Sergeant Cheery Littlebottom,

Igor,

Captain Angua von Überwald,

Constable Visit-The-Infidel-With-Explanatory-Pamphlets

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.

 

Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while not directly involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath has been controversial. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.

 

As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü and was honored with a state funeral.

 

In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.

 

The Turkish War of Independence (19 May 1919 – 24 July 1923) was a series of military campaigns and a revolution waged by the Turkish National Movement, after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and partitioned following its defeat in World War I. The conflict was between the Turkish Nationalists against Allied and separatist forces over the application of Wilsonian principles, especially national self-determination, in post-World War I Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. The revolution concluded the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; the Ottoman monarchy and the Islamic caliphate were abolished, and the Republic of Turkey was declared in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This resulted in a transfer of vested sovereignty from the sultan-caliph to the nation, setting the stage for Republican Turkey's period of nationalist revolutionary reform.

 

While World War I ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mudros, the Allied Powers continued occupying and securing land per the Sykes–Picot Agreement, as well as to facilitate the prosecution of former members of the Committee of Union and Progress and those involved in the Armenian genocide. Ottoman military commanders therefore refused orders from both the Allies and the Ottoman government to surrender and disband their forces. In an atmosphere of turmoil throughout the remainder of the empire, sultan Mehmed VI dispatched Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), a well-respected and high-ranking general, to Anatolia to restore order; however, Mustafa Kemal became an enabler and eventually leader of Turkish Nationalist resistance against the Ottoman government, Allied powers, and separatists.

 

In an attempt to establish control over the power vacuum in Anatolia, the Allies agreed to launch a Greek peacekeeping force into Anatolia and occupy Smyrna (İzmir), inflaming sectarian tensions and beginning the Turkish War of Independence. A nationalist counter government led by Mustafa Kemal was established in Ankara when it became clear the Ottoman government was appeasing the Allied powers. The Allies soon pressured the Ottoman government in Constantinople to suspend the Constitution, shutter Parliament, and sign the Treaty of Sèvres, a treaty unfavorable to Turkish interests that the "Ankara government" declared illegal.

 

In the ensuing war, Turkish and Syrian forces defeated the French in the south, and remobilized army units went on to partition Armenia with the Bolsheviks, resulting in the Treaty of Kars (October 1921). The Western Front of the independence war is known as the Greco-Turkish War, in which Greek forces at first encountered unorganized resistance. However, İsmet Pasha (İnönü)'s organization of militia into a regular army paid off when Ankara forces fought the Greeks in the First and Second Battle of İnönü. The Greek army emerged victorious in the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and decided to drive on the Nationalist capital of Ankara, stretching their supply lines. The Turks checked their advance in the Battle of Sakarya and eventually counter-attacked in the Great Offensive, which expelled Greek forces from Anatolia in the span of three weeks. The war effectively ended with the recapture of İzmir and the Chanak Crisis, prompting the signing of another armistice in Mudanya.

 

The Grand National Assembly in Ankara was recognized as the legitimate Turkish government, which signed the Treaty of Lausanne (July 1923), a treaty more favorable to Turkey than the Sèvres Treaty. The Allies evacuated Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Ottoman government was overthrown and the monarchy abolished, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (which remains Turkey's primary legislative body today) declared the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. With the war, a population exchange between Greece and Turkey, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms, the Turks created the modern, secular nation-state of Turkey. On 3 March 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was also abolished.

 

The ethnic demographics of the modern Turkish Republic were significantly impacted by the earlier Armenian genocide and the deportations of Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian Rum people. The Turkish Nationalist Movement carried out massacres and deportations to eliminate native Christian populations—a continuation of the Armenian genocide and other ethnic cleansing operations during World War I. Following these campaigns of ethnic cleansing, the historic Christian presence in Anatolia was destroyed, in large part, and the Muslim demographic had increased from 80% to 98%.

 

Following the chaotic politics of the Second Constitutional Era, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Committee of Union and Progress in a coup in 1913, and then further consolidated its control after the assassination of Mahmud Shevket Pasha.[citation needed] Founded as a radical revolutionary group seeking to prevent a collapse of the Ottoman Empire, by the eve of World War I it decided that the solution was to implement nationalist and centralizing policies. The CUP reacted to the losses of land and the expulsion of Muslims from the Balkan Wars by turning even more nationalistic. Part of its effort to consolidate power was to proscribe and exile opposition politicians from the Freedom and Accord Party to remote Sinop.

 

The Unionists brought the Ottoman Empire into World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, during which a genocidal campaign was waged against Ottoman Christians, namely Armenians, Pontic Greeks, and Assyrians. It was based on an alleged conspiracy that the three groups would rebel on the side of the Allies, so collective punishment was applied. A similar suspicion and suppression from the Turkish nationalist government was directed towards the Arab and Kurdish populations, leading to localized rebellions. The Entente powers reacted to these developments by charging the CUP leaders, commonly known as the Three Pashas, with "Crimes against humanity" and threatened accountability. They also had imperialist ambitions on Ottoman territory, with a major correspondence over a post-war settlement in the Ottoman Empire being leaked to the press as the Sykes–Picot Agreement. With Saint Petersburg's exit from World War I and descent into civil war, driven in part from the Ottomans' closure of the Turkish straits of goods bound to Russia, a new imperative was given to the Entente powers to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war to restart the Eastern Front.

 

World War I would be the nail in the coffin of Ottomanism, a monarchist and multicultural nationalism. Mistreatment of non-Turk groups after 1913, and the general context of great socio-political upheaval that occurred in the aftermath of World War I, meant many minorities now wished to divorce their future from imperialism to form futures of their own by separating into (often republican) nation-states.

 

In the summer months of 1918, the leaders of the Central Powers realized that the Great War was lost, including the Ottomans'. Almost simultaneously the Palestinian Front and then the Macedonian Front collapsed. The sudden decision by Bulgaria to sign an armistice cut communications from Constantinople (İstanbul) to Vienna and Berlin, and opened the undefended Ottoman capital to Entente attack. With the major fronts crumbling, Unionist Grand Vizier Talât Pasha intended to sign an armistice, and resigned on 8 October 1918 so that a new government would receive less harsh armistice terms. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918, ending World War I for the Ottoman Empire. Three days later, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—which governed the Ottoman Empire as a one-party state since 1913—held its last congress, where it was decided the party would be dissolved. Talât, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and five other high-ranking members of the CUP escaped the Ottoman Empire on a German torpedo boat later that night, plunging the country into a power vacuum.

 

The armistice was signed because the Ottoman Empire had been defeated in important fronts, but the military was intact and retreated in good order. Unlike other Central Powers, the Allies did not mandate an abdication of the imperial family as a condition for peace, nor did they request the Ottoman Army to dissolve its general staff. Though the army suffered from mass desertion throughout the war which led to banditry, there was no threat of mutiny or revolutions like in Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia. This is despite famine and economic collapse that was brought on by the extreme levels of mobilization, destruction from the war, disease, and mass murder since 1914.

 

Due to the Turkish nationalist policies pursued by the CUP against Ottoman Christians by 1918 the Ottoman Empire held control over a mostly homogeneous land of Muslims from Eastern Thrace to the Persian border. These included mostly Turks, as well as Kurds, Circassians, and Muhacir groups from Rumeli. Most Muslim Arabs were now outside of the Ottoman Empire and under Allied occupation, with some "imperialists" still loyal to the Ottoman Sultanate-Caliphate, and others wishing for independence or Allied protection under a League of Nations mandate. Sizable Greek and Armenian minorities remained within its borders, and most of these communities no longer wished to remain under the Empire.

 

On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to an end. The Ottoman Army was to demobilize, its navy and air force handed to the Allies, and occupied territory in the Caucasus and Persia to be evacuated. Critically, Article VII granted the Allies the right to occupy forts controlling the Turkish Straits and the vague right to occupy "in case of disorder" any territory if there were a threat to security. The clause relating to the occupation of the straits was meant to secure a Southern Russian intervention force, while the rest of the article was used to allow for Allied controlled peace-keeping forces. There was also a hope to follow through punishing local actors that carried out exterminatory orders from the CUP government against Armenian Ottomans. For now, the House of Osman escaped the fates of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Romanovs to continue ruling their empire, though at the cost of its remaining sovereignty.

 

On 13 November 1918, a French brigade entered Constantinople to begin a de facto occupation of the Ottoman capital and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of British, French, Italian and Greek ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day, totaling 50,000 troops in Constantinople. The Allied Powers stated that the occupation was temporary and its purpose was to protect the monarchy, the caliphate and the minorities. Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe—the British signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the Ottoman government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Constantinople". However, dismantling the government and partitioning the Ottoman Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.

 

A wave of seizures took place in the rest of the country in the following months. Citing Article VII, British forces demanded that Turkish troops evacuate Mosul, claiming that Christian civilians in Mosul and Zakho were killed en masse. In the Caucasus, Britain established a presence in Menshevik Georgia and the Lori and Aras valleys as peace-keepers. On 14 November, joint Franco-Greek occupation was established in the town of Uzunköprü in Eastern Thrace as well as the railway axis until the train station of Hadımköy on the outskirts of Constantinople. On 1 December, British troops based in Syria occupied Kilis, Marash, Urfa and Birecik. Beginning in December, French troops began successive seizures of the province of Adana, including the towns of Antioch, Mersin, Tarsus, Ceyhan, Adana, Osmaniye, and İslâhiye, incorporating the area into the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration North while French forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Black Sea ports of Zonguldak and Karadeniz Ereğli commanding Turkey's coal mining region. These continued seizures of land prompted Ottoman commanders to refuse demobilization and prepare for the resumption of war.

 

The British similarly asked Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) to turn over the port of Alexandretta (İskenderun), which he reluctantly did, following which he was recalled to Constantinople. He made sure to distribute weapons to the population to prevent them from falling into the hands of Allied forces. Some of these weapons were smuggled to the east by members of Karakol, a successor to the CUP's Special Organization, to be used in case resistance was necessary in Anatolia. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia.

