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Warning Controversial Content, Viewer Discretion is Advised. You can read the ADL and SPLC reports on John De Nugent who they describe as prolific.
John de Nugent, Curator for the Leo Frank Case Research Library ( www.leofrank.org ), Chimes in on the Murder of Mary Phagan and Trial of Leo Frank.
John De Nugent - Glory To Mary Phagan Part 1
archive.org/details/JohnDeNugentGloryToMaryPhaganPart1
John De Nugent - Glory To Mary Phagan Part 2
archive.org/details/JohnDeNugentGloryToMaryPhaganPart2
21st Century Audiobooks, read by John de Nugent: WATSON'S MAGAZINE FIVE ISSUES ABOUT LEO FRANK AND MARY PHAGAN
1. January 1915: by U.S. Senator from Georgia, Tom Watson, published in Watson's Magazine, read by John de Nugent
archive.org/details/WatsonFrankCaseFinalAudio
2. March 1915: Full Review of The Leo Frank Case by U.S. Senator from Georgia, Tom Watson, published in Watson's Magazine, read by John de Nugent
archive.org/details/FullReviewFrankCaseWatsonMarch1915_20...
3. August 1915: The State of Georgia Verses Leo Frank by U.S. Senator from Georgia, Tom Watson, published in Watson's Magazine, read by John de Nugent
archive.org/details/State-of-Georgia-vs-Leo-Frank-Watsons...
4. September 1915: by U.S. Senator from Georgia, Tom Watson, published in Watson's Magazine, read by John de Nugent
archive.org/details/Thomas-Watson-Leo-Frank-Jew-Pervert-S...
5. October 1915: by U.S. Senator from Georgia, Tom Watson, published in Watson's Magazine, read by John de Nugent
archive.org/details/WatsonFrankJewsIndictState
Audiobooks by Margaret Huffstickler
1. The Murder of Little Mary Phagan by Mary Phagan-Kean (1989), read by Margaret Huffstickler (Authorized Audiobook)
archive.org/details/TheMurderOfLittleMaryPhaganByMaryPhag...
2. The Leo Frank Case: Georgia's Greatest Murder Mystery (1913) by Anonymous, read by Margaret Huffstickler.
archive.org/details/LeoFrankCaseAtlantaGeorgiaGreatestMur...
A scorched document from a KKK attack on the SPLC in the lobby at the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Alabama on 7/12/18. Around 100 community members from Charlottesville and the surrounding areas traveled to Montgomery, Alabama and The Legacy Museum to deliver soil from the Albemarle County lynching site of John Henry James.
Photo by Pat Jarrett/Virginia Humanities
until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous statement about the fight for civil rights. At the Southern Poverty Law Center’s (SPLC) Civil Rights Memorial. Inscribed on the circular granite table, with water flowing over, are the names of those who died in the civil rights movement (see next).
www.splcenter.org/civil-rights-memorial
(Part of a photo-essay series on personal history and race, with keyword FlaAla0518)
Submission:
Miriam Cooper. Original Photo Circa 1915.
Miriam Cooper, starlet, and heart-throb of the 1915 pivotal movie, "Birth of a Nation", it's the early 20th-century film that inspired the second incarnation of the Ku Klux Klan, not the Leo Frank case (as falsely claimed). Jewish-owned Loews Theater made the distribution of this racial film possible nationwide.
The Leo Frank KKK Hoax
According to research scholars, it was not the Leo Frank case that gave rise to the KKK in November of 1915, that's a long-standing legend that has been debunked by research scholars who looked into the leader of the fraternal organization. Simmons the founder of the second incarnation of the KKK never once mentioned the Leo Frank case as the inspiration for it.
The Internet is making it possible to debunk long-standing historical hoaxes and false history.
The hoax of the "Knights of Mary Phagan"
The men who constituted the lynching party of Leo Frank called themselves the vigilance committee. The men who extra-judicially hanged Leo Frank did not call themselves the "Knight of Mary Phagan", this is another common hoax that was dispelled in 2016 by the Nation of Islam which sent a team of attorneys to research the origin of the fabled name at the Library of Congress.
This common historical claim by Jewish activists was uncovered as an antigentile hoax that was fabricated to claim that the Leo Frank case was all about Good Jews versus Bad Gentiles, a narrative, that the ADL was part of the Good Jews and the KKK constituted the Bad Gentiles. This is a common theme from White supremacists and Jewish supremacists who constituted the membership of the KKK, "othering" people as the good guys versus the bad guys. Before the 1960s, Jews commonly participated as members of the KKK, serving in leading roles, often as treasurers and outfitters.
Secret Relationship, Volume 3, NOI Research Group
You can learn how many of the Leo Frank hoaxes were debunked by reading 'The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Volume 3, The Leo Frank Case, the Lynching of a Guilty Man' April 26, 2016 publication by The Nation of Islam Research Group, here at www.NOIRG.org make sure you buy copies for all your African American friends who were duped by the ADL and SPLC.
Related
Marcus Loew
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marcus_Loew
Maimonides Cemetery, Brooklyn, NY, Traditional Jewish Cemetery
Update September 2017:
StormFront was removed from the Internet. The ISP that holds the domain put a lock on it and blocked www.Stormfront.org from the Internet. A wave of censorship is being launched against people who try to present evidence that Leo Frank is guilty. Special thanks to ADL, SPLC and other Jewish groups who spearheaded the effort to get White Civil Rights Activists groups shutdown from the Internet. Congratulations.
Posted on August 29, 2016:
Please contact ADL and SPLC to ask them what will it take to have www.stormfront.org censored from the Internet. Some people are taking old newspaper photos of Leo Frank (parodying him) and putting snide, sarcastic, mocking and anti-Gentile words in his mouth.
Leo Frank obviously never said these things.
A lot of research about the Leo Frank case has been published on "StormFront." www.StormFront.org and a competing discussion website www.vnnforum.com
Parental Discretion / Viewer Discretion is Advised
A melted clock from a KKK attack on the SPLC in the lobby at the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Alabama on 7/12/18. Around 100 community members from Charlottesville and the surrounding areas traveled to Montgomery, Alabama and The Legacy Museum to deliver soil from the Albemarle County lynching site of John Henry James.
Photo by Pat Jarrett/Virginia Humanities
Ready to take a stand, the 18 youth on the pilgrimage remember those who have fought for justice ahead of them and reflect on what steps they can now take while visiting the Civil Rights Memorial at the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, AL.
© Karen Elliott Greisdorf
Miriam Cooper, starlet, and heart-throb of the 1915 pivotal movie, "Birth of a Nation", it's the film that inspired the second incarnation of the Ku Klux Klan.
Myth: The Leo Frank Case inspired the resurgence of the KKK.
Fact: It was not the Leo Frank case that gave rise to the KKK that's a long-standing legend otherwise. The men who extrajudicially hanged Leo Frank did not call themselves the Knight of Mary Phagan (never once did they refer to themselves as such), that hoax was dispelled in 2016 by the Nation of Islam who sent a team of attorneys to research the origin of the fable at the Library of Congress. You can learn how that hoax was debunked by reading 'The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Volume 3, The Leo Frank Case, the Lynching of a Guilty Man' April 26, 2016 publication by The Nation of Islam Research Group, here at www.NOIRG.org make sure you buy copies for all your African American friends who were duped by the ADL and SPLC.
Mirian Cooper, colorized 106 years later, using A.I. in January 2021. Also, see the original black and white photo.
A disheartening fact, evident at all of the Montgomery monuments that focus on the struggle for Civil Rights – a constant presence of armed guards and very tightly controlled checkpoints for entry into exhibits.
(Part of a photo-essay series on personal history and race, with keyword FlaAla0518)
A scorched book from a KKK attack on the SPLC in the lobby at the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Alabama on 7/12/18. Around 100 community members from Charlottesville and the surrounding areas traveled to Montgomery, Alabama and The Legacy Museum to deliver soil from the Albemarle County lynching site of John Henry James.
Photo by Pat Jarrett/Virginia Humanities
In front of the Southern Poverty Law Center: detail of the memorial to the martyrs of the Civil Rights Movement, designed by the woman behind the Vietnam Veteran's Memorial in D.C., Maya Lin.
Dr. Jalane Schmidt, left, talks with SPLC President Richard Cohen at the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Alabama on 7/12/18. Around 100 community members from Charlottesville and the surrounding areas traveled to Montgomery, Alabama and The Legacy Museum to deliver soil from the Albemarle County lynching site of John Henry James.
Photo by Pat Jarrett/Virginia Humanities
Wildman's Civil War Surplus & Herbs, Kennesaw, GA, 7-11-18. Don't be fooled. This is not a museum or curiosity shop...it is a shrine to racism and the KKK.
