Worcester Cathedral is the commanding presence on the skyline of the city, perched on high ground overlooking the River Severn. It is one of England's most rewarding cathedrals, though denied first rank status owing to the heavy handed Victorian restorations it underwent, an unavoidable consequence of being built of soft red sandstone (a problem shared with Chester and Lichfield) and thus a 19th century feel pervades inside and out in it's mostly renewed external stonework and furnishings.

 

The cathedral impresses with it's scale, one or our longer churches, crowned by a magnificent central tower (originally surmounted by a lead spire, lost sometime after the Refomation; subtle alterations to the tower's design were made when it was refaced in the Victorian restoration) and with a secondary pair of transepts flanking the choir (as at Salisbury, Lincoln, Rochester & Canterbury). Of the former monastic buildings the cloister and Norman chapter house have survived (along with the refectory, now part of neighbouring King's School), making this a more complex and enjoyable building to explore.

 

The earliest parts are of the Norman period with the superb 12th century crypt under the choir. The west end of the nave is also Norman work, though very late and unusual in design, with transitional pointed arches. However the bulk of the building we see dates from the 13th and 14th centuries, the east end in Early English gothic style (where most of the windows were restored to stepped lancets by Sir George Gilbert Scott during the Victorian restoration, having been altered over the centuries), whilst the remainder of the nave and tower largely of the Decorated period (the cathedral originally also possessed a detached octagonal bell tower with a lead spire, which stood near the north east corner but was demolished in 1647).

 

Of the original furnishings little remains beyond the fine set of misericords in the choir stalls. The stained glass too is nearly entirely Victorian (only some meagre, much restored medieval fragments survive in traceries of the south aisle). Much of the Victorian glass is quite impressive, particularly the great east and west windows by Hardman's of Birmingham.

 

Worcester is however especially rich in tombs and monuments of all periods, with medieval effigies of bishops, knights and ladies, not all in good condition but worth seeking out. There are also several large tombs from the post-Reformation period (especially in the cluttered south aisle) and some fine Baroque work in the north transept.

 

The most significant of the monuments here are Royal; in the centre of the choir lies the fine 13th century effigy of King John, best remembered for signing the Magna Carta. Nearby is the superb chantry chapel of Prince Arthur, elder brother of Henry VIII, whose premature death aged 15 changed England forever (one of the most pivotal moments in our history, had he survived the Reformation may never have happened). The gorgeous late Perpendicular gothic chapel stands to the south of the High Altar and is remarkable for it's rich sculpted detail.

 

www.worcestercathedral.co.uk/

 

and now I am further procrastinating by writing about my procrastination score - a lovely 63 that ranks me as an "above average procrastinator." But it also says I am more free-spirited than most. It's totally true what is says about stimulus control for me - that I need an office and visual spaces to get me working.

Who will I blame for this detour? Davidjacobs

Have I inspired you to procrastinate? If so, take your test with Procrastination Central and find out your score.

 

My Goal of 63:

  

You rank between the top 25% and 10% in terms of procrastination. That is, when it comes to putting things off, you often do so even though you know you shouldn’t. Likely, you are more free-spirited and spontaneous than most. Probably, your work doesn’t engage you as much as you would like or perhaps you are surrounded by easily available and more pleasant temptations. These temptations may initially seem rewarding, but in the longer-term, you see many of them as time-wasters. Though you likely often still get your work done, there is probably a lot of last minute panicking and unwanted stress. You may want to reduce what procrastination you do commit. If so, here are three tips that have been shown to work:

 

Goal Setting

This is one of the most established ways of moving forward on your plans. Take any project you are presently procrastinating and break it down into individual steps. Each of these steps should have the following three aspects. First, they should be somewhat challenging though achievable for you. It is more satisfying to accomplish a challenge. Second, they should be proximal, that is you can achieve them fairly soon, preferable today or over the next few days. Third, they should be specific, that is you know exactly when you have accomplished them. If you can visualize in your mind what you should do, even better.

 

Stimulus Control

This method has also been well tested and is very successful. What you need is a single place that you do your work and nothing else. Essentially, you need an office, though many students have a favorite desk at a library. For stimulus control to work best, the office or desk should be free of any signs of temptation or easily available distractions that might pull you away (e.g., no games, no chit-chat, no web-surfing). If you need a break, that is fine, but make sure you have it someplace at least a few minutes distant, preferably outside of the building itself. If you are unwilling to take the time to get there, acknowledge that you likely don’t need the break.

 

Routines

Routines are difficult to get into but in the end, this is often our aim. Things are much easier to do when we get into a habit of them, whether it is work, exercise, or errands. If you schedule some of those tasks you are presently procrastinating upon so that they occur on a regular schedule, they become easier. Start your routine slowly, something to which you can easily commit. Eventually, like brushing your teeth, it will likely become something you just do, not taking much effort at all. At this point, you might add to your routine, again always keeping your overall level of effort at a moderate to low level. Importantly, when you fall off your routine, inevitable with sickness or the unexpected, get back on it as soon as possible. Your routine gets stronger every time your follow it. It also gets weaker every time you don’t.

   

Procrastination has been reduced to a mathematical equation: U = E x V / I x D, where U is the desire to complete the task; E, the expectation of success; V, the value of completion; I, the immediacy of task; and D, the personal sensitivity to delay. For some types of tasks, my biggest stumbling block would be E—what if I'm no good? For others, it would be what, really, is the consequence of not cleaning the house for one more hour, or day? You can measure your own level of procrastination here. (via 43f)

Originally from Rebecca's Pocket; reBlogged on Jan 16, 2007, 11:53AM Originally from Rebecca's Pocket

 

A choice was made long ago, and a path divided. But we can realise the gravity of our actions, and striving for betterment of the self can never come too late.

 

NE Ohio

Nikon D3300

My friend balancing on a log in Mill Creek State Metro Park in Youngstown. It was a cold day and ohhh how cold the fall could have been! Luckily, he's nimble.

Inclusive Growth Conference: Measurement, Causes, and Consequences

 

The UNU-WIDER development conference in September 2013 focused on the performance, prospects, and policies for promoting more inclusive growth throughout Africa, including North Africa.

 

More about the conference: www.wider.unu.edu/inclusivegrowth/

More about UNU-WIDER: www.wider.unu.edu

Three Mile Island accident

 

The Three Mile Island accident was a partial meltdown of reactor number 2 of Three Mile Island Nuclear Generating Station (TMI-2) in Dauphin County, Pennsylvania, near Harrisburg and subsequent radiation leak that occurred on March 28, 1979. It was the most significant accident in U.S. commercial nuclear power plant history.[2] On the seven-point International Nuclear Event Scale, the incident was rated a five as an "accident with wider consequences".[3][4]

 

The accident began with failures in the non-nuclear secondary system, followed by a stuck-open pilot-operated relief valve in the primary system, which allowed large amounts of nuclear reactor coolant to escape. The mechanical failures were compounded by the initial failure of plant operators to recognize the situation as a loss-of-coolant accident due to inadequate training and human factors, such as human-computer interaction design oversights relating to ambiguous control room indicators in the power plant's user interface. In particular, a hidden indicator light led to an operator manually overriding the automatic emergency cooling system of the reactor because the operator mistakenly believed that there was too much coolant water present in the reactor and causing the steam pressure release.[5]

 

The accident crystallized anti-nuclear safety concerns among activists and the general public, and resulted in new regulations for the nuclear industry. It has been cited as a contributor to the decline of a new reactor construction program, a slowdown that was already underway in the 1970s.[6] The partial meltdown resulted in the release of radioactive gases and radioactive iodine into the environment.

 

Anti-nuclear movement activists expressed worries about regional health effects from the accident.[7] However, epidemiological studies analyzing the rate of cancer in and around the area since the accident, determined there was a small statistically non-significant increase in the rate and thus no causal connection linking the accident with these cancers has been substantiated.[8][9][10][11][12][13] Cleanup started in August 1979, and officially ended in December 1993, with a total cleanup cost of about $1 billion.[14]

 

Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three_Mile_Island_accident

  

Three Mile Island Nuclear Generating Station (TMI) is a nuclear power plant located on Three Mile Island in Londonderry Township, Pennsylvania, on the Susquehanna River just south of Harrisburg. It has two separate units, TMI-1 (owned by Exelon Generation) and TMI-2 (owned by FirstEnergy Corp).[3] The plant is widely known for having been the site of the most significant accident in United States commercial nuclear energy, on March 28, 1979, when TMI-2 suffered a partial meltdown. As per the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) report, the accident resulted in no deaths or injuries to plant workers or members of nearby communities.[4] Follow-up epidemiology studies have linked no incidents of cancer to the accident.[5][6][7][8] The reactor core of TMI-2 has since been removed from the site, but the site has not been decommissioned.[9] In July 1998, Amergen Energy (now Exelon Generation) agreed to purchase TMI-1 from General Public Utilities for $100 million.[10]

 

Three Mile Island is so named because it is located three miles downriver from Middletown, Pennsylvania.[11] The plant was originally built by General Public Utilities Corporation, later renamed GPU Incorporated.[12] The plant was operated by Metropolitan Edison Company (Met-Ed), a subsidiary of the GPU Energy division. During 2001 GPU Inc. merged with FirstEnergy Corporation.[13]

 

The NRC defines two emergency planning zones around nuclear power plants: a plume exposure pathway zone with a radius of 10 miles (16 km), concerned primarily with exposure to, and inhalation of, airborne radioactive contamination, and an ingestion pathway zone of about 50 miles (80 km), concerned primarily with ingestion of food and liquid contaminated by radioactivity.[14]

 

The 2010 U.S. population within 10 miles (16 km) of Three Mile Island was 211,261, an increase of 10.9 percent in a decade, according to an analysis of U.S. Census data for MSNBC. The 2010 U.S. population within 50 miles (80 km) was 2,803,322, an increase of 10.3 percent since 2000. Cities within 50 miles include Harrisburg (12 miles to city center), York (13 miles to city center), and Lancaster (24 miles to city center).[15]

 

Exelon has been operating Unit 1 at Three Mile Island at a loss since 2015.[16] On May 30, 2017, the company said it would consider ceasing operations at Unit 1 in 2019 due to high costs of operating the plant unless there was government action.[17][18] On May 8, 2019, Exelon announced that the remaining reactor still operating will be shut down by September 30.[19][20]

 

Unit 2, which has been dormant since the accident in 1979, is still owned by FirstEnergy, and it is estimated to close in 2036.[21]

 

Source: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three_Mile_Island_Nuclear_Generatin...

Monarga (Greek: Μoναργά, Turkish: Boğaztepe) is a small village in the Famagusta District of Cyprus, located 7 km northeast of Trikomo. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus.

 

Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.

 

Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.

 

A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.

 

Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.

 

Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.

 

Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.

 

Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.

 

The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.

 

Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.

 

Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.

 

By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.

 

EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.

 

However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.

 

On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.

 

In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.

 

By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.

 

In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.

 

The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.

 

After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".

 

As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.

 

Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

 

On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.

 

The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.

 

Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.

 

The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.

 

Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.

 

Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria

An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."

 

In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.

 

Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.

 

In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.

 

Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.

 

Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.

 

Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.

 

The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:

 

UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.

 

The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.

 

By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."

 

After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.

 

On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.

 

The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.

 

During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.

 

In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.

 

Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.

 

A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.

Historic Sierra County Courthouse in Truth or Consequences, New Mexico. The Territorial Revival style building was built in 1939 as a New Deal Works Progress Administration (WPA) project.

We will at some point in life suffer from the rule of unintended consequences!

The unemployed of Marienthal (valley). A sociographic experiment on the effects of long-term unemployment (1933) is the title of a study by Marie Jahoda, Paul Lazarsfeld and Hans Zeisel on the consequences of unemployment, which is one of the classics of empirical sociology. The study pointed to the socio-psychological effects of unemployment and made it clear that long-term unemployment is not - as is often assumed - leading to revolt, but to passive resignation.

The investigation

Today, the project executed by a team around Marie Jahoda and Paul Lazarsfeld is considered a milestone in the development of empirical social research (see also participant observation and field research) and as a model of theory formation in combination of quantitative, qualitative, encountered and collected data. Even if those concepts are younger than the work on the unemployed of Marienthal, have been here - under the term of sociography - set foundations for those methods.

The workers' settlement Marienthal is located in Gramatneusiedl, a village near Vienna. After the closure of a factory, after whose commissioning the community was founded, arose suddenly an extensive unemployment during the Great Depression around 1931. Otto Bauer, who was then the leading man of the Austrian Social Democrats, proposed Lazarsfeld and Zeisel to conduct a study on this topic and also named the locality of Marienthal.

To gain access to the people in Marienthal, the authors of this study not only have sought contact with political and social groups and clubs, but also carried out collections of cloth, medical consultations, education consultations, gymnastics and drawing classes. The aim was to win the people for the research project. At the same time, each of those means (inclusively the in this regard ethically questionable consultation hours) also served the purpose by participant observation to obtain information about the Marienthal population.

For each family in Marienthal cadastral sheets were created, on which the various observations and interviews were recorded, from the ordered or disordered condition of the apartment when visiting because of the clothes collection to things in the educational counseling, visits to the doctor or during observation in the "Workers' House" were discussed. There were about thirty in-depth interviews conducted, made some journals about the time management and created food lists. Official statistics also have been used. Lotte Schenk-Danzinger played a big part in this work. In the work team but apparently tensions of personal and political nature occurred, so that Danzinger was not included in the publication as a co-author.