 

Other commanders began refusing orders from the Ottoman government and the Allied powers. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Constantinople, Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) brought XX Corps under his command. He marched first to Konya and then to Ankara to organise resistance groups, such as the Circassian çetes he assembled with guerilla leader Çerkes Ethem. Meanwhile, Kazım Karabekir Pasha refused to surrender his intact and powerful XV Corps in Erzurum. Evacuation from the Caucusus, puppet republics and Muslim militia groups were established in the army's wake to hamper with the consolidation of the new Armenian state. Elsewhere in the country, regional nationalist resistance organizations known as Şuras –meaning "councils", not unlike soviets in revolutionary Russia– were founded, most pledging allegiance to the Defence of National Rights movement that protested continued Allied occupation and appeasement by the Sublime Porte.

 

Following the occupation of Constantinople, Mehmed VI Vahdettin dissolved the Chamber of Deputies which was dominated by Unionists elected back in 1914, promising elections for the next year. Vahdettin just ascended to the throne only months earlier with the death of Mehmed V Reşad. He was disgusted with the policies of the CUP, and wished to be a more assertive sovereign than his diseased half brother. Greek and Armenian Ottomans declared the termination of their relationship with the Ottoman Empire through their respective patriarchates, and refused to partake in any future election. With the collapse of the CUP and its censorship regime, an outpouring of condemnation against the party came from all parts of Ottoman media.

 

A general amnesty was soon issued, allowing the exiled and imprisoned dissidents persecuted by the CUP to return to Constantinople. Vahdettin invited the pro-Palace politician Damat Ferid Pasha, leader of the reconstituted Freedom and Accord Party, to form a government, whose members quickly set out to purge the Unionists from the Ottoman government. Ferid Pasha hoped that his Anglophilia and an attitude of appeasement would induce less harsh peace terms from the Allied powers. However, his appointment was problematic for nationalists, many being members of the liquidated committee that were surely to face trial. Years of corruption, unconstitutional acts, war profiteering, and enrichment from ethnic cleansing and genocide by the Unionists soon became basis of war crimes trials and courts martial trials held in Constantinople.[citation needed] While many leading Unionists were sentenced lengthy prison sentences, many made sure to escape the country before Allied occupation or to regions that the government now had minimal control over; thus most were sentenced in absentia. The Allies encouragement of the proceedings and the use of British Malta as their holding ground made the trials unpopular. The partisan nature of the trials was not lost on observers either. The hanging of the Kaymakam of Boğazlıyan district Mehmed Kemal resulted in a demonstration against the courts martials trials.

 

With all the chaotic politics in the capital and uncertainty of the severity of the incoming peace treaty, many Ottomans looked to Washington with the hope that the application of Wilsonian principles would mean Constantinople would stay Turkish, as Muslims outnumbered Christians 2:1. The United States never declared war on the Ottoman Empire, so many imperial elite believed Washington could be a neutral arbiter that could fix the empire's problems. Halide Edip (Adıvar) and her Wilsonian Principles Society led the movement that advocated for the empire to be governed by an American League of Nations Mandate (see United States during the Turkish War of Independence). American diplomats attempted to ascertain a role they could play in the area with the Harbord and King–Crane Commissions. However, with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's health, the United States diplomatically withdrew from the Middle East to focus on Europe, leaving the Entente powers to construct a post-Ottoman order.

 

The Entente would have arrived at Constantinople to discover an administration attempting to deal with decades of accumulated refugee crisis. The new government issued a proclamation allowing for deportees to return to their homes, but many Greeks and Armenians found their old homes occupied by desperate Rumelian and Caucasian Muslim refugees which were settled in their properties during the First World War. Ethnic conflict restarted in Anatolia; government officials responsible for resettling Christian refugees often assisted Muslim refugees in these disputes, prompting European powers to continue bringing Ottoman territory under their control. Of the 800,000 Ottoman Christian refugees, approximately over half returned to their homes by 1920. Meanwhile 1.4 million refugees from the Russian Civil War would pass through the Turkish straits and Anatolia, with 150,000 White émigrés choosing to settle in Istanbul for short or long term (see Evacuation of the Crimea). Many provinces were simply depopulated from years of fighting, conscription, and ethnic cleansing (see Ottoman casualties of World War I). The province of Yozgat lost 50% of its Muslim population from conscription, while according to the governor of Van, almost 95% of its prewar residents were dead or internally displaced.

 

Administration in much of the Anatolian and Thracian countryside would soon all but collapse by 1919. Army deserters who turned to banditry essentially controlled fiefdoms with tacit approval from bureaucrats and local elites. An amnesty issued in late 1918 saw these bandits strengthen their positions and fight amongst each other instead of returning to civilian life. Albanian and Circassian muhacirs resettled by the government in northwestern Anatolia and Kurds in southeastern Anatolia were engaged in blood feuds that intensified during the war and were hesitant to pledge allegiance to the Defence of Rights movement, and only would if officials could facilitate truces. Various Muhacir groups were suspicious of the continued Ittihadist ideology in the Defence of Rights movement, and the potential for themselves to meet fates 'like the Armenians' especially as warlords hailing from those communities assisted the deportations of the Christians even though as many commanders in the Nationalist movement also had Caucasian and Balkan Muslim ancestry.

 

With Anatolia in practical anarchy and the Ottoman army being questionably loyal in reaction to Allied land seizures, Mehmed VI established the military inspectorate system to reestablish authority over the remaining empire. Encouraged by Karabekir and Edmund Allenby, he assigned Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate –based in Erzurum– to restore order to Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919, with his first assignment to suppress a rebellion by Greek rebels around the city of Samsun.

 

Mustafa Kemal was a well known, well respected, and well connected army commander, with much prestige coming from his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar"—for his role in the Gallipoli Campaign—and his title of "Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan" gained in the last months of WWI. This choice would seem curious, as he was a nationalist and a fierce critic of the government's accommodating policy to the Entente powers. He was also an early member of the CUP. However Kemal Pasha did not associate himself with the fanatical faction of the CUP, many knew that he frequently clashed with the radicals of the Central Committee like Enver. He was therefore sidelined to the periphery of power throughout the Great War; after the CUP's dissolution he vocally aligned himself with moderates that formed the Liberal People's Party instead of the rump radical faction which formed the Renewal Party (both parties would be banned in May 1919 for being successors of the CUP). All these reasons allowed him to be the most legitimate nationalist for the sultan to placate. In this new political climate, he sought to capitalize on his war exploits to attain a better job, indeed several times he unsuccessfully lobbied for his inclusion in cabinet as War Minister. His new assignment gave him effective plenipotentiary powers over all of Anatolia which was meant to accommodate him and other nationalists to keep them loyal to the government.

 

Mustafa Kemal had earlier declined to become the leader of the Sixth Army headquartered in Nusaybin. But according to Patrick Balfour, through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, he became the inspector of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of remaining Ottoman forces. Kemal had an abundance of connections and personal friends concentrated in the post-armistice War Ministry, a powerful tool that would help him accomplish his secret goal: to lead a nationalist movement to safeguard Turkish interests against the Allied powers and a collaborative Ottoman government.

 

The day before his departure to Samsun on the remote Black Sea coast, Kemal had one last audience with Sultan Vahdettin, where he affirmed his loyalty to the sultan-caliph. It was in this meeting that they were informed of the botched occupation ceremony of Smyrna (İzmir) by the Greeks. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma on the evening of 16 May 1919.

 

On 19 January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference was first held, at which Allied nations set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Ottoman Empire. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey", was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. France expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon, Syria, and a portion of southeastern Anatolia based on the Sykes–Picot Agreement.

 

Greece justified their territorial claims of Ottoman land through the Megali Idea as well as international sympathy from the suffering of Ottoman Greeks in 1914 and 1917–1918. Privately, Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos had British prime minister David Lloyd George's backing not least from Greece's entrance to WWI on the Allied side, but also from his charisma and charming personality. Greece's participation in the Allies' Southern Russian intervention also earned it favors in Paris. His demands included parts of Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada), Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna (İzmir), all of which had large Greek populations. Venizelos also advocated a large Armenian state to check a post-war Ottoman Empire. Greece wanted to incorporate Constantinople, but Entente powers did not give permission. Damat Ferid Pasha went to Paris on behalf of the Ottoman Empire hoping to minimize territorial losses using Fourteen Points rhetoric, wishing for a return to status quo ante bellum, on the basis that every province of the Empire holds Muslim majorities. This plea was met with ridicule.

 

At the Paris Peace Conference, competing claims over Western Anatolia by Greek and Italian delegations led Greece to land the flagship of the Greek Navy at Smyrna, resulting in the Italian delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Italy responded to the possible idea of Greek incorporation of Western Anatolia by sending a warship to Smyrna as a show of force against the Greek campaign. A large Italian force also landed in Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna per Article VII, ostensibly as a peacekeeping force to keep stability in the region. Venizelos's rhetoric was more directed against the CUP regime than the Turks as a whole, an attitude not always shared in the Greek military: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic [İttihadist] Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would control a zone around Smyrna and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor.

 

Most historians mark the Greek landing at Smyrna on 15 May 1919 as the start date of the Turkish War of Independence as well as the start of the "Kuva-yi Milliye Phase". The occupation ceremony from the outset was tense from nationalist fervor, with Ottoman Greeks greeting the soldiers with an ecstatic welcome, and Ottoman Muslims protesting the landing. A miscommunication in Greek high command led to an Evzone column marching by the municipal Turkish barracks. The nationalist journalist Hasan Tahsin fired the "first bullet"[note 4] at the Greek standard bearer at the head of the troops, turning the city into a warzone. Süleyman Fethi Bey was murdered by bayonet for refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" (meaning "long live Venizelos"), and 300–400 unarmed Turkish soldiers and civilians and 100 Greek soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded.

 

Greek troops moved from Smyrna outwards to towns on the Karaburun peninsula; to Selçuk, situated a hundred kilometres south of the city at a key location that commands the fertile Küçük Menderes River valley; and to Menemen towards the north. Guerilla warfare commenced in the countryside, as Turks began to organize themselves into irregular guerilla groups known as Kuva-yi Milliye (national forces), which were soon joined by Ottoman soldiers, bandits, and disaffected farmers. Most Kuva-yi Milliye bands were led by rogue military commanders and members of the Special Organization. The Greek troops based in cosmopolitan Smyrna soon found themselves conducting counterinsurgency operations in a hostile, dominantly Muslim hinterland. Groups of Ottoman Greeks also formed contingents that cooperated with the Greek Army to combat Kuva-yi Milliye within the zone of control. A massacre of Turks at Menemen was followed up with a battle for the town of Aydın, which saw intense intercommunal violence and the razing of the city. What was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission of Western Anatolia instead inflamed ethnic tensions and became a counterinsurgency.

