.

 

This miniland-scale Lego Mazda 626 Capella Sedan (GE - 1991) has been created for Flickr LUGNuts' 92nd Build Challenge, - "Stuck in the 90's", - all about vehicles from the decade of the 1990s.

Carrocería/Bodywork: Noge Touring Gold HD

 

Chassis: MAN 26.420 HOCLN-SD

 

Lote/Batch info: 1/5 - 5 total (1717-1726)

 

Matricula/Plate: 0514-KPX

 

Longitud/Length: 15m

 

Servicio/Service: 2018 - 2021

 

Info (SP): Para las rutas aeroportuarias siempre se han realizado compras excepcionales para cubrir dichas rutas. Sin embargo el tener que equipar vehiculos discrecionales para el transporte interurbano, asi como la falta de accesibilidad y longitud fueron determinantes a la hora de renovar esta parte de la flota. Por ello la empresa aposto (por primera vez) en la carrocera Noge, a quienes encargaron diez unidades de quince metros de los cuales seis han sido permanentemente asignados a cubrir las rutas aeroportuarias (de ahi la distintiva pintura exterior). Esta unidad se perdió en un incendio mientras volvía a cocheras en 2021.

 

Info (EN): For all airport routes exceptional purchases were made for their coverage. However the intense modifications vehicles had to undergo, the difficulty of access and length of the vehicle required a makeover. As a result, Global decided to take a chance with coach builder Noge, whom they placed a first order of ten 15m long buses from which six were permanently assigned for airport routes (as indicated by their distinctive livery). This particular bus was lost when it caught fire returning to the depot in 2021.

Color psychology is the study of hues as a determinant of human behavior. Color influences perceptions that are not obvious, such as the taste of food. Colors can also enhance the effectiveness of placebos. For example, red or orange pills are generally used as stimulants. Color can indeed influence a person; however, it is important to remember that these effects differ between people. Factors such as gender, age, and culture can influence how an individual perceives color. Wikipedia

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