The published results of the study provide a broad and deep overview into the life of that form of unemployment benefits, with no early prospect of employment. In particular, is traced how as a result of the hopelessness because of unemployment the time budget changes. If actually a task had to be fulfilled, it nevertheless is left unattended. It is missing the time management, the fixed grid, a daily structure.

Implications of the study

By a combination, determined by each state of the research process, of qualitative with quantitative methods of social research (observation, structured observation protocols, household surveys, questionnaires, use of time sheets, interviews, conversations and simultaneous assistance), this work, in 1933 first published, methodically is pointing the way - even if its reception in German-speaking area only years or decades later followed. The group of Austrian research sociologists through the example of small town of Marienthal, marked by the decline of textile industry, in its field research study for the first time in this form, precision and depth proved socio-psychological effects of unemployment and showed in the main result that unemployment is not (as hitherto mostly expected) leading to active revolution, but rather leads to passive resignation.

However, the unemployed of Marienthal is not only a with many examples illustrated dense empirical description, but also a social-theoretically stimulating work with view at the four attitude types of the also internally unbroken, the resigned, the desperate and the neglected apathetic - only the first type yet knowing "plans and hopes for the future", while the resignation, despair and apathy of the other three types "led to the renunciation of a future that not even in the imagination as plan plays a role". As a crucial dimension proved to be the ability to preserve and develop "plans and hopes for the future" and, therefore, not to lose a fundamental dimension of human attitude: the anticipation of possible developments.

The written by Marie Jahoda research report in the print edition (1975) is complemented by a "preamble" written in the 1950s by Lazarsfeld, in which the study is classified in its relation to former and contemporary trends in sociology, and by the written for the first edition methodological annex from Zeisel on history of sociography.

After the authors of the study are in Vienna in the 17th district Hernals the Marie-Jahoda alley, in the 21nd district Floridsdorf the Lazarsfeld alley and in the 22nd district Danube city the Schenk-Danzinger alley named.

 

Filming

Meanwhile it is becoming noon is an Austrian television film about the Marienthal study by Karin Brandauer (first broadcast May 1, 1988 in the ORF).

Günter Kaindlstorfer: The unemployed of Marienthal, The Social Study of 1933, Austria in 2009, and on 3Sat.

 

Die Arbeitslosen von Marienthal. Ein soziographischer Versuch über die Wirkungen langandauernder Arbeitslosigkeit (1933) ist der Titel einer Untersuchung von Marie Jahoda, Paul Felix Lazarsfeld und Hans Zeisel zu den Folgen von Arbeitslosigkeit, die zu den Klassikern der empirischen Soziologie gehört. Die Studie zeigte die sozio-psychologischen Wirkungen von Arbeitslosigkeit auf und machte deutlich, dass Langzeitarbeitslosigkeit nicht – wie vielfach angenommen – zu Revolte, sondern zu passiver Resignation führt.

Die Untersuchung

Heute gilt das von einem Team rund um Marie Jahoda und Paul Lazarsfeld ausgeführte Projekt als Meilenstein in der Entwicklung der empirischen Sozialforschung (vgl. auch: Teilnehmende Beobachtung, Feldforschung) und als Musterbeispiel der Theoriebildung in Kombination von quantitativen, qualitativen, vorgefundenen und erhobenen Daten. Auch wenn diese Konzepte jünger sind als die Arbeit über die Arbeitslosen von Marienthal, wurden hier – unter dem Begriff Soziographie – Grundsteine für diese Methoden gesetzt.

Die Arbeitersiedlung Marienthal liegt in Gramatneusiedl, einem Ort in der Nähe Wiens. Nach der Schließung einer Fabrik, nach deren Inbetriebnahme die Gemeinde gegründet worden war, entstand während der Weltwirtschaftskrise um 1931 jäh eine umfangreiche Arbeitslosigkeit. Otto Bauer, der damals führende Mann der österreichischen Sozialdemokratie schlug Lazarsfeld und Zeisel vor, eine Studie über dieses Thema durchzuführen und nannte auch den Ort Marienthal.

Um Zugang zu den Menschen in Marienthal zu gewinnen, haben die Autoren dieser Studie nicht nur Kontakt zu politischen und gesellschaftlichen Gruppen und Vereinen gesucht, sondern auch Kleidersammlungen, ärztliche Sprechstunden, Erziehungsberatungen, Turn- und Zeichenkurse durchgeführt. Ziel war es, die Menschen für das Forschungsprojekt zu gewinnen. Zugleich diente jedes dieser Mittel (inkl. der in dieser Hinsicht ethisch fragwürdigen Sprechstunden) auch dazu, durch teilnehmende Beobachtung Informationen über die Marienthaler Bevölkerung zu erlangen.

Für jede Familie in Marienthal wurden Katasterblätter angelegt, auf denen die verschiedenen Beobachtungen und Interviews festgehalten wurden, vom ordentlichen oder ungeordneten Zustand der Wohnung beim Besuch wegen der Kleidersammlung bis hin zu Dingen, die bei der Erziehungsberatung, beim Arztbesuch oder bei der Beobachtung im „Arbeiterheim“ besprochen wurden. Es wurden etwa dreißig ausführliche Interviews geführt, einige Journale über die Zeiteinteilung angefertigt und Essenslisten erstellt. Die amtliche Statistik wurde ebenfalls herangezogen. Lotte Schenk-Danzinger hatte großen Anteil an diesen Arbeiten. In dem Arbeitsteam sind aber offenbar Spannungen persönlicher und politischer Art aufgetreten, sodass Danzinger in der Publikation nicht als Co-Autorin berücksichtigt wurde.

Das veröffentlichte Ergebnis der Studie gibt einen breiten und tiefgehenden Überblick in das Leben mit der damaligen Form von Arbeitslosenunterstützung, ohne baldige Aussicht auf Beschäftigung. Insbesondere wird nachgezeichnet, wie sich aufgrund der Hoffnungslosigkeit durch die Arbeitslosigkeit das Zeitbudget verändert. Wenn eigentlich eine Aufgabe zu erfüllen wäre, wird sie trotzdem liegen gelassen. Es fehlt die Zeiteinteilung, das feste Raster, eine Tagesstruktur.

Auswirkungen der Studie

Durch eine vom jeweiligen Stand des Forschungsprozesses bestimmte Kombination qualitativer mit quantitativen Methoden der Sozialforschung (Beobachtung, Strukturierte Beobachtungsprotokolle, Haushaltserhebungen, Fragebögen, Zeitverwendungsbögen, Interviews, Gespräche und gleichzeitige Hilfestellungen) ist diese 1933 erstveröffentlichte Arbeit methodisch richtungsweisend – auch wenn ihre Rezeption im deutschsprachigen Raum erst Jahre bzw. Jahrzehnte später erfolgte. Die Gruppe österreichischer Forschungssoziologen wies am Beispiel der von der niedergegangenen Textilindustrie geprägten Kleinstadt Marienthal in ihrer Feldforschungsuntersuchung erstmals in dieser Form, Präzision und Tiefe sozio-psychologische Wirkungen von Arbeitslosigkeit nach und zeigte im Hauptergebnis, dass Arbeitslosigkeit nicht (wie bis dahin meist erwartet) zur aktiven Revolution, sondern vielmehr zur passiven Resignation führt.

Die Arbeitslosen von Marienthal ist aber nicht nur eine mit vielen Beispielen illustrierte dichte empirische Beschreibung, sondern auch eine sozialtheoretisch anregende Arbeit mit Blick auf die vier Haltungstypen der auch innerlich Ungebrochenen, der Resignierten, der Verzweifelten und der verwahrlost Apathischen – wobei lediglich der erste Typus noch „Pläne und Hoffnungen für die Zukunft“ kannte, während die Resignation, Verzweiflung und Apathie der drei anderen Typen „zum Verzicht auf eine Zukunft führte, die nicht einmal mehr in der Phantasie als Plan eine Rolle spielt“. Als entscheidende Dimension erwies sich die Fähigkeit, „für die Zukunft Pläne und Hoffnungen“ bewahren und entwickeln zu können, also eine grundlegende Dimension humanen Gestaltungsvermögens nicht zu verlieren: die Antizipation möglicher Entwicklungen.

Der von Marie Jahoda geschriebene Forschungsbericht wird in der Buchausgabe (1975) durch einen in den 1950er Jahren geschriebenen „Vorspruch“ von Lazarsfeld, in dem die Studie in ihrem Verhältnis zu damaligen und zeitgenössischen Strömungen der Soziologie eingeordnet wird, und den für die Bucherstausgabe geschriebenen methodischen Anhang von Zeisel zur Geschichte der Soziografie ergänzt.

Nach den Autoren der Studie sind in Wien im 17. Bezirk Hernals die Marie-Jahoda-Gasse, im 21. Bezirk Floridsdorf die Lazarsfeldgasse und im 22. Bezirk Donaustadt die Schenk-Danzinger-Gasse benannt.

 

Verfilmung

Einstweilen wird es Mittag ist ein bedeutender österreichischer Fernsehfilm über die Marienthalstudie von Karin Brandauer (Erstsendung 1. Mai 1988 im ORF).

Günter Kaindlstorfer: Die Arbeitslosen von Marienthal, Die Sozialstudie von 1933, Österreich 2009, und auf 3sat.

de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Die_Arbeitslosen_von_Marienthal

Most of the nearly two–billion children in the developing world are inadequately educated, or receive no education at all. One in three does not complete the fifth grade.

 

The individual and societal consequences of this chronic global crisis are profound. Children are consigned to poverty and isolation—just like their parents—never knowing what the light of learning could mean in their lives. At the same time, their governments struggle to compete in a rapidly evolving, global information economy, hobbled by a vast and increasingly urban underclass that cannot support itself, much less contribute to the commonweal, because it lacks the tools to do so.

It is time to rethink this equation.

 

Given the resources that developing countries can reasonably allocate to education—sometimes less than $20 per year per pupil, compared to the approximately $7500 per pupil spent annually in the U.S.—even a doubled or redoubled national commitment to traditional education, augmented by external and private funding, would not get the job done. Moreover, experience strongly suggests that an incremental increase of “more of the same”—building schools, hiring teachers, buying books and equipment—is a laudable but insufficient response to the problem of bringing true learning possibilities to the vast numbers of children in the developing world.

Standing still is a reliable recipe for going backward.

 

Any nation's most precious natural resource is its children. We believe the emerging world must leverage this resource by tapping into the children's innate capacities to learn, share, and create on their own. Our answer to that challenge is the XO laptop, a children's machine designed for “learning learning.”

 

XO embodies the theories of constructionism first developed by MIT Media Lab Professor Seymour Papert in the 1960s, and later elaborated upon by Alan Kay, complemented by the principles articulated by Nicholas Negroponte in his book, Being Digital.

 

Extensively field-tested and validated among some of the poorest and most remote populations on earth, constructionism emphasizes what Papert calls “learning learning” as the fundamental educational experience. A computer uniquely fosters learning learning by allowing children to “think about thinking”, in ways that are otherwise impossible. Using the XO as both their window on the world, as well as a highly programmable tool for exploring it, children in emerging nations will be opened to both illimitable knowledge and to their own creative and problem-solving potential.

 

OLPC is not, at heart, a technology program, nor is the XO a product in any conventional sense of the word. OLPC is a non-profit organization providing a means to an end—an end that sees children in even the most remote regions of the globe being given the opportunity to tap into their own potential, to be exposed to a whole world of ideas, and to contribute to a more productive and saner world community.

 

Find out more at laptop.org/

(further pictures and information are available by clicking on the link at the end of page!)

History of the Vienna Hofburg

First residence

With the elevation of Austria to Archduchy in 1156, Vienna became a city of residence. From the residence of the Babenberg dynasty, who was located on the present site "Am Hof", unfortunately, there do not exist any remains anymore. After the extinction of the Babenberg, Ottokar II of Bohemia (1230-1278) took over by marriage the rule in Vienna and began in 1275 with the construction of a castle within the city walls of Vienna. This castle was equipped with four towers around a rectangular court that is known as Schweizerhof today. In the battle for the German crown Ottokar was defeated at the Battle of Dürnkrut by Rudolf I of Habsburg (1218-1291) and killed during the retreat.

As the old residence of the Babenberg in 1276 burned down, Rudolf probably 1279 moved into the former castle of Ottokar. The descendants of Rudolf extended the castle only slightly: castle chapel (documentary mention in 1296), St. Augustine's Church (consecrated in 1349), reconstruction of the chapel (1423-1426). Due to the division of the lands of the Habsburg Vienna lost its importance and also lacked the financial resources to expand the castle.

Imperial residence

Under Frederick III. (1415-1493) the Habsburgs obtained the imperial title and Vienna became an imperial residence. But Friedrich and his successors used the Vienna Residence only rarely and so it happened that the imperial residence temporarily orphaned. Only under Ferdinand I (1503-1564) Vienna again became the capital of the Archduchy. Under Ferdinand set in a large construction activity: The three existing wings of the Swiss court were expanded and increased. The defensive wall in the northwest as fourth tract with the Swiss Gate (built in 1552 probably by Pietro Ferrabosco) was rebuilt. In the southwest, a tract for Ferdinand's children (the so-called "children Stöckl") was added. The newly constituted authorities Exchequer and Chancery were located in adjacent buildings at Castle Square. Were added in the castle an art chamber, a hospital, a passage from the castle to St. Augustine's Church and a new ballroom.