 

The reaction of Greek landing at Smyrna and continued Allied seizures of land served to destabilize Turkish civil society. Ottoman bureaucrats, military, and bourgeoisie trusted the Allies to bring peace, and thought the terms offered at Mudros were considerably more lenient than they actually were. Pushback was potent in the capital, with 23 May 1919 being largest of the Sultanahmet Square demonstrations organized by the Turkish Hearths against the Greek occupation of Smyrna, the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history at that point. The Ottoman government condemned the landing, but could do little about it. Ferid Pasha tried to resign, but was urged by the sultan to stay in his office.

 

Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his colleagues stepped ashore in Samsun on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mıntıka Palace Hotel. British troops were present in Samsun, and he initially maintained cordial contact. He had assured Damat Ferid about the army's loyalty towards the new government in Constantinople. However, behind the government's back, Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged discreet mass meetings, made fast connections via telegraph with the army units in Anatolia, and began to form links with various Nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Kemal and his staff moved to Havza. It was there that he first showed the flag of the resistance.

 

Mustafa Kemal wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. His credentials and the importance of his position were not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he met with various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Pasha, Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuat Pasha, and Refet Pasha and issued the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919). Ottoman provincial authorities were notified via telegraph that the unity and independence of the nation was at risk, and that the government in Constantinople was compromised. To remedy this, a congress was to take place in Erzurum between delegates of the Six Vilayets to decide on a response, and another congress would take place in Sivas where every Vilayet should send delegates. Sympathy and an lack of coordination from the capital gave Mustafa Kemal freedom of movement and telegraph use despite his implied anti-government tone.

 

On 23 June, High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realising the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about the Pasha to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst of the British occupation force in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with the Brigade of Gurkhas. When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the armistice that he had signed and was assigned to another position on 5 August 1919. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced them that Mustafa Kemal was right.

 

By early July, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received telegrams from the sultan and Calthorpe, asking him and Refet to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Constantinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the sultan's plans. Before resigning from his position, he dispatched a circular to all nationalist organizations and military commanders to not disband or surrender unless for the latter if they could be replaced by cooperative nationalist commanders. Now only a civilian stripped of his command, Mustafa Kemal was at the mercy of the new inspector of Third Army (renamed from Ninth Army) Karabekir Pasha, indeed the War Ministry ordered him to arrest Kemal, an order which Karabekir refused. The Erzurum Congress was a meeting of delegates and governors from the six Eastern Vilayets. They drafted the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which envisioned new borders for the Ottoman Empire by applying principles of national self-determination per Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the abolition of the capitulations. The Erzurum Congress concluded with a circular that was effectively a declaration of independence: All regions within Ottoman borders upon the signing of the Mudros Armistice were indivisible from the Ottoman state –Greek and Armenian claims on Thrace and Anatolia were moot– and assistance from any country not coveting Ottoman territory was welcome. If the government in Constantinople was not able to attain this after electing a new parliament, they insisted a provisional government should be promulgated to defend Turkish sovereignty. The Committee of Representation was established as a provisional executive body based in Anatolia, with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its chairman.

 

Following the congress, the Committee of Representation relocated to Sivas. As announced in the Amasya Circular, a new congress was held there in September with delegates from all Anatolian and Thracian provinces. The Sivas Congress repeated the points of the National Pact agreed to in Erzurum, and united the various regional Defence of National Rights Associations organizations, into a united political organisation: Anatolia and Rumeli Defence of Rights Association (A-RMHC), with Mustafa Kemal as its chairman. In an effort show his movement was in fact a new and unifying movement, the delegates had to swear an oath to discontinue their relations with the CUP and to never revive the party (despite most present in Sivas being previous members).[120] It was also decided there that the Ottoman Empire should not be a League of Nations mandate under the United States, especially after the U.S Senate failed to ratify American membership in the League.

 

Momentum was now on the Nationalists' side. A plot by a loyalist Ottoman governor and a British intelligence officer to arrest Kemal before the Sivas Congress led to the cutting of all ties with the Ottoman government until a new election would be held in the lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1919, the last Ottoman governor loyal to Constantinople fled his province. Fearing the outbreak of hostilities, all British troops stationed in the Black Sea coast and Kütahya were evacuated. Damat Ferid Pasha resigned, and the sultan replaced him with a general with nationalist credentials: Ali Rıza Pasha. On 16 October 1919, Ali Rıza and the Nationalists held negotiations in Amasya. They agreed in the Amasya Protocol that an election would be called for the Ottoman Parliament to establish national unity by upholding the resolutions made in the Sivas Congress, including the National Pact.

 

By October 1919, the Ottoman government only held de facto control over Constantinople; the rest of the Ottoman Empire was loyal to Kemal's movement to resist a partition of Anatolia and Thrace. Within a few months Mustafa Kemal went from General Inspector of the Ninth Army to a renegade military commander discharged for insubordination to leading a homegrown anti-Entente movement that overthrew a government and driven it into resistance.

 

In December 1919, an election was held for the Ottoman parliament, with polls only open in unoccupied Anatolia and Thrace. It was boycotted by Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians and the Freedom and Accord Party, resulting in groups associated with the Turkish Nationalist Movement winning, including the A-RMHC. The Nationalists' obvious links to the CUP made the election especially polarizing and voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing in favor of the Kemalists were regular occurrences in rural provinces. This controversy led to many of the nationalist MPs organizing the National Salvation Group separate from Kemal's movement, which risked the nationalist movement splitting in two.

 

Mustafa Kemal was elected an MP from Erzurum, but he expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal and the Committee of Representation moved from Sivas to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Constantinople to attend the parliament.

 

Though Ali Rıza Pasha called the election as per the Amasya Protocol to keep unity between the "Istanbul government" and "Ankara government", he was wrong to think the election could bring him any legitimacy. The Ottoman parliament was under the de facto control of the British battalion stationed at Constantinople and any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the battalion's commanding officer. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.

 

On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey was in Ankara in the name of the Committee of Representation. On 28 January the MPs from both sides of the isle secretly met to endorse the National Pact as a peace settlement. They added to the points passed in Sivas, calling for plebiscites to be held in West Thrace; Batum, Kars, and Ardahan, and Arab lands on whether to stay in the Empire or not. Proposals were also made to elect Kemal president of the Chamber;[clarification needed] however, this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies would be forcefully dissolved for passing the National Pact anyway. The National Pact solidified Nationalist interests, which were in conflict with the Allied plans.

 

From February to April, leaders of Britain, France, and Italy met in London to discuss the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the crisis in Anatolia. The British began to sense that the elected Ottoman government was under Kemalist influence and if left unchecked, the Entente could once again find themselves at war with the Empire. The Ottoman government was not doing all that it could to suppress the Nationalists.

 

Mustafa Kemal manufactured a crisis to pressure the Istanbul government to pick a side by deploying Kuva-yi Milliye towards İzmit. The British, concerned about the security of the Bosporus Strait, demanded Ali Rıza Pasha to reassert control over the area, to which he responded with his resignation to the sultan.

 

As they were negotiating the partition of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies were growing increasingly concerned about the Turkish National Movement. To this end, the Allied occupational authorities in Istanbul began to plan a raid to arrest nationalist politicians and journalists along with occupying military and police installations and government buildings. On 16 March 1920, the coup was carried out; several Royal Navy warships were anchored in the Galata Bridge to support British forces, including the Indian Army, while they carried out the arrests and occupied several government buildings in the early hours of the morning.

 

An Indian Army operation, the Şehzadebaşı raid, resulted in 5 Ottoman soldiers from the 10th Infantry Division being killed when troops raided their barracks. Among those arrested were the senior leadership of the Turkish National Movement and former members of the CUP. 150 arrested Turkish politicians accused of war crimes were interned in Malta and became known as the Malta exiles.

 

Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the Nationalist organisations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to counter Allied movements was to organise protests. He declared "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence – its entire future".

 

On 18 March, the Chamber of Deputies declared that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members, and dissolved itself. Mehmed VI confirmed this and declared the end of Constitutional Monarchy and a return to absolutism. University students were forbidden from joining political associations inside and outside the classroom. With the lower elected Chamber of Deputies shuttered, the Constitution terminated, and the capital occupied; Sultan Vahdettin, his cabinet, and the appointed Senate were all that remained of the Ottoman government, and were basically a puppet regime of the Allied powers. Grand Vizier Salih Hulusi Pasha declared Mustafa Kemal's struggle legitimate, and resigned after less than a month in office. In his place, Damat Ferid Pasha returned to the premiership. The Sublime Porte's decapitation by the Entente allowed Mustafa Kemal to consolidate his position as the sole leader of Turkish resistance against the Allies, and to that end made him the legitimate representative of the Turkish people.

 

The strong measures taken against the Nationalists by the Allies in March 1920 began a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a new parliament to represent the Ottoman (Turkish) people, which would convene in Ankara. With the proclamation of the counter-government, Kemal would then ask the sultan to accept its authority. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the caliph from the Allies. He found an ally in the Khilafat movement of British India, where Indians protested Britain's planned dismemberment of Turkey. A committee was also started for sending funds to help the soon to be proclaimed Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip and Abdülhak Adnan (Adıvar), Mustafa İsmet Pasha (İnönü), Mustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), many of Kemal's allies in the Ministry of War, and Celalettin Arif, the president of the now shuttered Chamber of Deputies. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as he declared that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally.

 

Some 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced the establishment of a new parliament in Ankara known as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNA) that was dominated by the A-RMHC.[citation needed] The parliament included Turks, Circassians, Kurds, and one Jew. They met in a building that used to serve as the provincial headquarters of the local CUP chapter. The inclusion of "Turkey" in its name reflected a increasing trend of new ways Ottoman citizens thought of their country, and was the first time it was formally used as the name of the country. On 23 April, the assembly, assuming full governmental powers, gathered for the first time, electing Mustafa Kemal its first Speaker and Prime Minister.

