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Price was inexpensive but the shipping from Japan turned out a bit pricy but it was very well wrapped and boxed securely. It is also an L series which stands for "luxury" which is some of the best glass they make.
The old wagon deck is up on sawhorses. It gets used as a table. The wheels are long gone, although there may be some remnants out in the woods.
The Real Canadian Superstore located at 2901 8th Street East in Saskatoon has been using the same GT 1175 Whisper Slider doors since 2010. Since that time, ASSA ABLOY has begun maintaining them as of 2014... and they've since added yellow decals. The original arrow/directional decals were replaced in 2014.
The Thrifty Drug/ Famous Dept. Store. 600 block of Pine Ave.
Designed by the firm Morgan, Wall & Clements. Built 1929. Top floor Addition in 1937
In addition to a few of the 18 plate oranges, ex-sky blue 45 441 has also joined the purple ranks. I'm going to have to constantly remind myself that this wasn't originally an orange bus, as I could never get used to the 36's batch starting with a fleet number ending in 2.
Here it is descending Mansfield Road into Nottingham with an 89 on 26.7.23
YN18 SVZ
its a hard life playing tug of war !.
the new addition to my family shadow a ten week old cocker spaniel
Pearl Artisan II Limited Edition. 14x5.5 Tiger Stripe. Birch. Brand New, manufactured 2010. Never played. Stored in the original box by the previous owner.
Valencia College celebrates its 50th annual Commencement ceremony at Addition Financial Arena on May 5, 2019 in Orlando, Fla. Images from the afternoon ceremony.
Paster
The Kübler-Ross model, commonly known as The Five Stages of Grief, is a theory first introduced by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in her 1969 book, On Death and Dying.[1]
Included in her book was the Model of Coping with Dying, which she based on research and interviews with more than 500 dying patients. It describes, in five discrete stages, a process by which people cope and deal with grief and tragedy, especially when diagnosed with a terminal illness or experience a catastrophic loss. In addition to this, her book brought mainstream awareness to the sensitivity required for better treatment of individuals who are dealing with a fatal disease or illness.[2]
Kübler-Ross added that these stages are not meant to be complete or chronological. Her theory also holds that not everyone who experiences a life-threatening or life-altering event feels all five of the responses nor will everyone who does experience them do so in any particular order. The theory is that the reactions to illness, death, and loss are as unique as the person experiencing them. Some people may get stuck in one stage.
Michael Nash Design, Build & Homes: "Additions" Gallery. Showing just a few of many artistic works by Michael Nash Design, Build & Homes. Go to www.michaelnashinc.com for more selections.
Aladdin 1915 Additions
Public and Open FACEBOOK community page on kit homes since 2009
New addition's to my yellow brick collection :)
These have X supports instead of tubes and where made by Lego to be sold in Japan and Italy in the 70s.
oLo brick on the left (Japanese). The two bricks on the right are Minitaila (Italian).
We rescued this little chap from the beak of an angry Muscovy Duck. It was really pecking at it and tossing it about so we just had to get involved. On route home we went via the local pet food warehouse and got some proper duckling food, he made short work with a load of that. We then introduced him to our pond for a swim. He's now fast asleep in front of a mirror amongst some cuddly toys. Our cats are intrigued to say the least. Not got a name for him................ yet.
block house near wolseley, western cape. new addition pix to the album. another one about 500 meters away. near the origins of the great 'breede' river in the ceres mountains
photographer's note-
blockhouses were built by the british from 1899-1902 during the anglo-boer war to protect the railway bridges from
boer attacks
the stone is local while the remaining materials were imported from britain. some were constructed entirely from concrete
the block houses could house 20 men with water, munitions and supplies stored on the lower floor. The living quarters were on the middle floor and was accessible by a retractable ladder and the top floor was the lookout deck.
only about 1000 of these blockhouses were built and few have survived
they were very effective barriers and few saw any action.
end of note
*************************************
The building of blockhouses started in March 1900 to protect the railways, in particular the railway bridges. Many of these were impressive structures of stone, with corrugated iron roofs, standing three storeys high and enetred by an external wooden stair in the form of a drawbridge.
These were effective but also time consuming and costly to build. This led to more modest style structures being built in the form of rectangular, signle-storey buildings with a stone wall mounted upon which was a coorugated iron upperwork, this was pierced with loopholes and double skinned, the void between being filled with stones to block rifle fire. Even these structures were slow to construct and a solution to these was sort by Kitchener, he turned to Major Spring R Rice, Officer Commanding 23 Field Company, Royal Engineers based as Middleburg, Transvaal.
Major Rice designed two new forms of blockhouse, the first octagonal and the second, the one that became known as the 'Rice Blockhouse'. circular. This was made of of corrugated iron filled with a stone-filled, loopholed shield above and an earth-filled caisson below, the whole being topped off with a stone roof. When ideally sited the door was blocked approached under cover of a trench and the hillock on which it sat and the lower part of the walls was covered with loose stones for added protection. It was said that trained men could erect such a blockhouse in a single day and the record for erecting one was a mere three hours. It was usually garrisoned by a non-commissioned officer and six men. Outside the immediate area was protected by barbed wire and a barbed wire fence stretched between one blockhouse and the next, hung out with tin cans to make as much noise as possible when disturbed.
The fortifications in cluded numerous other modesl, often ad-hoc designs fashioned to meet the requirements of the location and adjusted to make the best of available materials, but the Rice design was the one that sprang up in huge numbers. By September 1901 the Western Railway blockhouse line from De Aar to Lobatsi, north of Mafeking, was complete, as was the Central Railway system from Naauwpoort to Pretoria and the Delalgoa Railway to the border of Koomati Poort. In addition a box west of Johannesburg and Pretoria and a line south-east to Standerton and Newcastle were operational. In the next three months the line north from Pretoria to Pietersberg was built, the Western Railwasy cover extended south-west to beaufort West and numerous additions made in Transvaal and was now Orange Colony. By May 1902 a line of blockhouses ran from Beaufort West right across Cape Colony to the Atlantic coast and yet more lines had been added elsewhere. By the end of the war there were 3,700 miles (6,000km) of lines with some 8,000 blockhouses manned by 50,000 British troops and 16,000 Africans.
Source: The Boer War South Africa 1899-1902 by Martin Marix Evans
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Preah Khan (Khmer: ប្រាសាទព្រះខ័ន; "Royal Sword") is a temple at Angkor, Cambodia, built in the 12th century for King Jayavarman VII. It is located northeast of Angkor Thom and just west of the Jayatataka baray, with which it was associated. It was the centre of a substantial organisation, with almost 100,000 officials and servants. The temple is flat in design, with a basic plan of successive rectangular galleries around a Buddhist sanctuary complicated by Hindu satellite temples and numerous later additions. Like the nearby Ta Prohm, Preah Khan has been left largely unrestored, with numerous trees and other vegetation growing among the ruins.
HISTORY
Preah Khan was built on the site of Jayavarman VII's victory over the invading Chams in 1191. Unusually the modern name, meaning "holy sword", is derived from the meaning of the original - Nagara Jayasri (holy city of victory). The site may previously have been occupied by the royal palaces of Yasovarman II and Tribhuvanadityavarman. The temple's foundation stela has provided considerable information about the history and administration of the site: the main image, of the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara in the form of the king's father, was dedicated in 1191 (the king's mother had earlier been commemorated in the same way at Ta Prohm). 430 other deities also had shrines on the site, each of which received an allotment of food, clothing, perfume and even mosquito nets; the temple's wealth included gold, silver, gems, 112,300 pearls and a cow with gilded horns. The institution combined the roles of city, temple and Buddhist university: there were 97,840 attendants and servants, including 1000 dancers and 1000 teachers.