First major extensions of the residence

In the area of ​​"desolate church" built Ferdinand from 1559 a solitary residence for his son. However, the construction was delayed, and Maximilian II (1527-1576) after his father's death in 1564 moved into the ancient castle. His residence he for his Spanish horses had converted into a Hofstallgebäude (Stallburg - stables) and increased from 1565 .

Ferdinand I decided to divide his lands to his three sons, which led to a reduction of Vienna as a residence. Moreover, stayed Maximilian II, who was awarded alongside Austria above and below the Enns also Bohemia and Hungary, readily in Prague and he moved also the residence there. In 1575 he decided to build a new building in front of the Swiss court for the royal household of his eldest son, Rudolf II (1552-1612). The 1577 in the style of the late Renaissance completed and in 1610 expanded building, which was significantly fitted with a turret with "welscher hood" and an astronomical clock, but by the governor of the Emperor (Archduke Ernst of Austria) was inhabited. However, the name "Amalienborg Castle" comes from Amalie of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel (wife of Joseph I.), which in 1711 there installed her widow seat.

In the late 16th and early 17th Century only a few extensions were carried out: extension of a separate tract in the northeast of the castle for the Treasure and Art chamber (1583-1585) and setting up of a dance hall in the area of ​​today's Redoutensäle (1629-1631).

Under Leopold I the dance hall by Ludovico Burnacini 1659/1660 was rebuilt into an at that time modern theater ("Comedy House"). 1666 Leopold I in the area of ​​today's castle garden a new opera house with three tiers and a capacity of 5,000 people had built.

In the 1660-ies under Leopold I (1640-1705) after the plans of architect Filiberto Lucchese an elongated wing building between the Amalienborg Castle and the Schweizerhof, the so-called Leopoldine Wing, was built. However, since the tract shortly after the completion burned down, this by Giovanni Pietro Tencala was set up newly and increased. Architecturally, this tract still connects to the late Renaissance. The connection with the Amalienborg castle followed then under Leopold's son Joseph I (1678-1711).

After completion of the Leopoldine Wing the in the southeast of castle located riding school was renewed, the south tower of the old castle pulled down, the old sacristy of the chapel replaced by an extension. Under Charles VI. (1685-1740) the Gateway Building between cabbage market (Kohlmarkt) and Courtyard by Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt was transformed into a monumental triumphal arch as a representative sign of the imperial power. However, this construction does not exist anymore, it had to give way to the Michael tract.

Baroque redesign of the Hofburg

In the early 18th Century set in a buoyant construction activity. The emperor commissioned Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach with the construction of new stables outside the city walls and a new court library.

After the death of Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach, his son Joseph Emanuel Fischer von Erlach took over the construction management for the stables and the court library. 1725 the palatial front of the stables was completed. As already during the construction period has been established that the stables were dimensioned too small, the other wings were not realized anymore. The with frescoes by Daniel Gran and statues of Emperors by Paul Strudel equipped Court Library was completed in 1737.

Opposite the Leopoldine Wing a new Reich Chancellery should be built. 1723 was entrusted with the planning Johann Lucas von Hildebrandt. 1726, however, the supervision the Reich Chancellery was withdrawn and transferred to the Chancery and thus Joseph Emanuel Fischer von Erlach, who also designed the adjacent Court Chamber and the front to St. Michael's Church. 1728 the Court Chamber and the facade of the two buildings were completed. By Joseph Emanuel Fischer von Erlach was also the Michaelertrakt, the connection between the Winter Riding School and the Imperial Chancellery Wing planned. However, since the old Burgtheater the building was in the path, this was half done for a period of 150 years and was only completed in 1889-1893 by Ferdinand Kirschner .

Under Maria Theresia (1717-1780) the at St. Michael's Square located and only as remnants existing Ballhaus was adapted as a court theater. Beside the Emperor hospital in return a new ball house was built, being eponymous for the Ballhausplatz. Subsequently, there occured again and again conversions and adaptations: reconstruction of the comedy hall according to the plans of Jean Nicolas Jadot into two ballrooms, the small and large ball room (1744-1748). The transformation of the two halls (from 1760), repair of the Court Library, and from 1769 onwards the design of the Josephsplatz took place under Joseph Nicolas of Pacassi. These buildings were completed by the successor of Pacassi Franz Anton Hillebrandt. As an extension for the Court Library in the southeast the Augustinian tract was built.

Other structural measures under Maria Theresia: establishment of the court pharmacy into the Stallburg, relocation of the in the Stallburg housed art collection into the Upper Belvedere, razing of the two remaining towers of the old castle, the construction of two stairways (the ambassador stairway and the column stairways (Botschafter- and Säulenstiege).

Extensions in the 19th Century and early 20th century

Francis II (1768-1835) gave Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen and his wife Marie Christine (daughter of Maria Theresa) the Palais Tarouca south of the Augustinian monastery. From 1800 this was remodeled by Louis Montoyer and extended by a wing building to today's Albertina.

1804, Francis II proclaimed the hereditary Empire of Austria and was, consequently, as Franz I the first Emperor of Austria. With the by Napoleon Bonaparte provoked abdication of the emperor in 1806 ended the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation.

1809 part of the old bastions was blown up at the castle in consequence of the war with Napoleon, and after it blazed. Towards today's ring road, then new outworks were created (the so-called Hornwerkskurtine and the Escarpen). In the early 20-ies of the 19th Century were layed out three gardens: the private imperial castle garden with two of Louis Remy planned steel/glass- constructed greenhouses, Heroes Square (Heldenplatz) with avenues and the People's garden (Volksgarten) with the Theseus Temple (Pietro Nobile). At the same time, emerged also the new, 1821 by Luigi Cagnola began and 1824 by Pietro Nobile completed outer castle gate.

1846 was built a monumental memorial to Francis I in Inner Castle Square. In the turmoil of the 1848 revolution the Stallburg was stormed and fought fiercely at the outer castle square and the castle gate. As a result, the roof of the court library burned. The political consequences of the revolution were the abdication of Emperor Ferdinand I (1793-1875), the dismissal of the dreaded Chancellor Clemens Lothar Fürst Metternich and the enthronement of Ferdinand's nephew Franz Joseph.

In the first years of the reign of Emperor Franz Joseph I (1830-1916) the royal stables of Leopold Mayer have been redesigned and expanded. As part of the expansion of the city, the city walls were razed and instead of the fortifications arose place for a magnificent boulevard, the Ringstrasse. 1862, the idea of ​​an Imperial Forum by architect Ludwig Förster was born. On the surface between the Hofburg and the Imperial Stables should arise court museums (Museum of Art History and Museum of Natural History).

At the outer Castle Square (today's Heldenplatz) were in the 60-ies of the 19th Century the by Anton Dominik Fernkorn created equestrian statues of Archduke Charles (victor over Napoleon at the Battle of Aspern) and Prince Eugene of Savoy (victor over the Turks in several battles) set up.

After an unsuccessful architectural competition on the design of the Heroes' Square area in 1869 Gottfried Semper could be won. This led to the involuntary and not frictionless collaboration with Carl Freiherr von Hasenauer. Planned was a two-wing complex beyond the ring road, with the two flanking twin museums (Art and Natural History Museum) and the old stables as a conclusion. 1871 was began with the Erdaushebungen (excavations) for the museums. 1889, the Museum of Natural History was opened, and in 1891, the Museum of Art History.

On a watercolor from 1873 by Rudolf Ritter von Alt (1812 - 1905) an overall view of the Imperial Forum is shown.

1888, the Old Court Theatre at St. Michael's Square was demolished, as the new KK Court Theatre (today's Burgtheater), built by Gottfried Semper and Carl Freiherr von Hasenauer, was finished. The since 150 years existing construction site at St. Michael's Square could be completed. The roundel got a dome, the concave curved Michaelertrakt was finalized by Ferdinand Kirschner. The once by Lorenzo Mattielli created cycle of statues on the facade of the Reich Chancellery was continued with four other "deeds of Hercules' at he side of the passage arches. 1893, the Hofburg had finally got its ostentatious show facade.

1901, the old greenhouses were demolished and replaced by an orangery with Art Nouveau elements according to plans by Friedrich Ohmann (completed in 1910). In 1907, the Corps de Logis, which forms the end of the Neue Burg, is completed. Since Emperor Franz Joseph I in budding 20th Century no longer was interested in lengthy construction projects and the heir to the throne Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Este (1863-1914) was against the establishment of a throne hall building, but was in favour for the construction of a smaller ballroom tract, the implementation of the second wing was dropped. After the assassination of Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Este in Sarajevo, the First World War broke out. Franz Joseph I died in 1916. A great-nephew of Franz Joseph I, Charles I (1887-1922), succeeded to the throne, however, he held only two years. The end of the First World War also meant the end of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. On 11 November 1918 the First Republic was proclaimed. As Karl although renounced to government business, but not to the throne, he had to go into exile with his family.

The Imperial Palace in the 20th century

The interior design of the ballroom tract and the Neue Burg continued despite the end of the monarchy until 1926. By the end of the monarchy, many of the buildings lost their purpose. Furthermore used or operated was the Riding School. The stables were used from 1921 as an exhibition site of the Vienna Fair ("Fair Palace"). In 1928, the Corps de Logis, the Museum of Ethnology, until then part of the Natural History Museum, opened. In 1935 the collection of weapons (Court, Hunting and Armour Chamber) of the Kunsthistorisches Museum (Museum of Art History) came in the Neue Burg.

1933/1934 the outer castle gate by Rudolf Wondracek was transformed into the hero monument to the victims of the First World War. 1935 emerged on the left and on the right of the castle gate the pylon portals with eagle sculptures by William Frass. In March 1938, the Heroes Square and the balcony of the Neue Burg gained notoriety after Adolf Hitler to the cheering crowd at the Heldenplatz announced the annexation of Austria to the German Reich. The Nazis were planning a redesign of the Heroes' Square to a paved parade and ceremony space. The plans were not realized since 1943 a fire pond at Heldenplatz was dredged and the place was later used for agriculture. In the Trade Fair Palace during the period of Nazism propaganda events were held.

During the war, the Hofburg (Imperial Stables, St. Augustine's Church, Albertina, the official building of the Federal President, the current building of the Federal Chancellery) was severely damaged by bombing: The first President of the Second Republic, Dr. Karl Renner, in 1946 the Office of the President moved into the Leopoldine Wing (in the former living quarters of Maria Theresa and Joseph II).

During the occupation time the seat of the Inter-Allied Commission was housed in the Neue Burg.

1946 first events were held in the Exhibition Palace again, and were built two large halls in the main courtyard of the Exhibition Palace. In the course of the reconstruction war damages were disposed and the Imperial Palace was repaired, the barn castle (Stallburg) erected again. In 1958, in the ballroom wing the convention center has been set up.

1962-1966 the modern Library of the Austrian National Library is housed in the Neue Burg.

1989 emerged for the first time the notion of a "Museum Quarter". The museum quarter should include contemporary art and culture. The oversized design by Laurids and Manfred Ortner but was downsized several times after resistance of a citizens' initiative. It was implemented a decade later.

1992 the two Redoutensäle (ball rooms) burned out completely. Yet shortly after the fire was started with reconstruction. The roof was reconstructed and the little ball room (Kleiner Redoutensaal) could be restored. The big ball room, however, was renovated and designed with paintings by Josef Mikl. In 1997 the two halls were reopened.

From 1997-2002 the Museum Quarter (including Kunsthalle Wien, Leopold Collection) was rebuilt and the old building fabric renovated.

Was began in 1999 with the renovation of the Albertina. The by a study building, two exhibit halls and an underground storage vault extended Museum was reopened in 2003. The Albertina ramp was built with an oversized shed roof by Hans Hollein.

In 2006, additional rooms for the convention center were created by the boiler house yard.

(Source: Trenkler, Thomas: "The Hofburg Wien", Vienna, 2004)

www.burghauptmannschaft.at/php/detail.php?ukatnr=12185&am....

Consequences after a huge storm.

NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, Japan's Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, U.S. President Joe Biden, Germany's Chancellor Olaf Scholz, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, France's President Emmanuel Macron, Italy's Prime Minister Mario Draghi and European Council President Charles Michel pose for a G7 leaders' family photo during a NATO summit on Russia's invasion of Ukraine, at the alliance's headquarters in Brussels, on March 24, 2022 in Brussels, Belgium. Heads of State and Government take part in the North Atlantic Council (NAC) Summit. They will discuss the consequences of President Putin's invasion of Ukraine and the role of China in the crisis. Then decide on the next steps to strengthen NATO's deterrence and defence.

 

(Photo by Henry Nicholls - Pool)

Tiruchirappalli (tiruccirāppaḷḷi), also called Tiruchi or Trichy, is a city in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu and the administrative headquarters of Tiruchirappalli District. It is the fourth largest municipal corporation and the fourth largest urban agglomeration in the state. Located 322 kilometres south of Chennai and 379 kilometres north of Kanyakumari, Tiruchirappalli sits almost at the geographic centre of the state. The Kaveri Delta begins 16 kilometres west of the city as the Kaveri river splits into two, forming the island of Srirangam now incorporated into Tiruchirappalli City Municipal Corporation. Occupying 167.23 square kilometres, the city was home to 916,674 people as of 2011.