 

Hoping to undermine the Nationalist Movement, Mehmed VI issued a fatwa to qualify the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, calling for the death of its leaders. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the Nationalist Movement as they committed apostasy. The mufti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi issued a simultaneous fatwa, declaring that the caliphate was under the control of the Entente and the Ferid Pasha government. In this text, the Nationalist Movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultanate and the caliphate from its enemies. In reaction to the desertion of several prominent figures to the Nationalist Movement, Ferid Pasha ordered Halide Edip, Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal to be sentenced to death in absentia for treason.

 

On 28 April the sultan raised 4,000 soldiers known as the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye (Caliphate Army) to combat the Nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, another force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants were initially deployed in İznik. The sultan's government sent the forces under the name of the Caliphate Army to the revolutionaries to arouse counterrevolutionary sympathy. The British, being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counteract the revolutionaries. The Nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many smaller units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat and Refet Pasha.

 

Anatolia had many competing forces on its soil: British troops, Nationalist militia (Kuva-yi Milliye), the sultan's army (Kuva-yi İnzibatiye), and Anzavur's bands. On 13 April 1920, an uprising supported by Anzavur against the GNA occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the fatwa. Within days the rebellion spread to Bolu and Gerede. The movement engulfed northwestern Anatolia for about a month. On 14 June, Nationalist militia fought a pitched battle near İzmit against the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye, Anzavur's bands, and British units. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye deserted and joined the Nationalist militia. Anzavur was not so lucky, as the Nationalists tasked Ethem the Circassian with crushing Anzavur's revolt. This revealed the sultan did not have the unwavering support of his own men and allies. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held their position. For now, Istanbul was out of Ankara's grasp.

 

The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. British forces conducted combat operations on the Nationalists and the Royal Air Force carried out aerial bombardments against the positions, which forced Nationalist forces to temporarily retreat to more secure missions. The British commander in Turkey, General George Milne—, asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish Nationalists. The report, signed by French Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, concluded that 27 divisions were necessary, but the British army did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the British public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.

 

The British accepted the fact that a nationalist movement could not be defeated without deployment of consistent and well-trained forces. On 25 June, the forces originating from Kuva-i İnzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The British realised that the best option to overcome these Turkish Nationalists was to use a force that was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor already occupying its territory: Greece.

 

Eleftherios Venizelos, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Anatolia, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the hope that fighting would stop. The subsequent treaty of Sèvres in August 1920 confirmed the Arab provinces of the empire would be reorganized into new nations given to Britain and France in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while the rest of the Empire would be partitioned between Greece, Italy, France (via Syrian mandate), Britain (via Iraqi mandate), Armenia (potentially under an American mandate), and Georgia. Smyrna would hold a plebiscite on whether to stay with Greece or Turkey, and the Kurdistan region would hold one on the question of independence. British, French, and Italian spheres of influence would also extend into Anatolia beyond the land concessions. The old capital of Constantinople as well as the Dardanelles would be under international League of Nations control.

 

However, the treaty could never come into effect. The treaty was extremely unpopular, with protests against the final document held even before its release in Sultanahmet square. Though Mehmed VI and Ferid Pasha loathed the treaty, they did not want Istanbul to join Ankara in nationalist struggle. The Ottoman government and Greece never ratified it. Though Ferid Pasha signed the treaty, the Ottoman Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the sultan, refused to ratify the treaty. Greece disagreed on the borders drawn. The other allies began to fracture their support of the settlement immediately. Italy started openly supporting the Nationalists with arms by the end of 1920, and the French signed another separate peace treaty with Ankara only months later.

 

Kemal's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Sèvres by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected sultan, but from the Turkish people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the sultan's signature of the Treaty of Sèvres would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the sultan, the document gave Kemal ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Turks for justified resistance against Istanbul.

 

In contrast to the Eastern and Western fronts, it was mostly unorganized Kuva-yi Milliye which were fighting in the Southern Front against France. They had help from the Syrians, who were fighting their own war with the French.

 

The British troops which occupied coastal Syria by the end of World War I were replaced by French troops over 1919, with the Syrian interior going to Faisal bin Al-Hussein's self-proclaimed Arab Kingdom of Syria. France which wanted to take control of all of Syria and Cilicia. There was also a desire facilitate the return of Armenian refugees in the region to their homes, and the occupation force consisted of the French Armenian Legion as well as various Armenian militia groups. 150,000 Armenians were repatriated to their homes within months of French occupation. On 21 January 1920, a Turkish Nationalist uprising and siege occurred against the French garrison in Marash. The French position untenable they retreated to Islahiye, resulting in a massacre of many Armenians by Turkish militia. A grueling siege followed in Antep which featured intense sectarian violence between Turks and Armenians. After a failed uprising by the Nationalists in Adana, by 1921, the French and Turks signed an armistice and eventually a treaty was brokered demarcating the border between the Ankara government and French controlled Syria. In the end, there was a mass exodus of Cilician Armenians to French controlled Syria, Previous Armenian survivors of deportation found themselves again as refugees and families which avoided the worst of the six years violence were forced from their homes, ending thousands of years of Christian presence in Southern Anatolia.[146] With France being the first Allied power to recognize and negotiate with the Ankara government only months after signing the Treaty of Sèvres, it was the first to break from the coordinated Allied approach to the Eastern question. In 1923 the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under French authority would be proclaimed in former Ottoman territory.

 

Some efforts to coordinate between Turkish Nationalists and the Syrian rebels persisted from 1920 to 1921, with the Nationalists supporting the Faisal's kingdom through Ibrahim Hanunu and Alawite groups which were also fighting the French. While the French conquered Syria, Cilicia had to be abandoned.

 

Kuva-yi Milliye also engaged with British forces in the "Al-Jazira Front," primarily in Mosul. Ali İhsan Pasha (Sabis) and his forces defending Mosul would surrender to the British in October 1918, but the British ignored the armistice and seized the city, following which the pasha also ignored the armistice and distributed weapons to the locals. Even before Mustafa Kemal's movement was fully organized, rogue commanders found allies in Kurdish tribes. The Kurds detested the taxes and centralization the British demanded, including Shaykh Mahmud of the Barzani family. Having previously supported the British invasion of Mesopotamia to become the governor of South Kurdistan, Mahmud revolted but was apprehended by 1919. Without legitimacy to govern the region, he was released from captivity to Sulaymaniyah, where he again declared an uprising against the British as the King of Kurdistan. Though an alliance existed with the Turks, little material support came to him from Ankara, and by 1923 there was a desire to cease hostilities between the Turks and British at Barzanji's expense. Mahmud was overthrown in 1924, and after a 1926 plebiscite, Mosul was awarded to British-controlled Iraq.

 

Since 1917, the Caucasus was in a chaotic state. The border of newly independent Armenia and the Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (4 June 1918). To the east, Armenia was at war with the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic after the breakup of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, and received support from Anton Denikin's White Russian Army. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn, which mandated the evacuation of the Ottoman army back to its 1914 borders. Right after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, pro-Ottoman provisional republics were proclaimed in Kars and Aras which were subsequently invaded by Armenia. Ottoman soldiers were convinced not to demobilize lest the area become a 'second Macedonia'.[149] Both sides of the new borders had massive refugee populations and famine, which were compounded by the renewed and more symmetric sectarian violence (See Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia (1917–1921) and Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan). There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Allied Powers on reshaping the border. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer territories to Armenia based on the principles of national self-determination. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920).

 

Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, commander of the XV corps, encountered Muslim refugees fleeing from the Armenian army, but did not have the authority to cross the border. Karabekir's two reports (30 May and 4 June 1920) outlined the situation in the region. He recommended redrawing the eastern borders, especially around Erzurum. The Russian government was receptive to this and demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. However, Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish Nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami (Kunduh) was assigned to negotiate with the Bolsheviks.

 

On 24 September 1920, Karabekir's XV corps and Kurdish militia advance on Kars, blowing through Armenian opposition, and then Alexandropol. With an advance on Yerevan imminent, on 28 November 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Gekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government surrendered to Bolshevik forces, ending the conflict.

 

The Treaty of Alexandropol (2—3 December 1920) was the first treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. The 10th article in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres and its allotted partition of Anatolia. The agreement was signed with representatives of the former government of Armenia, which by that time had no de jure or de facto power in Armenia, since Soviet rule was already established in the country. On 16 March 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.

 

Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.

 

Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.

 

In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.

Same bridge, different angle from my last shot from a few weeks ago, + different time + HDR.

 

It's Monday. Another week of dealing with idiots and infidels.

 

This is actually a 2 image HDR tone mapped with Photomatix Pro.

 

View On Black

Since this Spyrius SHIP (as well as two other WIP on hold atm) is going to eat up a lot of my black plates for hull plating the Infidel which just got toted a few SHIPtembers ago is fair game for cannibalization as I can not do a large blacktron SHIP with the parts the current WIP(s) will use up.

 

At this point the tables are too covered to do the break down and quick infidel sort.

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hazro,_Punjab

  

Hazro (حضرو) is a town located at north-west of Pakistan in Attock District of the Punjab province Pakistan. It is located approximately half-way between Peshawar and Islamabad, the federal capital. This town is the capital of Hazro Tehsil, an administrative subdivision of the district, and the central marketplace of the Chachh region, consisting of 82 villages located along the Indus River.

  

History and Tribes

According to the Gazetteer of Rawalpindi, Hazro was "The scene of the great battle in which, in AD 1008, Sultan Mahmud Ghazni defeated the united forces of the Rajas of Hindustan and the infidels of the Punjab with a slaughter of 20,000 men, it was afterwards fixed upon by some of the Pathan followers of that chieftain to be the site of the colony.[1]

During British Rule the town of Hazro became part of Attock Tehsil; the municipality of Attock was created in 1867 and the North-Western Railway connected the town to Lawrencepur. By the 20th century the town was surrounded by rich cultivation, and had a flourishing trade, chiefly in tobacco and sugar. The population according to the 1901 census of India was 9,799.[2] According to the Gazetteer of Rawalpindi, Hazro had a significant Hindu population which was "half Pathan, half Hindu.