The temple is still largely unrestored: the initial clearing was from 1927 to 1932, and partial anastylosis was carried out in 1939. Since then free-standing statues have been removed for safe-keeping, and there has been further consolidation and restoration work. Throughout, the conservators have attempted to balance restoration and maintenance of the wild condition in which the temple was discovered: one of them, Maurice Glaize, wrote that;
The temple was previously overrun with a particularly voracious vegetation and quite ruined, presenting only chaos. Clearing works were undertaken with a constant respect for the large trees which give the composition a pleasing presentation without constituting any immediate danger. At the same time, some partial anastylosis has revived various buildings found in a sufficient state of preservation and presenting some special interest in their architecture or decoration.
Since 1991, the site has been maintained by the World Monuments Fund. It has continued the cautious approach to restoration, believing that to go further would involve too much guesswork, and prefers to respect the ruined nature of the temple. One of its former employees has said, "We're basically running a glorified maintenance program. We're not prepared to falsify history". It has therefore limited itself primarily to stabilisation work on the fourth eastern gopura, the House of Fire and the Hall of Dancers.
THE SITE
The outer wall of Preah Khan is of laterite, and bears 72 garudas holding nagas, at 50 m intervals. Surrounded by a moat, it measures 800 by 700 m and encloses an area of 56 hectares. To the east of Preah Khan is a landing stage on the edge of the Jayatataka baray, now dry, which measured 3.5 by 0.9 km. This also allowed access to the temple of Neak Pean in the centre of the baray. As usual Preah Khan is oriented toward the east, so this was the main entrance, but there are others at each of the cardinal points. Each entrance has a causeway over the moat with nāga-carrying devas and asuras similar to those at Angkor Thom; Glaize considered this an indication that the city element of Preah Khan was more significant than those of Ta Prohm or Banteay Kdei.
Halfway along the path leading to the third enclosure, on the north side, is a House of Fire (or Dharmasala) similar to Ta Prohm's. The remainder of the fourth enclosure, now forested, was originally occupied by the city; as this was built of perishable materials it has not survived. The third enclosure wall is 200 by 175 metres. In front of the third gopura is a cruciform terrace. The gopura itself is on a large scale, with three towers in the centre and two flanking pavilions. Between the southern two towers were two celebrated silk-cotton trees, of which Glaize wrote, "resting on the vault itself of the gallery, [they] frame its openings and brace the stones in substitute for pillars in a caprice of nature that is as fantastic as it is perilous." One of the trees is now dead, although the roots have been left in place. The trees may need to be removed to prevent their damaging the structure. On the far side of the temple, the third western gopura has pediments of a chess game and the Battle of Lanka, and two guardian dvarapalas to the west.
West of the third eastern gopura, on the main axis is a Hall of Dancers. The walls are decorated with apsaras; Buddha images in niches above them were destroyed in the anti-Buddhist reaction under Jayavarman VIII. North of the Hall of Dancers is a two-storeyed structure with round columns. No other examples of this form survive at Angkor, although there are traces of similar buildings at Ta Prohm and Banteay Kdei. Freeman and Jacques speculate that this may have been a granary. Occupying the rest of the third enclosure are ponds (now dry) in each corner, and satellite temples to the north, south and west. While the main temple was Buddhist, these three are dedicated to Shiva, previous kings and queens, and Vishnu respectively. They are notable chiefly for their pediments: on the northern temple, Vishnu reclining to the west and the Hindu trinity of Vishnu, Shiva and Brahma to the east; on the western temple, Krishna raising Mount Govardhana to the west.
Connecting the Hall of Dancers and the wall of the second enclosure is a courtyard containing two libraries. The second eastern gopura projects into this courtyard; it is one of the few Angkorian gopuras with significant internal decoration, with garudas on the corners of the cornices. Buddha images on the columns were changed into hermits under Jayavarman VIII.
Between the second enclosure wall (85 by 76 m) and the first enclosure wall (62 by 55 m) on the eastern side is a row of later additions which impede access and hide some of the original decoration. The first enclosure is, as Glaize said, similarly, "choked with more or less ruined buildings". The enclosure is divided into four parts by a cruciform gallery, each part almost filled by these later irregular additions. The walls of this gallery, and the interior of the central sanctuary, are covered with holes for the fixing of bronze plates which would originally have covered them and the outside of the sanctuary - 1500 tonnes was used to decorate the whole temple. At the centre of the temple, in place of the original statue of Lokesvara, is a stupa built several centuries after the temple's initial construction.
MICROBIAL DEGRADATION
Microbial biofilms have been found degrading sandstone at Angkor Wat, Preah Khan, and the Bayon and West Prasat in Angkor. The dehydration and radiation resistant filamentous cyanobacteria can produce organic acids that degrade the stone. A dark filamentous fungus was found in internal and external Preah Khan samples, while the alga Trentepohlia was found only in samples taken from external, pink-stained stone at Preah Khan.
In addition to motor boat traffic and other rowing shells, rowers share the River Thames with swimmers. A swimmer (with visible red float) training for the Henley Swim swims towards an oncoming Women's Quad from Leander.
#hrr #henley #royal #regatta #leander #club #swim
Made with (codename) Flint, a C++ framework being developed by Barbarian Group.
Working on a new sample project. Basically, Andrew is suggesting things for me to try in C++ that are just out of my comfort zone. It is like an evolving quiz.
What you see are 20,000 particles being pulled by a combination of gravitational forces and orbital forces.
All of the fields are placed manually with mouse clicks. Runs in realtime.
Donna is the latest addition to the Auto123.com team and will host the Auto123 Show starting November 23 2009.
Get to know Donna better and learn more about the show on her Facebook page!
This cathedral was built in various stages between 1864 and 1922 with additions at the sanctuary end in 1989.
The land at the site was originally designated for church purposes in 1847. Six allotments of section 33 were set aside for the use of the Roman Catholic Church in September 1848 with the original deeds of grant being signed by Governor Charles Fitzroy in November 1849. Father Hanly, one of the first parish priests, purchased allotment 13 in 1851 and allotment 6 in 1854 and a further 18 perches of land was bought by Bishop Quinn in 1877 to extend the school playgrounds.
From the early days of free settlement, Brisbane's Catholic population was significant as they comprised 30% of residents in 1846. By 1861 Catholics constituted about 25% of the total Queensland population. St Stephens Cathedral was the third site for Catholic worship in Brisbane. Services were originally conducted in a rented brick building near the corner of Elizabeth and Albert Streets until 1850 when Old St Stephens Church (QHR 600108) was completed. In 1859 with the separation of Queensland, the Archdiocese of Brisbane was created with James Quinn as the first bishop. Quinn, who did not arrive from Ireland until 1861, planned a large cathedral to accommodate a growing congregation and on the Feast of St Stephen (26 December) in 1863 he laid the foundation stone for a grand cathedral designed by Benjamin Backhouse. The project was to be completed in stages and about one-third of the total area of the foundations was laid in 1864, after which work ceased for several years during the economic crisis of the later 1860s. In the late 1860s R George Suter was commissioned to design a smaller, simpler building than the one originally planned and in 1870 work recommenced on the existing foundations. By early 1874 the nave of the cathedral was sufficiently completed for the opening service to be held on 17 May, but work continued for several months after this date.