 

Tiruchirappalli's recorded history begins in the 3rd century BC, when it was under the rule of the Cholas. The city has also been ruled by the Pandyas, Pallavas, Vijayanagar Empire, Nayak Dynasty, the Carnatic state and the British. The most prominent historical monuments in Tiruchirappalli include the Rockfort, the Ranganathaswamy temple at Srirangam and the Jambukeswarar temple at Thiruvanaikaval. The archaeologically important town of Uraiyur, capital of the Early Cholas, is now a suburb of Tiruchirappalli. The city played a critical role in the Carnatic Wars (1746–1763) between the British and the French East India companies.

 

The city is an important educational centre in the state of Tamil Nadu, and houses nationally recognised institutions such as the Anna University, Indian Institute of Management (IIMT), Indian Institute of Information Technology (IIIT) National Institute of Technology (NITT),and Bharathidasan Institute of Management. Industrial units such as Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited (BHEL), Golden Rock Railway Workshop and Ordnance Factory Tiruchirappalli (OFT) have their factories in Tiruchirappalli. The presence of a large number of energy equipment manufacturing units in and around the city has earned it the title of "Energy equipment and fabrication capital of India". Tiruchirappalli is internationally known for a brand of cheroot known as the Trichinopoly cigar, which was exported in large quantities to the United Kingdom during the 19th century.

 

A major road and railway hub in the state, the city is served by an international airport which operates flights to Southeast Asia and the Middle East. According to the National Urban Sanitation Policy (2010), Tiruchirappalli was one of the ten cleanest cities in India.

 

ETYMOLOGY

According to Hindu Mythology, the word "Tiruchirappalli" is derived from "Tiru" which is to address someone with respect, "Chirapalli" is a split of siram - head, palli - to sleep. It basically refers to Sriranganathar God who rests with his head at a little elevated position in Srirangam, Tiruchirappalli. Telugu scholar C. P. Brown has proposed that Tiruchirappalli might be a derivative of the word Chiruta-palli meaning "little town". Orientalists Henry Yule and Arthur Coke Burnell have speculated that the name may derive from a rock inscription carved in the 16th century in which Tiruchirappalli is written as Tiru-ssila-palli, meaning "holy-rock-town" in Tamil. Other scholars have suggested that the name Tiruchirappalli is a rewording of Tiru-chinna-palli, meaning "holy little town". The Madras Glossary gives the root as Tiruććināppalli or the "holy (tiru) village (palli) of the shina (Cissampelos pareira) plant".

 

Historically, Tiruchirappalli was commonly referred to in English as "Trichinopoly"; the shortened forms "Trichy" or "Tiruchi" are frequently used in common parlance.

 

HISTORY

EARLY & MEDIEVAL HISTORY

Tiruchirappalli is one of the oldest inhabited cities in Tamil Nadu; its earliest settlements date back to the second millennium BC. Uraiyur, the capital of the Early Cholas for 600 years from the 3rd century BC onwards, is a suburb of present-day Tiruchirappalli. The city is referred to as Orthoura by the historian Ptolemy in his 2nd-century work Geography. The world's oldest surviving dam, the Kallanai (Lower Anaicut) about 18 kilometres from Uraiyur, was built across the Kaveri River by Karikala Chola in the 2nd century AD.

 

The medieval history of Tiruchirappalli begins with the reign of the Pallava king Mahendravarman I, who ruled over South India in the 6th century AD and constructed the rock-cut cave-temples within the Rockfort. Following the downfall of the Pallavas in the 8th century, the city was conquered by the Medieval Cholas, who ruled until the 13th century.

 

After the decline of the Cholas, Tiruchirappalli was conquered by the Pandyas, who ruled from 1216 until their defeat in 1311 by Malik Kafur, the commander of Allauddin Khilji. The victorious armies of the Delhi Sultanate are believed to have plundered and ravaged the region. The idol of the Hindu god Ranganatha in the temple of Srirangam vanished at about this time and was not recovered and reinstated for more than fifty years. Tiruchirappalli was ruled by the Delhi and Madurai sultanates from 1311 to 1378, but by the middle of the 14th century the Madurai Sultanate had begun to fall apart. Gradually, the Vijayanagar Empire established supremacy over the northern parts of the kingdom, and Tiruchirappalli was taken by the Vijayanagar prince Kumara Kampanna Udaiyar in 1371. The Vijayanagar Empire ruled the region from 1378 until the 1530s, and played a prominent role in reviving Hinduism by reconstructing temples and monuments destroyed by the previous Muslim rulers. Following the collapse of the Vijayanagar Empire in the early part of the 16th century, the Madurai Nayak kingdom began to assert its independence. The city flourished during the reign of Vishwanatha Nayak (c. 1529–1564), who is said to have protected the area by constructing the Teppakulam and building walls around the Srirangam temple. His successor Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka made Tiruchirappalli his capital, and it served as the capital of the Madurai Nayak kingdom from 1616 to 1634 and from 1665 to 1736.

 

In 1736 the last Madurai Nayak ruler, Meenakshi, committed suicide, and Tiruchirappalli was conquered by Chanda Sahib. He ruled the kingdom from 1736 to 1741, when he was captured and imprisoned by the Marathas in the siege of Tiruchirappalli (1741) led by general Raghuji Bhonsle under the orders of Chhattrapati Shahu. Chanda Sahib remained prisoner for about eight years before making his escape from the Maratha Empire. Tiruchirappalli was administered by the Maratha general Murari Rao from 1741 to 1743, when it was acquired by the Nizam of Hyderabad, who bribed Rao to hand over the city. Nizam appointed Khwaja Abdullah as the ruler and returned to Golkonda. When the Nawab of the Carnatic Muhammed Ali Khan Wallajah was dethroned by Chanda Sahib after the Battle of Ambur (1749), the former fled to Tiruchirappalli, where he set up his base. The subsequent siege of Tiruchirappalli (1751–1752) by Chanda Sahib took place during the Second Carnatic War between the British East India Company and Muhammed Ali Khan Wallajah on one side and Chanda Sahib and the French East India Company on the other. The British were victorious and Wallajah was restored to the throne. During his reign he proposed renaming the city Natharnagar after the Sufi saint Nathar Vali, who is thought to have lived there in the 12th century AD. Tiruchirappalli was invaded by Nanjaraja Wodeyar in 1753 and Hyder Ali of the Mysore kingdom in 1780, both attacks repulsed by the troops of the British East India Company. A third invasion attempt, by Tipu Sultan - son of Hyder Ali - in 1793, was also unsuccessful; he was pursued by British forces led by William Medows, who thwarted the attack.

 

BRITISH RULE

The Carnatic kingdom was annexed by the British in July 1801 as a consequence of the discovery of collusion between Tipu Sultan - an enemy of the British - and Umdat Ul-Umra, son of Wallajah and the Nawab at the time, during the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War. Trichinopoly was incorporated into the Madras Presidency the same year, and the district of Trichinopoly was formed, with the city of Trichinopoly (or Tiruchirappalli) as its capital.

 

During the Company Raj and later the British Raj, Tiruchirappalli emerged as one of the most important cities in India. According to the 1871 Indian census - the first in British India - Tiruchirappalli had a population of 76,530, making it the second largest city in the presidency after the capital of Madras. It was known throughout the British Empire for its unique variety of cheroot, known as the Trichinopoly cigar. Tiruchirappalli was the first headquarters for the newly formed South Indian Railway Company in 1874 until its relocation to Madras in the early 20th century.

 

LANDMARKS

Once a part of the Chola kingdom, Tiruchirappalli has a number of exquisitely sculpted temples and fortresses. Most of the temples, including the Rockfort temples, the Ranganathaswamy Temple at Srirangam, the Jambukeswarar Temple at Thiruvanaikkaval, the Samayapuram Mariamman Temple, the Erumbeeswarar Temple,Ukrakaliamman temple in Tennur and the temples in Urayur, are built in the Dravidian style of architecture; the Ranganathaswamy Temple and Jambukeswarar Temple are often counted among the best examples of this style. The rock-cut cave temples of the Rockfort, along with the gateway and the Erumbeeswarar Temple, are listed as monuments of national importance by the Archaeological Survey of India.

 

Considered one of the symbols of Tiruchirappalli, the Rockfort is a fortress which stands atop a 273-foot-high rock. It consists of a set of monolithic rocks accommodating many rock-cut cave temples. Originally built by the Pallavas, it was later reconstructed by the Madurai Nayaks and Vijayanagara rulers. The temple complex has three shrines, two of which are dedicated to Lord Ganesha, one at the foot and the Ucchi Pillayar Temple at the top, and the Thayumanavar Temple between them. The Thayumanavar temple, the largest of the three, houses a shrine for Pārvatī as well as the main deity. The Rockfort is visible from almost every part of the city's north. The Teppakulam at the foot of the Rockfort is surrounded by bazaars. It has a mandapa at its centre and has facilities for boat riding.

 

The Ranganathaswamy Temple, dedicated to the Hindu god Vishnu, is located on the island of Srirangam. Often cited as the largest functioning Hindu temple in the world, it has a perimeter of 4,116 metres and occupies 630,000 m2. Considered to be among the 108 Divya Desams (Holy shrines of Lord Vishnu), the temple is believed to house the mortal remains of the Vaishnavite saint and philosopher Ramanujacharya. Originally built by the Cholas, the temple was later renovated by the Pandyas, the Hoysalas, the Madurai Nayaks and the Vijayanagar empire between the 9th and 16th centuries AD. There are 21 gopurams (towers), of which the Rajagopuram is 72 m. According to the Limca Book of Records, it was the tallest temple tower in the world until 1999.

 

The Jambukeswarar Temple at Thiruvanaikkaval and the Erumbeeswarar Temple at Thiruverumbur were built in the rule of the Medieval Cholas. The Jambukeswarar Temple is one of the Pancha Bhoota Stalams dedicated to Lord Shiva; it is the fifth largest temple complex in Tamil Nadu. The city's main mosque is the Nadir Shah Mosque or Nathar Shah mosque, which encloses the tomb of the 10th century Muslim saint Nadir Shah. The Christ Church constructed by the German Protestant missionary Christian Friedrich Schwarz in 1766 and the Our Lady of Lourdes Church are noted examples of Gothic Revival architecture in the city.

 

The Chokkanatha Nayak Palace, which houses the Rani Mangammal Mahal, was built by the Madurai Nayaks in the 17th century; it has now been converted into a museum. The Nawab's palace, the Upper Anaicut constructed by Sir Arthur Cotton, and the world's oldest functional dam, the Grand Anaicut, are some of the other important structures in Tiruchirappalli.

  

 

This image is excerpted from a U.S. GAO report:

www.gao.gov/products/GAO-17-66

 

BORDER PATROL: Actions Needed to Improve Oversight of Post-Apprehension Consequences

Submitted by: Luca Catalano Gonzaga

Country: Italy

Organisation: Witness Image Association

 

Category: Professional

Caption: South Sudan, Rumbek, 2017. Kaya Korengr, 16 years old, at the Eye Clinic, while her sight is being checked. She has been losing her eyesight over the last few months. One of the consequences of the war is that many clinics and first aid centres have been ransacked and destroyed. There is lack of medicines and clinical instruments and this makes it impossible to provide accurate diagnosis and effective therapies.

 

--

Photo uploaded from the #EyeCareEverywhere Photo Competition (photocomp.iapb.org) held for World Sight Day 2018

The National Offender Management Service event, Actions Have Consequences, was delivered to pupils at schools in Oldham, Rochdale, Salford and Bolton by a Her Majesty's Prison (HMP) officer, dog handler Paul McGovern MBE and GMP were there to support the event.

   

Prison Officer Paul McGovern MBE, from HMP Manchester, works within the Prison Community Team which engages with children in local schools to break the cycle of children being peer pressured into local crime gangs and subsequently being imprisoned when they are adults.

   

The aim of the Actions Have Consequences programme is to build bridges between local children, their teachers, local neighbourhood policing teams, school based officers and the youth offending team.

   

The programme is carried out in a fun but serious way and covers 46 subjects, some of which include the realities of knife crime, gang wars, drugs, anti-social behaviour, relationship breakdown, and the a real-life experience of being in prison.

   

Local GMP officers and pupils interact throughout the session and the pupils soon see through the police uniform and see the individual underneath, who are not only there for when they are in trouble but are also there to help them.

   

Since it began in 2010 the programme has been delivered to over one million children throughout the country with the support of the local neighbourhood teams, school based officers and the youth offending teams.

   

GMP is committed to educating young people, engaging with the community and taking part in programmes like these that are vital in helping to shaping people's future.

   

Prison Officer Paul McGovern MBE comments that: "I put a lot of energy into the day so it is quite tiring but if it stops one person from being killed or stops someone being imprisoned, the aim of the programme has worked.

   

"I do have to mention my two prison dogs G and J who also come along on the day. They always receive lots of attention but when I need a volunteer for someone to wear the sleeve - everyone goes strangely quiet.

   

"I have received positive feedback from those schools I have attended so I must be doing something right as I am always asked when I am coming back".

   

Chief Inspector Danny Atherton commented that: "We have worked with Paul and the programme for many years and find it is a valuable input for the young people of Greater Manchester.

   

“It is a powerful way to educate them as they approach adulthood, so they make the right decisions when a situation arises to keep themselves and their friends safe.

   

"I'm proud to support such an inspiring project and I'd like to thank everyone that works hard to make it happen. Sadly, these examples and situations are some people's reality, but by sharing them we hope they will make good choices in the future and speak to ourselves if they need help."