 

Malala Yousafzai (born 1998) is a school student from the town of Mingora in Swat District, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, northwestern Pakistan. She is known for her education and women’s rights activism in the Swat Valley, where the Tehrik-i-Taliban regime had banned girls from attending school in early 2009. During that period, at the age of 11, Yousafzai came to prominence through a blog she wrote for the BBC detailing her life under the Taliban regime, their attempts to take control of the valley, and her views on promoting education for girls. Later that year, the Pakistani military would intervene, culminating in the expulsion of the Taliban from the Swat Valley.Yousafzai has since been nominated for several awards, and has won Pakistan's first National Peace Prize.

 

On 9 October 2012, a Taliban gunman shot Yousafzai as she rode home on a bus after taking an exam in Pakistan’s Swat Valley. The masked gunman shouted "Which one of you is Malala? Speak up, otherwise I will shoot you all,and, on her being identified, shot her twice, once in the head and once in the neck. Two other girls were wounded in the attack, one critically. Only a classmate named Shazia has been identified at this time, and she was stable enough to speak to reporters.

 

After the shooting, Yousafzai was airlifted to a military hospital in Peshawar, where doctors were forced to begin operating after swelling developed in the left portion of her brain, which had been damaged by the bullet when it passed through her head.After a three-hour surgery, doctors successfully removed the bullet that had lodged in her shoulder near her spinal cord. Ihsanullah Ihsan, chief spokesman for the Pakistani Taliban, claimed responsibility for the attack, saying that Yousafzai “is the symbol of the infidels and obscenity,” adding that if she survived, they would target her again.

RSB Photography x Mantis Defense

www.facebook.com/ryansburkettphotography

www.facebook.com/mantisdefense

 

IG - @truthcanbebought

 

This was a photo done for the Silencerco photo challenge called living in the red. If you look below you can see the behind the scenes version in black and white showing the lighting and layers. (www.flickr.com/photos/truthcanbeboughtphotography/1519679...)

 

This photo was setup with a D300s, Tamron 17-50 2.8, pocketwizard plus3's, two impact stands, and two sb910's bare.

Shot in raw.

Edited in photoshop cs6.

Masked each layer in.

 

Each person was lit and then the lights were moved. It was pouring rain during this so the one flash stopped working but I immediately dried it out and we were good to go. Ended up putting one inside a bag and firing it, and one underneath a plastic lid.

 

Layers

1- Hunter on the left. + Bike

2 - Left side of 4 runner + backpack + bike.

3 - Landon on the far right. The angle ended up coming off a little weird.

4 - The interior of the 4 runner with the dog and myself.

5 - The fire which was lit after we moved everything.

6 - The sky is from Colorado when I was out there a month or two ago.

 

Hope you enjoy it, it was a very quick composite! (take around 10/14)

We are not big fans of packaged tours but we gave this one a shot - it was actually very good. We departed from Kasom on a very fast longtail boat. The first stop was Talu Island where we changed to a small inflatable kayak (with a guy doing the paddling) and went through a cave and around the island. Then it was back on the longtail boat to James Bond Island - named after being in one of the James Bond movies. It was cool to see but it was very crowded. Next stop was Koh Panyee - a Muslim fishing village. Being infidels we were not allowed in the mosque. Bummer. We headed back to Kasom and went to Suwankuha Temple, also known as Monkey Cave. This was pretty cool - especially with a large reclining Buddha in the cave. All in all a pretty good day.

 

I took these photos in April 2019.

Sur le pavé de longues flammèches d'ombres suivent infidèlement les passants, promptes à se fondre dans d'autres grisailles .

 

Rue du Chapeau rouge .

 

Quimper, Finistère, Bretagne, France .

Photographie J-P Leroy, tous droits réservés .

Aún estoy viendo a don Alejandro, el "Marquesito". Un hidalgo tronado, con barba hasta la cintura, erguido y chispeante, pese a los muchos años que llevaba encima. Parecía un personaje de Valle Inclán, y en todo el Ulla no había jinete más rozagante. Fue siempre muy mala cabeza, mocero y jugador. Habitaba en un gran pazo destartalado en Noceda, cuyas salas se desmoronaban poco a poco como los árboles viejos, y cuyo jardín antiguo, habitado por la melancolía, guardaba unos magníficos cipreses, en los que lloraban los mirlos de los hermosos tiempos idos: "Los cipreses, como los hidalgos, pocos, sólos y altos", gustaba de decir don Alejandro. A doña Amparo, su esposa, la recordaba siempre con carraspera, apoyada en un bastón con puño de marfil que semejaba la cabeza de una garza con ojos de rubí. Vestía de negro atildadamente, llevaba un medallón de azabache, y recogía su cabello blanco en una redecilla, mientras contaba suspirando a mi abuela las muchas infidelidades de don Alejandro.

(...)

 

Xosé María Castroviejo, Memorias de una tierra, 1981.

 

MÚSICA: J. S. Bach - Minuet e Badinerie Suite Orquestral Nº 2l, BWV 1067.

youtu.be/2zcTKhohtJg

My sermon for today's Memorial of the Immaculate Heart of Mary can be read here.

 

"Queen of the Holy Rosary,

Help of the Christians,

Refuge of the human race,

Conqueress in God’s battlefields,

To You and to Your Immaculate Heart

In this tragic hour of human history

We entrust and consecrate ourselves,

And the Holy Church.

She is the Mystical Body of Your Jesus,

Suffering and bleeding in so many parts

And tormented in so many ways,

We consecrate to You the whole world torn by bitter strive

And consumed by the fire of hatred

The victim of its own wickedness.

Look with compassion to all material and moral destruction

To the suffering and fears of fathers and mothers

Of husbands and wives, of brother and sisters and innocent children.

Look at the many lives cut down in the flower of youth

So many bodies torn to pieces in brutal slaughter

So many souls tortured and troubled

And in danger of being lost eternally.

Oh, Mother of Mercy, obtain peace for us from God!

Obtain especially those graces, which can convert human hearts quickly.

Those graces, which can prepare, establish and insure peace.

Queen of Peace, pray for us;

Give the world at war the peace for which all are longing,

Peace in Truth, Justice and the Charity of Christ.

Give them peace of the arms and peace of mind,

That in tranquillity and order

The Kingdom of God may expand.

Grant Your protection to infidels

And to those still walking in the shadow of death;

Give them peace and permit that the sun of truth may raise upon them;

And that together with us

They may repeat before the Only Saviour of the World:

Glory to God in the highest

And peace on earth among men of good will (Lk2.14)

Give peace to the people separated by error and schism,

Particularly those, who have special devotion to You

And among whom there was no home,

Where Your venerable Icon was not honoured,

Though at present it may be hidden

In the hope for better days.

Bring them back to the One Fold of Christ,

Under the One True Shepherd.

Obtain peace and complete liberty for the Holy Church of God,

Check the spreading flood of neo-paganism,

Arouse within the faithful love of purity

The practice of Christian life and apostolic zeal,

So that the people who serve God,

May increase in merit and number.

All of humanity were once consecrated to the Heart of Your Son.

All our hopes rest in Him, Who is in all times

Sign and pledge of victory and salvation.

Forever we consecrate ourselves to You

And to Your Immaculate Heart,

Oh, Mother and Queen of the World!

May Your love and patronage hasten the victory of the Kingdom of God,

May all nations, at peace with each other and with God, proclaim You Blessed

And sing with You from one end of the earth to the other,

The eternal Magnificat of glory, love and gratitude

To the Heart of Jesus, in which alone,

They can find Truth, Life and Peace."

 

– Act of Consecration of Pope Pius XII in 1942.

 

This mosaic is from the National Shrine of the Basilica of the Immaculate Conception in Washington DC.

PHOTO: taken in the CHURCH of HOLY SEPULCHRE, Jerusalem.

 

======================================================

That's the Holiest place on earth, where Christ was crucified, entombed, and where He finally rose from the dead.

 

The door of this Church is upholstered with iron from within. It is for strength. And the key has been being here from Ottoman age. This means since 1524. It weights half kilogram and is fifty centimeters long. (For details -svp, see the most upper note on the photo!)

======================================================

 

MY NOTES:

Of course, this is not quite usual my photo - it"s too "transcendental" a little bit... (and too apocalyptic)

 

But can You imagine somebody - after visiting the most sacred Christian places in this World...

A.

"Kubukleon" where is placed Holy Sepulchre...

B.

the hub of the universe...

C.

as well - seeing and listening

of thousands adoring and praying pilgrims,

D.

after several hours of praying and... of standing in lines(in queues)...

 

Well, standing in queues in order to see all the sanctuaries or all the sacred objects of worchip and so on...

/though... the famous hereditary Doorkeeper (and the Keeper of the keys) of this Church - is my good friend. BTW, he personally applies the seal to "Holy Selpuchre" - before the ignition of the Holy Fire. So - he is the true Eye-Witness of the Miracle of Holy Fire! (Please, have a look too my notes on this photo!)/

 

Surely, I was stunned. I was, in some extent - crazed and even "went out of my mind" (figurately saying!)...

 

And, certainly, the expression of

the face was in full accordance with

my "half- unconscious" state (No, it was already - "gaseous state"!) after all those "religious adventures"...

 

But! I do love this photo (yes, not- the best of mine!) Why I do love, I don"t know perfectly... May be, I love here my transcendental "suchness" - with all those "religious adventures" imprinted inside those green eyes (very similar to chinese tea-plates just then)... Or may be, I love this eschatological "deep silence" inside my Soul (when You feel Yourself just like a grain of sand before the face of Unknown, before the face of the Universe!)... Now rather difficult to say... Well, but I feel: it"s quite right for those Holy Days of Easter (for Orthodox Christians - of coming Easter!)... So "tel quel" (tale quale)...

  

=============================================================

"No tears in the writer, no tears in the reader. No surprise for the writer, no surprise for the reader." Robert Frost

===============================================================

 

I.

"These days - are these days..."

-Boris Pasternak

 

II.

"No sound. Not a stranger around to spy.

Feeling deserted, alone,

...............................................................................

