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My understanding is this is restored and now at the Whittaker Camp One display at Cass Scenic Railroad.
Description borrowed from the Mountain State Railroad & Logging Historical Association(MSR&LHA). visit their wonderful and informational site at www.msrlha.org/
High-lead Steam Skidder -- Built by Meadow River Lumber’s Rainelle shop using older Lidgerwood skidder engines and winches – completed in 1945 – rostered as No. 1; mounted on a 55-foot car frame, the mast (tower, spar) fabrication (standing 96-feet from its base in operating condition) and cable capability (over 3,300 feet) made it one of the largest high-lead skidders ever used in the East. The purpose of the rebuild was related to handling tree-length logs; service ended sometime in 1966 (it was the last operating steam skidder in the East); brought to Rainelle in early 1968 and stored on a siding across the mill pond from MRL’s bandsaw plant). Shipped to Cass as part of the donated equipment in 5-72; the mast came on two B-series log cars (one of these also carried the boiler’s cupola housing); moved to Whittaker by Shay No. 2 and No. 5 in 11-93; the mast was brought to the site via the same power combination in [8]-94; one of only two Lidgerwood skidders extant domestically.
A view of restoration: www.msrlha.org/p-roster-photos/thumbs/high-ead-1999.html
understanding the memoir with a tenacious grip on relishing photography...
The morning air is awash with angels.
~ Richard Wilbur
she felt the duet of breeze and dreams and it was no longer about balance but her duet with...
reflections:
1 - A girl in Forest
2 - I'm Peter Pan by Heart ~ MJ
3 - Laawaris
...notes to self
Bay is finally understanding what my camera does and will actually let me take her picture now on demand. After I snap one she runs over and is eager to look at the back of the camera and scroll through the images. It's adorable.
This artistic provocation seeks to estimate the orders of magnitude of critical ecosystem services fundamental to all planetary life processes. It is common to use economic metaphors, which entail specific understandings of value, to describe our relationships with society, the world, and the biosphere. Today’s prevailing economic conventions are unable to recognize the intrinsic value of the ecosystems on which all life depends. In cultures overdetermined by concepts from economics, we are left without adequate discursive instruments to socially or politically address the importance of ecosystem contribution to life on Earth. This experiment consists of 1 square meter of wheat, cultivated in a closed environment. Critical inputs such as water, light, heat, and nutrients are measured, monitored, and displayed for the public. This procedure makes palpable the immense scale of ecosystem contributions and provides a speculative reference for a reckoning of the undervalued and over exploited “work of the biosphere.”
Philipp Gartlehner of the Ars Electronica Center planted barley with the heilp of the Life Support system and after three months, the harvest was ready to be brought in. The cost for growing one square meter of barley indoors accounted for the massive amount of 430 Euro. Another reason why we really have to take care for our ecosystem.
Photo: Ars Electronica - Martin Hieslmair
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Boom 2014
Photo-Reports by Wolfgang Sterneck
A Reality called Boom - Rhythms @ Boom 2014 *
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157646523564525
A Reality called Boom - Visions @ Boom 2014 *
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157646103367017
A Reality called Boom - Spiral Dance @ Boom 2014 *
www.flickr.com/photos/sterneck/sets/72157646505988761
Wolfgang Sterneck:
In the Cracks of the World
Photo-Reports : www.flickr.com/sterneck/sets
Articles (german / english) : www.sterneck.net
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Boom-Festival
04.08.-11.08.2014
Boom-Festival
Idanha-a-Nova Lake - Portugal
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BOOM VISION
Boom is not only a festival, it is a state of mind. Inspired by the principles of Oneness, Peace, Creativity, Sustainability, Transcendence, Alternative Culture, Active Participation, Evolution and Love, it is a space where people from all over the world can converge to experience an alternative reality.
Boom is a festival dedicated to the Free Spirits from all over the world. It is the gathering of the global psychedelic tribe and of whoever feels the call to join in the celebrations!! Boom is a weeklong unpredictable and unforgettable adventure. It takes place, every two years, during August Full Moon, on the shores of a magnificent lake in the sunny Portuguese inland and every one is invited!
BOOM IS A MODEL OF ENVIRONMENTAL AWARENESS
An environmentally conscious event is a way to offer a concrete example that it is possible to live on this Planet in respect of Mother Earth and of one another. This is possible through a deep understanding of the cycles of life and humanity’s place within these cycles. Permaculture is a brilliant example of how such understanding can be turned into practice.
Boom’s pioneering Environmental Program applies the principles of Permaculture to every single aspect of the Festival production. Moreover Boom widely promotes knowledge and practices of sustainability through lectures, workshops and… practical example!
100% compost toilets (still to this day the only large event in the world to reach this result!); 100% on-site water treatment facilities, off-the-grid energy solutions, bio-construction, permaculture gardens, vegetable oil for the generators… these are just a few of the ground breaking projects that have granted Boom the most prestigious international prizes in environmental efficiency.
For further details please visit the environmental program page.
BOOM BELIEVES IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
Since its beginning in 1997, Boom is the home of the global nomadic tribe. Since then, it has grown organically by word of mouth into an incredibly culturally diverse festival, attracting people from 116 nationalities (2012). Boom is the celebration of the Earth’s multicolored Oneness. EVERY ONE is invited and EVERY ONE is called to consciously co-create a positive reality of Love and Peace, for us and for the next generations. We Are One!
BOOM BELIEVES IN TRANSCENDENCE THROUGH MUSIC
At Boom music is sacred. The dancefloors are temples where to transcend ordinary states of perception and the limitations of our egos. Through dance and music, we can reconnect to our own individual divine essence, while in synch with the beating heart of the whole tribe. All in One!
Scattered across four stages, music at Boom is as diverse as it gets: electronic, acoustic, classic, any style is welcome and represented in a different area, live concerts, djs sets, solo artists, bands… Boom started as a psytrance festival and has developed into an inclusive gathering, unveiling the surprising diversity of quality underground soundscapes.
Psytrance culture remains one of the inspiring sources of Boom's vision and intention. And Boom remains as a testimony of the evolutionary potentials of such a culture.
Check the pages of the single areas for details on the different visions.
BOOM ACTIVATES TRANSFORMATION
Boom’s ultimate aim is to facilitate individual and collective transformation. The Boom experience has been conceived to activate the vital force directing every being towards the fulfillment of its highest potential. To reach this ambitious goal, Boom relies on the continuous exchange of radically innovative knowledge and practices by countless Boomers, musicians, artists, teachers, visionaries, healers, farmers, ecologists, wisdom keepers, researchers, scientists, activists
Besides the music stages and the countless art installations scattered all over the site, the other areas where Boom channels transformation are the Liminal Village, the Healing Area and the Visionary Art Museum. Here our hearts, bodies and minds can receive a full download of information through workshops, presentations, rituals and meditations Check the single areas’ pages for more details.
NO TO CORPORATE SPONSORS, CORPORATE LOGOS AND VIPs, YES TO INDEPENDENCE, SOLIDARITY AND CREATIVITY!!!
Boom is an autonomous zone of cognitive liberty and therefore is and will always be free from corporate sponsorship and logos. Boom is funded by the financial support of the thousands of people that buy the tickets and come to the festival.
Boom does not believe in VIP areas and special treatments, since every Boomer is a VIP! Boom adheres to the principle of ’thinking outside the box’, for the co-creation of novel ways of viewing reality and acting for its evolutionary unfolding.
www.boomfestival.org/boom2014/news/boom-vision
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BOOM-VISION
Die Boom ist nicht nur ein Festival – Sie ist ein Lebensstil
Es sind kleine Momente, in denen das Lernen stattfindet. Jene Momente in denen du versteht wie wichtig es ist, Fünfe einfach mal gerade sein zu lassen. Und jene Momente in denen dir klar wird, dass du es an anderen Stellen genauer nehmen musst. Diese kleinen Momente prägen dich, deine Einstellung und dein Handeln – und mit dir die Grundlage für große Veränderungen. Genau hier setzt die Idee der Boom an: Als schillernder Kristallisationspunkt einer Neo-Stammeskultur möchte sie inspirieren. Und zwar durch jene magische Erfahrung, die zwischen zeitgenössischer Musik, visionärer Kunst und intellektuell-spirituellem Input entsteht.
Veränderung fängt bei dir an, bei deiner Weltanschauung. Du bist der Flügelschlag des Schmetterlings, der am anderen Ende der Welt einen Wetterumschwung bewirkt. Lerne, deine Flügel zu gebrauchen!
Zu diesem Zweck kippen wir das Schubladensystem, das unseren Alltag bestimmt, einfach mal komplett aus. Und zwar mitten hinein in die sonnige, unverdorbene, nuklearfreie Natur Portugals. Dann nehmen wir uns 7 Tage lang Zeit, um spielerisch neue Denkwege und Handlungsweisen, um eine neue Ordnung zu erkunden. Das ist unsere Vision von psychedelischer Kultur und sie wollen wir aktiv vortreiben.
Auf unserer Webseite findet ihr ausführliche Informationen zu den freien Künsten, den multidimensionalen Installationen und den kreativen Liebensbomben, die auf unsere temporäre autonome Zone regnen werden.
Boom ist eine Lebenseinstellung – und sie lebt in euch, liebe Boomer!
INTERKULTURELL
Andere Länder, andere Lebensstile. Auf der Boom kannst du erleben wie inspirativ diese einfache Tatsache ist. Und zwar in konzentrierter Form: Im Jahr 2012 reisten Stammesangehörige aus 116 verschiedenen Ländern an, um in ihrer multikulturellen Mischung eine durchweg positive Vision für die Zukunft zu manifestieren: We Are One – Wir sind eins!