Southern Pine Lumber Company #28 was undergoing maintenance when I visited the Texas State Railroad shops in Rusk, TX. This Consolidation type (2-8-0) locomotive was one of about fifteen hundred of the type built by Baldwin for the US Army from 1916 to 1918. They were known as "Pershings", after four-star General John Pershing, Commander of the US Expeditionary Forces in Europe.
[Warning: The following article and podcast are from a controversial and politically incorrect website. Please contact ADL www.ADL.org and SPLC www.SPLC.org to inform them of this pernicious 4-part Internet radio series. Viewer discretion is advised. Posted for informational purposes only. We post this here because of the Jewish-Gentile conflict over the Leo Frank case, and why it should be discussed in a calm rational manner without defamatory attacks on authors. Sadly, the podcast below gets a lot of traffic, so readers here should be aware of the ideas being put out there into the public. The mailing addresses in the original articles were removed so as to not promote them. Please forgive some of the foul language in the articles, they quote from 1913 Newspapers where certain words were mainstream at the time. The ugliness of such language is unfortunate.]
Original Source of the Four-Part Hate Serial:
Warning, Viewer Discretion is Advised.
Part 1: nationalvanguard.org/2018/04/jewish-subversion-of-history...
Part 2: nationalvanguard.org/2018/05/jewish-subversion-of-history...
Part 3: nationalvanguard.org/2018/05/jewish-subversion-of-history...
Part 4: nationalvanguard.org/2018/05/jewish-subversion-of-history...
Please help us fight this hate. Better Sources on Leo Frank Case by Leonard Dinnerstein:
The Leo Frank Case (Book) by Leonard Dinnerstein at Amazon Books www.amazon.com/Frank-Case-Brown-Thrasher-Books/product-re...
Leo Frank Case Articles at American Heritage Magazine, October, 1996 by Leonard Dinnerstein and Jacob Goldfarb
archive.org/details/leo-frank-american-heritage-article-o...
Cox Institute Director Kent Middleton (left) and Frank LoMonte, executive director of the SPLC, congratulate Nereida Moreno, editor of the Daily Titan, on Cal State Fullerton's receipt of the Holland Award. More details: t.uga.edu/Qx
[Curator: Social media is "blowing up" with new developments. We have been overwhelmed with receiving dispatches. These insights represent fragments from Government insiders, citizens of Georgia, and Atlanta/Marietta street Journalists. Fani (Willis) is pronounced Fawnie, not Fanny. The word "Fanny" is how the political detractors of Fani Willis like to name her in an effort to make a crude reference to a slang word for a woman's posterior AKA Buttocks. It's a misogynistic play on words. -end curator commentary.]
Various Dispatches:
Atlanta District Attorney Fani Willis: All she had to do was stay the original course, why charter the Maverick's footpath?
Politics Makes Strange Bedfellows
Friction from the street corners of Marietta and Atlanta
Atlanta-and-Marietta-Jewry's hand-wringing is explicable, particularly since its impatient leadership is deeply embittered over Fani Willis's time and resource wasting, and self-serving agenda of going after Trump. Her ambition to take down "The Donald" means that the goal to exculpate Leo Frank of the 1913 murder of Mary Phagan is being put on hold by Willis. The frustration Atlanta's and Marietta's Jewish leadership is experiencing has to do with their desire to see a resplendent statue of Leo Frank – Martyr of Antisemitism – placed on government grounds. Far too much effort and attention has been wasted on Donald Trump's uncertain prosecution with the 2024 election looming only months away. Many metro Jewish residents think there's a good chance the case against Trump in Atlanta will go nowhere. The other concern is that the prosecution of Donald Trump is garnering too much "Street Credit*" sympathy among Georgia's Black residents.
At this point, even mainstreet Democrats in Georgia are beginning to believe that any more felony convictions actuated against Donald Trump, with less than 6 months away from Super-Tuesday, could be giving him more "street credentials" in the eyes of POC. DNC strategists worry about the defection and unintentional siphoning away of minorities from the very voting block POTUS Joe Biden needs to anchor a second term. Millions of Black and Hispanic voters in Georgia feel particularly vulnerable in this current economy of soft recession and non-transitory hyperinflation.
Fani Willis, Donald Trump, Roy Barnes, CIU and Leo Frank
"Why, Why, Why, Fani Willis? Why did you have to go this arduous route? If you had just stuck it out with the tract of the Leo Frank justice movement, circumstances would have turned out to be more manageable and expedient with the backing of Roy Barnes and Jewish communal governance! Why did you have to take on this frivolous Donald Trump drama?" -These feelings are the analogous opines and exasperated sentiments of Conservative Jewish activists who grudgingly crossed party lines and voted for Willis and now feel forsaken by her course of action. To be fair she saw what happened to her predecessor and doesn't want to be another one-trick pony, but she might get a second chance in 2024.
Conviction Integrity Unit (CIU) Goes Sideways (2019 - 2024)
Even some Jewish liberals feel like Willis bit off more than she could chew for her own political aspirations and personal agenda, rather than addressing the low-hanging fruit of growing support for Leo Frank's clearance in the 111-year-old, 1913 slaying of a factory girl. Fani's predecessor, Paul Howard, had the strong backing of the Jewish community leaders (like Rabbi Steven Lebow and ADL's Shelley Rose) and former Democrat governor Roy Barnes, who himself, has blue-sky political clout in the purplish state of Georgia.
In 2019, Then-District-Attorney Howard and Barnes had an innovative idea to get Leo Frank an "up-to-date" sham trial, so that a hand-picked retiring judge could declare a mistrial when Leo Frank didn't show up for court. But first, they needed an official governing body to recommend Leo Frank's conviction be declared invalid, because of "mob terrorism during the proceedings of his trial." When the CIU was prefabricated, everything was preplanned and well thought out on how to make this caper look totally legit and have the stamp of officialism. However, the only mechanism the travesty was missing to give it teeth, was a war chest filled with printing press treasure. And then it happened, it rained cash! Plot twist!
Donald Trump and Funding the Georgia CIU to the Tune of 1/2 Million Dollars
The great irony in all of this is that during the nationwide mask mandate and COVID lockdown of 2020, Donald Trump provided $500,000 in federal funding to Paul Howard for this handcrafted 'Conviction Integrity Unit'. Likely unbeknownst to the then-president Trump, was the sycophantic task force that was specially crafted for the central purpose of nullifying Leo Frank's 1913 conviction. When Barnes found out about the half-a-million dollars in government assistance, he was stoked! The CIU was bankrolled. The idea that the C.I.U. would investigate other historical murder prosecutions, helped to shroud its true intentions. Most of the April 2019 interview reports and video coverage of the publicly announced founding of the Georgia C.I.U. have been mysteriously scrubbed from the Internet. When Paul Howard, Roy Barnes, Rabbi Steven Lebow, and ADL's Shelley Rose were initially interviewed about the Conviction Integrity Unit's founding on April 26, 2019, the Leo Frank case was glibly spoken about almost obsessively.
Caveat: Leo Frank's Exoneration Must Be African American
A former Afro-American Studies graduate student, put it this way
All that Howard and Barnes had to do was provide the window dressing for giving the pre-decided outcome a sheen of authenticity. One insider who worked at Van Pearlberg's office (Distinct from Paul Howard's office) predicted correctly on a tip and bet that the Conviction Integrity Unit would craft a subcommittee and stack it full of NAACP toadies. This way the unanimous conclusion of innocence for Frank would have the "blackface" of social justice and African American representation. "A committee stacked with Jews and White-faced Christian sympathizers just wouldn't do the trick." This was real political theater and racial politics at play, LIVE!
Why the Racially Ornamented Emphasis on Skin Color?
The open secret of Leo Frank's failed and humiliating attempt at railroading two of his African American hirelings was such an embarrassing episode at the time, that it would necessitate for appearances that his eventual criminal-absolution came from middle-aged Black Georgians who were pedigreed members of a historical civil rights group. The NAACP was the perfect choice given its stalwart adherence to supporting ADL and SPLC causes that favored White Jews over Melaninated-Gentiles. This would be the Midas touch to make sure Frank's eventual vindication sticks and no one could challenge process and procedures to get there. There could be no room for reversal of this farce, so everything had to be done with politesse.