 

I'll bring it close to my lips, and listen:

Am I in loneliness here,

Ready to burst with tears in darkness,

Or is there a witness near?

 

Deep silence................."

-Boris Pasternak, 1917

(Translated by Eugene M. Kayden)

 

III.

"my gloom-it will

One day still whiter gleam,

Than lampshades..."

-Boris Pasternak

 

==========================================================

Palacio Real de Riofrío (Segovia). El Palacio Real de Riofrío es una de las residencias de la Familia Real Española, gestionada por el organismo Patrimonio Nacional, que administra los bienes del Estado al servicio de la Corona. Se encuentra en un enclave del término municipal de Real Sitio de San Ildefonso, en Segovia, a 11 kilómetros de la localidad de San Ildefonso.

El palacio es de estilo italiano con planta cuadrada y tres pisos de altura, diseñado por el arquitecto italiano Virgilio Rabaglio a imagen y semejanza del Palacio Real de Madrid. Resultan de interés el Museo de la Caza, además del patio interior, la escalera de honor, la capilla y su colección de pinturas, tapices y muebles.

Se encuentra rodeado por un extenso bosque de 625 hectáreas, donde habitan gamos y ciervos, entre otros. Utilizado por los reyes exclusivamente para la caza, únicamente ha sido habitado como residencia habitual, con carácter temporal, por los reyes Francisco de Asís de Borbón y Alfonso XII.

La reina Isabel de Farnesio, segunda esposa de Felipe V, deseaba con fervor que su hijo Carlos llegase a ser Rey de España, pero, siguiendo el orden dinástico, antes les correspondía el trono a los dos hijos mayores del rey, Luis y Fernando, ambos hijos de su primera esposa, de la que enviudó. No obstante la reina no se resignó a perder su influencia política y su injerencia en los asuntos de Estado fue grande.

Luis I subió al trono en 1724 tras la abdicación del rey, pero murió a los 7 meses de comenzar su reinado, en agosto de ese año, por lo que Felipe V hubo de reasumir la Corona, que ceñiría hasta su muerte en julio de 1746. Este año asumió la corona Fernando VI, quien, cansado de las continuas interferencias de la reina madre Isabel de Farnesio en los asuntos de Estado, le permitió construir un palacio para mantenerla alejada de la Corte (que en este momento permanecía casi de manera permanente en La Granja de San Ildefonso). Fue así como, siguiendo los deseos de Fernando VI, Isabel de Farnesio mandó construir el palacio en 1751 en un antiguo coto de caza en la provincia de Segovia. El proyecto corrió a cargo del arquitecto de Virgilio Rabaglio, y de la decoración exterior se encargó Pedro Sermini.

Antes de finalizar las obras, el rey Fernando VI murió sin descendencia, por lo que Isabel de Farnesio vio cumplido su deseo y su hijo Carlos III, entonces rey de Nápoles fue llamado para asumir el trono de España. Desapareció, por tanto, la necesidad de trasladarse a Ríofrío. El palacio no se finalizó totalmente y la reina nunca residió en él. Así, del proyecto inicial, que incluía jardines y fuentes, casas de oficio, caballerizas, un convento franciscano e incluso un teatro, quedaron solamente el palacio y una gran plaza, sin terminar también.

El Palacio fue utilizado por los sucesivos soberanos españoles cuando iban de caza a los bosques de Riofrío. Habitaron el palacio de forma habitual Francisco de Asís de Borbón, rey consorte y marido de Isabel II, que se retiró a Riofrío cansado de las infidelidades de su esposa, y Alfonso XII, durante el duelo por la muerte de su esposa María de las Mercedes. Fue en tiempos de Isabel II cuando se decoraron algunos de sus salones, destacando el dormitorio utilizado por Alfonso XII y el comedor, así como el original sistema de "llamadores" para la servidumbre.

El Palacio Real del Riofrío se abrió por primera vez al público el 14 de julio de 1965.

Real Sitio de San Ildefonso (Segovia) 29/8/2017

  

  

Apesar de muitos reconhecerem a importância da fidelidade no casamento, o adultério continua destruindo muitas famílias.

 

O que é adultério?

 

O QUE AS PESSOAS DIZEM

 

Algumas culturas não consideram errado uma pessoa casada, principalmente o marido, ter relações sexuais fora do casamento. E outras não consideram o casamento uma união permanente.

 

O QUE A BÍBLIA DIZ

 

Na Bíblia, adultério costuma se referir às relações sexuais consensuais entre uma pessoa casada — homem ou mulher — e alguém que não é seu cônjuge. (Jó 24:15;Provérbios 30:20) O adultério é detestável aos olhos de Deus. No antigo Israel, essa ação era punida com a morte. (Levítico 18:20, 22, 29) Jesus ensinou que seus seguidores não devem cometer adultério. — Mateus 5:27, 28; Lucas 18:18-20.

 

POR QUE É UM ASSUNTO IMPORTANTE

 

O adúltero quebra o voto solene que fez ao cônjuge quando se casaram. Ele também comete um ‘pecado contra Deus’. (Gênesis 39:7-9) O adultério pode cruelmente separar os filhos de um dos pais. Além disso, a Bíblia avisa que “Deus julgará . . . os adúlteros.” — Hebreus 13:4.

 

“O matrimônio seja honroso entre todos e o leito conjugal imaculado.”— Hebreus 13:4.

 

O adultério automaticamente põe fim ao casamento?

 

O QUE A BÍBLIA DIZ

 

A Bíblia permite que uma pessoa termine o casamento se seu cônjuge cometeu imoralidade sexual. (Mateus 19:9) Isso significa que, depois do ato de infidelidade, o cônjuge inocente tem o direito de decidir se continuará com o cônjuge infiel ou se pedirá o divórcio. Essa é uma decisão pessoal. — Gálatas 6:5.

 

Aos olhos de Deus o casamento é uma união sagrada para a vida toda. (1 Coríntios 7:39) Por isso, Deus odeia quando uma pessoa busca o divórcio por motivos fúteis, como simplesmente não estar satisfeito com o cônjuge. Portanto, divorciar-se ou não é uma decisão que não deve ser encarada de forma leviana. — Malaquias 2:16; Mateus 19:3-6.

 

“Eu vos digo que todo aquele que se divorciar de sua esposa, a não ser por causa de fornicação [ou imoralidade sexual], expõe-na ao adultério.” — Mateus 5:32.

 

O adultério é um pecado imperdoável?

 

O QUE A BÍBLIA DIZ

 

O adultério não é um pecado imperdoável. A Bíblia diz que Deus mostra misericórdia aos que se arrependem de seus pecados e abandonam uma conduta errada — incluindo o adultério. (Atos 3:19; Gálatas 5:19-21) De fato, a Bíblia fala de homens e mulheres que deixaram de praticar o adultério e mais tarde se tornaram amigos de Deus. — 1 Coríntios 6:9-11.

 

Deus mostrou misericórdia no caso do Rei Davi do antigo Israel. Davi cometeu adultério com a esposa de um dos oficiais de seu exército. (2 Samuel 11:2-4) A Bíblia diz claramente que o que ele fez foi errado aos olhos de Deus. (2 Samuel 11:27) Depois de receber correção, Davi se arrependeu, e Deus o perdoou. Mesmo assim, Davi teve de sofrer as consequências de suas ações. (2 Samuel 12:13, 14) O sábio Rei Salomão mais tarde afirmou que “quem comete adultério . . . é falto de boa motivação”. — Provérbios 6:32, nota.

 

O QUE VOCÊ PODE FAZER

 

Se você cometeu adultério, precisa pedir perdão tanto a Deus como a seu cônjuge. (Salmo 51:1-5) Aprenda a odiar o adultério assim como Deus o odeia. (Salmo 97:10) Esteja determinado a evitar pornografia, fantasias sexuais, flerte ou qualquer outra coisa que possa levar você a ter interesse sexual em alguém que não é seu cônjuge. — Mateus 5:27, 28; Tiago 1:14, 15.

 

Se você foi vítima de adultério, saiba que Deus entende seus sentimentos. (Malaquias 2:13, 14) Peça que ele o console e o oriente, e ele lhe dará seu apoio. (Salmo 55:22) Se você decidir perdoar seu cônjuge e continuar casado, vocês dois precisarão se esforçar para reconstruir o casamento. — Efésios 4:32.

 

“Jeová, por sua vez, deixa passar o teu pecado”, disse o profeta Natã a Davi depois que ele se arrependeu de seu adultério. — 2 Samuel 12:13.

 

Você poderá ir até o site fonte da matéria - www.jw.org/pt/ e pesquisar sobre outros assuntos.

 

E aí? O que achou? Por Favor Deixe seu comentário…

 

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La jamsa o mano de Fátima (del árabe, خمسة ‘cinco’) es un símbolo con forma de mano que se utiliza tradicionalmente en varias culturas.

 

El uso de la jamsa está documentado desde la Antigüedad. La usaban ya los púnicos (desde el 820 a. C., en el norte de África), quienes la asociaban con la diosa Tanit. Es posible que sea aún más antigua. La cultura judía y la árabe la adoptaron como propia.

 

La forma más extendida del símbolo es la de una mano simétrica: el dedo corazón en el centro, a sus lados el anular y el índice, un poco más cortos que el corazón e iguales entre sí, y en los extremos dos pulgares, también del mismo tamaño y algo curvados hacia afuera. A veces contiene otros símbolos, como inscripciones de carácter religioso, estrellas de David judías, ojos y otros elementos destinados a aumentar su poder. Típicamente aparece en forma de amuleto (pendientes, colgantes, etc.), en las puertas de las casas (a veces como aldabón), en coches y otros lugares.

 

En el mundo árabe se utiliza como talismán para protegerse de la desgracia en general y del mal de ojo en particular.

Esta mano es un amuleto, normalmente un colgante, que protege del mal deteniéndolo con la palma de la mano, previene las enfermedades y atrae la buena suerte. Los cinco dedos de la mano están sometidos a la unidad de la mano; cada uno de estos dedos representa cada uno de los mandamientos fundamentales de la ley islámica:

 

"Creencia en Alá, los ángeles, el profeta, el Corán y el Juicio Final",Oración cinco veces al día.,Diezmo o limosna a los pobres,Ayuno en el mes de Ramadán.,Peregrinación a La Meca.