In 1884 the top of the west gable was completed and the two sandstone spires were added. In October 1887, the cathedral was furnished with four benefactors' gifts: a large French-made Carrara marble altar with a relief panel of the Last Supper, and three stained glass windows made in Munich. One window depicted the Sacred Heart, the second showed the resurrection of Lazarus and the third was a group of three medallions showing the Lamb with the Cross, St John and the Virgin and Child. The medallions were installed over the northern door.
The depression of the 1890s discouraged further additions but with the post-Federation recovery, plans to add the transepts were revived. A 1911 Hall & Dods design shows an ambitious proposal for completion works which included a large tower at the intersection of the nave and transepts. However, the death of Archbishop Robert Dunne in 1917 made way for a successor, James Duhig, whose long-range plans for a cathedral did not include St Stephens. James Duhig decided to work towards the construction on another site of a new cathedral, to be known as the Holy Name Cathedral. The grand plans for completion of St Stephens were abandoned and instead a simple Hennessy, Hennessy & Hall design was adopted for the addition of transepts and a sanctuary to St Stephens. Duhig laid the foundation stone for these additions in October 1920 and the work was completed in 1922.
Meanwhile the plans for the Holy Name Cathedral proceeded and in an impressive ceremony on 16 September 1928 two massive foundation stones were laid by visiting church dignitaries. Legal and financial difficulties postponed work on the Holy Name Cathedral which was never built - St Stephens was to remain the site for the bishop's seat.
Serious erosion of the two sandstone spires prompted their removal in 1977 and in the 1980s Archbishop Rush initiated plans for the restoration and extension of the cathedral. Architect Robin Gibson designed modifications to the building. Internal modifications respond to changing liturgical practices.The sandstone spires were replaced with ones of glass-reinforced concrete and three new chapels were added to the eastern frontage. During this development, the foundation stones from the Holy Name Cathedral site were relocated to the grounds of St Stephens and the Last Supper relief panel from the 1887 altar was set into a wall. The modified cathedral was dedicated on 3 December 1989.
The Gothic Revival church is of a standard English type with its cruciform plan shape and in the manner it derives its articulation from the hierarchy of aisles, nave and steep roof. It is spare in some of its features possibly as a result of limited finances, and design changes during construction brought about for the same reason. The lightweight plaster ceilings do not need the support of buttresses at the clerestory level, leaving the sides of the nave relatively blank. The building's major feature is the pair of octagonal stair towers topped by spires to either side of the western facade. This facade has a diminutive entry doorway above which is a large perpendicular Gothic stained glass window depicting Christ's Ascension, St Stephen and other saints. The relatively severe ends of each transept only have three tall lancet window openings. The clerestory has tripartite pointed windows one in each bay, while the bays below these at aisle level have single Gothic arched openings flanked by small buttresses.
The building is built of porphyry (Brisbane Tuff) and freestone. The relative absence of mouldings and extensive use of corbelling can be attributed to changing design intentions. The recent work on the building has replaced the original spires (that had already been removed) with GRC replicas. On the Charlotte Street side the most notable addition was the semi-circular Blessed Sacrament Chapel, in modular concrete and glass flanked on one side by the Reconciliation Chapel and on the other the baptismal area. This addition is clad in stone veneer in a modern manner with only a vestigial references to the original Gothic revival style. The additions have resulted in a considerable increase in lighting levels in the sanctuary end of the Cathedral. Art work including sculpture and stained glass in these spaces is by contemporary artists including Warren Langley and Peter Schipperheyn. The differences between old and new are also highlighted by the change in floor surfaces. Below the extensions is a two level reinforced concrete carpark.
Internally the nave elevation is two-storeyed with squat unadorned columns supporting heavily moulded pointed arches. Pilasters rise from corbels above the columns to support transverse ribs under the pointed plaster barrel vault. The aisles have plaster vaults supported on longitudinal, transverse and diagonal ribs which spring from corbels similar to those in the nave.
At the time of the 1989 alterations much of the external stone retaining wall and cast iron fencing that once ran along the Elizabeth Street footpath was removed and replaced by the present stair spanning the width of the front of the building. A similar tinted concrete wall was built on the Charlotte Street frontage, but some original and cast iron walling adjoins on the St Stephens School frontage. The grounds surrounding the Cathedral are predominantly an open grassy area to the south crossed by concrete paths and planted with palm trees.
Source: apps.des.qld.gov.au/heritage-register/detail/?id=600107
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The word cathedral is derived from ‘cathedra’ meaning a bishop’s church.
St Stephen's is Brisbane’s Catholic Cathedral, and is both where the local parish communities benefit from fellowship, and also an expression of this faith and of Christianity. The cathedral is therefore not only an important place for those who use it regularly, but for the whole city. The building and the site of St Stephen’s is part of the heritage of all the citizens of the city of Brisbane.
Soon after Moreton Bay was declared open for free settlement in 1842, Archbishop Polding visited from Sydney and established a mission to the aborigines of Stradbroke Island. By the end of the year, newly-ordained Fr James Hanly was appointed first parish priest of Brisbane. Land was obtained for a Catholic church and its foundation stone was laid in 1848.
Opened in 1850, the first St Stephen’s is the oldest building on site and one of the oldest in the city. The tiny church became a cathedral when James Quinn was appointed first bishop of the diocese in 1859. He arrived in Brisbane on Friday night 10th May 1861 and, the following Sunday in St Stephen’s, took possession of the diocese. Two and a half years later, on the feast of Stephen in 1863, he laid the foundation stone of a bigger cathedral.
After eleven difficult years of construction, the cathedral was finally opened, though it took another ten years before the gable and towers of the west facade were completed in 1884. The 1880’s saw the cathedral enriched with stained glass windows, a marble altar, new stations of the cross and a bell. After 1874, the old cathedral was used as a school, first by the Christian Brothers, then by the Sisters of Mercy. By 1892 St Stephen’s school was erected. It is now restored and used for the cathedral offices.
Construction of the new cathedral of the Holy Name began at the end of the 1920s but, crushed by debt at the time of the great Depression, it was never completed. Ironically the sale of this site fifty years later and other projects in the church, enabled the renovation and refurbishment of St Stephen’s during 1988-1989.
I fell in love with this plant at the greenhouse. I really don't need anymore but the color was so nice that I had to buy it. So here it is in my garden. It's called Scabiosa or "Pin Cushion Flower."
In addition to the Blue Lagoon, this nearly uninhabited island is a great place for walking and taking pictures. You’ll enjoy spectacular views of both Malta and Gozo, and in addition to St. Mary’s Tower, there is a small Catholic chapel by Santa Marija Bay.
To read more about Comino, please visit www.digtravelmagazine.com/blue-lagoon-comino-island/
Tech Cocktail had a great TC Week Sessions that included a new addition, Startup Mixology: Tech Cocktail's Guide to Building, Growing, & Celebrating Startup Success written by TC's CEO, Frank Gruber. A big thank you to our sponsor: Dell Center for Entrepreneurs.
The night consisted of some fireside chats and a strong panel of successful entrepreneur's. These speakers included: Saul Colt - Head of Magic at Kinetic Café, Brad Wisler - CoFounder and Managing Member of SproutBox, Amy Jo Martin - Founder of Digital Royalty, Andy White - Partner at VegasTechFund, Sara Evans - Digital Correspondent, and Eric Olson - Associate at Origin Ventures and Co-Founder of Tech Cocktail!