NATUR
Die Kulisse für unser Stammestreffen gestaltet die wohl besten Dekorateurin überhaupt: Mutter Natur. Jene jahrhundertealte iberische Baumlandschaft der umliegenden Hügel, versonnene Gärten und der weitläufige See, in dem sich die Magie des August-Vollmonds spiegelt, schaffen ein einzigartiges Panorama.
STRAND
Nachdem du dich in schwitzende Trance getanzt hast oder wenn dir die Wärme des portugiesischen Sommers zuviel werden sollte: Die nötige Erfrischung ist maximal ein paar hundert Meter entfernt - egal wo du gerade bist. Der große See bestimmt nicht nur das Bild der Boom, sondern auch ihre Stimmung. Wie beim Strandurlaub kannst du jene fließende Ruhe des Wassers aufsaugen, die dich sanft umspült.
DESIGN FÜR DEN GEIST
Das Liminal Village bietet Gelegenheit, dir dein Oberstübchen neu einzurichten: Mit Lebensphilosophie und praktischem Wissen. Im intellektuellen Brennpunkt der Boom finden Vorträge und Diskussionen zu Themen wie Aktivismus, Psychedelik, Freie Kultur, Rituale der Ahnen, Mythologie, Ökologie, Traumlandschaften, Permakultur, Trance, Heilige Pflanzen oder Alternative Medizin und Wissenschaft statt. Dazu waren in den letzten Jahren Referenten wie Vandana Shiva, Alex Grey, Daniel Pinchbeck, Graham Hancock, Robert Venosa, Erik Davis und Shipibo Don Guillermo Arevalo zu Gast. Ein Filmprogramm zur neuen, planetarischen Kultur bietet noch mehr Stimulation auf intellektueller Ebene.
PSYCHEDELISCHES KUNSTMUSEUM
Was ist psychedelische Kunst, was visionäre? Will sie die Eindrücke einer psychedelischen Erfahrung wiedergeben? Will sie ähnliche Emotions- und Assoziationsstrukturen auslösen wie eine Vision? Mach dir selbst ein Bild! In atemberaubender Vielfalt präsentieren einige der talentiertesten Maler von allen Kontinenten des Planeten ihre bewusstseinserweiternden Werke.
INSTALLATIONEN
Bildende Kunst stößt die Pforten unserer Wahrnehmung weit auf und eröffnet uns so die Sicht auf Aspekte unserer Realität, welche normalerweise hinter dem Grauschleier des Alltags verborgen liegen. Um dich mitten hinein in dieses ästhetisch-surreale Paralleluniversum zu katapultieren, kommen überall auf dem Gelände Medien wie Malerei, Bildhauerei, Land Art oder Video zum Einsatz. Sie lassen deine Reise über die Boom zu einer Reise in eine außerirdische Welt von fremdartiger Schönheit werden.
MUSIK
Über verschiedene Tanzplätze verteilt verwirklicht die Boom ihre psychedelische Vision im Spektrum der hörbaren Frequenzen. Dabei entstehen viele verschiedene Rhythmus- und Harmonie-Texturen die alle darauf abzielen, deine Synapsen zu kitzeln, deine Fantasie zu stimulieren und dich zu beflügeln. Die Klanglandschaften der Boom erstrecken sich auf Genres wie Psytrance, Progressive, Dub, Bass Music, Dubstep, World Music, Glitch, Nu Funk, IDM, Cosmic oder Psy Brakes. In ihrer Gesamtheit schwingen sie sich zum kosmischen Groove der universellen Liebe auf!
TANZTEMPEL
Mit jedem Herzschlag der Boom bebt das portugiesische Hinterland. Im monumentalen Tanztempel verschmelzen utopische Zukunftsvisionen und das archaische Ritual des Stammenstanz zu einer einzigartigen Trance-Erfahrung. Um euer Bewusstsein dorthin zu schicken, wo Worte zu Hülsen und Bedeutungen zu Variablen werden, haben wir einige der besten DJs, Liveacts und Tribal Bands eingeladen, uns mit extralangen Sets zu verzaubern. Denn Qualität ist wichtiger ist als Masse. Mit viel Liebe zum Detail planen wir eine Reise durch jene multidimensionale Welt namens Psy, wobei wir in Regionen wie Dark, Twilight, Forest, Tribal, Prog, Full-On, Groovy Full-On, Goa und Nu-Goa vorstoßen.
Die Grundidee der Boom unterscheidet sich ganz erheblich von der einer kommerziellen Massenproduktion. Wir möchten raus aus dem Schattenreich des Egoismus, hinein in eine kollektive Erfahrung. Mithilfe von DJs, VJs, Dekorateuren, Designern und -am allerwichtigsten- mithilfe von euch, den Boomern. Auf dass wir unsere multikulturelle kreative Energie zu einer wahrhaft großen Erfahrung vereinen: Wir sind eins!
UMWELT
Auf der Boom werden die Erkenntnisse und Prinzipien der Permakultur in ein Festival umgesetzt. So wird ganz konkret erfahrbar: Auch große, internationale Menschenansammlungen lassen sich mit maximalem Respekt vor unserer heiligen Mutter Natur vereinbaren. Dieser Ansatz wurde in den Jahren 2008 und 2010 mit dem Greener Festival Award ausgezeichnet, 2010 und 2012 außerdem mit dem European Festival Award.
Auf der Boom kommen ausschließlich Komposttoiletten zum Einsatz. Das Nutzwasser wird mithilfe von Pflanzen zu 100% wiederaufbereitet. Es gibt kostenlose Taschenaschenbecher. Für die Generatoren wird gebrauchtes Pflanzenöl verwendet. Außerdem nutzen wir Technologien wie Solarenergie, Windräder, Biobau und ökologische Abwasserentsorgung, die jedes Jahr weiterentwickelt werden. Auch hier gilt: Die Boom seid ihr, die Boomer. Tragt bitte dazu bei, dass sie ein nachhaltiges Festival ist. Respektiert Mutter Natur und hinterlasst keinen Müll!
SPIRITUALITÄT
Anreize für spirituell-sozialen Aktivismus, die sich in Form von Yoga, Ayurveda, Tai Chi, Kung Fu, Watsu, Therapien, alternativen Heilmethoden und ganzheitlichen Lehren manifestieren. Auch das ist ein zentraler Aspekt unserer Vision. Denn die Harmonie zwischen Geist und Körper ist ein erster Schritt in Richtung globale Harmonie.
INFRASTRUKTUR
Freies Wasser. Freies Camping. Freier Wohnmobil-Park. Babyboom für die jüngsten Boomer (bring deine Familie mit zur Boom!) Freie medizinische Versorgung. Freies WIFI. Schließfächer. Boom-Busshuttle von den Flughäfen Lissabon und Madrid. 100% Komposttoiletten. 100% Aufbereitung des Duschabwassers mithilfe von Pflanzen. Ayurvedische Apotheke. Spezielle Einrichtungen für Behinderte. Lebensmittelgeschäft. Gemeinschaftsküchen. Und vieles, vieles mehr!
LOGO-FREIE ZONE
Die Boom finanziert sich einzig und allein über den Ticketverkauf, sie ist frei von jeglichem Firmen-Sponsoring und wird es immer sein. Auch in dieser Hinsicht möchten wir einen Freiraum schaffen, in dem sich der menschliche Geist unbefangen ausbreiten und entfalten kann.
Obwohl das Boom Team den Rahmen schafft – das eigentliche Erlebnis, die eigentliche Inspiration und der eigentliche Geist lebt in euch. Denn ihr seid die Energie, ausgehend von euch kann sich diese Welt ändern.
BESONDERE BEDÜRFNISSE
Wir möchten die Einrichtungen und Angebote für Behinderte weiterentwickeln. Wenn du oder jemand deiner Freunde behindert ist, sendet uns bitte bis Juni 2014 eine Email um optimale Bedingungen zu garantieren: specialneeds@boomfestival.org
FLEXIBLE EINTRITTSPREISE
Unser globaler Stamm ist in vielen verschiedenen Ländern zuhause, in denen ganz unterschiedliche Einkommensverhältnisse herrschen. Außerdem leben wir in Zeiten des finanziellen Abschwungs. Wir waren sehr betroffen als wir nach der Boom 2012 hörten, dass einige Menschen schlichtweg nicht genug Geld aufbringen konnten um Teil der kollektiven Erfahrung zu sein. Deshalb haben wir uns entschieden, auf diese Tatsache mit einem flexiblen Eintrittsmodell zu reagieren. Es gibt spezielle Ticketpreise für Länder außerhalb der Europäischen Union, der USA, Kanada, Australien, Neuseeland und Japan. Außerdem für jene Länder, die aktuell die ökonomischen Spekulationen der Rating-Agenturen und der IMF durchlaufen: Portugal, Irland, Griechenland und Spanien. Diese Tickets sind nur bei den Boom Botschaftern des jeweiligen Landes erhältlich, nicht über die Webseite der Boom.
www.boomfestival.org/boom2014/multilingual/deutsch
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Understanding the Shihsanhang Museum of Archaeology
-The first archaeological museum in northern Taiwan
The establishment of the Shihsanhang Museum of Archaeology can be traced back to “rescue excavation” undertaken at the Shihsanhang Site in 1990. At that time the Taiwan Provincial Government’s Department of Housing and Development planned to build a sewage treatment plant on the top of the site. As a result, a group of noted archaeologists launched a campaign to rescue the Shihsanhang Site, which quickly received wide public support. This successfully resulted in the area being designated a Historical Site - Second class and part of the original site was ordered preserved. In 1992 the Executive Yuan ordered Taipei County government to establish a Shihsanhang Site Exhibition Room to display objects unearthed.It was renamed the Shihsanhang Museum of Archaeology in 1998 and given the central objectives of preserving and displaying artifacts unearthed at the Shihsanhang Site, serving as an archaeological museum of northern Taiwan and an educational center, teaching people about the importance of the prehistoric culture. After its official opening in 2003, the Museum has also become an Ecomuseum of the Bali Left Bank.