   

Deputy Mayor of Greater Manchester Bev Hughes said: “We are committed, not only to strong enforcement against violent crime, but also to trying to prevent it happening first place. Greater Manchester’s Violence Reduction Unit takes a public health approach to violence reduction; this means focusing on understanding what lies behind the problem, the root causes, on testing and evaluating interventions to find out what works best, then and delivering those interventions more widely.

   

“Interventions such as the Actions have Consequences programme help to build positive relationships between children, their teachers and the police.

   

“By working with young people, families and communities we can understand and address the reasons how and why people, particularly young people, can get drawn into violent crime. If we can turn young people away from violence at the earliest possible opportunity we can make a real difference to them and our communities."

View On Black

19 April 2016-2016 OECD Integrity Forum, Fighting the Hidden Tariff: Global Trade Without Corruption.

Plenary Session, Corruption and Trade: Risks, Costs, Consequences

left/right

Sergio Mujica, Deputy Secretary-General, World Customs Organisation

David Shark, Deputy Director-General, World Trade Organisation

OECD, Paris, France

Photo: OECD/Michael Dean

A Jewish lad named Samuel Slutzkin, a native of Jerusalem, was admitted to the hospital last evening suffering from the effects of phosphorus poisoning. He was first taken to the Police station, and Dr. Stopford was sent for. He adminished an emetic, after which he had Slutzkin sent to the hospital. No serious consequences are apprehended.

paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19050302.2.27

 

A YOUNG MAN'S DEATH.

CHARGED WITH ATTEMPTED SUICIDE. A tocth named Samuel Slutzkin. formerly in the employ of Mr. Soloman, bootmaker, of Nelson-street, died at the Auckland Hospital about twenty minutes to seven o'clock.last evening. Deceased, who was a native of Jerusalem, is supposed to have attempted suicide by swallowing a, quantity of "rough on rats " some few days ago, and on Thursday, March 2. a charge was laid against him at the Police Court, alleging attempted self-destruction. His condition was then such that he had to be retained at the hospital for treatment, and on the application of Sub-Inspector Black remand was granted for a week. A day or two after admission there seemed some likelihood of recovery, but Slutzkin subsequently took a turn for the worse, and died at the hospital yesterday.

paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19050309.2.30

 

DEATH OF SAMUEL SLUTZKIN.

CORONER'S INQUEST.

SUICIDE BY TAKING PHOSPHORUS PASTE.

An inquest touching the death of Samuel Slutzkin, who died at the Auckland Hospital on Wednesday evening, was held at the hospital yesterday afternoon by the coroner (Mr. Cresham).

Samuel A. Goldstein, Jewish rabbi, stationed in Auckland, stated that deceased was about 18 years of age, and. as far as witness understood, was a native of Jerusalem. By occupation he was a hawker, and had been known to witness for about seven months, having, as far as he (witness) knew, been about that time in the colony.

Victor Rhodes, chemist's assistant, in the employ of Mr. F. Cooper, chemist, of Victoria-street, said that on March 1, about three p.m., deceased, whom he had not previously known, called at the shop of his employer and asked for "rat poison." Witness recommended phosphorus paste, and deceased said he wanted something to poison rats with, also asking if the article recommended would hurt anybody who took it. Witness replied that it was rank poison, and deceased, in answer, said that he had made the inquiry in order that he might keep it out of the way of the children in the house. Witness then told Slutzkin how to use the paste, and the bottle was labelled "Poison!" About half-an-hour later Mr. Cohen called at the shop, and at his request witness prepared an emetic for the deceased, he having understood Mr. Cohen to have said that Slutzkin had himself taken the poison. About, a-quarrer past five p.m. another emetic was purchased.

Aaron Cohen, watchmaker, of Victoria-street, said be had known deceased for about eight or nine months. On March 1, about twenty minutes to four p.m., he was given to understand by his sister that Slutzkin had taken phosphorus and had poisoned himself. Witness went to Nelson-street, where deceased resided, and on entering noticed a strong smell of phosphorus in the room in which deceased was sitting. Slutzken had a Hebrew prayer-book in his hand, a book containing the dying prayer. Witness said. "Sam, what is the matter with you?" Deceased, who looked pale and quite unconcerned, answered, "There is nothing the matter with me. What did you come for?" Witness said, "You have taken matchheads." but deceased said be had not. Witness then ran for a doctor, and seeing Mr. Clarke, chemist, outside his (Mr. Clarke's) shop door, asked him for the nearest place for a doctor. He (witness) was informed that Dr. Sharman would likely he at Mr. Cooper's shop about that time (four o'clock), but on arriving there be found that Dr. Sharman bad gone. Witness explained to Rhodes, Mr. Cooper's assistant, that deceased hud taken poison, and was informed that Dr. Knight had just passed the shop. Not knowing Dr. Knight by sight, witness asked Rhodes to point him (Dr. Knight) out, and on this being done he ran after the doctor, who was on foot, and, on overtaking him, said, "Excuse me, Dr. Knight: will you come back with me, as a man has taken poison." Dr. Knight replied. "No: I cannot." Witness then said. "The man is poisoned and will die." Dr. Knight again answered, " No," and said, " I cannot help it." He (the doctor) then walked away towards Queen-street. This was shortly after four o'clock. The doctor did not inquire as to the details of the case. but simply refused to go. Finding that it was hopeless, to get Dr. Knight, witness then ran back to Cooper's chemist's shop and asked Rhodes for an antidote, arranging for a Mr. Khan to take it to deceased's house, as he (witness) was going for a constable or a doctor. Witness then tried, without success, to get another doctor, and after losing some time in looking for a constable returned to deceased's place of residence, where he found that Slutzkin had thrown away the antidote handed to him by Mr. Kahn, and had run away from the house.

In answer to Mr. Singer, solicitor, who had represented deceased during the Police Court proceedings, witness said that Slutzkin had appeared strange, laughing at times without apparent cause, and at other times appearing depressed.

Constable Michael O'Grady said that he arrested deceased about half-past nine o'clock on the night of March 1, and on arrival at the police station asked him why he had taken the poison. Deceased said, "I am tired of this and want to die.” Slutzkin added that he had eaten the lot of the phosphorus poison, and said if that did not kill him he would take some more that would do so. Deceased admitted pouring the antidote out on the floor, and said, "I will take nothing, as I want to die.

To Sergeant Carroll (representing the police) witness said that Dr. Stopford was sent for from the police station and administered an emetic, whih caused the deceased to vomit. The doctor then ordered Slutzkin's removal to the hospital.

Dr F. W. King was then called, and stated that, by direction of the coroner, he had made a post-mortem examination of the body. After describing the condition of various organs, witness said the cause of death was evidently phosphorus poisoning.

To Mr Singer: Had an emetic been applied at once and a stomach pump applied, or some suitable antidote, there would have been more chance for the patient to recover.

Dr W. D. Ferguson, resident physician at the hospital gave evidence, touching the treatment of deceased on and after his admission to the hospital. After three or four days symptoms of the absorption oi the phosphorus took place, the conditions indicating phosphorus poisoning.

In summing up, the coroner pointed out to the jury that the evidence was conclusive that the cause of death was poisoning by phosphorus, self-administered. The point for the jury to consider was whether at the actual time of taking the poison the deceased was sane or whether he was mentally deranged. lt would be a charitable thing if the jury could take the latter view. With regard to the allegations which had been made against a doctor by the witness Cohen, the coroner pointed out that they had not heard the doctor's version of what had taken place. He would therefore urge them to ponder well before suggesting any rider on that point.

The jury immediately returned a verdict as follows:--"That deceased did kill himself by taking phosphorus paste, he being at the time mentally deranged.

paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19050310.2.66

 

SLUTZKIN'S SUICIDE.

PHOSPHORUS POISONING "SELF-ADMINISTERED.

The Coroner (Mr Gresham) held an inquiry yesterday afternoon at the Auckland Hospital into the circumstances attending, the death of the lad, Samuel Slutzkin.

Dr. Frederick W. King stated that he made a post-mortem examination of the deceased. He found the body to be in a healthy state with the exception of very distinct evidences of phosphoric poisoning. In his opinion deceased's death was caused by phosphoric poisoning. In answer to Mr Singer. Dr. King said that in such cases of poisoning, if a suitable antidote is immediately applied, the chances of recovery are better than if allowed to go on for several hours.

Dr. Wiley P. Ferguson said that he. was a resident-surgeon at the Hospital, and admitted deceased on March 1 at 10-30 p.m. An emetic of copper sulphate was at once given to deceased, and after vomiting had taken place his stomach was washed out. For three or four days after admission doses of copper sulphate were given at intervals. On the third or fourth day symptoms of absorption took place, the conditions being due to the presence of phosphorus, and death ensued on Wednesday afternoon at about 4.30.

To Mr Singer: The vomit had a distinct phosphoric odour, and was luminous when taken into a dark place. The boy appeared to be quite sane on admittance, and answered questions rationally.

Rabbi Goldstein stated mat he had known deceased about eight months. Deceased had no relatives in the colony. He had two brothers in Australia. He always appeared to be quite sane.

Evidence was next called as to selling of the poison.

Victor Rhodes said he was an assistant at Mr Cooper's chemist shop in Victoria-street. Deceased came in about 3 p.m. on March 1. and asked to be served with some rat poison. Witness recommended phosphorus, and explained that the best way of using it for rat-poisoning was to spread it on bread. Deceased asked if it would hurt him to take some of it, and said he asked because if so he would keep it out of the way of the children. Witness explained to him the deadly properties of the poison. The bottle was labelled "Poison" in large letters, and would contain about half an ounce.

To Mr Singer: The deceased seemed quite sane, but in a hurry. He paid for the poison. Aaron Cohen stated that he had known deceased eight or nine months. On the afternoon of March 1, his sister came to him and said that deceased had taken poison. He went to the residence of deceased, in Nelson-street, and found him sitting in his room with a prayer-book in his hand. There was in the room a very strong smell of phosphorus. Witness asked deceased, who was pale but self-composed, what he had done, and accused him of taking match-heads. Deceased denied having taken anything. Witness then went in search of a doctor. He visited two chemists shops. At the second one (Mr Coopers), the assistant pointed out to him Dr. Knight, who was just going, down the street. Witness ran after Dr. Knight; and accosted him with the words, “Excuse me, Dr. Knight, will you come back with me because a man has taken poison," to which Dr. Knight replied, "No, I cannot." Witness then said, “The man is poisoning, and will die." Dr. Knight replied, "I cannot help it," and walked away".

To the Coroner: Dr. Knight asked no questions about the case, simplyrefusing to come.' Dr. Knight was alone at the time. It had been raining.

Witness proceeding., said he then ran back to the chemist, bought an emetic, and told a Mr Kahn to take it back and give it to deceased, while he (the witness) made further search for a doctor. His search was unsuccessful, and he finally reported the matter to the police, and a constable accompanied him back to the boy's home. The boy, however had in the meantime run out of the house and had disappeared, after refusing to take the emetic. Witness then handed over to the constable a photo of the boy, and a knife that was found in his room with phosphorus on it. A document in which deceased described himself as the unhappiest man alive, said he could not live much longer, and bidding good-bye to his friends. was also found by the witness in an orderbook belonging to deceased. The handwriting he could affirm to as being that of deceased.

In answer to Mr Singer, witness said that Slutzkin had been of an extremely sensitive and of a somewhat morbid opposition, and had frequently referred to suicide as being a good way of getting rid of the troubles of life.

Constable Maicolm O'Grady stated that on the receipt of instructions about 5 p.m. on March 1 he proceeded to the residence of deceased in Nelson-street. Deceased was not there. Witness went to Coopers the chemist, and procured an emetic, which was administered to deceased when he turned up about 9.30. Deceased admitted swallowing the contents of a half-ounce phial of phosphorus. He said he was tired ot life. Witness sent for Dr. Stopford, who, after administering an emetic, ordered the removal of deceased to the Hospital.

This concluded the evidence.

A verdict was recorded that death was due to phosphoric poisoning the Phosphorus having been self-administered while deceased was mentally deranged.

paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/AS19050310.2.60

 

Plot 79: Samuel Slutzkin (17) 1905 – Picture Framer * broken headstone

 

(Hebrew Inscription)

Sacred to the Memory

of

SAMUEL SLUTZKIN

who departed this life

March 8th 1905

Adar 2, 1 5665

aged 19 years

May his soul rest in peace

 

Suicide contacts listed in NZ Herald 31 July 2017

 

If you are worried about your or someone else's mental health, the best place to get help is your GP or local mental health provider. However, if you or someone else is in danger or endangering others, call police immediately on 111.

 

Or if you need to talk to someone else:

 

• LIFELINE: 0800 543 354 (available 24/7)

• SUICIDE CRISIS HELPLINE: 0508 828 865 (0508 TAUTOKO) (available 24/7)

• YOUTHLINE: 0800 376 633

• NEED TO TALK? Free call or text 1737 (available 24/7)

• KIDSLINE: 0800 543 754 (available 24/7)

• WHATSUP: 0800 942 8787 (1pm to 11pm)

• DEPRESSION HELPLINE: 0800 111 757

 

Truth or Consequences ( T or C )Animal Control ( what is part of the T or C pd ) eleventh generation ( 2003 to 2008 ) Ford F 150. T or C is the county seat of Sierra County NM ,

Kate Henshaw Nuttall, Ramsey Noah

It would seem they are in love but he is not ready to settle down

9/10

 

For a full review of this movie check out Consequences Review on Nollywood Forever

entrada a una antigua mansión en Necochea. Otoño del Bicentenario (mayo 2010)

Este edificio es Patrimonio Histórico de Necochea. (Pcia. de Buenos Aires) Argentina.