We ended the night with a big Tech Cocktail surprise, mini cupcakes and a llama! We look forward to seeing you at the next TC Week Sessions on August 7th! RSVP here: ow.ly/z9QzQ
Photographer Credit: Julie Bergonz
Founded in 1889 by Charles Reed Bishop (1822–1915) as a memorial to his late wife Princess Bernice Pauahi Bishop (1831–1884), the Bishop Museum houses the largest collection of Polynesian cultural and historical artifacts in the world, as well as holding the status of being the largest museum in Hawaii. The initial building, Pauahi Hall, was begun in 1889, was completed in 1891, with an addition onto the rear of the original structure, known as Polynesian Hall, being completed in 1894, and an addition known as Hawaiian Hall added to the west of the original building in 1902-03. Adjacent to Hawaiian Hall, Bishop Hall was constructed in 1891 as the home of the Kamehameha School for Boys, which educated Native Hawaiian children until a new school campus was constructed on a nearby mountainside in the 1930s. This building has since been converted into employee-only space housing artifacts and parts of the collection not on display, as well as service areas. The initial buildings of the complex were constructed in the Richardsonian Romanesque Revival style with heavy use of rusticated stone, roman arches, hipped roofs, gables, and Victorian interior elements in the Eastlake and Queen Anne styles. The interiors of Pauahi Hall and Polynesian Hall feature grand Eastlake-style staircases with ornate railings and beautiful tile floors, with the upper levels of Polynesian Hall being home to a cavernous space with a beautiful wood frame roof and column structure, as well as a wooden inlay in the floor that displays a map of Polynesia. The interior of Hawaiian Hall is a massive three-story space ringed with balconies, columns, and arches, with exhibits on every level and large displays hanging from the ceiling. To the rear, linking the three buildings, is a modern atrium added in 2007. Behind the museum exhibit buildings are a series of Classical Revival and Modern buildings that house additional service areas, artifact storage areas, and collection storage areas for the museum. Between the original museum buildings and Bishop Hall stands the Castle Memorial Building, home to rotating special exhibits, built in the Postmodern style between 1988 and 1990. To the west of the museum stands the Jhamandas Watumull Planetarium, which opened in 1961 and was later expanded with the addition of a restaurant and gift shop. The south side of the museum complex is the site of the Richard T. Mamiya Science Adventure Center, a contemporary museum which was completed in 2005, and features exhibits meant to teach visitors about various scientific studies underway or carried out in Hawaii. The museum complex serves as a major cultural institution in Hawaii and Polynesia as a whole, and serves to curate and preserve important artifacts and records of the unique cultural and geographic region’s history and people.
Othello Castle, also known as Othello's Tower, is a castle in Famagusta, Northern Cyprus. It was built by the Lusignans in the 14th century, and was later modified by the Venetians. The modern name of the castle comes from a stage note in Shakespeare's play Othello.
Othello Castle was built in the 14th century by the Lusignans (who ruled the Kingdom of Cyprus) to protect the port against possible enemy attacks. It was also used as the main entrance to Famagusta. It used to be called "impenetrable fortress" due to it being nearly impossible to attack because of very deep ditches surrounding it.
After Cyprus was sold to the Republic of Venice, the castle's square towers were replaced with circular ones to suit more modern artillery. After these modifications, a relief of the Lion of St Mark was engraved above the castle's main entrance. The name of Captain Nicolo Foscari, who directed the alterations to the castle, and the date 1492 are inscribed near the relief. Apparently Leonardo da Vinci advised the refurbishment in 1481. The castle gets its name from Shakespeare's famous play Othello, which is set in a harbour town in Cyprus.
In 1900, the castle's ditch was drained of water to reduce the risk of malaria.
The castle began to be restored in 2014, and it reopened to the public on 3 July 2015.
The castle contains four circular towers. It contains a refectory and a dormitory, which were constructed during the Lusignan period. The castle's yard contains cannonballs left behind by the Spaniards and Ottomans, relics of its turbulent history.
Famagusta is a city on the east coast of the de facto state Northern Cyprus. It is located east of Nicosia and possesses the deepest harbour of the island. During the Middle Ages (especially under the maritime republics of Genoa and Venice), Famagusta was the island's most important port city and a gateway to trade with the ports of the Levant, from where the Silk Road merchants carried their goods to Western Europe. The old walled city and parts of the modern city are de facto part of Northern Cyprus as the capital of the Gazimağusa District.
The city was known as Arsinoe or Arsinoë (Greek: Ἀρσινόη, Arsinóē) in antiquity, after Ptolemy II of Egypt's sister and wife Arsinoe II.
By the 3rd century, the city appears as Ammochostos (Greek: Ἀμμόχωστος or Αμμόχωστος, Ammókhōstos, "Hidden in Sand") in the Stadiasmus Maris Magni.[5] This name is still used in modern Greek with the pronunciation [aˈmːoxostos], while it developed into Latin Fama Augusta, French Famagouste, Italian Famagosta, and English Famagusta during the medieval period. Its informal modern Turkish name Mağusa (Turkish pronunciation: [maˈusa]) came from the same source. Since 1974, it has formally been known to Turkey and Northern Cyprus as Gazimağusa ([ɡaːzimaˈusa]), from the addition of the title gazi, meaning "veteran" or "one who has faught in a holy war".
In the early medieval period, the city was also known as New Justiniana (Greek: Νέα Ἰουστινιανία, Néa Ioustinianía) in appreciation for the patronage of the Byzantine emperor Justinian, whose wife Theodora was born there.
The old town of Famagusta has also been nicknamed "the City of 365 Churches" from the legend that, at its peak, it boasted a church for every day of the year.
The city was founded around 274 BC, after the serious damage to Salamis by an earthquake, by Ptolemy II Philadelphus and named "Arsinoe" after his sister.[6] Arsinoe was described as a "fishing town" by Strabo in his Geographica in the first century BC. In essence, Famagusta was the successor of the most famous and most important ancient city of Cyprus, Salamis. According to Greek mythology, Salamis was founded after the end of the Trojan War by Teucros, the son of Telamon and brother of Aedes, from the Greek island of Salamis.
The city experienced great prosperity much later, during the time of the Byzantine emperor Justinian. To honor the city, from which his wife Theodora came, Justinian enriched it with many buildings, while the inhabitants named it New Justiniania to express their gratitude. In AD 647, when the neighboring cities were destroyed by Arab raiding, the inhabitants of these cities moved to Famagusta, as a result of which the city's population increased significantly and the city experienced another boom.
Later, when Jerusalem was occupied by the Arabs, the Christian population fled to Famagusta, as a result of which the city became an important Christian center, but also one of the most important commercial centers in the eastern Mediterranean.
The turning point for Famagusta was 1192 with the onset of Lusignan rule. It was during this period that Famagusta developed as a fully-fledged town. It increased in importance to the Eastern Mediterranean due to its natural harbour and the walls that protected its inner town. Its population began to increase. This development accelerated in the 13th century as the town became a centre of commerce for both the East and West. An influx of Christian refugees fleeing the downfall of Acre (1291) in Palestine transformed it from a tiny village into one of the richest cities in Christendom.