-Building the Shihsanhang Museum of Archaeology
The Shihsanhang Museum of Archaeology cost NT$380 million to build, paid by both the central and Taipei County governments. Construction worked on the main buildings, the outdoor plaza and parking lot began in 2000,and the project was complet in 2003.
Both Science and Religion have been at a conceptual war since their foundations. They both attempt to illuminate mankind with the knowledge and understanding of the universe and ourselves, howver it is the methodology used to get there which creates the conflict between both fields.
We once lived in a time where the questions we asked ourselves greatly outweighed the answers we could of ever hoped to have for them. Within the mystery, everything seemed supernatural, so naturally it would make sense why we attributed the countless the deities to everything we see around us, be it the sun, the water, love, war, etc.
It just made sence to say "the gods are the creators of the land they rule",since afterall, such statement couldnt be ..............
We see this beleif of a creator in almost every culture we've encountered. This method worked for a while, however as time went foward, the primitive view of the universe would remain dominant despite numerous new ideologies being formed which described the workings of earth differently to these holy texts. Such conflicting souls were violently suppressed by countless religious groups across the globe until recent time (and that only in some places, especially in the west)
While I can agree that religion once had a positive impact within the history of art and music, it had also been very detrimental force to that of science and technology
Religion is about obeying the past, Science is about defying it and that's why they are at conflict
~ Peace, tolerance, understanding, enlightenment, acceptance, inclusion should be our universal bywords in order to build and sustain us all in this difficult world. This is what all the great religions teach. And our only salvation.
"I hope, and I'm sure, like Londoners, Bombayites are resilient, brave and will withstand this onslaught on the city" - British businessman Sir Gulam Noon, who was forced to barricade himself and several colleagues into a room at the Taj Mahal Palace hotel
during the terror attacks in India.
All thoughts towards Mumbai, and anywhere there is chaos and violence against innocents...
Leipziger Buchmesse 2016 / Leipzig Book Fair 2016
2016-03-18 (Friday)
2016_017
2016#225
LelaLa (Felicia) 535336 as (own creation) from (own series)
Thank you for any group invites which I'd be glad to accept. However, if I can't check the content of such groups ("This group is not available to you") I'd rather not add any of my photos. Thanks for your understanding.
A very bad thing has happened that shouldn't have happened. And it set the world on fire. I hope and pray that fire can be put out and a new day of respect and understanding among all who live in the US as well as the world will emerge. I pray that out of the ashes will emerge a United States that truly protects equal justice for all no matter who you are, where you come from or the color of your skin. Right now as a country the US can't legitimately say, "E pluribus unum."
1 Corinthians 13 New International Version (NIV)
13 If I speak in the tongues[a] of men or of angels, but do not have love, I am only a resounding gong or a clanging cymbal. 2 If I have the gift of prophecy and can fathom all mysteries and all knowledge, and if I have a faith that can move mountains, but do not have love, I am nothing. 3 If I give all I possess to the poor and give over my body to hardship that I may boast,[b] but do not have love, I gain nothing.
4 Love is patient, love is kind. It does not envy, it does not boast, it is not proud. 5 It does not dishonor others, it is not self-seeking, it is not easily angered, it keeps no record of wrongs. 6 Love does not delight in evil but rejoices with the truth. 7 It always protects, always trusts, always hopes, always perseveres.
8 Love never fails. But where there are prophecies, they will cease; where there are tongues, they will be stilled; where there is knowledge, it will pass away. 9 For we know in part and we prophesy in part, 10 but when completeness comes, what is in part disappears. 11 When I was a child, I talked like a child, I thought like a child, I reasoned like a child. When I became a man, I put the ways of childhood behind me. 12 For now we see only a reflection as in a mirror; then we shall see face to face. Now I know in part; then I shall know fully, even as I am fully known.
13 And now these three remain: faith, hope and love. But the greatest of these is love.
I had so much fun decorating this house for an amazing and understanding client. Christmas came early because this house was a gift
Leipziger Buchmesse 2016 / Leipzig Book Fair 2016
2016-03-19 (Saturday)
2016_025
2016#234
xxcelestias (___) 574086 as Sheryl Nome [Wedding Dress] from Macross
Thank you for any group invites which I'd be glad to accept. However, if I can't check the content of such groups ("This group is not available to you") I'd rather not add any of my photos. Thanks for your understanding.
It was two days after Christmas when my mother woke us up that fateful morning thirty something years ago. My sister and I had started sleeping in the same room again. There was no discussion about it - we just needed the comfort the nearness of another person can provide. I was twelve and my sister was eleven.
I remember the look on my mother’s face. Her eyes were swollen. Her lips pursed.
“I have good news and bad news. The good news is your father is no longer suffering. The bad news is he is gone."
The rest of the day felt like a dream. How could he be dead? We had just spent Christmas Eve with him and he was laughing and having fun. He didn't look like a man about to die.
My father had brain cancer. He was 36 years old when he died. His body withered quickly from the chemo and radiation. When the will was read, my sister and I were too young to understand the shock my mother faced. Later, we’d learn my father left my sister and I almost nothing, but chose instead, to leave most everything to my step-mother.
As I grew up and became a mother, I then understood the magnitude of that decision and became hurt about how little my father left us. How do you not take care of your children - especially when you know you are dying? It left me feeling confused and angry. I loved my children so much that I couldn’t imagine not being sure they were taken care of.
Bitterness became so real I could taste it. My father’s family had quit calling soon after the funeral and our step-mother had quickly remarried. We reached out several times but it felt awkward and forced. It was just easier to stay away and let the anger simmer.
Over the years and despite my disappointments, I’ve never quit missing my father. Several months ago, my father’s sister sent some pictures to me that she’d found. There were pictures of my parents together in a time before I had a memory. And there were pictures of that last Christmas. They took my breath away. In those pictures, my father looked swollen, pale, and sickly. Not at all like the picture in my memory.
For me, time has healed a lot of wounds and I think I understand why he didn’t leave us much in his will.
He didn’t plan on dying.
And for that I can forgive him.
~~
This is me.
Grounded in understanding.
And still missing my dad.
Now You Workshop
Summer 2012
This weeks focus: Roots and Wings
And telling the backstory
If you read all that, then I am truly impressed. It was cathartic to write.
Understanding the origin of matter in the early universe requires unique accelerator facilities and SRF cavities like this one. #NatLabDay
U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Thomas Vilsack gives remarks prior to signing a memorandum of understanding between NASA and USDA, Wednesday, June 21, 2023, at the USDA’s Jamie L. Whitten Building in Washington. The agreement strengthens the collaboration between the two agencies, including efforts to improve agricultural and Earth science research, technology, and agricultural management, as well as the application of science data and models to agricultural decision making. Photo Credit: (NASA/Bill Ingalls)
Romans 12:18 states, “If it is possible, as far as it depends on you, live at peace with everyone.” Pacifists thrive on this verse. A closer look yields understanding that this verse is no mere statement; there are modifiers that point out that peace may be dependent on more than just your attitude. The true pacifist version would simply be the definitive "Live at peace with everyone, period." One reason Jesus came was to bring peace… but it is not the world’s kind of peace. Jesus brings peace that does not depend on circumstances, but on relationship. It doesn’t end there; the result of a meaningful relationship with Jesus is in how all the relationships in our lives are affected, including those of our enemies. True peace comes from having your sins forgiven and knowing that whatever comes your way God will never abandon you. That’s the ultimate relationship. Peace is but one principle by which all such relationships are maintained, yet the First Cause of Christianity speaks of so much more; thus is the manifold wisdom of God (Ephesians 3:10). On such issues, pacifists can be properly diagnosed of a severe loss of reality. They have to subvert God’s reality to fit their philosophy because there’s no other way it will work; but if you deliberately misinterpret God’s word to make the case for your beliefs, you’re also attempting to alter reality. You’re offering a perversion of reality… a reality of your choosing, when God’s version is what He’s left for us to work with. Regardless how “wonderful” the image of a pacifist’s reality may be, it will never overcome the reality through which God speaks, the very one He created. C. S. Lewis postulated that you have to have good philosophy if for no other reason than to answer bad philosophy. Throughout history, there have been situations so bad that the only good philosophy in answer to it was the lesser of evils. Sometimes, that answer is to take the fight out of the aggressor, not only to secure freedom, but also to preserve the sanctity of life. It’s the mean business called war. And that comes straight out of God’s reality.
God gives us the faith that steels the nerves of men to stand up to the tyrants of this world. There would be no liberty anywhere on Earth today without the sacrifice of those men and women whose strength of conviction would not allow them to cringe and hide when the critical moment came. Rather, they stood even as Abraham stood in faith to the One who is the Resurrection and the Life, and who has promised those who trust in Him that they will never truly die. May God restore to us all the faith to do all in our power to maintain peace throughout the world, and the assurance in Him to fight the well fought fight when peace can be found no other way. Amen.