Jewish-American Attorney Irvan "Van" Pearlberg, Long Time Prosecutor and Marietta Councilman
Former deputy attorney general Van Pearlberg (deceased 2024) was one of the most vocal voices in Georgia's judicial system, pushing for the murder conviction of Leo Frank to be vacated. To rephrase Van Pearlberg, he opined in 2019-2020 that in essence, it would be too obvious if the unit was honeycombed with his sympathetic coreligionists because it would lack any lasting currency and feed antisemitic conspiracy theories. There would be grassroots rebellion and the matter would never be fully resolved, even if resolved in an official capacity. But if Leo Frank were exonerated by a commission of African Americans, it would be harder, if not impossible to challenge. The racial demographic contention was acutely understood. Pearlberg was also keenly aware there was a nascent grassroots and underground movement to get the 1986 posthumous pardon of Leo Frank overturned. Though the pardon did not overturn the verdict of Leo Frank's trial, its "palliative symbolism" is being threatened. The threat is that people are finding out that the pardon of Leo Frank did not address his innocence or guilt.
NAACP vs Antisemitism
Is Black antisemitism rising? The historical Black-Jewish Alliance is seemingly fraying into tattered threads, today. There is a growing belief among Afrocentrics that the NAACP is utilized by well-organized Jewry for tokenism and tableau vivant purposes because those particular African-American constituents will vote unanimously in favor of Jewish causes even at the expense of Black people. Regrettably, such sentiments are rising. Some Afrocentric Atlantans said that they were trying to put a racist "blackface" on the exoneration of Leo Frank for "White supremacist Jews" who unfairly have disproportionate power in the Capitol's halls. Afrocentric activists and black rights advocates have expressed the belief that Jews are using black people as a golem to displace WASPS, so they can replace the class system of Anglo-Saxon White Protestant Elites with racist European Jews; Ashkenazis tribalists. These types of antisemitic tropes are also common among members of Black Israelite religious groups and fundamentalist Muslims. For example, one Afrocentric Israelite called the CIU a "conclave of minstrels."
Concealed Ambitions
A boxing gym coach put it this way
Ever seen the movie "Snatch", where Brad Pitt plays a gypsy pit fighter who is hired by British gangsters to go down in the fifth round (fake getting knocked out), instead he has his own agenda, he knocks the other boxer out cold and makes a fortune. Pitt in the film had his cousins place bets with every sports book and bookie in town that he would win. They cleaned up. That's Fani Willis in a figurative comparison with regard to Donald Trump and Leo Frank. She went her own way, and the C.I.U. is on pause until she becomes tantamount to a "lameduck" District Attorney in her last or retiring term.
The prosecutorial endeavor against Trump for election interference was not the direction things were supposed to go when Fani Willis replaced Atlanta District Attorney Paul Howard and she assumed office on January 1st, 2021. Paul Howard was ousted in a landslide defeat over allegations of corruption and dissatisfaction by Jewish voters about his late-coming bothsidesisms concerning Leo Frank's guilt. Howard also pissed off many of his multiracial Gentile and Christian constituents for the perception that he was mothering the CIU to rehabilitate a lethal Jew pervert and sodomite who clannishly chose Christian girls to defile and two black men (Conley and Lee, and one White employee James Milton Gantt) to falsely blame and frame.
D.A. Howard was initially overzealous about clearing the name of Leo Frank, but the mood of the population was decidedly different when people started doing independent research into the case's brief of evidence, ATL newspaper reports of the trial, and appellate summaries. Howard was perceived as flip-flopping by those who loved him and those who hated him, when he tried to be more nuanced later into his term and started giving ambiguous and mixed signals about Leo Frank's innocence. His late actions regarding the case of Mary Phagan and the chilling effect of the COVID lockdown, proverbially sent the C.I.U. into the doldrums during the last leg of his term.
People were not going to stand for Howard's intransigence and treachery so he ultimately paid the political price losing in a humiliating landslide defeat to Fani Willis in 2020. Fast forward a few years to 2024, and today, Fani Willis is next on the chopping block in this forthcoming election for her own intransigence, "Where's the CIU, Fani?" The odds are in her favor that she will survive the storm and shall prevail to another term due to her tenacity in going after Trump. Jewry's leading agitators are miffed and it means they have to wait out another term for their pet bone-of-contention.
How to Serve Only One Term in Georgia
To be a good political puppet, you must dance a fine line. If you want to get elected anywhere in Georgia, you have to hide your desired service to get Leo Frank's verdict upended, until after you are elected, but once you are elected and you mention your aspiration to capsize Leo Frank's guilty verdict, you will surely never be elected again. It's a tight window to work with politically. Broadly speaking, this is why Barnes could never run for office again and win. A Jewish member of the Georgia Assembly is no longer in office after he tried to use his elected position to get a bill passed that would create a new cold case committee to exonerate Leo Frank. So it's a long political game of wack-a-mole by the populace for now.
April 26, 2019, ATL-GA
Another Vista in Leo Frank's journey to Reprieval.
Then-Rabbi Steven Lebow of Marietta's Kolemeth Synagogue; Shelley Rose of ADL leadership and Roy Barnes were ecstatic as D.A., Howard, inaugurated with help from 11Alive TV, his newly minted Conviction Integrity Unit (CIU) in 2019 on the 106th anniversary of Mary Phagan's murder. The date chosen was haunting and creepy, to put it mildly. Howard immediately appointed Roy Barnes as senior advisor for their predefined mission of absolving Leo Frank, but things didn't go as planned by the time Howard's term had concluded. Corruption charges were levied against Howard.
To make matters worse, access to the trial records and Frank's appeals to the Georgia Supreme Court became widely available on the Internet thanks to netizens. The groundswell of regional pushback was really bad timing for Roy Barnes and Paul Howard, both of whom were ready to pounce with the backing of their hand-selected delegates of NAACP representatives, who were itching to rubber-stamp Leo Frank's innocence. These events put the case in the spotlight and it became the focus of passionate debate for citizens interested in criminology, history, law and justice.
ADL's Iron Curtain
A hippy liberal professor from Druid Hills, opinion
Even though the ADL partnered with Search engine giants and social media platforms to increase people's access to pro-Frank revisionist materials, it only had a limited effect in preventing millions of people from discovering alternative opinions on the case of Mary Phagan. The court of public opinion had shifted away from the dominant narrative that Jews were the victims of antisemitism during the two years Leo Frank's case struggled its way through the appellate courts of Georgia and the federal judicial system.
"Evidence Sustains Verdict"
Evaluating the trial brief of evidence, the Fulton County Superior Court and Georgia Supreme Court had heard Frank's appeals and rejected them. The GA Supreme Court even went as so far as to say the verdict of guilt determined at the trial was correct and supported by the evidence. A scattering of people are aware of this fact. Today the supra-majority of law students, practicing attorneys, and judges who read the 1913 Leo Frank trial brief of evidence, come to the same conclusion as the jury. Peach citizen researchers came away believing the case was imbued with Jewish chauvinism and antigentilism, not antisemitism. During court, Frank's mother Rachel Jacobs caused a scene of ballyhoo when she stood up and shouted with tears in her eyes, "Gentile Christian Dog", at then solicitor general Hugh Dorsey, who was prosecuting the trial.
Personal Wounds
A door knocker and canvasser for the DNC, believes something like this:
Fani's ambitious proceedings to take down Donald Trump were presupposed to become circuitous theater with a lot of political machinations destined to come from Republicans, wrangling to stymie her efforts. Those predictions turned out to be true. Republicans went to the state assembly and governor to figure out the best way to go above her head and make this invasive and intimate investigation happen. Fani Willis feels the attacks against her are motivated by both political lawfare and personal vendetta; she has given defiant and impassioned testimony to this effect. The perception of Georgia progressives is that she is being unduly investigated in the form of ad-hominem estoppel to delay the proceedings against Trump so that they become moot in November 2024. If Trump doesn't win the presidential election this fall, he is going to die in a penitentiary.
AJF, AJC, and the ADL
Committee members of the South-East District of the Anti-Defamation League, Atlanta Jewish Federation and American Jewish Community had high hopes that Fani Willis would revivify the clandestine Conviction Integrity Unit (CIU) and any of its future incarnations or derivatives, to further champion Leo Frank (1884 - 1915) and officially clear his name of any crimes or wrongdoing. Too many people are finding out the pardon in 86' didn't extricate Frank's official standing of guilt.
Higher Plans
Downtown Atlanta the word in a Barber Shop
In a fragmented conversation about her strategy: "But she had her own bigger plan taking down a political candidate as part and division of a multi-state front." said an Atlanta street vendor, named Lamont. What? "New York just had a legal victory against Trump," he said. Lamont seemed to believe that the cases against Trump were a ghost-hunting escapade that backfired, "Lots of folks goinna be surprised on election night, Biden sucks". It is unknown at this time what the mood of the African American community is for Trump. Most will vote against him, but some are taking a shine to him.
Atlantans Mad-Furious With Fani Willis 2024
An old-timer real estate agent just informed us..