In 1372 the port was seized by Genoa and in 1489 by Venice. This commercial activity turned Famagusta into a place where merchants and ship owners led lives of luxury. By the mid-14th century, Famagusta was said to have the richest citizens in the world. The belief that people's wealth could be measured by the churches they built inspired these merchants to have churches built in varying styles. These churches, which still exist, were the reason Famagusta came to be known as "the district of churches". The development of the town focused on the social lives of the wealthy people and was centred upon the Lusignan palace, the cathedral, the Square and the harbour.
In 1570–1571, Famagusta was the last stronghold in Venetian Cyprus to hold out against the Turks under Mustafa Pasha. It resisted a siege of thirteen months and a terrible bombardment, until at last the garrison surrendered. The Ottoman forces had lost 50,000 men, including Mustafa Pasha's son. Although the surrender terms had stipulated that the Venetian forces be allowed to return home, the Venetian commander, Marco Antonio Bragadin, was flayed alive, his lieutenant Tiepolo was hanged, and many other Christians were killed.
With the advent of the Ottoman rule, Latins lost their privileged status in Famagusta and were expelled from the city. Greek Cypriots natives were at first allowed to own and buy property in the city, but were banished from the walled city in 1573–74 and had to settle outside in the area that later developed into Varosha. Turkish families from Anatolia were resettled in the walled city but could not fill the buildings that previously hosted a population of 10,000. This caused a drastic decrease in the population of Famagusta. Merchants from Famagusta, who mostly consisted of Latins that had been expelled, resettled in Larnaca and as Larnaca flourished, Famagusta lost its importance as a trade centre. Over time, Varosha developed into a prosperous agricultural town thanks to its location away from the marshes, whilst the walled city remained dilapidated.
In the walled city, some buildings were repurposed to serve the interests of the Muslim population: the Cathedral of St. Nicholas was converted to a mosque (now known as Lala Mustafa Pasha Mosque), a bazaar was developed, public baths, fountains and a theological school were built to accommodate the inhabitants' needs. Dead end streets, an Ottoman urban characteristic, was imported to the city and a communal spirit developed in which a small number of two-storey houses inhabited by the small upper class co-existed with the widespread one-storey houses.
With the British takeover, Famagusta regained its significance as a port and an economic centre and its development was specifically targeted in British plans. As soon as the British took over the island, a Famagusta Development Act was passed that aimed at the reconstruction and redevelopment of the city's streets and dilapidated buildings as well as better hygiene. The port was developed and expanded between 1903 and 1906 and Cyprus Government Railway, with its terminus in Famagusta, started construction in 1904. Whilst Larnaca continued to be used as the main port of the island for some time, after Famagusta's use as a military base in World War I trade significantly shifted to Famagusta. The city outside the walls grew at an accelerated rate, with development being centred around Varosha. Varosha became the administrative centre as the British moved their headquarters and residences there and tourism grew significantly in the last years of the British rule. Pottery and production of citrus and potatoes also significantly grew in the city outside the walls, whilst agriculture within the walled city declined to non-existence.
New residential areas were built to accommodate the increasing population towards the end of the British rule,[11] and by 1960, Famagusta was a modern port city extending far beyond Varosha and the walled city.
The British period saw a significant demographic shift in the city. In 1881, Christians constituted 60% of the city's population while Muslims were at 40%. By 1960, the Turkish Cypriot population had dropped to 17.5% of the overall population, while the Greek Cypriot population had risen to 70%. The city was also the site for one of the British internment camps for nearly 50,000 Jewish survivors of the Holocaust trying to emigrate to Palestine.
From independence in 1960 to the Turkish invasion of Cyprus of 1974, Famagusta developed toward the south west of Varosha as a well-known entertainment and tourist centre. The contribution of Famagusta to the country's economic activity by 1974 far exceeded its proportional dimensions within the country. Whilst its population was only about 7% of the total of the country, Famagusta by 1974 accounted for over 10% of the total industrial employment and production of Cyprus, concentrating mainly on light industry compatible with its activity as a tourist resort and turning out high-quality products ranging from food, beverages and tobacco to clothing, footwear, plastics, light machinery and transport equipment. It contributed 19.3% of the business units and employed 21.3% of the total number of persons engaged in commerce on the island. It acted as the main tourist destination of Cyprus, hosting 31.5% of the hotels and 45% of Cyprus' total bed capacity. Varosha acted as the main touristic and business quarters.
In this period, the urbanisation of Famagusta slowed down and the development of the rural areas accelerated. Therefore, economic growth was shared between the city of Famagusta and the district, which had a balanced agricultural economy, with citrus, potatoes, tobacco and wheat as main products. Famagusta maintained good communications with this hinterland. The city's port remained the island's main seaport and in 1961, it was expanded to double its capacity in order to accommodate the growing volume of exports and imports. The port handled 42.7% of Cypriot exports, 48.6% of imports and 49% of passenger traffic.
There has not been an official census since 1960 but the population of the town in 1974 was estimated to be around 39,000 not counting about 12,000–15,000 persons commuting daily from the surrounding villages and suburbs to work in Famagusta. The number of people staying in the city would swell to about 90,000–100,000 during the peak summer tourist period, with the influx of tourists from numerous European countries, mainly Britain, France, Germany and the Scandinavian countries. The majority of the city population were Greek Cypriots (26,500), with 8,500 Turkish Cypriots and 4,000 people from other ethnic groups.
During the second phase of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus on 14 August 1974 the Mesaoria plain was overrun by Turkish tanks and Famagusta was bombed by Turkish aircraft. It took two days for the Turkish Army to occupy the city, prior to which Famagusta's entire Greek Cypriot population had fled into surrounding fields. As a result of Turkish airstrikes dozens of civilians died, including tourists.
Unlike other parts of the Turkish-controlled areas of Cyprus, the Varosha suburb of Famagusta was fenced off by the Turkish army immediately after being captured and remained fenced off until October 2020, when the TRNC reopened some streets to visitors. Some Greek Cypriots who had fled Varosha have been allowed to view the town and journalists have been allowed in.
UN Security Council resolution 550 (1984) considers any attempts to settle any part of Famagusta by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the UN. The UN's Security Council resolution 789 (1992) also urges that with a view to the implementation of resolution 550 (1984), the area at present under the control of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus be extended to include Varosha.
Famagusta's historic city centre is surrounded by the fortifications of Famagusta, which have a roughly rectangular shape, built mainly by the Venetians in the 15th and 16th centuries, though some sections of the walls have been dated earlier times, as far as 1211.
Some important landmarks and visitor attractions in the old city are:
The Lala Mustafa Pasha Mosque
The Othello Castle
Palazzo del Provveditore - the Venetian palace of the governor, built on the site of the former Lusignan royal palace
St. Francis' Church
Sinan Pasha Mosque
Church of St. George of the Greeks
Church of St. George of the Latins
Twin Churches
Nestorian Church (of St George the Exiler)
Namık Kemal Dungeon
Agios Ioannis Church
Venetian House
Akkule Masjid
Mustafa Pasha Mosque
Ganchvor monastery
In an October 2010 report titled Saving Our Vanishing Heritage, Global Heritage Fund listed Famagusta, a "maritime ancient city of crusader kings", among the 12 sites most "On the Verge" of irreparable loss and destruction, citing insufficient management and development pressures.