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irrigation sprinklers accidentally left on near the pecan tree grove

1950's Spring-o-lator high heels.

A series of three multilayer plywood artworks, 120x72cm. All the details were laser cut, spray painted and assembled by hand. Available at Lollipop Gallery, London.

This is a modest hommage to the courageous people of Fukushima prefecture. They survived a triple disaster in 2011 and are now, nine years later, still fighting with the consequences. I wish them well in their strugle for their beautiful province and thank them for their kindness during this trip.

  

Fukushima is the third largest prefecture in Japan (14,000 km²), and one of its least densely populated. The prefecture is divided into three main regions: Aizu in the west, Naka dori in the centre and Hama dori in the east. Aizu is mountainous with snowy winters, while the climate in Hama dori is moderated by the Pacific Ocean.

The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster (福島第一原子力発電所事故 Fukushima Dai-ichi (About this soundpronunciation) genshiryoku hatsudensho jiko) was a nuclear accident at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant in Ōkuma, Fukushima Prefecture. The disaster was the most severe nuclear accident since the 26 April 1986 Chernobyl disaster and the only other disaster to be given the Level 7 event classification of the International Nuclear Event Scale.

 

The accident was started by the Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami on 11 March 2011.] On detecting the earthquake, the active reactors automatically shut down their fission reactions. Because of the reactor trips and other grid problems, the electricity supply failed, and the reactors' emergency diesel generators automatically started. Critically, they were powering the pumps that circulated coolant through the reactors' cores to remove decay heat, which continues after fission has ceased. The earthquake generated a 14-meter-high tsunami that swept over the plant's seawall and flooded the plant's lower grounds around the Units 1–4 reactor buildings with sea water, filling the basements and knocking out the emergency generators. The resultant loss-of-coolant accidents led to three nuclear meltdowns, three hydrogen explosions, and the release of radioactive contamination in Units 1, 2 and 3 between 12 and 15 March. The spent fuel pool of previously shut-down Reactor 4 increased in temperature on 15 March due to decay heat from newly added spent fuel rods, but did not boil down sufficiently to expose the fuel.

 

In the days after the accident, radiation released to the atmosphere forced the government to declare an ever larger evacuation zone around the plant, culminating in an evacuation zone with a 20-kilometer radius. All told, some 154,000 residents evacuated from the communities surrounding the plant due to the rising off-site levels of ambient ionizing radiation caused by airborne radioactive contamination from the damaged reactors.

 

Large amounts of water contaminated with radioactive isotopes were released into the Pacific Ocean during and after the disaster. Michio Aoyama, a professor of radioisotope geoscience at the Institute of Environmental Radioactivity, has estimated that 18,000 terabecquerel (TBq) of radioactive caesium 137 were released into the Pacific during the accident, and in 2013, 30 gigabecquerel (GBq) of caesium 137 were still flowing into the ocean every day. The plant's operator has since built new walls along the coast and also created a 1.5-kilometer-long "ice wall" of frozen earth to stop the flow of contaminated water.

 

While there has been ongoing controversy over the health effects of the disaster, a 2014 report by the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation (UNSCEAR) and World Health Organization projected no increase in miscarriages, stillbirths or physical and mental disorders in babies born after the accident. An ongoing intensive cleanup program to both decontaminate affected areas and decommission the plant will take 30 to 40 years, plant management estimate.

 

On 5 July 2012, the National Diet of Japan Fukushima Nuclear Accident Independent Investigation Commission (NAIIC) found that the causes of the accident had been foreseeable, and that the plant operator, Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO), had failed to meet basic safety requirements such as risk assessment, preparing for containing collateral damage, and developing evacuation plans. At a meeting in Vienna three months after the disaster, the International Atomic Energy Agency faulted lax oversight by the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, saying the ministry faced an inherent conflict of interest as the government agency in charge of both regulating and promoting the nuclear power industry. On 12 October 2012, TEPCO admitted for the first time that it had failed to take necessary measures for fear of inviting lawsuits or protests against its nuclear plants.

Toulouse.

Please view these two shots in sequence.

 

www.flickr.com/photos/101330524@N02/11891421593/

collage on book cover 5x8 inches

Kamera: Nikon FM

Linse: Nikkor-S Auto 55mm f1.2 (1970)

Film: Rollei P&R 640 @ box speed

Kjemi: Rodinal (1:25 / 13:30 min. @ 20°C)

 

-Friday 23 February 2024: Even more countries speaking on the legality of Israel’s occupation of Palestine in the International Court of Justice in Den Haag today. Namibia, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Indonesia, Qatar, United Kingdom, Slovenia, Sudan, Switzerland, Syria and Tunisia.

 

I have to say, the UK’s presentation was just abhorrent.

 

Instead of focusing on that, today I would like to highlight and remark on the supreme eloquence of Pakistan and also the strong and morally impressive presentation by Namibia.

 

I also want to share a personal note. If you did not see yesterday’s presentations in Den Haag, then you should see - and feel - the most emotional address to the court by Ali Ahmad Ebraheem S. Al-Dafiri of Kuwait.

 

Yesterday, I too held a lecture but for international students; touching on the german occupation of Norway. As I was lecturing, even I could feel it when I was mentioning that during the 5 years of nazi occupion that we had to endure, Norway suffered ’only’ 12.000 war-related deaths - 600 of whom were jews. Compare that to the 57 years Palestine has endured Israeli occupation and the 30.000 Palestinians that Israel has killed in Gaza in the last 4 months alone.

I was really struggling to keep my composure at this point.

  

International Court of Justice: Day 5 hearing on the legal consequences of Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories (publ. 23 February 2024) [Video]

  

International Court of Justice: Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem [Transcripts and Documents]

  

Mr AL-DAFIRI: [KUWAIT] (22 February 2024)

 

I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

 

1. Mr President, honourable Members of the Court, it is a great honour to appear before you as the Agent of the State of Kuwait in these proceedings. Kuwait deeply appreciates the extraordinary efforts taken by the Court to allow this hearing to proceed smoothly, in light of the great number of participants. The current advisory proceedings are of extreme importance to the Palestinian people, Kuwait, the international legal order and the international community as a whole.

 

2. Kuwait has always advocated that peace fosters the observance of law and vice versa. Adherence to the UnitedNations Charter is an indispensable prerequisite for the definitive establishment of international peace. Indeed, peaceful relations are founded on accepted rules and as such, peaceful relations among States are based on the provisions of the United Nations Charter. These include, notably, the principle of non-use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes. These rules apply to all States. Respect for these fundamental rules contributes to the consolidation of international peace.

 

3. Regrettably, the above-mentioned foundational rules have not been upheld in the case of Palestine. The conflict between Palestine and Israel, hereafter referred to as the “occupying Power”, is an illegal occupation conflict, involving on one side an occupying Power equipped with all military means, and on the other side an occupied nation without defensive capabilities, facing daily expulsion, human rights violations and all sufferings associated with any occupation situation.

 

4. Over the past decades, the situation between the Palestinians and the occupying Power has been extremely tense, resulting in serious human rights law and humanitarian law violations committed by the latter. Various intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations have documented these violations by publishing comprehensive reports. This climate of violence compromises any possibility of reasonably discussing the issues at stake. This is further exacerbated by the recent developments in Gaza. The occupying Power has waged an illegitimate war on the Palestinians in Gaza characterized by numerous international law violations. The ongoing flagrant violations have been highlighted in a series of statements issued, amongst others, by the United Nations Secretary-General, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Special Procedures of the United Nations Human Rights Council.

 

5. The unprecedented violence in Gaza is a result of 57 years of illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories and it must stop.

 

The late Emir of the State of Kuwait, His Highness Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah (1929-2020) summarized this situation in 2018 by stating:

 

“We ask the whole world, why the Palestinian people plight continues? Why do we ignore and do not implement Security Council resolutions? Why is the international community incapable of resolving this cause? Why does the victim continue to be portrayed as the killer according to Israel’s norms? Why does Israel always escape punishment? Why have all these souls been lost amid absence of the world conscience?”

 

6. Mr President, distinguished Members of the Court, it is in this context that Kuwait appears for the first time before the Court, following the adoption by the United Nations General Assembly of resolution 77/247, requesting the Court to deliver an advisory opinion on two legal questions. The first question asks the Court to evaluate the legality of the occupying Power’s specific policies and actions within its occupation of the Palestinian territories, while seeking the Court’s determination of the corresponding legal ramifications. The second question addresses a core issue: has the occupation become illegal? Kuwait will demonstrate the illegality of this occupation, underscoring the necessity of its cessation.

 

7. Mr President, honourable Members of the Court, my distinguished colleagues will now address these issues in greater depth.

 

[…]

  

The PRESIDENT: I shall now give the floor to the representative of Namibia, Honourable Ms Yvonne Dausab. You have the floor, Madam.

 

Ms DAUSAB: [NAMIBIA] (23 February 2024)

 

1. Mr President, Madam Vice-President, Members of the Court, it is a special honour to appear before you today on behalf of the Republic of Namibia.

 

2. With your kind indulgence, I wish to first pay tribute to our late president Dr Hage Geingob (1941-2024), who passed away on 4 February 2024 and will be laid to rest this weekend. President Geingob was a key figure in our struggle for independence. He was a committed anti-apartheid and anti-colonial freedom fighter, who stood up against injustice and oppression wherever it occurred. It is therefore fitting that, in one of his last public statements, he said that “[n]o peace-loving human being can ignore the carnage . . . waged against Palestinians in Gaza”.

 

3. President Geingob was the representative of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) and its petitioner to the United Nations from 1964 to 1971. It was during this period that the General Assembly condemned and declared “the policies of apartheid and racial discrimination” as a “crime against humanity”. Consequently, the General Assembly also appropriately terminated the Mandate in South West Africa.

 

4. Mr President, Members of the Court, I stand before you as a representative of a country where Germany brutally carried out the first genocide of the twentieth century against the Herero and the Nama peoples. A country that has known only too well the pain and suffering of occupation, colonialism, systematic discrimination, apartheid, and their entrenched consequences. It is because of this history that Namibia considers it a moral duty and sacred responsibility to appear before this Court on the question of the indefensible occupation of Palestine by Israel.

 

5. The parallels between Namibia and Palestine are striking and painful. Both were integral parts of the mandate system established after World War I. And in both cases, the so-called “sacred trust of civilisation”, which aimed to guide these nations towards self-determination and independence, was utterly betrayed. Instead of achieving self-government, both Namibians and Palestinians suffered the loss of human dignity, life, liberty and the outright theft of their land and natural resources. Hundreds of thousands of their people were violently expelled from their homes or forced into exile, joining the ranks of the world’s refugees.

 

6. Upon the dissolution of the League of Nations in 1946, the white minority South African régime refused to place Namibia (then South West Africa) under the United Nations Trusteeship and sought to illegally annex our territory as a fifth province, implementing racist homeland policies and apartheid laws targeting Black Africans.

 

7. Today, Palestinians have had to endure the seizure of their land and property, illegal settlements, unlawful killings, forced displacement, drastic movement restrictions, the denial of refugees’ right to return and of equal nationality and citizenship. The lived reality of the people of Palestine evokes painful memories for many Namibians of my generation. Namibians still experience the entrenched and structural impact of inequality, as a direct consequence of colonialism and the prolonged unlawful occupation.

 

8. Mr President, Members of the Court, this Court’s four Advisory Opinions on South West Africa played a vital role in our liberation struggle. In its 1971 Opinion, the Court confirmed the right of self-determination as a legal imperative with decisive consequences for States, paving the way for our independence 19 years later in 1990.

 

9. It is because of Namibia’s experience with apartheid and its long fight for self-determination that we cannot look the other way in the face of the brutal atrocities committed against the Palestinian people.

 

10. Mr President, Members of the Court, we ask you not to look away, either. Rather, we appeal to you: once again, end a historic and ongoing injustice by upholding the fundamental rights of a dispossessed people who have endured 57 years of a suffocating occupation. Today, Palestinians are enduring collective punishment in the besieged Gaza Strip, with civilians being killed in continuous and indiscriminate bombardments at a scale that is unprecedented in recent history. This state of affairs — this “hell on earth” — represents a stain on the collective conscience of the world.

 

11. Civilized nations cannot, and must not, accept images of children covered in blood with gaping wounds; of men and women crying in despair because of the helplessness they feel.

 

12. However, in the midst of the ongoing tragedy, I wish to say the following to the people of Palestine: this advisory opinion is an important moment in your long fight for independence. And I leave you with the words of our Founding President and Father of the Namibian Nation, Dr Sam Nujoma (b. 1929): “a people united, striving to achieve a common good for all members of society will always emerge victorious.”

 

13. Mr President, Members of the Court, I thank you, and I now respectfully ask that Professor Phoebe Okowa be called to address the legal questions before the Court.

 

The PRESIDENT: I thank Ms Dausab. I now give the floor to Professor Phoebe Okowa. You have the floor, Professor.

 

Ms OKOWA: [NAMIBIA] (23 February 2024)

 

I. INTRODUCTION

 

1. Mr President, Madam Vice-President, Members of the Court, it is a great honour for me to appear before you in these proceedings, and a special privilege to do so on behalf of the Republic of Namibia. Our presentation is in three parts.