It has been my privilege to have served in the U.S. Air Force... and I salute my brothers and sisters in arms who preserve the peace throughout the free world on Veterans' Day 2012. "Greater love has no one than this, that he lay down his life for his friends." John 15:13
How many roads you’ve traveled
How many dreams you’ve chased
Across sand and sky and gravel
Looking for one safe place
Will you make a smoother landing
When you break your fall from grace
Into the arms of understanding
Looking for one safe place
Oh, life is trial by fire
And love’s the sweetest taste
And I pray it lifts us higher
To one safe place
How many roads we’ve traveled
How many dreams we’ve chased
Across sand and sky and gravel
Looking for one safe place
One safe place - Mark Cohn
The expression Margaret C has is totally natural, unrehearsed. I never met her before taking her picture(s) for 2 hours. A few weeks later Margaret C helped me name the technique I had been using to help strangers be courageously vulnerable. It's called "Present." It's effective because they're introduced to a deeper understanding of themselves, often in a public setting. It enables a person to transform life from a passive experience to an active journey by dealing fear a crushing blow. In this sense, it's about being introduced to yourself in a new way, to naturally form a deeper understanding to love and not fear. More photos/portraits of former strangers "Present" are on my Flickr and will be shared. Best to all! Washington D.C., 1 Oct 17.
Architectural masterpiece and symbol of Expo 67, the Biosphère is a unique and spectacular structure, located in downtown Montréal, on Sainte-Hélène Island’s Parc Jean Drapeau. Treat yourself to its interactive exhibits aimed at increasing understanding of major environmental issues such as air, water, biodiversity, climate change, sustainable development and more. Participate in its animated activities and special events throughout the year to learn more about day-to-day solutions to protect the environment.
Info Source : www.ec.gc.ca/biosphere/default.asp?lang=En&n=3C2E8507-1
Leipziger Buchmesse 2017 / Leipzig Book Fair 2017
2017-03-24 (Friday)
2017_015
2017#301
2017#302
Charli Red (____) ____ as Zatanna Zatara from DC Comics
Bacon, Bitches & Cosplay (Johanna) ____ as Silk Spectre I from 51 issues
Thank you for any group invites which I'd be glad to accept. However, if I can't check the content of such groups ("This group is not available to you") I'd rather not add any of my photos. Thank you for your understanding.
Mons Belgique/Bergen België.
Leica-M6 TTL 0,85 Elmarit-M 1:2.8/90 mm
Nikon super Coolscan 5000ed.
Ilford Delta 100asa. Kodak developer HC 110 1+31 (B)
🔴Leica my point of view.
Wetzlar, Deutschland.
Leica-CL 1974 Rangefinder,Serial Number 1395533
Leica-M 6 TTL 0.72 1998 Rangefinder Serial Number 2466527
Leica-M6 TTL 0.85 2001 Rangefinder Serial Number 2755204.
Chief Engineer: "We tried for days, sir. Whatever these "Dissident" use for power, it's something beyond our understanding. The output is impossible going by known science."
Marshal Mardukas: "...and going by unknown science?"
*They share a chuckle*
CE: "More seriously, we have no idea how they generate such a huge power output in such a small cell. The Dissident cells were intact, but dark when we salvaged them, like they had been....deactivated somehow. We've been able to successfully adapt the Ionic Beam Emitter, but only one using our own power cells."
MM: "One will be plenty. I've seen what's left behind after one of those has fired, and it isn't much. Cancel development for use of the Dissident IBM on the "Behemoth" frames, and start immediate refit for "Gernsback"-based frames. Let me know when these are field test ready."
CE: "By your command, Marshal."
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"The Dissident" are well known for their strange and powerful technology. The Mistarille Dawn, like others, have attempted to adapt these technologies to their own frames, but none seem to be able to work perfectly.
The Ionic Beam Emitters, used exclusively by Dissident VX-33 "Pulsar" class frames, have finally been successfully adapted to work, albeit with only one Emitter versus the two the Pulsar uses.
Here, the first M9E "Gernsback" to be outfitted with the Dissident IBM prepares to enter its first field test.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.
Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while not directly involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath has been controversial. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü and was honored with a state funeral.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.
The Turkish War of Independence (19 May 1919 – 24 July 1923) was a series of military campaigns and a revolution waged by the Turkish National Movement, after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and partitioned following its defeat in World War I. The conflict was between the Turkish Nationalists against Allied and separatist forces over the application of Wilsonian principles, especially national self-determination, in post-World War I Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. The revolution concluded the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; the Ottoman monarchy and the Islamic caliphate were abolished, and the Republic of Turkey was declared in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This resulted in a transfer of vested sovereignty from the sultan-caliph to the nation, setting the stage for Republican Turkey's period of nationalist revolutionary reform.
While World War I ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mudros, the Allied Powers continued occupying and securing land per the Sykes–Picot Agreement, as well as to facilitate the prosecution of former members of the Committee of Union and Progress and those involved in the Armenian genocide. Ottoman military commanders therefore refused orders from both the Allies and the Ottoman government to surrender and disband their forces. In an atmosphere of turmoil throughout the remainder of the empire, sultan Mehmed VI dispatched Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), a well-respected and high-ranking general, to Anatolia to restore order; however, Mustafa Kemal became an enabler and eventually leader of Turkish Nationalist resistance against the Ottoman government, Allied powers, and separatists.
In an attempt to establish control over the power vacuum in Anatolia, the Allies agreed to launch a Greek peacekeeping force into Anatolia and occupy Smyrna (İzmir), inflaming sectarian tensions and beginning the Turkish War of Independence. A nationalist counter government led by Mustafa Kemal was established in Ankara when it became clear the Ottoman government was appeasing the Allied powers. The Allies soon pressured the Ottoman government in Constantinople to suspend the Constitution, shutter Parliament, and sign the Treaty of Sèvres, a treaty unfavorable to Turkish interests that the "Ankara government" declared illegal.
In the ensuing war, Turkish and Syrian forces defeated the French in the south, and remobilized army units went on to partition Armenia with the Bolsheviks, resulting in the Treaty of Kars (October 1921). The Western Front of the independence war is known as the Greco-Turkish War, in which Greek forces at first encountered unorganized resistance. However, İsmet Pasha (İnönü)'s organization of militia into a regular army paid off when Ankara forces fought the Greeks in the First and Second Battle of İnönü. The Greek army emerged victorious in the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and decided to drive on the Nationalist capital of Ankara, stretching their supply lines. The Turks checked their advance in the Battle of Sakarya and eventually counter-attacked in the Great Offensive, which expelled Greek forces from Anatolia in the span of three weeks. The war effectively ended with the recapture of İzmir and the Chanak Crisis, prompting the signing of another armistice in Mudanya.
The Grand National Assembly in Ankara was recognized as the legitimate Turkish government, which signed the Treaty of Lausanne (July 1923), a treaty more favorable to Turkey than the Sèvres Treaty. The Allies evacuated Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Ottoman government was overthrown and the monarchy abolished, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (which remains Turkey's primary legislative body today) declared the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. With the war, a population exchange between Greece and Turkey, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms, the Turks created the modern, secular nation-state of Turkey. On 3 March 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was also abolished.
The ethnic demographics of the modern Turkish Republic were significantly impacted by the earlier Armenian genocide and the deportations of Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian Rum people. The Turkish Nationalist Movement carried out massacres and deportations to eliminate native Christian populations—a continuation of the Armenian genocide and other ethnic cleansing operations during World War I. Following these campaigns of ethnic cleansing, the historic Christian presence in Anatolia was destroyed, in large part, and the Muslim demographic had increased from 80% to 98%.
Following the chaotic politics of the Second Constitutional Era, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Committee of Union and Progress in a coup in 1913, and then further consolidated its control after the assassination of Mahmud Shevket Pasha.[citation needed] Founded as a radical revolutionary group seeking to prevent a collapse of the Ottoman Empire, by the eve of World War I it decided that the solution was to implement nationalist and centralizing policies. The CUP reacted to the losses of land and the expulsion of Muslims from the Balkan Wars by turning even more nationalistic. Part of its effort to consolidate power was to proscribe and exile opposition politicians from the Freedom and Accord Party to remote Sinop.
The Unionists brought the Ottoman Empire into World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, during which a genocidal campaign was waged against Ottoman Christians, namely Armenians, Pontic Greeks, and Assyrians. It was based on an alleged conspiracy that the three groups would rebel on the side of the Allies, so collective punishment was applied. A similar suspicion and suppression from the Turkish nationalist government was directed towards the Arab and Kurdish populations, leading to localized rebellions. The Entente powers reacted to these developments by charging the CUP leaders, commonly known as the Three Pashas, with "Crimes against humanity" and threatened accountability. They also had imperialist ambitions on Ottoman territory, with a major correspondence over a post-war settlement in the Ottoman Empire being leaked to the press as the Sykes–Picot Agreement. With Saint Petersburg's exit from World War I and descent into civil war, driven in part from the Ottomans' closure of the Turkish straits of goods bound to Russia, a new imperative was given to the Entente powers to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war to restart the Eastern Front.
World War I would be the nail in the coffin of Ottomanism, a monarchist and multicultural nationalism. Mistreatment of non-Turk groups after 1913, and the general context of great socio-political upheaval that occurred in the aftermath of World War I, meant many minorities now wished to divorce their future from imperialism to form futures of their own by separating into (often republican) nation-states.
In the summer months of 1918, the leaders of the Central Powers realized that the Great War was lost, including the Ottomans'. Almost simultaneously the Palestinian Front and then the Macedonian Front collapsed. The sudden decision by Bulgaria to sign an armistice cut communications from Constantinople (İstanbul) to Vienna and Berlin, and opened the undefended Ottoman capital to Entente attack. With the major fronts crumbling, Unionist Grand Vizier Talât Pasha intended to sign an armistice, and resigned on 8 October 1918 so that a new government would receive less harsh armistice terms. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918, ending World War I for the Ottoman Empire. Three days later, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—which governed the Ottoman Empire as a one-party state since 1913—held its last congress, where it was decided the party would be dissolved. Talât, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and five other high-ranking members of the CUP escaped the Ottoman Empire on a German torpedo boat later that night, plunging the country into a power vacuum.