 

Los musulmanes a menudo establecen una relación entre los cinco dedos de la mano y los cinco pilares del islamismo, mientras que los judíos hacen lo propio con el Pentateuco (los cinco libros de la Torá).

 

El símbolo, sin embargo, no tiene relación alguna con el islamismo. De hecho, una interpretación rigorista desaconsejaría su extendido uso, ya que el Corán prohíbe los amuletos y la superstición en general.

 

En algunos países la jamsa recibe el nombre de «mano de Fátima», en alusión a Fátima az-Zahra (606-632, hija de Mahoma. También se la llama «ojo de Fátima», debido a que algunas versiones del símbolo incluyen un ojo.

Según cuenta la leyenda, una noche el marido de Fátima regresó a su casa acompañado de una concubina mientras Fátima preparaba la cena. Al verla, la celosa Fátima regresó a la cocina irritada y metió la mano en el cazo hirviendo. Al verla, su marido le quitó la mano del cazo. Desde ese momento la jamsa se convirtió en el símbolo religioso de los seguidores de Mahoma.

 

El nombre puede encontrarse transcrito también como khamsa y, en transcripciones del hebreo, como hamsa o chamsa.

Los judíos la llaman «mano de Miriam» (en alusión a la hermana de Moisés y Aarón), «mano cinco» o «mano Hamsesh».

Algunas organizaciones que trabajan por la paz en Oriente Medio han adoptado la jamsa como símbolo de las similaridades culturales existentes entre musulmanes y judíos.

En la India (que fue invadida por los musulmanes durante siglos) se la llama «mano Humsa» (pronunciado [jamsa]).

En otros países de Asia, el amuleto es considerado poderoso para prevenir todo tipo de desgracias y enfermedades.

En Occidente algunas personas creen que este amuleto,además de proteger contra la ira, previene contra la infidelidad. En Norteamérica además se ha difundido la creencia de que la mano de Fátima protege de los fenómenos atmosféricos como terremotos e inundaciones.

   

Chauen, Xauen o Chefchauen (árabe: الشاون (popular) o شفشاون (oficial)) es un municipio y una ciudad de Marruecos, capital de la provincia del mismo nombre. Está situada en el noroeste del país, en las estribaciones de las montañas del Rif, cerca de Tetuán. Está en la región de Tánger-Tetuán.

 

El nombre Accawen significa en rifeño "Los cuernos", en referencia a los dos picos visibles desde la ciudad. Una creencia popular afirma que el nombre Shifshawen procede del árabe coloquial shuf ('mira') y el rifeño arabizado ashawen ('los cuernos'), pero no hay evidencia alguna de ello. Shawen es la forma abreviada (no oficial) del nombre de la ciudad, que pasó al español inicialmente como Xauen (así consta en toda la documentación del protectorado español de Marruecos), aunque desde tiempos recientes se utiliza más la forma Chauen, procedente del nombre francés Chaouen. Los mapas y paneles de carretera indican Shifshawen en árabe y Chefchaouen en francés.

 

La ciudad fue fundada en 1471 en el emplazamiento de una pequeña población bereber. Su población original estuvo compuesta sobre todo por exiliados de al-Ándalus, tanto musulmanes como judíos, razón por la cual la parte antigua de la ciudad tiene una apariencia muy similar a la de los pueblos andaluces, con pequeñas callejuelas de trazado irregular y casas encaladas (frecuentemente con tonos azules). Sus habitantes nativos se parecen físicamente, por lo general, también más a los habitantes del otro lado del estrecho de Gibraltar que a la mayoría de los magrebíes. Chauen está construida sobre un pequeño valle. La parte más antigua de la ciudad crece hacia lo alto de la montaña, y en el punto más alto se encuentran los manantiales de Ras al-Ma. El centro de la ciudad es la plaza de Uta al-Hammam, en la que se encuentra la alcazaba y una mezquita con una torre de base octogonal. Otro punto emblemático de la ciudad es la Mezquita de los Andaluces. La ciudad nueva se ha construido más abajo de la ciudad antigua.

Chauen fue durante siglos una ciudad considerada sagrada, donde se prohibía la entrada a los extranjeros. Por esta razón se ha mantenido con pocas alteraciones toda su fisonomía medieval. Los cambios en la estructura urbana y poblacional de Chauen son muy recientes. Fueron las tropas españolas las que abrieron Chauen al tomar el control de toda la zona norte de Marruecos para instaurar el protectorado concedido por la Conferencia de Algeciras (1906) y definido por el tratado hispano-francés de 1912. Cuando los españoles llegaron, la ciudad tenía una importante población judía sefardí que hablaba judeoespañol. Chauen fue una de las principales bases del ejército español, y en esta ciudad se arrió la última bandera española en 1956. Como en otras ciudades que pertenecieron al protectorado español, gran parte de sus habitantes sabe hablar español.

En la actualidad Chauen es un importante centro de turismo, lo que ha atraído a inmigrantes de otras zonas de Marruecos, principalmente del sur.

~*Photography Originally Taken By: www.CrossTrips.Com Under God*~

 

The September 11, 2001 attacks (often referred to as 9/11) were a series of coordinated suicide attacks by al-Qaeda upon the United States. On that morning, terrorists affiliated with al-Qaeda hijacked four commercial passenger jet airliners.[1][2] The hijackers intentionally crashed two of the airliners into the World Trade Center in New York City, resulting in the collapse of both buildings soon afterward and extensive damage to nearby buildings. The hijackers crashed a third airliner into the Pentagon. The fourth plane crashed into a field near Shanksville in rural Somerset County, Pennsylvania after passengers and members of the flight crew on the fourth aircraft attempted to retake control of their plane.

 

Excluding the 19 hijackers, 2,974 people died as an immediate result of the attacks with another 24 missing and presumed dead. The overwhelming majority of casualties were civilians, including nationals from over 90 different countries. In addition, the death of at least one person from lung disease was ruled by a medical examiner to be a result of exposure to dust from the World Trade Center's collapse, as rescue and recovery workers were exposed to airborne contaminants following the World Trade Center's collapse.

 

The attacks had major ramifications around the world, with the United States declaring a War on Terrorism in response and launching an invasion of Afghanistan to depose the Taliban, who had been accused of willfully harboring terrorists. The United States passed the USA PATRIOT Act, as many nations around the world strengthened their anti-terrorism legislation and expanded law enforcement powers. Stock exchanges were closed for almost a week, and posted enormous losses immediately upon reopening, with airline and insurance industries suffering the greatest financial losses. The economy of Lower Manhattan ground to a halt, as billions of dollars in office space was damaged or destroyed.

 

The damage to the Pentagon was cleared and repaired within a year, and a small memorial built on the site. Rebuilding the World Trade Center site has been more contentious, with controversy over possible designs as well as the pace of construction. The selection of the Freedom Tower for the site has drawn extensive criticism, forcing the abandonment of some parts of the project.

 

Attacks

 

Early in the morning on September 11, 2001, nineteen terrorists hijacked four commercial airliners en route to California from Logan International, Dulles International, and Newark airports.[1] The hijackers flew two of the airliners, American Airlines Flight 11 and United Airlines Flight 175, into the North and South Towers of the World Trade Center.[3] Another group of hijackers flew American Airlines Flight 77 into the Pentagon, and a fourth flight, United Airlines Flight 93, whose ultimate target was the U.S. Capitol building, crashed near Shanksville, Pennsylvania.[4][5]

 

During the hijacking of the airplanes, some passengers and crew members were able to make phone calls using the cabin GTE airphone service and mobile phones.[6][7] They reported that several hijackers were aboard each plane. The terrorists had reportedly taken control of the aircraft by using knives and box-cutter knives to kill flight attendants and at least one pilot or passenger, including the captain of Flight 11, John Ogonowski.[8] The 9/11 Commission established that two of the hijackers had recently purchased Leatherman multi-function hand tools.[9] Some form of noxious chemical spray, such as tear gas or pepper spray, was reported to have been used on American 11 and United 175 to keep passengers out of the first-class cabin.[10] A flight attendant on Flight 11, a passenger on Flight 175, and passengers on Flight 93 mentioned that the hijackers had bombs, but one of the passengers also mentioned he thought the bombs were fake. No traces of explosives were found at the crash sites. The 9/11 Commission Report believed the bombs were probably fake.[8]

 

On United Airlines Flight 93, black box recordings revealed that crew and passengers attempted to seize control of the plane from the hijackers after learning through phone calls that similarly hijacked planes had been crashed into buildings that morning.[11][12] According to the transcript of Flight 93's recorder, one of the hijackers gave the order to roll the plane once it became evident that they would lose control of the plane to the passengers.[13] Soon afterward, the aircraft crashed into a field near Shanksville in Stonycreek Township, Somerset County, Pennsylvania, at 10:03:11 a.m. local time (14:03:11 UTC). Al-Qaeda leader Khalid Sheikh Mohammed mentioned in a 2002 interview with Yosri Fouda, an al Jazeera journalist, that Flight 93's target was the United States Capitol, which was given the code name "the Faculty of Law".[14]

 

Three buildings in the World Trade Center Complex collapsed due to structural failure on the day of the attack.[15] The south tower (2 WTC) fell at approximately 9:59 a.m., after burning for 56 minutes in a fire caused by the impact of United Airlines Flight 175.[15] The north tower (1 WTC) collapsed at 10:28 a.m., after burning for approximately 102 minutes.[15] When the north tower collapsed, debris heavily damaged the nearby 7 World Trade Center (7 WTC) building. Its structural integrity was further compromised by fires, and the building collapsed later in the day at 5:20 p.m.[16]

 

The National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) launched investigations into the cause of collapse for the three buildings, subsequently expanding the investigation to include questions over measures to prevent progressive collapse, such as fire resistance design and retrofitting of structural steel. The report into 1 WTC and 2 WTC was concluded in October 2005, and the investigation into 7 WTC is ongoing.[17][18] The current NIST hypothesis attributes the collapse to "fire and/or debris induced structural damage."[18]

 

The attacks created widespread confusion among news organizations and air traffic controllers across the United States. All international civilian air traffic was banned from landing on US soil for three days.[19] Aircraft already in flight were either turned back or redirected to airports in Canada or Mexico. News sources aired unconfirmed and often contradictory reports throughout the day. One of the most prevalent of these reported that a car bomb had been detonated at the U.S. State Department's headquarters in Washington, D.C.[20] Soon after reporting for the first time on the Pentagon crash, CNN and other media also briefly reported that a fire had broken out on the Washington Mall.[21] Another report went out on the AP wire, claiming that a Delta 767—Flight 1989—had been hijacked. This report, too, turned out to be in error; the plane was briefly thought to represent a hijack risk, but it responded to controllers and landed safely in Cleveland, Ohio.