Famagusta is an important commercial hub of Northern Cyprus. The main economic activities in the city are tourism, education, construction and industrial production. It has a 115-acre free port, which is the most important seaport of Northern Cyprus for travel and commerce. The port is an important source of income and employment for the city, though its volume of trade is restricted by the embargo against Northern Cyprus. Its historical sites, including the walled city, Salamis, the Othello Castle and the St Barnabas Church, as well as the sandy beaches surrounding it make it a tourist attraction; efforts are also underway to make the city more attractive for international congresses. The Eastern Mediterranean University is also an important employer and supplies significant income and activity, as well as opportunities for the construction sector. The university also raises a qualified workforce that stimulates the city's industry and makes communications industry viable. The city has two industrial zones: the Large Industrial Zone and the Little Industrial Zone. The city is also home to a fishing port, but inadequate infrastructure of the port restricts the growth of this sector. The industry in the city has traditionally been concentrated on processing agricultural products.
Historically, the port was the primary source of income and employment for the city, especially right after 1974. However, it gradually lost some of its importance to the economy as the share of its employees in the population of Famagusta diminished due to various reasons. However, it still is the primary port for commerce in Northern Cyprus, with more than half of ships that came to Northern Cyprus in 2013 coming to Famagusta. It is the second most popular seaport for passengers, after Kyrenia, with around 20,000 passengers using the port in 2013.
The mayor-in-exile of Famagusta is Simos Ioannou. Süleyman Uluçay heads the Turkish Cypriot municipal administration of Famagusta, which remains legal as a communal-based body under the constitutional system of the Republic of Cyprus.
Since 1974, Greek Cypriots submitted a number of proposals within the context of bicommunal discussions for the return of Varosha to UN administration, allowing the return of its previous inhabitants, requesting also the opening of Famagusta harbour for use by both communities. Varosha would have been returned to Greek Cypriot control as part of the 2004 Annan Plan but the plan had been rejected by a majority(3/4) of Greek Cypriot voters.
The walled city of Famagusta contains many unique buildings. Famagusta has a walled city popular with tourists.
Every year, the International Famagusta Art and Culture Festival is organized in Famagusta. Concerts, dance shows and theater plays take place during the festival.
A growth in tourism and the city's university have fueled the development of Famagusta's vibrant nightlife. Nightlife in the city is especially active on Wednesday, Friday and Saturday nights and in the hotter months of the year, starting from April. Larger hotels in the city have casinos that cater to their customers. Salamis Road is an area of Famagusta with a heavy concentration of bars frequented by students and locals.
Famagusta's Othello Castle is the setting for Shakespeare's play Othello. The city was also the setting for Victoria Hislop's 2015 novel The Sunrise, and Michael Paraskos's 2016 novel In Search of Sixpence. The city is the birthplace of the eponymous hero of the Renaissance proto-novel Fortunatus.
Famagusta was home to many Greek Cypriot sport teams that left the city because of the Turkish invasion and still bear their original names. Most notable football clubs originally from the city are Anorthosis Famagusta FC and Nea Salamis Famagusta FC, both of the Cypriot First Division, which are now based in Larnaca. Usually Anorthosis Famagusta fans are politically right wing where Nea Salamis fans are left wing.
Famagusta is represented by Mağusa Türk Gücü in the Turkish Cypriot First Division. Dr. Fazıl Küçük Stadium is the largest football stadium in Famagusta. Many Turkish Cypriot sport teams that left Southern Cyprus because of the Cypriot intercommunal violence are based in Famagusta.
Famagusta is represented by DAÜ Sports Club and Magem Sports Club in North Cyprus First Volleyball Division. Gazimağusa Türk Maarif Koleji represents Famagusta in the North Cyprus High School Volleyball League.
Famagusta has a modern volleyball stadium called the Mağusa Arena.
The Eastern Mediterranean University was founded in the city in 1979. The Istanbul Technical University founded a campus in the city in 2010.
The Cyprus College of Art was founded in Famagusta by the Cypriot artist Stass Paraskos in 1969, before moving to Paphos in 1972 after protests from local hoteliers that the presence of art students in the city was putting off holidaymakers.
Famagusta has three general hospitals. Gazimağusa Devlet Hastahanesi, a state hospital, is the biggest hospital in city. Gazimağusa Tıp Merkezi and Gazimağusa Yaşam Hastahanesi are private hospitals.
Personalities
Saint Barnabas, born and died in Salamis, Famagusta
Chris Achilleos, illustrator of the book versions on the BBC children's series Doctor Who
Beran Bertuğ, former Governor of Famagusta, first Cypriot woman to hold this position
Marios Constantinou, former international Cypriot football midfielder and current manager.
Eleftheria Eleftheriou, Cypriot singer.
Derviş Eroğlu, former President of Northern Cyprus
Alexis Galanos, 7th President of the House of Representatives and Famagusta mayor-in-exile (2006-2019) (Republic of Cyprus)
Xanthos Hadjisoteriou, Cypriot painter
Oz Karahan, political activist, President of the Union of Cypriots
Oktay Kayalp, former Turkish Cypriot Famagusta mayor (Northern Cyprus)
Harry Luke British diplomat
Angelos Misos, former international footballer
Costas Montis was an influential and prolific Greek Cypriot poet, novelist, and playwright born in Famagusta.
Hal Ozsan, actor (Dawson's Creek, Kyle XY)
Dimitris Papadakis, a Greek Cypriot politician, who served as a Member of the European Parliament.
Ṣubḥ-i-Azal, Persian religious leader, lived and died in exile in Famagusta
Touker Suleyman (born Türker Süleyman), British Turkish Cypriot fashion retail entrepreneur, investor and reality television personality.
Alexia Vassiliou, singer, left here as a refugee when the town was invaded.
George Vasiliou, former President of Cyprus
Vamik Volkan, Emeritus Professor of Psychiatry
Derviş Zaim, film director
Famagusta is twinned with:
İzmir, Turkey (since 1974)
Corfu, Greece (since 1994)
Patras, Greece (since 1994)
Antalya, Turkey (since 1997)
Salamina (city), Greece (since 1998)
Struga, North Macedonia
Athens, Greece (since 2005)
Mersin, Turkey
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
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An African Oradour...
Barlonyo (also Bar Lonyo, meaning "field of wealth" in Luo) is a village in northern Uganda near Lira town. Here follows the text of the remembrance book for the massacre of 2014, made by residents themselves.
The survivors perform regularly an re-enactment of what happened in their village. The pictures were made in November 2016, at the same time while the International Criminal Court (ICC) was starting the trials of the main suspect of the massacre, former LRA commander Dominic Ongwen.
THIS MEMORY BOOK IS BASED ON DOCUMENTATIONS OF THE MASSACRE CONDUCTED BY THE JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION PROJECT (JRP), IN ADDITION TO FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSIONS HELD BY COLLABORATIVE TRANSITIONS AFRICA (CTA).
CTA CONTRIBUTES TO BUILDING LASTING PEACE AFTER VIOLENT CONFLICT IN AFRICA BY AIDING INNOVATIVE, LOCAL, INITIATIVES AND IDEAS OF SURVIVORS TO HELP THEIR OWN COMMUNITIES COPE AND RECOVER.
FOR ANY THOUGHTS OR COMMENTS, PLEASE SEE CTA WEBSITE WWW.CTAFRICA.ORG
Barlonyo martyr village
Before the War
Since 1986, a civil war has taken place between the Government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Before the war the Langi people of Lira district and the people of Barlonyo made a living by farming and taking care of the livestock.