The armistice was signed because the Ottoman Empire had been defeated in important fronts, but the military was intact and retreated in good order. Unlike other Central Powers, the Allies did not mandate an abdication of the imperial family as a condition for peace, nor did they request the Ottoman Army to dissolve its general staff. Though the army suffered from mass desertion throughout the war which led to banditry, there was no threat of mutiny or revolutions like in Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia. This is despite famine and economic collapse that was brought on by the extreme levels of mobilization, destruction from the war, disease, and mass murder since 1914.
Due to the Turkish nationalist policies pursued by the CUP against Ottoman Christians by 1918 the Ottoman Empire held control over a mostly homogeneous land of Muslims from Eastern Thrace to the Persian border. These included mostly Turks, as well as Kurds, Circassians, and Muhacir groups from Rumeli. Most Muslim Arabs were now outside of the Ottoman Empire and under Allied occupation, with some "imperialists" still loyal to the Ottoman Sultanate-Caliphate, and others wishing for independence or Allied protection under a League of Nations mandate. Sizable Greek and Armenian minorities remained within its borders, and most of these communities no longer wished to remain under the Empire.
On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to an end. The Ottoman Army was to demobilize, its navy and air force handed to the Allies, and occupied territory in the Caucasus and Persia to be evacuated. Critically, Article VII granted the Allies the right to occupy forts controlling the Turkish Straits and the vague right to occupy "in case of disorder" any territory if there were a threat to security. The clause relating to the occupation of the straits was meant to secure a Southern Russian intervention force, while the rest of the article was used to allow for Allied controlled peace-keeping forces. There was also a hope to follow through punishing local actors that carried out exterminatory orders from the CUP government against Armenian Ottomans. For now, the House of Osman escaped the fates of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Romanovs to continue ruling their empire, though at the cost of its remaining sovereignty.
On 13 November 1918, a French brigade entered Constantinople to begin a de facto occupation of the Ottoman capital and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of British, French, Italian and Greek ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day, totaling 50,000 troops in Constantinople. The Allied Powers stated that the occupation was temporary and its purpose was to protect the monarchy, the caliphate and the minorities. Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe—the British signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the Ottoman government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Constantinople". However, dismantling the government and partitioning the Ottoman Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.
A wave of seizures took place in the rest of the country in the following months. Citing Article VII, British forces demanded that Turkish troops evacuate Mosul, claiming that Christian civilians in Mosul and Zakho were killed en masse. In the Caucasus, Britain established a presence in Menshevik Georgia and the Lori and Aras valleys as peace-keepers. On 14 November, joint Franco-Greek occupation was established in the town of Uzunköprü in Eastern Thrace as well as the railway axis until the train station of Hadımköy on the outskirts of Constantinople. On 1 December, British troops based in Syria occupied Kilis, Marash, Urfa and Birecik. Beginning in December, French troops began successive seizures of the province of Adana, including the towns of Antioch, Mersin, Tarsus, Ceyhan, Adana, Osmaniye, and İslâhiye, incorporating the area into the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration North while French forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Black Sea ports of Zonguldak and Karadeniz Ereğli commanding Turkey's coal mining region. These continued seizures of land prompted Ottoman commanders to refuse demobilization and prepare for the resumption of war.
The British similarly asked Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) to turn over the port of Alexandretta (İskenderun), which he reluctantly did, following which he was recalled to Constantinople. He made sure to distribute weapons to the population to prevent them from falling into the hands of Allied forces. Some of these weapons were smuggled to the east by members of Karakol, a successor to the CUP's Special Organization, to be used in case resistance was necessary in Anatolia. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia.
Other commanders began refusing orders from the Ottoman government and the Allied powers. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Constantinople, Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) brought XX Corps under his command. He marched first to Konya and then to Ankara to organise resistance groups, such as the Circassian çetes he assembled with guerilla leader Çerkes Ethem. Meanwhile, Kazım Karabekir Pasha refused to surrender his intact and powerful XV Corps in Erzurum. Evacuation from the Caucusus, puppet republics and Muslim militia groups were established in the army's wake to hamper with the consolidation of the new Armenian state. Elsewhere in the country, regional nationalist resistance organizations known as Şuras –meaning "councils", not unlike soviets in revolutionary Russia– were founded, most pledging allegiance to the Defence of National Rights movement that protested continued Allied occupation and appeasement by the Sublime Porte.
Following the occupation of Constantinople, Mehmed VI Vahdettin dissolved the Chamber of Deputies which was dominated by Unionists elected back in 1914, promising elections for the next year. Vahdettin just ascended to the throne only months earlier with the death of Mehmed V Reşad. He was disgusted with the policies of the CUP, and wished to be a more assertive sovereign than his diseased half brother. Greek and Armenian Ottomans declared the termination of their relationship with the Ottoman Empire through their respective patriarchates, and refused to partake in any future election. With the collapse of the CUP and its censorship regime, an outpouring of condemnation against the party came from all parts of Ottoman media.
A general amnesty was soon issued, allowing the exiled and imprisoned dissidents persecuted by the CUP to return to Constantinople. Vahdettin invited the pro-Palace politician Damat Ferid Pasha, leader of the reconstituted Freedom and Accord Party, to form a government, whose members quickly set out to purge the Unionists from the Ottoman government. Ferid Pasha hoped that his Anglophilia and an attitude of appeasement would induce less harsh peace terms from the Allied powers. However, his appointment was problematic for nationalists, many being members of the liquidated committee that were surely to face trial. Years of corruption, unconstitutional acts, war profiteering, and enrichment from ethnic cleansing and genocide by the Unionists soon became basis of war crimes trials and courts martial trials held in Constantinople.[citation needed] While many leading Unionists were sentenced lengthy prison sentences, many made sure to escape the country before Allied occupation or to regions that the government now had minimal control over; thus most were sentenced in absentia. The Allies encouragement of the proceedings and the use of British Malta as their holding ground made the trials unpopular. The partisan nature of the trials was not lost on observers either. The hanging of the Kaymakam of Boğazlıyan district Mehmed Kemal resulted in a demonstration against the courts martials trials.
With all the chaotic politics in the capital and uncertainty of the severity of the incoming peace treaty, many Ottomans looked to Washington with the hope that the application of Wilsonian principles would mean Constantinople would stay Turkish, as Muslims outnumbered Christians 2:1. The United States never declared war on the Ottoman Empire, so many imperial elite believed Washington could be a neutral arbiter that could fix the empire's problems. Halide Edip (Adıvar) and her Wilsonian Principles Society led the movement that advocated for the empire to be governed by an American League of Nations Mandate (see United States during the Turkish War of Independence). American diplomats attempted to ascertain a role they could play in the area with the Harbord and King–Crane Commissions. However, with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's health, the United States diplomatically withdrew from the Middle East to focus on Europe, leaving the Entente powers to construct a post-Ottoman order.
The Entente would have arrived at Constantinople to discover an administration attempting to deal with decades of accumulated refugee crisis. The new government issued a proclamation allowing for deportees to return to their homes, but many Greeks and Armenians found their old homes occupied by desperate Rumelian and Caucasian Muslim refugees which were settled in their properties during the First World War. Ethnic conflict restarted in Anatolia; government officials responsible for resettling Christian refugees often assisted Muslim refugees in these disputes, prompting European powers to continue bringing Ottoman territory under their control. Of the 800,000 Ottoman Christian refugees, approximately over half returned to their homes by 1920. Meanwhile 1.4 million refugees from the Russian Civil War would pass through the Turkish straits and Anatolia, with 150,000 White émigrés choosing to settle in Istanbul for short or long term (see Evacuation of the Crimea). Many provinces were simply depopulated from years of fighting, conscription, and ethnic cleansing (see Ottoman casualties of World War I). The province of Yozgat lost 50% of its Muslim population from conscription, while according to the governor of Van, almost 95% of its prewar residents were dead or internally displaced.
Administration in much of the Anatolian and Thracian countryside would soon all but collapse by 1919. Army deserters who turned to banditry essentially controlled fiefdoms with tacit approval from bureaucrats and local elites. An amnesty issued in late 1918 saw these bandits strengthen their positions and fight amongst each other instead of returning to civilian life. Albanian and Circassian muhacirs resettled by the government in northwestern Anatolia and Kurds in southeastern Anatolia were engaged in blood feuds that intensified during the war and were hesitant to pledge allegiance to the Defence of Rights movement, and only would if officials could facilitate truces. Various Muhacir groups were suspicious of the continued Ittihadist ideology in the Defence of Rights movement, and the potential for themselves to meet fates 'like the Armenians' especially as warlords hailing from those communities assisted the deportations of the Christians even though as many commanders in the Nationalist movement also had Caucasian and Balkan Muslim ancestry.
With Anatolia in practical anarchy and the Ottoman army being questionably loyal in reaction to Allied land seizures, Mehmed VI established the military inspectorate system to reestablish authority over the remaining empire. Encouraged by Karabekir and Edmund Allenby, he assigned Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate –based in Erzurum– to restore order to Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919, with his first assignment to suppress a rebellion by Greek rebels around the city of Samsun.
Mustafa Kemal was a well known, well respected, and well connected army commander, with much prestige coming from his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar"—for his role in the Gallipoli Campaign—and his title of "Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan" gained in the last months of WWI. This choice would seem curious, as he was a nationalist and a fierce critic of the government's accommodating policy to the Entente powers. He was also an early member of the CUP. However Kemal Pasha did not associate himself with the fanatical faction of the CUP, many knew that he frequently clashed with the radicals of the Central Committee like Enver. He was therefore sidelined to the periphery of power throughout the Great War; after the CUP's dissolution he vocally aligned himself with moderates that formed the Liberal People's Party instead of the rump radical faction which formed the Renewal Party (both parties would be banned in May 1919 for being successors of the CUP). All these reasons allowed him to be the most legitimate nationalist for the sultan to placate. In this new political climate, he sought to capitalize on his war exploits to attain a better job, indeed several times he unsuccessfully lobbied for his inclusion in cabinet as War Minister. His new assignment gave him effective plenipotentiary powers over all of Anatolia which was meant to accommodate him and other nationalists to keep them loyal to the government.