Will Fani Willis survive the next election cycle? She just might. It's going to be a close call. Right now a growing number of property owners in Atlanta are furious with Fani Willis that she is distracted and not forcefully overseeing the prosecution of criminals during one of the biggest crime waves in Atlanta history. White-collar crimes are rising, including the forging of deeds and real estate documents to steal people's land and homes, to then sell them for a 100% profit. It's a criminal paradise in Atlanta at present and the people are getting fed up. 2024 will decide the political fate of Fani Willis, she's got an uphill battle, but to her credit she has tenacity.
snippet:
(Column 3) ..The Senate investigation was created earlier this year as nine defendants sought to remove Willis from the Trump case due to a relationship the DA had with the probe's lead prosecutor, Nathan Wade. Legislators said they wanted to investigate whether Willis improperly spent any state money on trips she took with Wade.
The panel previously heard testimony from Ashleigh Merchant, the defense attorney who led-
(Column 4)
the removal push, and Fulton County leaders who discussed how they appropriate local funding.
The committee is limited in how it can directly punish Willis, who is a state constitutional officer, but Cowsert has discussed subpoenaing Willis, Wade and others.
Former Governor Roy Barnes, a Marietta attorney, has said he will represent Willis before the state investigative committee.
A trio of Senate Democrats in a recent op-ed in The Atlanta Journal-Constitution called the state active committee a "kangaroo court that's fixed the rules in favor of its purpose advance a narrative beneficial to Donald Trump...
Source www.AJC.com
Fani Willis on Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fani_Willis
Video by 11Alive:
Roy Barnes, Testifies With Regard to Fani Willis
www.youtube.com/watch?v=29-8zcixlJk
Fani Willis, Defiant Testimony (MSNBC)
www.youtube.com/watch?v=ENlsA9mg2aA
Other Reading
Washington Times on Roy Barnes and Fanni Willis
www.washingtontimes.com/news/2024/feb/16/georgias-ex-gove...
Van Pearlberg Obituary
www.ajc.com/news/obituaries/marietta-attorney-van-pearlbe...
When I inquired on editing the above follower submission, I was told by my Rabbi that *Street Credit is Afro-American slang for royal thug rank in the hood.
Cox Institute Director Kent Middleton (left) and Frank LoMonte, executive director of the SPLC, congratulate Nereida Moreno, editor of the Daily Titan, on Cal State Fullerton's receipt of the Holland Award. More details: t.uga.edu/Qx
Wildman's Civil War Surplus & Herbs, Kennesaw, GA, 7-11-18. Don't be fooled. This is not a museum or curiosity shop...it is a shrine to racism and the KKK.
-Curator Commentary, April 18, 2025-
On the Southern Poverty Law Center's Misguided Exploitation of Historical Injustices: "Black. Jewish. Divided by Hate. Stronger Together (March 25, 2025)"
By Curator, April 18, 2025
The SPLC's cynical use of the Leo Frank case in its Jewish-focused outreach to estranged African American audiences has been criticized for lacking any pretense of nuance or subtlety. The article relies too heavily on emotionally charged buzzwords, clichéd victimhood narratives, historical oversimplifications, broad generalizations, and guilt-by-association conflations. The message essentially reflects a total absence of self-awareness, soul searching and critical thinking or analysis, which undermines the credibility of authors Ward and Levi.
The Southern Poverty Law Center's insincere propaganda of March 25, 2025, titled, 'Black. Jewish. Divided by Hate. Stronger Together' is a poorly concocted attempt to misrepresent the sexual violence and slaying of 'Little' Mary Phagan and Leo Frank's criminal case in an effort to rebuild a fractured Black-Jewish alliance. It comes across as either racially shallow and desperate or, at worst, condescending, suggesting that Black American adults are naive and uninformed, with child-like minds. Rather than addressing the real concerns of African Americans, the SPLC doubles down on an academically flawed version of the Phagan-Frank criminal affair by lambasting Pentagon official Kingsley Wilson, whose statements on the 1913 trial are grounded in facts.
Kingsley Wilson (@KingsleyCortes on X) promulgates the following summarized points about the trial of Leo M. Frank:
1. Leo Frank raped and murdered a 13-year-old girl (Mary Phagan).
2. Leo Frank tried to frame a Black Man for the crime.
3. The ADL is despicable and turned off comments to gaslight.
Thousands of pages of extensive research, records, legal documents, photos, images, news reports, and ephemera contained within the comprehensive archive, 'The Leo Frank Museum and Gallery' at Flickr (www.flickr.com/photos/leofrankcase/), delves directly into the prosecution and defense theories, witness testimony, forensic evidence, and trial exhibits from the Leo Frank case, providing substantial support for sustaining the assertions that Kingsley Wilson makes about the Leo Frank case.
Back-Jewish Intercommunity Fragmentations
To delve much deeper and further elucidate intercommunity divisions superficially addressed by Eric K. Ward and Seth Levi, it's crucial to examine the factors contributing to discord in Black-Jewish relations, an issue the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) seems to overlook or approach with limited perspective.
Black and Jewish Relations in America: A Fractured Alliance Crumbles
Economic, political, and social relations between Black and Jewish communities were historically complex, varying by region and era (e.g., Reconstruction, Jim Crow, Civil Rights). For much of American history, however, these relations were shaped by social and economic hierarchies. These interactions were often characterized by tension and inequality, particularly in the context of slavery, segregation, and labor dynamics, where African Americans frequently occupied subordinate roles, including as enslaved people or low-wage workers, in households and businesses owned by Jews and others.
Yet, in the middle of the 20th century, a meaningful shift occurred in the appearance of these longstanding dynamics. Amidst the rising tide of the Civil Rights Movement, the Black–Jewish alliance briefly flourished and blossomed in a vivid profusion for a generation, driven by a common vision for fundamental humanity and fairness.
"Fundamental humanity" refers to the basic, essential qualities that define what it means to be human. It emphasizes shared human traits such as empathy, compassion, dignity, and the inherent worth of all individuals, regardless of their background, race, or identity. In essence, it captures the core aspects of human nature that connect all people, often tied to ideals of equality, justice, and moral responsibility.
For decades, the Black-Jewish alliance was a cornerstone of progressive social movements in the United States, an era that now seems relegated to history books as modern populist trends increasingly drift further from those foundational ideals. During the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, several prominent Jewish leaders and organizations stood alongside African American activists, advocating for racial equality, removing barriers to voting, and dismantling the entrenched system of Jim Crow segregation.
Figures like Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel (1907–1972), who famously marched alongside Martin Luther King Jr. (1929–1968), embodied shared values and mutual solidarity, grounded in the pursuit of justice and equal protection under the law. However, this coalition has faced mounting strain in the decades thereafter, with numerous events and issues emphasizing a growing divide. Herein are some of the burning vistas and their key flashpoints of contention that have contributed to this sweeping fragmentation.
Burning vistas—those vast and enduring, emotionally charged crossroads where solidarity gave way to suspicion, antagonism, and mistrust, thus marking the gradual dissolution of this coalition.
Monumental Civil Rights Legislation, 1964-1968
Between 1964 and 1968, several landmark pieces of legislation were passed in the United States that significantly advanced the rights of African Americans, especially in terms of civil rights and social equality (briefly).
1. Civil Rights Act of 1964: Prohibited discrimination in employment, public accommodations, and federally funded programs based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, effectively ending legal segregation.
2. Voting Rights Act of 1965: Eliminated racial discrimination in voting by banning literacy tests and poll taxes, and provided federal oversight in areas with a history of disenfranchisement.
3. Fair Housing Act of 1968: Banned discrimination in the sale, rental, and financing of housing based on race, religion, national origin, or sex, addressing housing inequality.
Together, these laws were pivotal in securing greater equality and protection under the law for African Americans.
Fraying at the edges, Late 1960s
Assassination of Martin Luther King: This seismic event marked a significant shift in the movement, leading to both greater urgency and, for some, frustration with nonviolence.
While some prominent Jewish leaders were active at the vanguard of the Black Civil Rights Movement (e.g., helping to found the NAACP, marching Selma), some African American leaders began to feel used, that Jewish support had always been self-serving and conditional, or that Jewish priorities did not always align with the needs of Black Americans.
Amid rising mistrust, a rift emerged in the late 1960s with the rise of the Black Power movement, which emphasized self-determination, racial nationalism, and greater autonomy, alongside reduced reliance on white allyship, among whom Jews were prominently represented. This ideological shift also fueled a rising skepticism and schism regarding white allies more broadly, particularly liberal and democratic-leaning Jews. For example, some Black activist groups and leaders share the perception that Jewish allies were increasingly preoccupied with their own ethnoreligious advocacy, such as perceived or exaggerated instances of domestic anti-Semitism, U.S. foreign policy regarding Israel, and broader Zionist advocacy, while Black Americans were struggling with more immediate and structurally pressing issues including endemic poverty, longstanding police violence, and systemic racism.