Barlonyo means “place of wealth”; a piece of land where people can be wealthy with hard work. Previously, life around Barlonyo was characterized by hunting, fishing, traditional dances and storytelling, and the cultivation of crops, small businesses and cattle rearing,
The civil war lead to the creation of displacement camps in Lira and disrupted their way of life.
After a government offensive called “Operation Iron Fist” in late 2002, Lira district became even more insecure. The LRA began attacking civilians in Lira district and as a result, nearby civilians in Lira voluntarily created Barlonyo camp between September and November 2002. Barlonyo is 26 km north of Lira town and sits next to the River Moroto.
In the afternoon of 21 February 2004, over 300 people were murdered in less than three hours and thousands were displaced to neighbouring camps.
This book is to remember and honour the lives of those who were killed and affected by the massacre. It is also meant to recognize how Barlonyo has moved forward after the massacre, and to memorialize their story so the next generation in Barlonyo does not allow such an atrocity to happen again.
Timeline of massacre events:
Times are approximated based on eye-witness testimony
5:00 pm
300 LRA gather in the fields outside of Barlonyo to receive attack instructions from Okot Odhiambo. According to one soldier who participated in the raid, Odhiambo told the LRA soldiers: “I have received order from the high command of the LRA. You are to kill every living Thing. Kill the old people, kill the adults, kill the government soldiers, and abduct all the young children and boys.”
Several civilians spot the rebels and try to alert the camp. The LRA becomes suspicious of the civilians who had run Back to the camp and they started to shoot in their direction. The rebels fired an RPG (Rocket-Propelled Grenade) toward the detach. At this time one person is shot.
5:30 pm
The LRA, headed by 7 fighters, splits into 3 groups. One group attacks the militia detach and sets it on fire. 28 soldiers and some of the family members were in the barracks and all were killed in the attack. The groupe attacking the detach then continues on the main camp.
The camp residents did not realize that the detach was being attacked and were doing activities such as bathing, cooking, drinking and playing cards when the LRA arrived. The other two groups surrounded the main camp and begin massacring civilians and abducting others. There were over 300 LRA rebels with 100 guns, a bomb, two J2s, Ak-47 and clubs and sticks. A small gap of fighters on the western side of the camp allows some civilians, Amuka and LDU to escape. Some hide in the bushes and others run to Ogur.
7:30 pm
After the massacre was over Odhiambo blew his whistle, gathered the rebels under a tree, and tied all of the new abductees to the tree. At least 24 people were kidnapped and taken to carry looted goods or serve in the rank and file of the LRA. They marched their captives, most laden with heavy food stuffs and luggage to the river Moroto (3 km away).
8:30 pm
Several people struggled to cross the deep river and were punished for their caution. One woman spilled millet as she stumbled, and was promptly chopped to death with a panga. Twenty people were killed by the LRA at the River Moroto by smashing their heads and stabbing them with bayonets. The group carries on into Okwang.
By the end of the massacre over 300 residents of Barlonyo were shot, mutilated with pangas, beaten to death with sticks or pierced with bayonets. Many others were burned to death after following instructions to enter their homes. Those who tried to escape were killed. No one was spared and after only three hours, the LRA retreated from the camp.
Remembering the dead:
There is a cement mass grave and memorial statue commemorating the massacre of Barlonyo camp. As seen above, the official government record claims that only 121 were massacred at Barlonyo even though the death toll was over 300 people according to community members and the camp commanders list. The actual number can never be known, as many lost were young children or left no one to account for them.
Every year a prayer ceremony takes place on 21 February to remember the massacre. Representatives from the government attend and the entire community comes together to pray for the massacre victims: “The prayer ceremonies are good because people from other places come together. It makes them know people love them, council them, it makes them normal.”
Some survivors hold on to some of the possessions of los friends and family members as a way of remembering them. For those who did not have their hut burned down, objects such as ID cards, cooking pots, and clothing are a way to remember their lost loved ones.
A group of Barlonyo community members performs dramatic performances about the massacre to both visitors and the people of Barlonyo. The performances are done by a local youth group as a way of bringing people together and coping with the massacre. “It makes them remember what happened here. It helps them with their trauma… It’s not just for the sake of playing but bringing people together.”
As the Barlonyo community moves on after the massacre, men and women are worried about poverty, hunger and sickness in their daily lives. One Barlonyo resident said: “We ne3ed institutions at Barlonyo to remember. Hospitals, security, education, better memorials.”
Not only can institutions serve as a memorial to the massacre, but they can help the Barlonyo community recover from their experiences and flourish in the aftermath of the civil war. The needs described on the next page were based on a series of conversations with the people of Barlonyo.
. Boreholes – we need more water, the stream is dirty
.Children with disabilities needs to be able to go to school
. A better health centre
. “Churches, schools, youth centres”
. Support for the EVI’s remaining in Barlonyo
.Sensitization centers/programs
.Agriculture projects that increase productivity
. “Repair the roads”
.Income generations activities
.Graves were not cemented properly
.We need a fence to protect the memorials
.”A child cannot afford the cost of books.”
.Compensation for the killed should come from the government
.”NGOs and the government should supply these things.”
Today the people of Barlonyo are returning to their ancestral homes. They focus on cultivating their gardens, providing for their families, and educating their children.
Without fulfilling community need, like provision of hospitals and schools, the community will continue to face many challenges. “We want our children to know the impact of the massacre.”
“It is important to remember the past while also looking towards prospects for the future. The Barlonyo community needs to remember their past while having the opportunity top provide for the next generation of Barlonyo. The task before Barlonyo today is to thrive in the villages while giving respect to the loved ones they have lost. Many people explained the importance of memory to them as a way for the children to know their ancestors, as well as a lesson so that a tragedy like Barlonyo never happens again.
It is becoming so that they cannot remember really… We need to remember the massacre and to give it to our children so that they can remember our beloved ancestors.
It is with this spirit of remembrance alongside the need to move forward that characterizes Barlonyo and the aftermath of the massacre today.”
Survivors of the Lord’s Resistance Army insurgency in Lira District have appealed to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to hold part of the trials of former Joseph Kony's LRA commander Dominic Ongwen at Barlonyo site where the rebels reportedly massacred 300 people in 2004
In addition to convening a network of thought leaders and innovators, the PopTech conference also features an electric mix of musicians that cross genres, countries and sounds.
Download our collection of songs from some of the incredible performers the conference has hosted on its stage over the past few years. Artists featured on the mixtape include Reggie Watts, OK Go, April Smith and The Great Picture Show, Zee Avi and Rodrigo y Gabriela.
Silesian Theatre
The Silesian Theatre seen from Northwest
The theater in its original design (1909)
Detail of a facade relief
The Silesian Theatre (Teatr Slaski in. Stanisław Wyspiańskiego) is the Municipal Theatre, one of the main attractions of the city of Katowice in Poland, as well as the largest theater and one of the region's most important cultural institutions. It occupies a central place in the middle of the Katowice city center at the Ring.
History
Katowice is a young city that developed as a result of industrialization and 1865 received its town charter. Given the growing importance and population growth of the city, yet early have been made efforts to build a city theater. It arose an association (Förderverein), raising funds for the construction, but which was subsidized generously by the city council. 1905, was started with the construction work according to plans by the Cologne architect Carl Moritz who had already gained experience in theater plannings. As a building site was chosen the Ring respectively the former square Friedrichs Platz and for the new building the old, simple brick town hall was demolished. Structurally seen, the theater is attributable to the neoclassicism, strong elements of the Classical Modern but also elements of Art Nouveau being present. At this time, Katowice had around 35,000 inhabitants, Carl Moritz on the other hand created a disproportionately large theater with 410 seats, which would have fitted in a big city with its cultural offerings and with its architecture and impressive size.