Mustafa Kemal had earlier declined to become the leader of the Sixth Army headquartered in Nusaybin. But according to Patrick Balfour, through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, he became the inspector of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of remaining Ottoman forces. Kemal had an abundance of connections and personal friends concentrated in the post-armistice War Ministry, a powerful tool that would help him accomplish his secret goal: to lead a nationalist movement to safeguard Turkish interests against the Allied powers and a collaborative Ottoman government.
The day before his departure to Samsun on the remote Black Sea coast, Kemal had one last audience with Sultan Vahdettin, where he affirmed his loyalty to the sultan-caliph. It was in this meeting that they were informed of the botched occupation ceremony of Smyrna (İzmir) by the Greeks. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma on the evening of 16 May 1919.
On 19 January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference was first held, at which Allied nations set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Ottoman Empire. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey", was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. France expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon, Syria, and a portion of southeastern Anatolia based on the Sykes–Picot Agreement.
Greece justified their territorial claims of Ottoman land through the Megali Idea as well as international sympathy from the suffering of Ottoman Greeks in 1914 and 1917–1918. Privately, Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos had British prime minister David Lloyd George's backing not least from Greece's entrance to WWI on the Allied side, but also from his charisma and charming personality. Greece's participation in the Allies' Southern Russian intervention also earned it favors in Paris. His demands included parts of Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada), Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna (İzmir), all of which had large Greek populations. Venizelos also advocated a large Armenian state to check a post-war Ottoman Empire. Greece wanted to incorporate Constantinople, but Entente powers did not give permission. Damat Ferid Pasha went to Paris on behalf of the Ottoman Empire hoping to minimize territorial losses using Fourteen Points rhetoric, wishing for a return to status quo ante bellum, on the basis that every province of the Empire holds Muslim majorities. This plea was met with ridicule.
At the Paris Peace Conference, competing claims over Western Anatolia by Greek and Italian delegations led Greece to land the flagship of the Greek Navy at Smyrna, resulting in the Italian delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Italy responded to the possible idea of Greek incorporation of Western Anatolia by sending a warship to Smyrna as a show of force against the Greek campaign. A large Italian force also landed in Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna per Article VII, ostensibly as a peacekeeping force to keep stability in the region. Venizelos's rhetoric was more directed against the CUP regime than the Turks as a whole, an attitude not always shared in the Greek military: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic [İttihadist] Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would control a zone around Smyrna and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor.
Most historians mark the Greek landing at Smyrna on 15 May 1919 as the start date of the Turkish War of Independence as well as the start of the "Kuva-yi Milliye Phase". The occupation ceremony from the outset was tense from nationalist fervor, with Ottoman Greeks greeting the soldiers with an ecstatic welcome, and Ottoman Muslims protesting the landing. A miscommunication in Greek high command led to an Evzone column marching by the municipal Turkish barracks. The nationalist journalist Hasan Tahsin fired the "first bullet"[note 4] at the Greek standard bearer at the head of the troops, turning the city into a warzone. Süleyman Fethi Bey was murdered by bayonet for refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" (meaning "long live Venizelos"), and 300–400 unarmed Turkish soldiers and civilians and 100 Greek soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded.
Greek troops moved from Smyrna outwards to towns on the Karaburun peninsula; to Selçuk, situated a hundred kilometres south of the city at a key location that commands the fertile Küçük Menderes River valley; and to Menemen towards the north. Guerilla warfare commenced in the countryside, as Turks began to organize themselves into irregular guerilla groups known as Kuva-yi Milliye (national forces), which were soon joined by Ottoman soldiers, bandits, and disaffected farmers. Most Kuva-yi Milliye bands were led by rogue military commanders and members of the Special Organization. The Greek troops based in cosmopolitan Smyrna soon found themselves conducting counterinsurgency operations in a hostile, dominantly Muslim hinterland. Groups of Ottoman Greeks also formed contingents that cooperated with the Greek Army to combat Kuva-yi Milliye within the zone of control. A massacre of Turks at Menemen was followed up with a battle for the town of Aydın, which saw intense intercommunal violence and the razing of the city. What was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission of Western Anatolia instead inflamed ethnic tensions and became a counterinsurgency.
The reaction of Greek landing at Smyrna and continued Allied seizures of land served to destabilize Turkish civil society. Ottoman bureaucrats, military, and bourgeoisie trusted the Allies to bring peace, and thought the terms offered at Mudros were considerably more lenient than they actually were. Pushback was potent in the capital, with 23 May 1919 being largest of the Sultanahmet Square demonstrations organized by the Turkish Hearths against the Greek occupation of Smyrna, the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history at that point. The Ottoman government condemned the landing, but could do little about it. Ferid Pasha tried to resign, but was urged by the sultan to stay in his office.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his colleagues stepped ashore in Samsun on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mıntıka Palace Hotel. British troops were present in Samsun, and he initially maintained cordial contact. He had assured Damat Ferid about the army's loyalty towards the new government in Constantinople. However, behind the government's back, Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged discreet mass meetings, made fast connections via telegraph with the army units in Anatolia, and began to form links with various Nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Kemal and his staff moved to Havza. It was there that he first showed the flag of the resistance.
Mustafa Kemal wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. His credentials and the importance of his position were not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he met with various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Pasha, Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuat Pasha, and Refet Pasha and issued the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919). Ottoman provincial authorities were notified via telegraph that the unity and independence of the nation was at risk, and that the government in Constantinople was compromised. To remedy this, a congress was to take place in Erzurum between delegates of the Six Vilayets to decide on a response, and another congress would take place in Sivas where every Vilayet should send delegates. Sympathy and an lack of coordination from the capital gave Mustafa Kemal freedom of movement and telegraph use despite his implied anti-government tone.
On 23 June, High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realising the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about the Pasha to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst of the British occupation force in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with the Brigade of Gurkhas. When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the armistice that he had signed and was assigned to another position on 5 August 1919. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced them that Mustafa Kemal was right.
By early July, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received telegrams from the sultan and Calthorpe, asking him and Refet to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Constantinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the sultan's plans. Before resigning from his position, he dispatched a circular to all nationalist organizations and military commanders to not disband or surrender unless for the latter if they could be replaced by cooperative nationalist commanders. Now only a civilian stripped of his command, Mustafa Kemal was at the mercy of the new inspector of Third Army (renamed from Ninth Army) Karabekir Pasha, indeed the War Ministry ordered him to arrest Kemal, an order which Karabekir refused. The Erzurum Congress was a meeting of delegates and governors from the six Eastern Vilayets. They drafted the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which envisioned new borders for the Ottoman Empire by applying principles of national self-determination per Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the abolition of the capitulations. The Erzurum Congress concluded with a circular that was effectively a declaration of independence: All regions within Ottoman borders upon the signing of the Mudros Armistice were indivisible from the Ottoman state –Greek and Armenian claims on Thrace and Anatolia were moot– and assistance from any country not coveting Ottoman territory was welcome. If the government in Constantinople was not able to attain this after electing a new parliament, they insisted a provisional government should be promulgated to defend Turkish sovereignty. The Committee of Representation was established as a provisional executive body based in Anatolia, with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its chairman.
Following the congress, the Committee of Representation relocated to Sivas. As announced in the Amasya Circular, a new congress was held there in September with delegates from all Anatolian and Thracian provinces. The Sivas Congress repeated the points of the National Pact agreed to in Erzurum, and united the various regional Defence of National Rights Associations organizations, into a united political organisation: Anatolia and Rumeli Defence of Rights Association (A-RMHC), with Mustafa Kemal as its chairman. In an effort show his movement was in fact a new and unifying movement, the delegates had to swear an oath to discontinue their relations with the CUP and to never revive the party (despite most present in Sivas being previous members).[120] It was also decided there that the Ottoman Empire should not be a League of Nations mandate under the United States, especially after the U.S Senate failed to ratify American membership in the League.
Momentum was now on the Nationalists' side. A plot by a loyalist Ottoman governor and a British intelligence officer to arrest Kemal before the Sivas Congress led to the cutting of all ties with the Ottoman government until a new election would be held in the lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1919, the last Ottoman governor loyal to Constantinople fled his province. Fearing the outbreak of hostilities, all British troops stationed in the Black Sea coast and Kütahya were evacuated. Damat Ferid Pasha resigned, and the sultan replaced him with a general with nationalist credentials: Ali Rıza Pasha. On 16 October 1919, Ali Rıza and the Nationalists held negotiations in Amasya. They agreed in the Amasya Protocol that an election would be called for the Ottoman Parliament to establish national unity by upholding the resolutions made in the Sivas Congress, including the National Pact.
By October 1919, the Ottoman government only held de facto control over Constantinople; the rest of the Ottoman Empire was loyal to Kemal's movement to resist a partition of Anatolia and Thrace. Within a few months Mustafa Kemal went from General Inspector of the Ninth Army to a renegade military commander discharged for insubordination to leading a homegrown anti-Entente movement that overthrew a government and driven it into resistance.
In December 1919, an election was held for the Ottoman parliament, with polls only open in unoccupied Anatolia and Thrace. It was boycotted by Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians and the Freedom and Accord Party, resulting in groups associated with the Turkish Nationalist Movement winning, including the A-RMHC. The Nationalists' obvious links to the CUP made the election especially polarizing and voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing in favor of the Kemalists were regular occurrences in rural provinces. This controversy led to many of the nationalist MPs organizing the National Salvation Group separate from Kemal's movement, which risked the nationalist movement splitting in two.