This perceived difference in focus and urgency contributed to growing frustration, especially as the Civil Rights Movement moved into the end of the 1960s, through the 1970s, and began to address issues beyond integration, such as economic empowerment and Black nationalism.
First Fissure: The Six-Day War, 1967
The Six-Day War between Israel and neighboring Arab states in 1967 lasted less than a week, but it left a lasting rift between American Black and Jewish activists who found themselves on opposing sides. Many Black leaders viewed Ashkenazi/European Jews, who held a majority of the powerful positions within the Israeli government and military, as representatives of colonialism and white supremacy in the Middle East. In contrast, they saw Arabs—particularly Palestinians—as the indigenous, brown-skinned victims, with whom they could identify, especially given the Palestinians’ struggles with ethnic displacement and the harsh realities of Israeli apartheid. Nearly six decades later, this divide persists, with Jewish organizations continuing to support Israel, while some Black activists express solidarity with the Palestinian cause in Gaza and the West Bank. The debate over Israel-Palestine remains a significant and ongoing source of tension and falling out for Jews and other minority communities, especially African Americans.
Crown Heights Riots in NYC
On Monday, August 19th, 1991, the Crown Heights neighborhood in Brooklyn, New York, erupted in widespread violence following the accidental death of a 7-year-old Black child, Gavin Cato, walking on a sidewalk with his mother, Angela Cato. The young boy was struck by a station wagon driven by a Jewish man, Yosef Lifsh, who veered off the road onto a sidewalk at 8:20 PM.
Location: The fatal hit-and-run (disputed) took place at the intersection of President Street and Utica Avenue in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, 11213.
The incident took place in a neighborhood already fraught with burning racial and cultural tensions between the Black community and the rapidly expanding Chabad-Lubavitch community, an Orthodox Jewish sect of Hasidim.
Yosef Lifsh’s vehicle was part of a three-car security motorcade escorting Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, the spiritual leader of this global Hasidic movement. They were en route to Schneerson’s sleeping quarters at Chabad headquarters at 770 Eastern Parkway, following a visit to Old Montefiore Cemetery in Queens, where Schneerson often prayed at the grave of his father-in-law, Rabbi Yosef Yitzchak Schneersohn.
Schneerson was often accused by racially conscious Black research investigators of purportedly making a number of antigentile statements that dehumanized non-Jews. Many Black leaders and residents in New York City viewed Schneerson as a White Jewish racist whose token gestures of outreach masked the group’s perceived racial separatism and ethnoreligious supremacism.
Exclusivity in organizations is not inherently bigoted—much like the Knights of Columbus restricting membership to Catholics, B’nai B’rith to Jews, tribal councils to Native Americans, or women’s groups to biological females. However, when a group’s cultural teachings and identity partly center on dehumanizing nonmembers or advocating violence against outsiders, it becomes antithetical to the principles of cultivating a placid and tolerant, democratic republic.
Raising Eyebrows
Black scholars began increasingly examining Rabbinical Judaism’s texts, particularly the Talmud, and questioning its controversial teachings, many of which elicited serious concerns and gave rise to intense debate. Examples of which are too illicit and disturbing to repeat. Some Black Christian community leaders and their members, after examining what they perceived as: Chabad’s extremist belief system expressed both in oral and written form, raised misgivings that orthodox Jewish sects, including those fundamentally engaged in Torah and Talmudic studies, promote deeply antiblack and antigentile narratives which foster hostility and encourage antagonism, resentment, or ill-will toward African Americans and non-Jews. These concerns reflect deep-seated anxieties about the Lubavitch community’s insularity and its impact on Black-Jewish relations regarding some African American interpretations of Orthodox and even Conservative Judaism more broadly.
Background: The incident occurred in a neighborhood marked by longstanding tensions between the Black community and the growing Chabad-Lubavitch Hasidic Jewish community. Disputes over housing, policing, exclusionary practices, and access to community resources had created a charged atmosphere. Some African-American residents reported seeing Jewish individuals spitting on churches and regularly dumping large bags of garbage from moving vehicles in front of Black-owned businesses and homes. Unverified claims circulated that Jewish residents were throwing urine balloons and fecal bombs from rooftops onto pedestrians in certain exclusionary and homogeneous areas. Allegations emerged that Jewish groups were collectively purchasing apartment buildings and leased properties to redline and displace Black tenants over time. Additionally, Black residents accused some old and new Jewish real estate owners of acting as slumlords, ignoring persistent maintenance issues in multi-unit buildings and rental property.
Certain reports about the fatal vehicle-pedestrian collision raised doubts about whether the motorcade adhered to traffic regulations, and there were accusations that the driver fled the scene before police arrived, potentially making the incident a hit-and-run. Eyewitness accounts were inconsistent: some Black Crown Heights residents alleged the motorcade was driving recklessly or excessively fast, while others, including Jewish witnesses, maintained the vehicles were moving at a standard speed.
The incident ignited three days of riots, with Black residents clashing violently with Jewish residents, culminating in the brutal murder of Yankel Rosenbaum—a Talmudic scholar, by a mob of roughly a dozen young Black adults who bumrushed him, stomping and stabbing him to death. Lemrick Nelson and Charles Price were the only ones convicted and served lengthy prison terms for their roles—one for the stabbing itself, the other for inciting the mob.
The riots exposed deep-seated tensions, with Black communities feeling marginalized by the growing influence of the orthodox Jewish community and Jewish communities perceiving the violence as antisemitic. The lack of trust and communication exacerbated the conflict, marking a shattering in Black-Jewish relations that reverberated nationwide after TV networks broadcast the unrest. When Reverend Al Sharpton and Sonny Carson led a march through Crown Heights during the unrest, the news of the conflict became a cause célèbre for Black activists across the country. David Dinkins, the first African American mayor of New York City, was a central political figure during the riots and was criticized for failing to use his power and influence to curtail the violence.
Affirmative Action Disparities in Outcome
Affirmative action policies, intended to address systemic under-representation, have been a point of contention. While these policies facilitated the entry and increased matriculation of African Americans into colleges, universities, and graduate programs, they are reported by some sociological researchers and statisticians to have disproportionately benefited Jewish academics and administrators, who secured prominent positions in academia, especially professorial, executive, and mid-managerial ranks. This largely racial and ethnic disparity has led to accusations that Jewish individuals reaped greater professional and career rewards from equity legislation and civil rights advancements, while African Americans faced persistent barriers to similar upward mobility in educational institutions.
Black vs. Jewish Historical Accusations in the Mary Phagan Case: The True Crime that Continues to Divide Race and Faith
The April 26, 1913, rape and murder of Mary Phagan in Atlanta, Georgia, remains one of the most hotly contested episodes in American racial, religious, and ethnic history. Leo Frank, a Jewish factory superintendent and Atlanta’s B'nai B'rith chapter president, was duly convicted of the crime in a trial that has since become a focal point of historical dispute, particularly among Jewish historians, and a lightning rod for broader debate.
With regard to the Fulton County courthouse proceedings (July 28–August 21), some contemporary and historical Jewish commentators, researchers, and scholars, particularly during the Georgia Court Appeals in 1913 and 1914, have alleged that Leo Frank’s trial jury was influenced by antisemitic mob pressure. However, these claims have been consistently challenged by Black researchers and scholars, who emphasize the sworn affidavits of original trial jurors, the trial’s brief of evidence, and a growing body of modern historical analysis that contests longstanding and predominant Jewish narratives as ethnically and racially self-serving and, in some interpretations, a fabricated consensus.
For example, Google, like most search engines, ranks Wikipedia as the top result for the search term “Leo Frank,” where the lede summary asserts that “Modern researchers generally agree that Frank was wrongly convicted” (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leo_Frank). However, it is seldom acknowledged that a supramajority of these researchers are Jewish scholars and activists, a factor which some critics argue may contribute to the framing of the case toward a partial or advocacy-driven interpretation. This conclusion continues to be actively contested by a growing number of independent researchers who have re-examined the original trial evidence and contemporary historical records of the press.
While many Jewish historians have argued that Leo Frank was the victim of an antisemitic judicial process, others have pointed to broader historical analyses that challenge the full extent of this claim, suggesting a more complex interplay of evidence and social or ethnic hierarchies—particularly given that, like most Jews of the time, Frank was racially classified as White, while his chief accuser was African American.
Even in recent years, some Jewish activists and figures like former Georgia Governor Roy Barnes (a non-Jew) have continued to publicly assert the claim that antisemitic mobs or crowds gathered outside the courtroom, allegedly shouting anti-Jewish death threats ("Hang the Jew or we'll hang you") at the jury every morning as they entered the courthouse.