 

2. First, I will make two general observations on why the Court should answer the request in its entirety, and why Israel’s occupation is illegal.

 

3. Then, I will focus on Israel’s policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory that grossly violate its obligations under international law, specifically the prohibition of apartheid and racial discrimination, and the principle of self-determination.

 

4. Finally, I will address the legal consequences that arise for Israel, for third States and for the United Nations on account of these violations.

 

A. The Court can and should answer the request in its entirety

 

5. As a threshold matter, Namibia reiterates, as do the overwhelming majority of States in these proceedings, that the Court has jurisdiction to render the requested advisory opinion, and that there are no compelling reasons for the Court to decline the request.

 

B. Israel’s occupation is illegal under international law

 

6. Namibia notes that there is also wide consensus among the participants on “the legal status of the occupation”. Namibia makes only four brief observations.

 

7. First, in so far as the law of occupation envisages any belligerent occupation as a temporary measure, immediately following military operations, Israel’s prolonged— or permanent— occupation breaches the law of occupation. It is a de facto annexation in all but name.

 

8. Second, Israel’s occupation, in and of itself, is unlawful under general international law. This is because it violates the Charter of the United Nations and peremptory norms; specifically, the prohibition on territorial acquisitions through illegal use of force, the principle of self-determination, and the prohibition of apartheid.

 

10. Finally, the continuation of the illegal occupation does not absolve Israel of its obligations and responsibilities under international law. This is consistent with your own conclusions in the Namibia Advisory Opinion that “[p]hysical control of a territory, and not sovereignty or legitimacy of title, is the basis of State liability for acts affecting other States”.

 

II. ISRAEL’S POLICIES AND PRACTICES IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY VIOLATE THE PROHIBITION OF APARTHEID AND THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-DETERMINATION

 

A. Israel is bound by the prohibition of apartheid under international law

 

11. In both its written and oral submissions, Namibia focuses on the prohibition of apartheid and of racial discrimination. This is, in part, on account of Namibia’s history, as one of the few countries that were subjected to this egregious form of systematic and institutionalized racial discrimination.

 

12. We also do so on account of the fundamental importance of the Court’s 1971 Namibia Opinion, where this Court declared that the policies of apartheid “constitute a denial of fundamental human rights” and are “a flagrant violation of the purposes and principles of the [United Nations] Charter”.

 

13. But above all, we do this because, notwithstanding the egregious nature of apartheid — as a State delict, as a violation of a peremptory norm and as a crime — it has received virtually no clarification beyond the specific circumstances of southern Africa. An advisory opinion on threshold questions of apartheid will therefore assist the General Assembly in respect of its own action, in identifying the key elements of the illegality and in formulating appropriate responses to Israel’s discriminatory practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

 

14. Specifically, we invite the Court to clarify three aspects of the obligation.

 

15. First, we respectfully ask the Court to make it clear that the prohibition of apartheid is not limited to southern Africa in the last century. It extends to Israel’s policies in the Occupied Palestinian Territory today. Article 3 of CERD places all States parties, including Israel, under an obligation to prevent, prohibit and eradicate apartheid “in territories under their jurisdiction”. This is also the conclusion of the CERD Committee. The 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, negotiated after the end of apartheid in South Africa, also recognized apartheid as a crime against humanity without temporal or geographical restriction16.

 

16. Second, the Court should also confirm that the prohibition of apartheid binds all States as a peremptory norm. In your decision in the case under CERD brought by Qatar against United Arab Emirates, you acknowledged the “universal character [of CERD] is confirmed by the fact that 182 States are parties to it”. The International Law Commission and its Special Rapporteur on jus cogens (as Judge Tladi then was) have also expressly recognized the peremptory character of the prohibition of apartheid.

 

17. Finally, Namibia invites the Court to clarify the definition of apartheid. Namibia aligns itself with other participants that the definition in Article 2 of the Apartheid Convention incorporates the three key elements of the delict under international law.

 

18. First, the State must engage in one or more “inhuman acts”. Crucially, these take the form of violations of fundamental human rights within an institutionalized framework of systematic oppression and domination.

 

19. Second, these inhuman acts must be directed against a “racial group” or its members.

 

20. Finally, the State must commit these inhuman acts “for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination” by one racial group over the other and “systematically oppressing them”.

 

B. Israel’s policies and practices constitute apartheid

 

21. Other participants have already made extensive statements on the discriminatory and inhuman acts carried out against the Palestinians as a racial group. These policies and practices are too many to enumerate in the time available. They include laws that discriminate in matters of citizenship, ownership and transfer of property, and freedom of movement. The systematic and excessive use of force against Palestinian civilians, the arbitrary killings and mass incarceration of Palestinians, including children; the illegal settlements; the discriminatory residency regulations; and, crucially, the denial of a Palestinian identity by refusing to recognize them as a people with a right to determine their own political destiny and to pursue social, economic and cultural development.

 

22. Namibia’s submission will focus on the final requirement: the purpose of establishing, maintaining domination and systematic oppression.

 

First, the term “domination” signifies a pervasive, all-encompassing, serious form of control over a group.

 

Second, “oppression” implies prolonged cruelty, reflecting a sustained violation of human rights.

 

Third, “systematic” implies the organized nature of violent acts and the improbability of their random occurrence.

 

23. Namibia shares the view of other participants that Israel’s policies and practices meet the evidentiary standard for establishing the State delict of apartheid. The Israeli Government’s openly articulated aim is to ensure Jewish Israeli control of all facets of Palestinian life, as evidenced by legislation affirming Israel as the nation State of the Jewish people, with unique self-determination rights reserved for Jewish individuals only.

 

24. It is clear from all the available evidence that these discriminatory practices are not accidental or fortuitous but are designed for the specific purpose of privileging Jewish Israelis over Palestinians. The fact that the practices in question may have other collateral objectives, such as maintaining security, is irrelevant. It will suffice if the primary motive is discriminatory, even if it also serves ancillary purposes.

 

C. Israel’s apartheid practices violate the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination

 

25. It follows in Namibia’s submission that Israel’s policies and practices are inconsistent with the prohibition of apartheid as a State delict under international law. Furthermore, these discriminatory practices, in the context of prolonged occupation of the Palestinian territories, violate the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.

 

26. As other Participants have highlighted, these discriminatory policies and practices are directed at fragmenting the Palestinian people. These elaborate systems of administrative controls undermine group cohesiveness by dividing the Palestinian people into a number of administrative “domains” or groups, with varying degrees of rights. This strategic fragmentation of the Occupied Palestinian Territory into Bantustans makes Palestinian life burdensome and in many cases unbearable, forcing them to leave their homes.

 

27. Perhaps the epitome of discriminatory laws negating the Palestinian right of self-determination is the 2018 Basic Law, passed with constitutional status, which boldly declares that Israel is the nation of the Jewish people and that Jewish settlement is a national value.

 

III. LEGAL CONSEQUENCES OF ISRAEL’S VIOLATIONS OF ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

 

28. I will now turn to the final part of my submission. I will first examine the legal consequences of Israel’s violations, irrespective of the status of the occupation. Second, I will examine the legal consequences arising out of the illegal status of the occupation.

 

A. Legal consequences of Israel’s violations of its obligations under international law

 

29. First, Israel must bear consequences for its violations. This is the most elementary requirement of the law on State responsibility. As others in these proceedings have highlighted, this includes the obligations of cessation and the duty to make reparation for more than five decades of harms inflicted on the Palestinian people.

 

30. The Government of Israel has a legal duty to dismantle all the vestiges of systematic racial discrimination and oppression that permeates all aspects of Palestinian life in the occupied territories.

 

31. As the State of Palestine itself said on Monday, Israel must bring to an end the annexation of Palestinian land, dismantle existing settlements and recognize the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination in a viable State of their own.

 

32. Second, States are under an obligation not to recognize Israel’s breaches of peremptory norms of general international law vis-à-vis the Palestinian people. At the same time, the obligation of non-recognition is matched by a parallel and positive duty of recognition — of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination realized through a viable and independent State of Palestine.

 

33. Here we ask the Court to pay particular attention to the historical context of these proceedings. Admission to the United Nations, unlike the League of Nations, was not automatic. It was conditioned on the State accepting to uphold the values and principles contained in the Charter, including self-determination. The admission of Israel was no exception.

 

34. In the Wall Opinion, you observed that when Israel proclaimed its independence, it did so “on the strength of” the partition plan resolution of the General Assembly. As is well known, that plan envisaged two States, one Arab and one Jewish. The Israeli Declaration of Independence makes this plain, by recognizing “the natural right of the Jewish people to be masters of their own fate, like all other nations, in their own sovereign State”. If that logic applied to the self-determination and statehood of the Jewish people, it must by the same token also apply to the self-determination and statehood of the Palestinian people.

 

35. We further ask the Court to consider whether there may be circumstances where political discretion in matters of recognition gives way to a positive duty of recognition, especially when it is necessary to safeguard a peremptory norm. And here, Namibia aligns itself with Jordan’s Written Submission that all States are also under an obligation to recognize the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by exercising that right within a viable and independent State of Palestine.

 

B. Legal consequences of Israel’s illegal occupation

 

36. Since Israel’s policies and practices violate peremptory norms of international law, the occupation itself is unlawful. This entails consequences for Israel, for third States and, for the United Nations.

 

37. In the Namibia Opinion, you already set out the legal consequences of unlawful occupation. There, you said that, once the Court is faced with an illegal situation, “it would be failing in the discharge of its judicial functions if it did not declare that there is an obligation, especially upon Members of the United Nations, to bring that situation to an end.”

 

38. In that Opinion, you recognized the clear obligation on South Africa to put an end to the illegal occupation and withdraw its administration from the territory. The same consequences must of necessity attach to the illegal occupation by Israel of the Palestinian territories.

 

39. Cessation cannot be contingent on external factors such as the successful outcome of negotiations, as pointed out by some participants in these proceedings. A withdrawal contingent on the outcome of political negotiations effectively gives Israel a veto over the future of the Palestinian people.

 

40. Namibia invites the Court to set a strict time-limit within which Israel must be asked by the General Assembly to bring the occupation to an end, without conditions. Failure to set a strict time-limit has the perverse effect of being treated as acquiescence in the present occupation, and permission for it to continue indefinitely.

 

41. Of course, Israel has defied this Court and ultimatums issued by the United Nations organs many times. But it is precisely for this kind of egregious violations of peremptory norms that a régime of countermeasures was contemplated in the now widely accepted International Law Commission’s draft Articles on State Responsibility. Equality before the law is a cardinal principle of the Charter of the United Nations. No State — not Israel — should be exempt from the comprehensive régime of sanctions.

 

42. Moreover, Namibia reaffirms the position held by the majority of participants that all States are under an obligation not to recognize, assist, support, or contribute to the continuation of the unlawful occupation. This is also in line with your own settled jurisprudence.

 

43. In the Wall Opinion, you confirmed that the obligations of third States include the “obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the [illegal] situation”. That all States must refrain from all forms of assistance, including transfer of arms, and political support that de facto perpetuates the occupation.

 

44. In Namibia’s view, this means, in particular, that all States are under an obligation to ensure that companies under their jurisdiction or control do not trade in Israeli goods or with Israeli companies originating from or linked to Israel’s illegal occupation.

 

45. Mr President, Members of the Court, I thank you for your kind attention. This concludes Namibia’s oral submissions. Thank you.

 

[…]

 

The Court adjourned from 11.20 a.m. to 11.40 a.m.

 

The PRESIDENT: Please be seated. The sitting is resumed. I now call upon the delegation of Pakistan to address the Court and invite His Excellency Mr Ahmed Irfan Aslam to take the floor.

 

Mr ASLAM: [PAKISTAN] (23 February 2024)

 

PART I

 

1. INTRODUCTION

 

1. Mr President, Members of the Court, it is an honour to appear before you on behalf of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in these most important of proceedings. These proceedings take place as a whole people struggle to survive through relentless bombardment, the very people who have endured daily persecution for over half a century. And yet, these proceedings inspire hope. They inspire hope because they present an opportunity. They afford this Court an opportunity to develop jurisprudence to advance essential principles of international law that preserves and advances the very basic human right of liberty and dignity.

 

2. Pakistan has always been a defender of the Palestinian people and their right to self-determination. It was Pakistan that proposed the General Assembly’s first resolution, on the first day of the Six-Day War, relating to Israel’s invasion of Jerusalem and the measures taken by Israel to change the status of the city. Since then, Pakistan has continued to engage on these important questions of international justice and it remains committed to contribute and play its part.

 

3. Against this background, I will deal initially with five points and then make some technical legal arguments that Pakistan considers to be of particular importance in these proceedings. First, the question of self-determination. Second, the question of occupation and annexation. Third, systematic racial discrimination and apartheid. Fourth, the question of the City of Jerusalem and its holy places, and finally, the two-State solution.

 

2. SELF-DETERMINATION

 

4. Mr President, Members of the Court, I come to my first point. The Palestinian people have, as the Court itself has recognized, the right to self-determination. This right, which is codified in the two United Nations Human Rights Conventions, is “one of the essential principles of contemporary international law”. All States have a legal interest in protecting that right, which has the status of jus cogens. Israeli measures that severely impede the exercise by the Palestinian people of the right to self-determination are in breach of Israel’s obligations to respect that right. Pakistan strongly believes in the inherent right of people to live freely and in the justice of struggle for freedom from alien subjugation under the right of self-determination.