On October 2, 1907 took place the opening ceremony of the municipal theater, contemporarily called Deutsches Theater. In his opening speech said mayor Alexander Pohlmann, the town theater may be a proud and invincible bulwark against the hostile Polish manners. This chauvinist sentence expressed the purpose of the building in an exaggerated way. As well as the stone banner "German Word and German Art" announced at the gable, the theater should on the one hand promote the German cultural life throughout the region and promote the German language, but on the other hand also be a symbol of the new city, shaped by the Germans. In fact, Katowice indeed had a clear German majority in the population, in rural surroundings, however, the situation was different.
With this city theater in which appeared many famous actors and others began their careers, Katowice became the cultural capital of the Upper Silesian industrial district. As Katowice in 1922 fell to Poland, the theater was indeed renamed in Polish theater, the minority agreements (Minderheitenabkommen), however, obligated Poland to maintain the cultural life of the Germans, which is why there was still a German theater community, which was played by German stages from Upper Silesia but also from other parts of Germany. On the other hand, the theater as in German times but this time the other way around should meet polonization measures (Polonisierungsmaßnahmen). The old German inscription was removed as well as in the 1930s the two monumental Art Nouveau reliefs at the sides of the gable, showing scenes from the Nibelungen saga. In 1936 the theater got the name of the Polish playwright and painter Stanisław Wyspiański, which after the Second World War was also attached above the gable, and was the scene of numerous operas. During the German occupation in World War II, at the theater a board was attached with the old saying "German Word - German Art", which should underpin the racist ideology of the Nazis.
In the post-war period and in Communist Poland, the remaining architectural decorations of the theater disappeared (including the portals), and the façade got a plain plaster. In 2000 renovation works were completed, restoring the old plaster as well as the portals, of which remains still could be used. Furthermore, still three reliefs of dance, music and literature adorn the façade of the theater.
More recently, in addition to theater performances were also organized exhibitions on the topic theater, musical performances and literary meetings. So took place in September 1996 in the theater the "Günter Grass Days", in which numerous well-known translators of Polish and German literature participated.
Schlesisches Theater
Das Schlesische Theater von Nordwesten
Das Theater in seiner ursprünglichen Gestaltung (1909)
Detail eines Fassadenreliefs
Das Schlesische Theater (Teatr Śląski im. Stanisława Wyspiańskiego) ist das Stadttheater, eine der Hauptsehenswürdigkeiten der Stadt Kattowitz in Polen, sowie das größte Theater und eine der wichtigsten kulturellen Einrichtungen der Region. Es nimmt einen zentralen Platz mitten im Kattowitzer Stadtzentrum am Ring ein.
Geschichte
Kattowitz ist eine junge Stadt, die sich infolge der Industrialisierung entwickelte und 1865 das Stadtrecht erhielt. In Anbetracht der zunehmenden Bedeutung und des Bevölkerungswachstums der Stadt bestanden schon früh Bestrebungen, ein Stadttheater zu errichten. Es entstand ein Förderverein, der Spenden für den Bau sammelte, der aber von der Stadtverwaltung großzügig bezuschusst werden musste. 1905 wurde nach Plänen des Kölner Architekten Carl Moritz, der schon Erfahrung in Theaterplanungen gesammelt hatte, mit den Baumaßnahmen begonnen. Als Bauplatz wählte man den Ring bzw. den damaligen Friedrichsplatz und riss für den Neubau das alte, schlichte Backstein-Rathaus ab. Baulich gesehen ist das Theater dem Neoklassizismus zuzurechnen, wobei starke Anklänge an die Klassische Moderne, aber auch Elemente des Jugendstils vorhanden sind. Zu dieser Zeit hatte Kattowitz um die 35.000 Einwohner, Carl Moritz schuf dagegen ein überproportional großes Theater mit 410 Sitzplätzen, das mit seinem kulturellen Angebot und mit seiner Architektur, sowie imponierenden Größe in eine Großstadt gepasst hätte.
Am 2. Oktober 1907 erfolgte die feierliche Eröffnung des Stadttheaters, zeitgenössisch auch Deutsches Theater genannt. In seiner Eröffnungsrede sagte Oberbürgermeister Alexander Pohlmann, das Stadttheater möge ein stolzes und unbesiegbares Bollwerk gegen die feindliche polnische Lebensart sein. Dieser chauvinistische Satz drückte den Zweck dieses Gebäudes in übertriebener Weise aus. Wie auch das steinerne Spruchband „Deutschem Wort und Deutscher Art“ am Giebel verkündete, sollte das Theater einerseits das deutsche Kulturleben der ganzen Region voranbringen und die deutsche Sprache fördern, andererseits aber auch ein Symbol der neuen, von Deutschen geprägten Stadt sein. In der Tat hatte Kattowitz zwar eine klare deutsche Bevölkerungsmehrheit, im ländlichen Umland dagegen, sah die Situation anders aus.
Mit diesem Stadttheater, in dem viele bekannte Schauspieler auftraten und andere ihre Karriere begannen, wurde Kattowitz zur kulturellen Metropole des Oberschlesischen Industriegebiets. Als Kattowitz 1922 an Polen fiel wurde das Theater zwar in Polnisches Theater umbenannt, die Minderheitenabkommen verpflichteten Polen jedoch, das kulturelle Leben der Deutschen aufrechtzuerhalten, weshalb weiterhin eine deutsche Theatergemeinde bestand, die von deutschen Bühnen aus Oberschlesien, aber auch aus anderen Teilen Deutschlands bespielt wurde. Andererseits sollte das Theater wie zu deutschen Zeiten, diesmal aber umgekehrt, Polonisierungsmaßnahmen erfüllen. Die alte deutsche Inschrift wurde ebenso entfernt wie in den 1930er Jahren die beiden monumentalen Jugenstilreliefs an den Seiten des Giebels, die Szenen aus der Nibelungensage zeigten. 1936 erhielt das Theater den Namen des polnischen Dramatikers und Malers Stanisław Wyspiańskis, der nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg auch über dem Giebel angebracht wurde, und war Schauplatz zahlreicher Opernaufführungen. Während der deutschen Besetzung im Zweiten Weltkrieg wurde am Theater eine Tafel mit der alten Aufschrift „Deutschem Wort - Deutscher Art“ angebracht, die die rassistischen Ideologien der Nationalsozialisten untermauern sollte.
In der Nachkriegszeit und im kommunistischen Polen verschwanden die restlichen architektonischen Verzierungen des Theaters (unter anderem die Portale), und die Fassade erhielt einen einfarbigen Verputz. Im Jahre 2000 wurden Renovierungsarbeiten abgeschlossen, die den alten Verputz sowie die Portale, von denen noch Reste verwendet werden konnten, wiederherstellten. Weiterhin schmücken noch drei Reliefe des Tanzes, der Musik und der Literatur die Fassade des Theaters.
In neuerer Zeit wurden neben Theateraufführungen auch Ausstellungen zum Thema Theater, musikalische Aufführungen und literarische Treffen veranstaltet. So fanden im September 1996 im Theater die „Günter Grass-Tage“ statt, an denen zahlreiche namhafte Übersetzer polnischer und deutscher Literatur teilnahmen.