Mustafa Kemal was elected an MP from Erzurum, but he expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal and the Committee of Representation moved from Sivas to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Constantinople to attend the parliament.
Though Ali Rıza Pasha called the election as per the Amasya Protocol to keep unity between the "Istanbul government" and "Ankara government", he was wrong to think the election could bring him any legitimacy. The Ottoman parliament was under the de facto control of the British battalion stationed at Constantinople and any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the battalion's commanding officer. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.
On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey was in Ankara in the name of the Committee of Representation. On 28 January the MPs from both sides of the isle secretly met to endorse the National Pact as a peace settlement. They added to the points passed in Sivas, calling for plebiscites to be held in West Thrace; Batum, Kars, and Ardahan, and Arab lands on whether to stay in the Empire or not. Proposals were also made to elect Kemal president of the Chamber;[clarification needed] however, this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies would be forcefully dissolved for passing the National Pact anyway. The National Pact solidified Nationalist interests, which were in conflict with the Allied plans.
From February to April, leaders of Britain, France, and Italy met in London to discuss the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the crisis in Anatolia. The British began to sense that the elected Ottoman government was under Kemalist influence and if left unchecked, the Entente could once again find themselves at war with the Empire. The Ottoman government was not doing all that it could to suppress the Nationalists.
Mustafa Kemal manufactured a crisis to pressure the Istanbul government to pick a side by deploying Kuva-yi Milliye towards İzmit. The British, concerned about the security of the Bosporus Strait, demanded Ali Rıza Pasha to reassert control over the area, to which he responded with his resignation to the sultan.
As they were negotiating the partition of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies were growing increasingly concerned about the Turkish National Movement. To this end, the Allied occupational authorities in Istanbul began to plan a raid to arrest nationalist politicians and journalists along with occupying military and police installations and government buildings. On 16 March 1920, the coup was carried out; several Royal Navy warships were anchored in the Galata Bridge to support British forces, including the Indian Army, while they carried out the arrests and occupied several government buildings in the early hours of the morning.
An Indian Army operation, the Şehzadebaşı raid, resulted in 5 Ottoman soldiers from the 10th Infantry Division being killed when troops raided their barracks. Among those arrested were the senior leadership of the Turkish National Movement and former members of the CUP. 150 arrested Turkish politicians accused of war crimes were interned in Malta and became known as the Malta exiles.
Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the Nationalist organisations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to counter Allied movements was to organise protests. He declared "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence – its entire future".
On 18 March, the Chamber of Deputies declared that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members, and dissolved itself. Mehmed VI confirmed this and declared the end of Constitutional Monarchy and a return to absolutism. University students were forbidden from joining political associations inside and outside the classroom. With the lower elected Chamber of Deputies shuttered, the Constitution terminated, and the capital occupied; Sultan Vahdettin, his cabinet, and the appointed Senate were all that remained of the Ottoman government, and were basically a puppet regime of the Allied powers. Grand Vizier Salih Hulusi Pasha declared Mustafa Kemal's struggle legitimate, and resigned after less than a month in office. In his place, Damat Ferid Pasha returned to the premiership. The Sublime Porte's decapitation by the Entente allowed Mustafa Kemal to consolidate his position as the sole leader of Turkish resistance against the Allies, and to that end made him the legitimate representative of the Turkish people.
The strong measures taken against the Nationalists by the Allies in March 1920 began a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a new parliament to represent the Ottoman (Turkish) people, which would convene in Ankara. With the proclamation of the counter-government, Kemal would then ask the sultan to accept its authority. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the caliph from the Allies. He found an ally in the Khilafat movement of British India, where Indians protested Britain's planned dismemberment of Turkey. A committee was also started for sending funds to help the soon to be proclaimed Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip and Abdülhak Adnan (Adıvar), Mustafa İsmet Pasha (İnönü), Mustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), many of Kemal's allies in the Ministry of War, and Celalettin Arif, the president of the now shuttered Chamber of Deputies. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as he declared that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally.
Some 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced the establishment of a new parliament in Ankara known as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNA) that was dominated by the A-RMHC.[citation needed] The parliament included Turks, Circassians, Kurds, and one Jew. They met in a building that used to serve as the provincial headquarters of the local CUP chapter. The inclusion of "Turkey" in its name reflected a increasing trend of new ways Ottoman citizens thought of their country, and was the first time it was formally used as the name of the country. On 23 April, the assembly, assuming full governmental powers, gathered for the first time, electing Mustafa Kemal its first Speaker and Prime Minister.
Hoping to undermine the Nationalist Movement, Mehmed VI issued a fatwa to qualify the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, calling for the death of its leaders. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the Nationalist Movement as they committed apostasy. The mufti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi issued a simultaneous fatwa, declaring that the caliphate was under the control of the Entente and the Ferid Pasha government. In this text, the Nationalist Movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultanate and the caliphate from its enemies. In reaction to the desertion of several prominent figures to the Nationalist Movement, Ferid Pasha ordered Halide Edip, Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal to be sentenced to death in absentia for treason.
On 28 April the sultan raised 4,000 soldiers known as the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye (Caliphate Army) to combat the Nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, another force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants were initially deployed in İznik. The sultan's government sent the forces under the name of the Caliphate Army to the revolutionaries to arouse counterrevolutionary sympathy. The British, being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counteract the revolutionaries. The Nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many smaller units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat and Refet Pasha.
Anatolia had many competing forces on its soil: British troops, Nationalist militia (Kuva-yi Milliye), the sultan's army (Kuva-yi İnzibatiye), and Anzavur's bands. On 13 April 1920, an uprising supported by Anzavur against the GNA occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the fatwa. Within days the rebellion spread to Bolu and Gerede. The movement engulfed northwestern Anatolia for about a month. On 14 June, Nationalist militia fought a pitched battle near İzmit against the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye, Anzavur's bands, and British units. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye deserted and joined the Nationalist militia. Anzavur was not so lucky, as the Nationalists tasked Ethem the Circassian with crushing Anzavur's revolt. This revealed the sultan did not have the unwavering support of his own men and allies. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held their position. For now, Istanbul was out of Ankara's grasp.
The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. British forces conducted combat operations on the Nationalists and the Royal Air Force carried out aerial bombardments against the positions, which forced Nationalist forces to temporarily retreat to more secure missions. The British commander in Turkey, General George Milne—, asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish Nationalists. The report, signed by French Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, concluded that 27 divisions were necessary, but the British army did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the British public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.
The British accepted the fact that a nationalist movement could not be defeated without deployment of consistent and well-trained forces. On 25 June, the forces originating from Kuva-i İnzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The British realised that the best option to overcome these Turkish Nationalists was to use a force that was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor already occupying its territory: Greece.
Eleftherios Venizelos, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Anatolia, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the hope that fighting would stop. The subsequent treaty of Sèvres in August 1920 confirmed the Arab provinces of the empire would be reorganized into new nations given to Britain and France in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while the rest of the Empire would be partitioned between Greece, Italy, France (via Syrian mandate), Britain (via Iraqi mandate), Armenia (potentially under an American mandate), and Georgia. Smyrna would hold a plebiscite on whether to stay with Greece or Turkey, and the Kurdistan region would hold one on the question of independence. British, French, and Italian spheres of influence would also extend into Anatolia beyond the land concessions. The old capital of Constantinople as well as the Dardanelles would be under international League of Nations control.
However, the treaty could never come into effect. The treaty was extremely unpopular, with protests against the final document held even before its release in Sultanahmet square. Though Mehmed VI and Ferid Pasha loathed the treaty, they did not want Istanbul to join Ankara in nationalist struggle. The Ottoman government and Greece never ratified it. Though Ferid Pasha signed the treaty, the Ottoman Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the sultan, refused to ratify the treaty. Greece disagreed on the borders drawn. The other allies began to fracture their support of the settlement immediately. Italy started openly supporting the Nationalists with arms by the end of 1920, and the French signed another separate peace treaty with Ankara only months later.
Kemal's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Sèvres by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected sultan, but from the Turkish people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the sultan's signature of the Treaty of Sèvres would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the sultan, the document gave Kemal ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Turks for justified resistance against Istanbul.
In contrast to the Eastern and Western fronts, it was mostly unorganized Kuva-yi Milliye which were fighting in the Southern Front against France. They had help from the Syrians, who were fighting their own war with the French.
The British troops which occupied coastal Syria by the end of World War I were replaced by French troops over 1919, with the Syrian interior going to Faisal bin Al-Hussein's self-proclaimed Arab Kingdom of Syria. France which wanted to take control of all of Syria and Cilicia. There was also a desire facilitate the return of Armenian refugees in the region to their homes, and the occupation force consisted of the French Armenian Legion as well as various Armenian militia groups. 150,000 Armenians were repatriated to their homes within months of French occupation. On 21 January 1920, a Turkish Nationalist uprising and siege occurred against the French garrison in Marash. The French position untenable they retreated to Islahiye, resulting in a massacre of many Armenians by Turkish militia. A grueling siege followed in Antep which featured intense sectarian violence between Turks and Armenians. After a failed uprising by the Nationalists in Adana, by 1921, the French and Turks signed an armistice and eventually a treaty was brokered demarcating the border between the Ankara government and French controlled Syria. In the end, there was a mass exodus of Cilician Armenians to French controlled Syria, Previous Armenian survivors of deportation found themselves again as refugees and families which avoided the worst of the six years violence were forced from their homes, ending thousands of years of Christian presence in Southern Anatolia.[146] With France being the first Allied power to recognize and negotiate with the Ankara government only months after signing the Treaty of Sèvres, it was the first to break from the coordinated Allied approach to the Eastern question. In 1923 the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under French authority would be proclaimed in former Ottoman territory.