 

3. OCCUPATION AND ANNEXATION

 

5. I turn to my second point: the question of Israel’s occupation and annexation. It has always been the position of the United Nations that it “cannot condone a change in the status juris resulting from military action contrary to the provisions of the Charter. The Organization must, therefore, maintain that the status juris existing prior to such military action be re-established by a withdrawal of troops, and by the relinquishment or nullification of rights asserted in territories covered by the military action”.

 

6. Thus, after the Six-Day War, the Security Council determined in resolution 242 (1967) that Israel must withdraw its armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict. In resolution 476 (1980), the Security Council reaffirmed “the overriding necessity for ending the prolonged occupation of Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967”.

 

7. Israel’s occupation is no longer, if it ever was, a military occupation; it is annexation. In East Jerusalem, the annexation is de jure; in the rest of the territory, it is de facto. But the formal characterization matters little. To use the words of the Court in the Wall case, the occupation is today, “notwithstanding the formal characterization . . . tantamount to de facto annexation”. This now applies to the entire territory. This may have been the intention all along. Prime Minister Ben-Gurion affirmed in 1950 that “the Israeli Empire must comprise all the territories between the Nile and the Euphrates”, and this was to be achieved as much by invasion as by diplomacy. More recently, Prime Minister Netanyahu has declared that his Government will be “applying Israeli sovereignty over all the communities formed through the transfer of Israeli settlers and not one residential community will be uprooted”.

 

8. Through its settlement policy, Israel has sought to create “irreversible facts on the ground”. It has aimed to create physical facts which in practical terms make it as difficult as possible to bring an end to its prolonged occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Notwithstanding, the Security Council has reaffirmed that the settlements constitute “a flagrant violation under international law”.

 

9. As this Court said in the Namibia case: “A binding determination made by a competent organ of the United Nations to the effect that a situation is illegal cannot remain without consequence.” As in that case, in answering the legal questions now referred to it, the Court is not concerned with the question of what practical steps would be required to cease the occupation.

 

10. It is worth recalling, however, that even greater practical issues have been overcome in other contexts, such as when the French Government withdrew a million settlers from Algeria in 1962. The French settlers were more numerous than the Israeli settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem taken together. France’s settlements in Algeria were not only more numerous: they were also “far older and better established than Israel’s West Bank colonies”.

 

4. SYSTEMATIC RACIAL DISCRIMINATION AND APARTHEID

 

11. I come to my third point, regarding systematic racial discrimination. Israel’s policies and practices amount to systematic racial discrimination and apartheid. Israel has imposed a system of racial discrimination against the Palestinian people since 1967. It is a system that distinguishes - deliberately and systematically — along ethnic and religious lines between the Palestinian population and Jewish Israeli settlers illegally transferred into the territory. The purpose of domination and oppression may be inferred from Israel’s pattern of conduct against the Palestinians.

  

5. THE HOLY CITY OF JERUSALEM AND ITS HOLY PLACES

 

12. I turn to my fourth point: Jerusalem and its holy places. The Holy City of Jerusalem is unique in that it is sacred to all three Abrahamic religions. Under the historic status quo, it is the right of Christian, Jewish and Muslim communities freely to access and worship at their holy places in the city. Ottoman decrees set out these rights in the nineteenth century. The régime was later confirmed in multilateral and bilateral instruments. The historic status quo has today developed into a so-called “objective régime”, which captures the point that it is characterized by a permanence which the instruments that established it do not themselves necessarily enjoy. Every State interested therefore has the right to insist upon compliance with this régime.

 

13. Under Israel’s prolonged occupation, Christians have not been free to access or worship in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and Muslims have not been free to access or worship at Haram al-Sharif and in the Al Aqsa Mosque, to name only some prominent sites. The rights under the historic status quo must immediately be restored. This issue is of great importance to Pakistan, which is home to the second largest Muslim population in the world.

 

6. THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION

 

14. And now I come to my final point of the first part of my statement. Pakistan believes that the two-State solution must be the basis for peace. In the Wall case, this Court observed that the two-State solution was to be encouraged

 

“with a view to achieving as soon as possible, on the basis of international law, a negotiated solution to the outstanding problems and the establishment of a Palestinian State, existing side by side with Israel and its other neighbours, with peace and security for all in the region”.

 

Pakistan supports this call.

 

15. On 26 October 2023, Pakistan was pleased to vote in favour of the General Assembly resolution which reaffirmed that: “a just and lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can only be achieved . . . in accordance with international law, and on the basis of the two-State solution”. Two months later, on 22 December 2023, the Security Council reiterated its unwavering commitment to the vision of the two States, consistent with international law and relevant United Nations resolutions.

 

16. And these— and numerous other— resolutions by the political organs of the United Nations make clear, a two-State solution, and negotiations leading to it, must be consistent with international law. “Negotiations”, Judge Al-Khasawneh of this Court observed in the Wall case, “are a means to an end and cannot in themselves replace that end”. He continued to say that the discharge of fundamental international obligations cannot be made conditional upon negotiations.

 

17. In this regard, the Court’s advisory opinion in these proceedings will be most important. Far from impeding negotiations and the achievement of a just and lasting two States, the Court’s advisory opinion will further assist such efforts, by making it possible for the parties to make progress on the sound basis of international law and international legitimacy.

 

PART II

 

ISRAEL CANNOT BE ALLOWED TO BENEFIT FROM ITS OWN WRONGS

 

18. Mr President, Members of the Court, I now turn to more technical legal arguments of my submissions.

 

19. The Court has heard various competing submissions this week with respect to question (b) of the request, but there can be little doubt as to the central importance of three matters:

 

(a) First, the role of the rules on the use of force in governing the unlawfulness of a given occupation itself.

 

(b) Second, the series of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions that have consistently and expressly called for Israel’s withdrawal and referred to “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”, which is a corollary of those rules.

 

(c) Third, the Court’s Advisory Opinion on Namibia is a helpful reference point for the Court.

 

20. Pakistan hopes to assist the Court by suggesting a slightly different way of looking at things, which leads to the conclusion that Israel’s occupation is unlawful and unlawfulness must have consequences.

 

A. The principle that no State can profit from its own wrong

 

21. In this respect, Pakistan considers that a useful touchstone for the Court is the general principle that no State can benefit from its own wrong.

 

22. As Sir Gerald Fitzmaurice (1901-1982) explained:

 

“The general principle is that States cannot profit from their own wrong . . . and similarly that rights and benefits cannot be derived from wrong-doing. This admits of no doubt. It is a wide general principle having many diverse applications under international law . . . of course these principles apply not merely as regards treaty obligations but to general international law obligations also.”

 

23. Notably, in the Wall case, Israel accepted that this principle is “as relevant in advisory opinions as it is in contentious cases”. The principle is particularly important where, as here, the wrongs at issue are of the most serious kind.

 

B. The principle in the context of the applicable law

 

24. Second, the principle in the context of applicable law. This principle is one of the underpinnings of the prohibition on the acquisition of territory either by force or through the denial of self-determination. The wrongs are obvious and no benefit in terms of lawful possession or a legal entitlement to administer the territory could be derived.

 

25. As to this case, if the Court agrees with Pakistan and with many other States that Israel is in continued breach of these fundamental primary obligations, it cannot allow Israel to benefit from its own ongoing wrongs by somehow avoiding the natural consequences that must follow under this law of State responsibility. These include the obligations of cessation and non-repetition which require immediate and unconditional withdrawal, as well as the obligations of non-recognition and non-assistance for all other States.

 

26. As to the applicable primary rules, it is customary international law and the Charter that govern the illegality of a given occupation at any point in time. As a separate matter, international humanitarian law governs the conduct of an occupying Power with respect to the occupied population.

 

27. But if the occupation itself is unlawful, that carries legal consequences for Israel and for all States under the secondary rules of State responsibility. Those legal consequences are in no way displaced by separate consideration of the lawfulness under international humanitarian law of particular conduct in the course of the occupation, much less by hope for a negotiated solution. Any other approach would effectively permit Israel to benefit from its own wrongdoing.

 

28. For the same reason, there is no scope for an argument that other States, in their dealings with respect to Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territory, could somehow put to one side the question of the unlawfulness of the occupation itself. They could not, for example, elect instead to focus exclusively on the different questions of whether specific Israeli measures were absolutely necessary to meet legitimate security requirements such that those measures are not unlawful under international humanitarian law.

 

C. The principle in the context of the Namibia Advisory Opinion

 

29. Mr President, Members of the Court, any conclusion could not be reconciled with the Court’s Opinion on Namibia. There are certain clear parallels with the present case. The General Assembly had condemned South Africa’s occupation of Namibia, characterizing this as an “occupation” that engaged the Geneva Conventions, and the Security Council had expressly called for South Africa’s withdrawal.

 

30. In a later resolution, after condemning South Africa’s non-compliance with the earlier resolutions, the Security Council had also declared that “the continued presence of the South African authorities in Namibia is illegal”. This is to be understood as a reference to illegality under the rules on the use of force. Notably, the United States voted in favour of this resolution. With respect to Palestine, however, it now appears to wish to limit those rules to governing the lawfulness of “the initial resort to force” “leading to an occupation” only. Of course, that could not be correct, including because it would allow an aggressor to benefit from an ongoing attempt to acquire territory through annexation.

 

31. Indeed, in its 1971 Advisory Opinion, the Court itself concluded that, “the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia [is] illegal”. The Court held that South Africa was under an obligation to withdraw immediately and that all States were under an obligation to recognize the illegality of the occupation.

 

32. In reaching this conclusion, the Court found that South Africa’s application of the apartheid régime to occupied territories amounted to disowning the Mandate. In this connection, the Court relied on a context specific expression of the general principle that no State can benefit from its own wrong, stating “[o]ne of the fundamental principles governing the international relationship thus established is that a party which disowns or does not fulfil its own obligations cannot be recognized as retaining the rights which it claims to derive from the relationship”.

 

33. South Africa had claimed it had an independent right to administer the territory by reason of its “long occupation”. Evidently, the Court disagreed. Three points follow from this.

 

34. First, the Court in Namibia case implicitly recognized that neither the fact of an occupation nor the law of occupation confer upon the occupying Power any legal entitlement to administer the territory. Any contrary view would allow an occupying Power to benefit from its unlawful use of force.

 

35. Second, the Court made a positive finding that South Africa’s occupation was unlawful. In Namibia, there was a binding Security Council decision to that effect. The Security Council has made no such Security Council decision with respect to Palestine. But this in no way displaces or impedes the Court’s judicial function in determining this legal question for itself.

 

36. Third, the Court plainly did not consider that South Africa’s continued status as an occupying Power made any difference.

 

37. As Judge Greenwood has explained, the basic position under the law of occupation is that an occupying Power has the “liberty to govern within certain limits without being guilty of a violation of the ius in bello”. The occupying Power is required to administer the territory as a temporary conservator or trustee for the benefit of the occupied population. Acting in that capacity, the occupying Power has certain liberties to take measures in good faith in the best interests of the occupied population or, where absolutely necessary, to meet its own legitimate security interests. This, of course, is a separate question to the unlawfulness of the occupation itself.

 

38. As to the position under the law of occupation, again, it is helpful to recall the Namibia case. The Court’s context specific expression of the principle was that “a party which disowns or does not fulfil its own obligations cannot be recognized as retaining the rights which it claims to derive from the relationship”. Pakistan considers that this has relevance when considering whether an occupying Power should be recognized as retaining liberties to administer the occupied territory. In this case, if one were to zoom in exclusively on Israel’s conduct as an occupying Power, the only conclusion could be that Israel has disowned its basic duties. Its policies and practices of occupation deny the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and amount to systematic racial discrimination and serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights. Plainly, they cannot be said to be absolutely necessary to meet Israel’s own security interests. They serve Israel’s other interests, including its goal of acquiring the territory.

 

D. Conclusion

 

40. Mr President, Members of the Court. I conclude. With the general principle that no State can be benefit from its own wrong firmly in mind, it cannot be right that, as some States have suggested, the Court should refrain from finding that the occupation itself is unlawful or that there is no obligation to withdraw. This would be to allow Israel to profit from its own continued grave wrongs. And, to adopt the Court’s words in Namibia, the Court “would be failing in the discharge of its judicial functions”. Such abdication of responsibility would not encourage or facilitate the achievement of a negotiated solution on the basis of international law. More generally, the Court would be sending out a clear signal to other States that they too might be allowed to benefit through the prolonged unlawful occupation of the territory of another State.

 

41. Mr President, Members of the Court, these proceedings are a great moment in law, they are a great moment in history. We all have a collective opportunity to develop jurisprudence in a way that advances the cause of humanity. I wish you good luck in your deliberations. Thank you.

 

The PRESIDENT: I thank the delegation of Pakistan for its presentation.

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Berlin boasts two zoological gardens, a consequence of decades of political and administrative division of the city. The older one, called Zoo Berlin, founded in 1844, is situated in what is now called "City West". It is the most species-rich zoo worldwide. The other one, called Tierpark Berlin ("Animal Park"), was established on the long abandoned premises of Friedrichsfelde Palace Park in the eastern borough of Lichtenberg, in 1954. Covering 160 ha, it is the largest landcape zoo in Europe. And honouring its past as landscape park, it still has large gardened areas.