There have been no substantiated reports of antisemitic death threats or similar disturbances in newspaper accounts or Frank's appeals records. In contrast to these perceived anti-Gentile blood libels, there was an example of so-called "anti-Gentilism" during prosecutorial examination. During the trial proceedings, Leo Frank's mother, Rachel "Ray" Jacobs Frank (1859–1925), caused a significant disruption in court over child molestation accusations against her son, Leo. She reportedly shouted at prosecutor Hugh Dorsey (1871–1948), calling him a "Christian dog" or "Gentile dog" in response to his cross-examination of a former factory employee about pederast allegations that the defendant Leo Frank had inappropriately touched some of his office boys. This outburst was well documented, as the presiding judge Leonard Roan was forced to pause the trial and have the defense counsel calmly escort Mrs. Ray Frank from the courtroom to deescalate the situation.
Jews Scapegoating Blacks: The Strategic Shifting of Blame in Historical Accounts
Nevertheless, over the past century, with near-unanimity, narratives promoted by Jewish intellectuals in academic institutions, published monographs, and journalistic reports in magazines and newspapers have attempted to shift the blame onto African American workers, Newt Lee, and Jim Conley, while also promoting in parallel the "Jew hatred" narrative about Frank's indictment and guilty verdict.
Conflicting Perspectives: Black vs. Jewish Interpretations and Struggles for Narrative Authority of History
With 10s of millions of interactions on X posting about the Frank-Phagan case, social media has reflected for years the widespread perceptions that these steamrolling efforts by Jewish-American individuals, communal organizations, and advocacy groups to deflect guilt from a prominent Jewish figure onto working-class Black individuals, have likely perpetuated stereotypes about the use of Jewish wealth and power to shape dominant historical narratives, thus further exacerbating distrust between these already estranged communities. And while modern Jewish scholars, journalists, and activists have largely ceased targeting Newt Lee, they are seen by some as continuing to focus their animus on framing Jim Conley and attributing Frank’s conviction to a rampant antisemitism that did not exist during the 25-day trial or during the progressive era of the American South.
Modern forensic historians have found no substantive evidence of antisemitism in Leo Frank's trial, yet many accounts by Jewish authors lean on concocted anti-Gentile narratives against Black and White Southerners, some of them even veer into highly inflammatory and racially charged blood libels. One of the most extreme examples of anti-Gentile blood libel is the Leo Frank narrative that the blood of a guilty black man is not enough to atone for the death of a White girl, so that an innocent Jew must die for her rape-and-murder. In this conceptual framework, White Southerners are imbued with so much Jew hatred that they would rather allow, a guilty black homicidal rapist who sexually assaulted and strangled to death a White girl, to be pardoned and go free to make an innocent Jew pay the price for the crime. Some of the Jewish authors who promote this anti-Gentile racial hoax in their books on the Leo Frank case seem to have zero self-awareness or fathom how this incendiary material— a grotesque example of anti-White bigotry, and disgusting weaponization of antisemitism might possibly offend African Americans. This likely represents an extreme example of a repugnant assumption that warrants a formal apology, given how this wrongful belief has been perpetuated as part of our collective historical memory in numerous published accounts on the Frank case.
In fact, Jews often benefited from white hegemony in the segregated South, and assertions of widespread antisemitism in this case lack authentic historical support. Atlanta newspaper reports from the time document no antisemitic shouts, chants, or threats made on the streets through the open windows of the courtroom, as asserted by the ADL, Leonard Dinnerstein (1934-2019), or others. Additionally, appeals records for Frank’s case in state and federal courts contain no allegations of antisemitic menacing through the open windows during court proceedings from outside the courthouse. Such incidents, if they had occurred while the court was in open session, would have warranted arrests and a new trial.
If Jews wish to rebuild trust with the Black community, they could start by offering a sincere and open apology without crafting excuses for the racially charged attempts over the past century to make sacrificial lambs out of Leo Frank's Black employees for the murder and sexual violence against Mary Phagan.
Gaza Conflict and African American Solidarity, Palestinian Genocide, Ethnoreligious Apartheid, Jewish Crimes Against Humanity, and Ethnic Cleansing in Palestine
The perception of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly the ongoing violence during the Gaza "Holocaust", has struck a chord with many African Americans who empathize with Palestinians, viewed as oppressed brown-skinned people facing aggression from largely militant Eastern European settlers and white supremacist Ashkenazi Jews. The perception of Israel’s actions as a genocidal, has spurred solidarity with Palestinians among African American activists, deepening tensions with Jewish communities and non-Jewish Zionism supporters. This rift is intensified by divergent perspectives on Zionism, with some African Americans equating it to apartheid, European Ashkenazi colonialism, and Jewish supremacism, mirroring their own historical oppression by Jewish entities. Some African Americans emphasize that white European Jews from Western nations, lacking racial, ethnic, or geographic ties to the Middle East, routinely displace Palestinians, whose ancestors inhabited the region for centuries, seizing their land and homes, making them effectively homeless.
Allegations of Manipulation and the "Golem" Narrative
Some narratives allege that Jewish activists have historically used African Americans as a "golem"—a metaphorical battering ram to confront white supremacy while advancing Jewish interests predominantly. This perception stems from instances where Jewish-led organizations or initiatives appeared to prioritize Jewish agendas, leaving African American communities feeling exploited or sidelined in broader social justice efforts. The perception is that the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People), founded by Jewish interlopers, is frequently recognized as a leading Black civil rights organization, but is often criticized for prioritizing Jewish issues, at times placing them ahead of Black concerns.
Jewish Involvement in the Slave Trade
Another point of contention is the perception that Jewish merchants and ship owners played an outsized role in the transatlantic slave trade and as its labor beneficiaries, particularly in port cities in the Americas and elsewhere. Critics argue that Jewish communities have not sufficiently acknowledged or addressed this history, which contrasts with their vocal advocacy for other historical injustices. This omission fuels resentment among some African Americans who feel their historical suffering, which amounts to a multi-century African Holocaust, is overlooked. Some researchers have put the typical range of transportation and onsite deaths as significantly high.
Performative: Perceptions of Exaggerated Antisemitism and Benefiting White Supremacy
Some African Americans view segments of the Jewish community as significantly overstating experiences of antisemitism in order to preserve a sense of victimhood and maintain social and political influence. There is also a perception that, prior to the Civil Rights Movement, Jewish individuals were able to access economic and social opportunities denied to African Americans, with Jews benefiting, to a large extent, from structures of white supremacy, especially in the American South. This perspective holds that Jewish communities managed to navigate Anglo-Saxon nativism and discrimination more effectively, leveraging those gains while at times offering only symbolic or strategic solidarity with African Americans. The hindsight belief in such performative solidarity and the de facto racial dynamics has contributed to ongoing tensions in Black-Jewish relations.
Black Jews and Sterilization in Israel
Reports of Ethiopian Jewish women being coerced into receiving long-term birth control injections under the guise of vaccinations in Israel have sparked international outrage. These incidents, occurring primarily in the 2000s, are cited as evidence of systemic racism within Jewish institutions, alienating African American Jews and others who see parallels with historical medical abuses against Black communities in the United States by Jews.
Strained Allyship: Perceptions of Jewish Behavior in Modern Civil Rights Movements
In contemporary civil rights movements, some African Americans perceive Jewish activists as domineering or overly authoritative, often characterized as "egotistical," "pushy," "loudmouths," "bullies," or "know-it-alls." This perception arises from disagreements over strategy, leadership, and priorities, with African American activists feeling their voices are often sidelined within coalitions that include Jewish participants who put their own self-interest as a priority over collective concerns.
Antisemitism and Racism: The Primary Tools of Manipulation
An increasing number of African Americans feel that Jewish organizations and individuals provoke, amplify, and then exploit antisemitism for sociopolitical manipulation, personal gain, and group or individual sympathy, akin to a form of ethnic "Munchausen syndrome." Moreover, there is a perception that Jews sometimes overstate the influence or impact of modern neo-Nazi movements, often inflating their otherwise scant adherent numbers. Additionally, some argue that Jewish communities and their leaders downplay, obfuscate, or omit historical instances where Jews supported groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) or participated in their activities. Critics also accuse Jews of hypocrisy, alleging they speak with "a forked tongue" by denouncing white supremacy to foster alliances with people of color through a narrative of shared victimhood;. yet, historical evidence suggests that Jews have largely benefited from white supremacy and, in some cases, even supported racist ideologies in a traditional and historical capacity.