Some efforts to coordinate between Turkish Nationalists and the Syrian rebels persisted from 1920 to 1921, with the Nationalists supporting the Faisal's kingdom through Ibrahim Hanunu and Alawite groups which were also fighting the French. While the French conquered Syria, Cilicia had to be abandoned.
Kuva-yi Milliye also engaged with British forces in the "Al-Jazira Front," primarily in Mosul. Ali İhsan Pasha (Sabis) and his forces defending Mosul would surrender to the British in October 1918, but the British ignored the armistice and seized the city, following which the pasha also ignored the armistice and distributed weapons to the locals. Even before Mustafa Kemal's movement was fully organized, rogue commanders found allies in Kurdish tribes. The Kurds detested the taxes and centralization the British demanded, including Shaykh Mahmud of the Barzani family. Having previously supported the British invasion of Mesopotamia to become the governor of South Kurdistan, Mahmud revolted but was apprehended by 1919. Without legitimacy to govern the region, he was released from captivity to Sulaymaniyah, where he again declared an uprising against the British as the King of Kurdistan. Though an alliance existed with the Turks, little material support came to him from Ankara, and by 1923 there was a desire to cease hostilities between the Turks and British at Barzanji's expense. Mahmud was overthrown in 1924, and after a 1926 plebiscite, Mosul was awarded to British-controlled Iraq.
Since 1917, the Caucasus was in a chaotic state. The border of newly independent Armenia and the Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (4 June 1918). To the east, Armenia was at war with the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic after the breakup of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, and received support from Anton Denikin's White Russian Army. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn, which mandated the evacuation of the Ottoman army back to its 1914 borders. Right after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, pro-Ottoman provisional republics were proclaimed in Kars and Aras which were subsequently invaded by Armenia. Ottoman soldiers were convinced not to demobilize lest the area become a 'second Macedonia'.[149] Both sides of the new borders had massive refugee populations and famine, which were compounded by the renewed and more symmetric sectarian violence (See Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia (1917–1921) and Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan). There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Allied Powers on reshaping the border. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer territories to Armenia based on the principles of national self-determination. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920).
Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, commander of the XV corps, encountered Muslim refugees fleeing from the Armenian army, but did not have the authority to cross the border. Karabekir's two reports (30 May and 4 June 1920) outlined the situation in the region. He recommended redrawing the eastern borders, especially around Erzurum. The Russian government was receptive to this and demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. However, Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish Nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami (Kunduh) was assigned to negotiate with the Bolsheviks.
On 24 September 1920, Karabekir's XV corps and Kurdish militia advance on Kars, blowing through Armenian opposition, and then Alexandropol. With an advance on Yerevan imminent, on 28 November 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Gekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government surrendered to Bolshevik forces, ending the conflict.
The Treaty of Alexandropol (2—3 December 1920) was the first treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. The 10th article in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres and its allotted partition of Anatolia. The agreement was signed with representatives of the former government of Armenia, which by that time had no de jure or de facto power in Armenia, since Soviet rule was already established in the country. On 16 March 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.
Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.
In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.
Title: Dromana Roll Cloud
Location/Date: Dromana on the Mornington Peninsula, Victoria, Australia - May 2016
Photographer: Rosemarie Steiner
WMO 2017 Calendar Winners
MUA: Ira Pivovar
Model: Brita P
no graphic comments/invites please! (they will be deleted)
thanks for understanding
I have been looking through some files from my last trip to the USA recently and as is often the case, I am finding some interesting images amongst the thousands of photos that never really caught my eye previously.
This was from the only morning I spent at the Grand Canyon. Shooting here was one of my bucket list shoots and lucky for me, I was able to shoot both a sunset and a sunrise from the south-rim. We had managed to secure accommodation at the El Tovar Hotel, which for those who don't know, is perched pretty much right on the edge of the Canyon within the Grand Canyon N.P. A mind-blowing experience.
One thing I came away understanding better is that the GC is one hell of a hard place to photograph well. I don't have many worthy keepers form my shoots here but that's all the more reason to go back and do it again
My understanding is that when Trim Castle Hotel was constructed it was necessary to replace a wall partly owned by the church so as compensation the builders undertook to provide the ’stations of the cross’ shown in my photographs.
Because of uneven ground and the location of some trees it can be difficult to properly photograph all of the stations without introducing some distortion. This is, in fact, my third attempt.
If you are not Christian and even then the ’Stations Of The Cross’ may be a bit of a mystery to you.
I should mention that when I was young there were fourteen stations … 7 on each side of the church. When I first photographed the stations in Trim I was more than confused to discover that there were fifteen with the additional one being the Resurrection of Jesus. Further investigation resulted in the following explanation - “Some modern liturgists say the traditional Stations of the Cross are incomplete without a final scene depicting the empty tomb and/or the resurrection of Jesus, because Jesus' rising from the dead was an integral part of his salvific work on Earth. Advocates of the traditional form of the Stations ending with the body of Jesus being placed in the tomb say the Stations are intended as a meditation on the atoning death of Jesus, and not as a complete picture of his life, death, and resurrection”.
Stations of the Cross or the Way of the Cross, also known as Way of Sorrows or Via Crucis, refers to a series of images depicting Jesus Christ on the day of his crucifixion and accompanying prayers. The stations grew out of imitations of Via Dolorosa in Jerusalem which is believed to be the actual path Jesus walked to Mount Calvary. The object of the stations is to help the Christian faithful to make a spiritual pilgrimage through contemplation of the Passion of Christ. It has become one of the most popular devotions and the stations can be found in the churches of many Western Christian denominations, including Anglican, Catholic, Lutheran, Methodist and Western Orthodox parishes.
Commonly, a series of 14 images will be arranged in numbered order along a path and the faithful travel from image to image, in order, stopping at each "station to say the selected prayers and reflections. This will be done individually or in a procession most commonly during Lent, especially on Good Friday, in a spirit of reparation for the sufferings and insults that Jesus endured during his passion.
The style, form, and placement of the stations vary widely. The typical stations are small plaques with reliefs or paintings placed around a church nave. Modern minimalist stations can be simple crosses with a numeral in the centre. Occasionally the faithful might say the stations of the cross without there being any image, such as when the pope leads the stations of the cross around the Colosseum in Rome on Good Friday. The older stations can be an outdoor series of chapels in a landscape, known as a Calvary, and are sites of pilgrimage in their own right. Examples include Sacro Monte Calvario in Italy, Kalwaria Zebrzydowska in Poland, Žemaičių Kalvarija in Lithuania.
Understanding of the Moon's cycles was an early development of astronomy: by the 5th century BC, Babylonian astronomers had recorded the 18-year Saros cycle of lunar eclipses,[108] and Indian astronomers had described the Moon’s monthly elongation.[109] The Chinese astronomer Shi Shen (fl. 4th century BC) gave instructions for predicting solar and lunar eclipses.[110] Later, the physical form of the Moon and the cause of moonlight became understood. The ancient Greek philosopher Anaxagoras (d. 428 BC) reasoned that the Sun and Moon were both giant spherical rocks, and that the latter reflected the light of the former.[111][112] Although the Chinese of the Han Dynasty believed the Moon to be energy equated to qi, their 'radiating influence' theory also recognized that the light of the Moon was merely a reflection of the Sun, and Jing Fang (78–37 BC) noted the sphericity of the Moon.[113] In 499 AD, the Indian astronomer Aryabhata mentioned in his Aryabhatiya that reflected sunlight is the cause of the shining of the Moon.[114] The astronomer and physicist Alhazen (965–1039) found that sunlight was not reflected from the Moon like a mirror, but that light was emitted from every part of the Moon's sunlit surface in all directions.[115] Shen Kuo (1031–1095) of the Song Dynasty created an allegory equating the waxing and waning of the Moon to a round ball of reflective silver that, when doused with white powder and viewed from the side, would appear to be a crescent.[116]
2019-03-22 (Friday)
2019_005
2019#346 Whitewave (Sophie) _____ as Zelda from Zelda - Breath of the Wild
Thank you for any group invites which I'd be glad to accept. However, if I can't check the content of such groups ("This group is not available to you") I'd rather not add any of my photos. Thank you for your understanding.
Merton begins this transitional section by clearly indicating that while vows are an essential element of religious profession, they are not the only or even the most important dimension of that profession. First in significance is the commitment to ongoing conversion, to “putting on” Christ, to following Christ, to sharing in the mystery of Christ. Then comes incorporation into the religious community, to be understood not just in a juridical context, as a contractual arrangement, but as participation in a supernatural family that is a manifestation of Trinitarian mutual love. “In this society of love,” Merton writes, “what matters is not the assertion of rights and the enforcement of obligations, but mutual trust and love” (157), which should then radiate out from the community to embrace the entire Church. Without this family spirit, religious life is reduced to “organized hypocrisy” (158). Consecration to God by vow is thus “but the third in importance of the three essential elements of religious profession” (158).
Merton then goes on to consider the nature of religious profession in general and of making vows in particular from both canonical and theological perspectives. The validity of profession depends on the fulfillment of various external factors (age, valid novitiate, explicit public declaration, etc.) but most fundamentally on free and full consent. The theological foundation of profession, traced through the successive diverse acts that constitute consent according to Thomistic analysis, is the will to obligate oneself, the free decision of the entire person, involving intelligence, senses and emotions, and the will. Thus to make a vow is not to renounce one’s freedom but to exercise it in an act of worship, the definitive offering of oneself to God. “Only to such a One can we give our liberty without debasing it. Only to such a One can we give our liberty and become yet more free by doing so” (185).
-The life of the vows : initiation into the monastic tradition 6 / by Thomas Merton ; edited with an introduction by Patrick F. O’Connell ; preface by Augustine Roberts.
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