For instance, African-American advocates contend by emphasizing that the 1915 KKK movie Birth of a Nation was screened at thousands of Jewish-owned Loews theaters nationwide and that Jews provided material and economic support for the Ku Klux Klan. Jews, based on manifest records and census data, disproportionately controlled the slave trade in the Americas to such a degree that related auctions were seldom ever held on significant Jewish holidays. Additionally, thousands of Jews fought for the Confederacy to maintain slavery. A prominent Jew, Judah P. Benjamin's face graced Confederate States of America (CSA) currency, and he was arguably in one of the most powerful positions of that secessionist movement's government. And If there was discrimination against Jews in the early 20th century, it was usually isolated at a few hotels and country clubs, or broadly meant to stop them from disproportionately occupying all the seats at elite colleges with quotas; it was not the systemic racial discrimination Black people endured as legalized second-class citizens.
This depiction suggests that, in the big-picture, such Black-Jewish solidarity networks primarily serve to elevate Jewish social mobility, power, wealth acquisition, and political influence, while African Americans continue to languish in systemic poverty and marginalization. The disparity in outcomes is that Jewish communities are interpreted as thriving economically per capita, while African American communities struggle in the balance, even to this day, fueling cynicism and skepticism of authentic solidarity. Objectively speaking, there is substantial empirical evidence of these disparate outcomes. Regardless of the underlying causes, economic indicators, government statistics, and demographic data consistently and conclusively demonstrate a clear financial disparity between Jewish and Black Americans.
Unequal Representation: Black Voices and the Supremacist Power of the Zionist Lobby
In the U.S., Blacks outnumber Jews 6 to 1, but feel their political and institutional power is vastly incomparable, as 14% of the population compared to 3%. It is widely recognized in mainstream culture that one does not need to be Jewish in order to identify as a Zionist or sympathize with Zionism (including 10s of millions of American Evangelical Christians). Many African-American activists believe the U.S. Congress and the chief executive office of the white house are captured by American Jewry, and Israel's radical expansionary ideology of Zionism. The significant presence of Jewish individuals in positions of power in the United States government and administering levers of power, coupled with the influence of pro-Israel lobbying groups like AIPAC, is another point of contention. Critics argue that Zionist priorities dominate U.S. politics, with politicians focusing on Israel’s interests and Jewish rights over the needs of Black Americans and on foreign policy for sub-Saharan Africa, where poverty is endemic at different levels. This perception portrays AIPAC, the ADL, AJC, B'nai B'rith, and numerous similar advocacy organizations as focusing more on Jewish interests and Israeli foreign policy than on domestic challenges such as persistent structural racial disparity and economic inequality impacting Black communities.
Conclusion
The once-powerful Black-Jewish alliance, a catalyst for social change, has been increasingly strained due to a history marked by both historical and contemporary grievances. These range from the Crown Heights riots and disputes over Israel's policies to the enduring impact and legacy of the Mary Phagan case, differing views on upward mobility and affirmative action, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, coerced sterilizations, academic employment controversies, ethnic cleansing, slavery, and concerns about Zionist influence in U.S. politics. These issues have fostered growing distrust in the Black community. Overcoming this divide requires open, honest dialogue, acknowledgment of past injustices, correcting historical inaccuracies, publicly apologizing for erroneous accusations of antisemitism or racism (on all sides), and a collective effort to forge an equitable, just partnership.
This partial set of recommendations is offered to the Southern Poverty Law Center as a starting point for developing a framework to embark on the challenging yet necessary work of reviving a relationship between Jews and their estranged constituency that, by many measures, is in critical condition. Without meaningful and far-reaching action, the Jewish community risks further isolation.
The positive and hopeful news is that, according to a 2020 Pew study, a majority of Black American citizens—more than 53%—view Jews favorably, while only a small minority of this demographic, roughly 25%, hold unfavorable opinions. However, this isn't the full picture, but only one racial demographic; in the aggregate, perceptions vary significantly across age, political affiliation, and race, with 2 out of 3 Americans on average having a favorable view of Jews. In contrast, attitudes toward Israel, the self-described Jewish and democratic state, are shifting. Opinion polls show that favorability ratings for Israel are declining among most groups, with the exception of Republican baby boomers, who continue to express strong support.
-End of Curator Commentary, April 18, 2025-
The SPLC’s Deceitful Portrayal of the Leo Frank Case
By Mark Weber
Institute for Historical Review
April 12, 2025
The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) – an influential organization known for “fighting racism” – recently issued a strangely deceitful and evasive statement, “Black. Jewish. Divided by Hate. Stronger Together” about the Leo Frank murder case, an important episode of American history that has been in the news in recent weeks.
Mary Phagan, a 13-year-old White employee at a pencil factory in Atlanta was brutally murdered in April 1913. Police investigators first suspected Newt Lee, a Black employee at the factory who discovered the body, but soon concluded that Leo Frank, the factory manager, had committed the crime. During the trial, which generated intense press attention, both locally and nationally, Frank’s lawyers appealed to and tried to inflame anti-Black sentiment among the twelve White men of the jury in an effort to pin the murder on Jim Conley, a Black man who also worked at the factory. Frank’s attorneys told the court that Conley was “a beastly, drunken, filthy, lying nigger,” “a cannibal, a man-eater,” a “stinking black brute,” and much more in that spirit
Remarkably, the White jurors set aside the anti-Black attitudes that prevailed at the time, and instead concluded that the plain evidence, including the testimony of Black witnesses, was more credible and convincing than the testimony of Frank or the arguments made by his legal team. Frank was the first White man in the “Jim Crow” South to be convicted of a capital crime in a trial that prominently featured the testimony of Black witnesses.
Frank was convicted and sentenced to death. But shortly before his execution, the Georgia state Governor commuted the sentence to life imprisonment. Eight weeks later, a group of enraged citizens took Frank from prison, drove him to the murdered girl’s home town, and hanged him from a tree.
For more than century, the Anti-Defamation League and other Jewish organizations have promoted the view that Leo Frank – a prominent member of the Atlanta Jewish community – was unjustly accused and convicted. This view, which has been supported by Hollywood and the mainstream media, is widely accepted.
The two authors of the SPLC statement contend that both Frank and Conley were “scapegoat” victims of a “racist system” of “white supremacy.” The SPLC writers make no mention of Mary Phagan, the actual murder victim. If both Frank and Conley were innocent, as the SPLC suggests, readers might wonder just what the trial was all about. The authors of this SPLC polemic don’t even try to explain.
Probably the most detailed and illuminating study of this subject and its enduring importance is The Leo Frank Case: The Lynching of a Guilty Man, an impressively researched analysis published by the Nation of Islam. The California-based Institute for Historical Review recently mailed a copy of this book to each member of the Georgia state legislature. This 536-page work – available from the IHR – is illustrated with photographs, diagrams, and maps, and is referenced with more than a thousand footnotes.
Sources
Weber, Mark. (April 12, 2025). The SPLC’s Deceitful Portrayal of the Leo Frank Case. Retrieved from ihr.org/other/the-splcs-deceitful-portrayal-of-the-leo-fr...
Referenced Articles and Books
Ward, E. K., & Levi, S. (2025, March 25). Black. Jewish. Divided by hate. Stronger together. Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved from www.splcenter.org/resources/hopewatch/black-jewish-divide...
Historical Research Department. (2016). Video Promo for the book, Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, Volume 3: The Leo Frank case—The Lynching of a Guilty Man. Nation of Islam. Retrieved from archive.org/details/secret-relationship-between-blacks-an...
Historical Research Department. (2016). Book: The secret relationship between Blacks and Jews, Volume 3: The Leo Frank case—The lynching of a guilty man. Nation of Islam. archive.org/details/secret-relationship-between-blacks-an...
Wilson, Kingsley. (August 17, 2024; March 12, 2023). "Leo Frank". x.com/search?q=from%3AKingsleyCortes%20%22leo%20frank%22&...
Further Reading
Nation of Islam Research Group www.NOIRG.org
Simmons, W. J. (1923). The Klan unmasked. Atlanta, GA: Wm. E. Thompson Publishing Co. Retrieved from archive.org/details/TheKlanUnmasked/page/n33/mode/2up
Appendix
-article transcript begins-
SPLC | Hopewatch
Black. Jewish. Divided by Hate. Stronger Together
Eric K. Ward, Seth Levi | March 25, 2025
In 1915, an armed mob abducted and lynched Leo Frank, a Jewish factory manager in Georgia, in one of the most infamous acts of antisemitic violence. His murder followed a trial marred by antisemitism, fueled by conspiracy theories and exploited by a rising Ku Klux Klan. But Frank’s lynching wasn’t just about antisemitism — it was part of a broader white supremacist strategy to instill fear and reinforce racial hierarchies.
[Curator Commentary: Nuance matters in the intricate and protracted ordeal of Frank’s midnight ride and sunrise execution.
First, let's address the usage of the term "mob." A mob typically refers to a large, disorderly group of people, often acting spontaneously and emotionally, especially in the context of a flash of anger, violence, or unrest. The term carries specific connotations depending on the context—here are a few precise definitions and how they’re generally understood:
General Definition (Social Context):
1. Without Planning: A mob is an unruly crowd of people who may engage in violence, protest, or vigilantism, often without planning or leadership.
2. Immediacy and Lack of Structure: Mobs usually form rapidly, driven by strong emotions like anger, fear, or outrage, and can dissolve just as quickly. Example: A mob may storm a courthouse in a riotous moment of fury after a controversial verdict.
The term "mob" is inaccurate with regard to the extrajudicial hanging of Leo Frank. The group responsible for the lynching of Leo Frank on August 17, 1915, was not a spontaneous mob driven by imminent rage, as is often associated with such acts historically. Instead, his assassination was carried out with seven weeks of careful planning in a calculated, calm, and methodical manner by a group of influential men from Georgia—individuals who held positions of power and prominence in society. Usually, lynchings happen locally.
The lynching mission was executed after thorough premeditated practice and preparation, a meticulously orchestrated raid that required the coordination of multiple motor vehicles, detailed road maps, an electrician scaling a telephone pole to cut telegraph wires, and architectural knowledge of the Milledgeville State Penitentiary. Plans had to be adjusted weeks before the military style operation. Frank unexpectedly had his throat slashed on July 17, 1915, by William Creen, a fellow inmate also convicted of homicide. Frank miraculously survived and was completing his recovering in the infirmary from the recent knife attack, making the timing of the abduction well considered. This was not an improvised or impulsive act characteristic of typical mob violence—it was a deliberate mission carried out by individuals with access, resources, and a shared intent.
They traveled from Marietta to Milledgeville, a one-way distance of approximately 125 miles, to abduct Frank from the state prison. In 1915, such a journey by early 20th-century motor vehicles would have taken 7 to 8 hours each way, given the unimproved roads and limited speed capabilities of the time. After successfully kidnapping Frank, they made the return trip—completing a 250+ mile round trip—to Marietta, where they carried out the lynching the following morning at a former Sheriff's estate. The logistical coordination required for such an operation further underscores the precise, disciplined, and volitional nature of the act, distinguishing it sharply from the image of a frenzied mob of hotheaded yokels. Steve Oney once characterized the event as an act of terrorism endorsed and sponsored by the state.
These distinguished men included a former governor, a state senator, a sitting judge, law enforcement officers, including a former Sheriff, and other respected members from the communities of Marietta and Atlanta. None had criminal records, and all were regarded as upstanding citizens. Operating under the name "the vigilance committee," the group never referred to itself as the "Knights of Mary Phagan." Moreover, none of its members were affiliated with the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), which would not be reestablished until several months later in a separate and unrelated development.
Was Leo Frank Lynched Because of Antisemitism? Not exactly.
The lynching of Leo Frank cannot be solely attributed to antisemitism—he was not executed because of his religion of reform Judaism, or Hebraic race/ethnicity (in the early 20th century, Jews referred to themselves as Hebrews). If the lynchers' goal had been to target a Jew specifically, they would not have needed to make a 250-mile round trip to a far-off farming community. Atlanta, in 1915, was the heart of Georgia's Jewish community, and they could have easily located someone of Jewish descent within the capital, particularly with a 1915 city directory in hand.
Luther Rosser's Law Partner was Georgia Governor John Slaton
The true motivation behind Leo Frank’s lynching stemmed from the widespread belief that he had been justly convicted based on the evidence, with his verdict upheld through appellate tribunals at both the state and federal judicial strata. Yet, he ultimately escaped the noose of capital punishment through what many saw as a crony act of executive intervention. Governor John Slaton, who commuted Frank’s death sentence to life imprisonment, was a partner in the law firm that had defended Frank during his 1913 trial for the murder of Mary Phagan (the law group was called Rosser, Brandon, Slaton, and Phillips). To many Georgians, it was an egregious conflict of interest that Slaton was the law partner of Luther Rosser, who was employed as Frank’s lead defense attorney at both trial and state appeals. Frank had been convicted by a jury of his peers and sentenced to hang by the presiding judge, but Slaton's commutation provoked widespread indignation and deep resentment in the populace. -end of curator commentary. ]
That strategy never ended. It simply evolved.
More than a century later, the same forces that sought to divide and terrorize communities of color are at it again. This time, the attack on Frank’s legacy isn’t coming from the fringes of the internet — it’s coming from inside the U.S. government.
Kingsley Wilson, a deputy press secretary at the Department of Defense, has publicly revived the false claim that Frank was guilty of the crime for which most historians agree he was wrongly convicted. In doing so, she aligns herself with a long-standing white nationalist strategy: distorting history to drive a wedge between Black and Jewish communities—not as a mere political maneuver, but as part of an asymmetrical campaign to undermine democracy itself.
(Image of Leo Frank: Portrait of a man in a hat and a suit.)
Leo Frank was abducted and lynched by an armed mob after his death sentence was commuted to life in prison for the murder of a 13-year-old factory worker. Most historians agree that Frank was wrongly convicted. (Courtesy of the Library of Congress)
Georgia has always been central. It’s where Frank was lynched, where the Klan found new life after his murder, and where modern extremists are once again trying to rewrite history.
Wilson’s statements — like those of many white nationalists before her — serve a dual purpose. First, they reinforce antisemitic conspiracy theories that paint Jewish people as deceitful. Second, they exploit painful historical realities about racism in the legal system to convince Black Americans that Jewish allies can’t be trusted.
But this isn’t just an academic distortion of history — it has real consequences. That same racist system didn’t just railroad Frank. It also ensnared Jim Conley, the Black janitor Frank’s defense accused.
The truth is that Conley, the Black man accused by Frank’s defense, was a victim of the same racist system that sought to scapegoat him as much as it sought to railroad Frank. The state of Georgia acknowledged as much when it posthumously pardoned Frank in 1986 — not because it found Conley guilty, but because the entire case was a travesty of justice fueled by racial and religious prejudice.
Frank’s conviction and lynching weren’t just about antisemitism. They were about how white supremacists wield racism and bigotry to maintain control. The same forces that targeted Frank later targeted Black activists, immigrants and anyone else who threatened their vision of a white, Christian America.
And they’ve done it the same way for generations — by setting communities against each other.
This tactic has deep roots. White supremacists have long worked to break multiracial coalitions by fostering resentment, inflaming real or perceived tensions. The goal is always the same: divide and conquer.
In the early 20th century, segregationists pitted Black and immigrant communities against each other to maintain their grip on power. During the Civil Rights Movement, antisemitic conspiracy theories were weaponized to undermine Jewish allies who stood alongside Black leaders. Today, Wilson’s revisionism exploits the pain of racial injustice to weaken Black-Jewish solidarity.
History makes it clear: White supremacists fear unity. They attack Black and Jewish Americans because we are strongest when we stand together. From the founding of the NAACP — where Jewish leaders played key roles — to the Freedom Rides and the shared fight against hate groups, solidarity has always been the greatest threat to their authoritarian ambitions.
The real wedge isn’t between Black and Jewish Americans. It’s between those fighting for a multiracial democracy and those trying to tear it down. White nationalists need us to see each other as enemies because they know they can’t win against all of us united. Their entire strategy depends on convincing us that our allies are our adversaries while they consolidate power behind the scenes.
Wilson and her allies want us fractured, distracted, and fighting each other — instead of them.
But we won’t take the bait.
The real lesson of Leo Frank’s story is not one of Jewish betrayal or Black victimization. It is a lesson about how racism and antisemitism work together to uphold white supremacy — and about what happens when we let division win.
The only way to win is to stand together. No amount of historical distortion, no social media smear campaign, and no white nationalist propaganda can change that.
Eric K. Ward is executive vice president at Race Forward, and Seth Levi is senior chief strategy officer at the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Image at top: In a photo from July 28, 1913, Leo Frank, seated in the center with his arms crossed, looks on during testimony at his trial. (Credit: Walter Frank Winn/Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons)
Transcript source:
Eric K. Ward, Seth Levi. (March 25, 2025). Hopewatch: Black. Jewish. Divided by Hate. Stronger Together. www.splcenter.org/resources/hopewatch/black-jewish-divide...
-end of SPLC article transcript-
Cecil Bentley, director of MSCNE14 (left) ,Cox Institute Director Kent Middleton and Frank LoMonte, executive director of the SPLC, congratulate Nereida Moreno, editor of the Daily Titan, on Cal State Fullerton's receipt of the Holland Award. More details: t.uga.edu/Qx