 

Casualties

 

There were 2,974 fatalities, excluding the 19 hijackers: 246 on the four planes (from which there were no survivors), 2,603 in New York City in the towers and on the ground, and 125 at the Pentagon.[23][24] An additional 24 people remain listed as missing.[25] All of the fatalities in the attacks were civilians except for 55 military personnel killed at the Pentagon.[26] More than 90 countries lost citizens in the attacks on the World Trade Center.[27]

 

NIST estimated that approximately 17,400 civilians were in the World Trade Center complex at the time of the attacks, while turnstile counts from the Port Authority suggest that 14,154 people were typically in the Twin Towers by 8:45 a.m.[28][29] The vast majority of people below the impact zone safely evacuated the buildings, along with 18 individuals who were in the impact zone in the south tower.[30] 1,366 people died who were at or above the floors of impact in the North Tower.[31] According to the Commission Report, hundreds were killed instantly by the impact, while the rest were trapped and died after the tower collapsed.[32] As many as 600 people were killed instantly or were trapped at or above the floors of impact in the South Tower.

 

At least 200 people jumped to their deaths from the burning towers (as depicted in the photograph "The Falling Man"), landing on the streets and rooftops of adjacent buildings hundreds of feet below.[39] Some of the occupants of each tower above its point of impact made their way upward toward the roof in hope of helicopter rescue, but the roof access doors were locked. No plan existed for helicopter rescues, and on September 11, the thick smoke and intense heat would have prevented helicopters from conducting rescues.[40]

 

A total of 411 emergency workers who responded to the scene died as they attempted to implement rescue and fire suppression efforts. The New York City Fire Department lost 341 firefighters and 2 FDNY Paramedics.[41] The New York City Police Department lost 23 officers.[42] The Port Authority Police Department lost 37 officers.[43] Private EMS units lost 8 additional EMTs and paramedics.[44][45]

 

Cantor Fitzgerald L.P., an investment bank on the 101st–105th floors of One World Trade Center, lost 658 employees, considerably more than any other employer.[46] Marsh Inc., located immediately below Cantor Fitzgerald on floors 93–101 (the location of Flight 11's impact), lost 295 employees, and 175 employees of Aon Corporation were killed.[47] After New York, New Jersey was the hardest hit state, with the city of Hoboken sustaining the most fatalities.[48]

 

Weeks after the attack, the estimated death toll was over 6,000.[49] The city was only able to identify remains for approximately 1,600 of the victims at the World Trade Center. The medical examiner's office also collected "about 10,000 unidentified bone and tissue fragments that cannot be matched to the list of the dead."[50] Bone fragments were still being found in 2006 as workers were preparing to demolish the damaged Deutsche Bank Building.

 

Damage

 

In addition to the 110-floor Twin Towers of the World Trade Center itself, numerous other buildings at the World Trade Center site were destroyed or badly damaged, including 7 World Trade Center, 6 World Trade Center, 5 World Trade Center, 4 World Trade Center, the Marriott World Trade Center and St. Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church.[51] The Deutsche Bank Building across Liberty Street from the World Trade Center complex was later condemned due to the uninhabitable, toxic conditions inside the office tower, and is undergoing deconstruction.[52][53] The Borough of Manhattan Community College's Fiterman Hall at 30 West Broadway was also condemned due to extensive damage in the attacks, and is slated for deconstruction.[54] Other neighboring buildings including 90 West Street and the Verizon Building suffered major damage, but have since been restored.[55] World Financial Center buildings, One Liberty Plaza, the Millenium Hilton, and 90 Church Street had moderate damage.[56] Communications equipment atop the North Tower, including broadcast radio, television and two-way radio antenna towers were also destroyed, but media stations were quickly able to reroute signals and resume broadcasts.[51][57] In Arlington County, a portion of the Pentagon was severely damaged by fire and one section of the building collapsed.

 

Rescue and recovery

 

The Fire Department of New York City (FDNY) quickly deployed 200 units (half of the department) to the site, whose efforts were supplemented by numerous off-duty firefighters and EMTs.[59][60][61] The New York Police Department (NYPD) sent Emergency Service Units (ESU) and other police personnel.[62] During the emergency response, FDNY commanders, the NYPD, and the Port Authority police had limited ability to share information and coordinate their efforts.[59] The NYPD, FDNY, and Port Authority police did redundant searches for civilians, rather than coordinate efforts among the agencies.[63] As conditions deteriorated, the NYPD received information from its helicopters, and were able to pass along evacuation orders that allowed most of its officers to safely evacuate before the buildings collapsed.[62][63] However, radio communications between the NYPD and FDNY were incompatible and the information did not get to FDNY commanders. After the first tower collapsed, FDNY commanders experienced difficulties communicating evacuation orders to firefighters inside the towers due to malfunctioning radio repeater systems in the World Trade Center. 9-1-1 dispatchers also received information from callers that was not passed along.[60] Within hours of the attack, a massive search and rescue operation was launched. Rescue and recovery efforts took months to complete.

 

Attackers and their motivation

 

The attacks were consistent with the overall mission statement of al-Qaeda, as set out in a 1998 fatwā issued by Osama bin Laden, Ayman al-Zawahiri, Ahmed Refai Taha, Mir Hamzah, and Fazlur Rahman declaring that it was the "duty of every Muslim" to "kill Americans anywhere."

 

Al-Qaeda

 

The origins of al-Qaeda date back to 1979 when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Soon after the invasion, Osama bin Laden traveled to Afghanistan where he helped organize Arab mujahideen and established the Maktab al-Khidamat (MAK) organization to resist the Soviets. In 1989, as the Soviets withdrew, MAK was transformed into a "rapid reaction force" in jihad against governments across the Muslim world. Under the guidance of al-Zawahiri, Osama became more radical.[68] In 1996, bin Laden issued his first fatwā which called for American soldiers to leave Saudi Arabia.[69]

 

In a second fatwā issued in 1998, bin Laden outlined his objections to American foreign policy towards Israel, as well as the continued presence of American troops in Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War.[70] Bin Laden used Islamic texts to exhort violent action against American military and citizenry until the stated grievances are reversed, noting "ulema have throughout Islamic history unanimously agreed that the jihad is an individual duty if the enemy destroys the Muslim countries."

 

Planning of the attacks

 

The idea for the September 11 plot came from Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who first presented the idea to bin Laden in 1996.[71] At that point, Bin Laden and al-Qaeda were in a period of transition, having just relocated back to Afghanistan from Sudan.[72] The 1998 African Embassy bombings marked a turning point, with bin Laden intent on attacking the United States.[72] In late 1998 or early 1999, bin Laden gave approval for Mohammed to go forward with organizing the plot.[72] A series of meetings occurred in spring of 1999, involving Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Osama bin Laden, and his deputy Mohammed Atef.[72] Bin Laden provided leadership for the plot, along with financial support.[72] Bin Laden was also involved in selecting people to participate in the plot, including choosing Mohamed Atta as the lead hijacker.[73] As many as 27 members of al-Qaeda attempted to enter the United States to take part in the September 11 attacks.[8] Mohammed provided operational support, such as selecting targets and helping arrange travel for the hijackers.[72] Bin Laden overruled Mohammed, rejecting some potential targets such as the U.S. Bank Tower in Los Angeles[74] because "there was not enough time to prepare for such an operation".[75]

 

The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States was formed by the United States government and was commonly called the 9/11 Commission. It released its report on July 22, 2004, concluding that the attacks were conceived and implemented by members of al-Qaeda. The Commission stated that "9/11 plotters eventually spent somewhere between $400,000 and $500,000 to plan and conduct their attack, but that the specific origin of the funds used to execute the attacks remained unknown."

 

Hijackers

 

Fifteen of the attackers were from Saudi Arabia, two from the United Arab Emirates, one from Egypt, and one from Lebanon.[77] In sharp contrast to the standard profile of suicide bombers, the hijackers were well-educated, mature adults, whose belief systems were fully formed.[78]

 

Within hours of the attacks, the FBI was able to determine the names and in many cases the personal details of the suspected pilots and hijackers.[79][80] Mohamed Atta's luggage, which did not make the connection from his Portland flight onto Flight 11, contained papers that revealed the identity of all 19 hijackers, and other important clues about their plans, motives, and backgrounds.[81] On the day of the attacks, the National Security Agency intercepted communications that pointed to Osama bin Laden, as did German intelligence agencies.

 

On September 27, 2001, the FBI released photos of the 19 hijackers, along with information about the possible nationalities and aliases of many.[84] The FBI investigation into the attacks, code named operation PENTTBOM, was the largest and most complex investigation in the history of the FBI, involving over 7,000 special agents.[85] The United States government determined that al-Qaeda, headed by Osama bin Laden, bore responsibility for the attacks, with the FBI stating "evidence linking al-Qaeda and bin Laden to the attacks of September 11 is clear and irrefutable".[86] The Government of the United Kingdom reached the same conclusion regarding al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden's culpability for the September 11, 2001 attacks.

 

Osama bin Laden

 

Osama bin Laden's declaration of a holy war against the United States, and a fatwā signed by bin Laden and others calling for the killing of American civilians in 1998, are seen by investigators as evidence of his motivation to commit such acts.

 

Bin Laden initially denied, but later admitted, involvement in the incidents.[89][90] On September 16, 2001, bin Laden denied any involvement with the attacks by reading a statement which was broadcast by Qatar's Al Jazeera satellite channel: "I stress that I have not carried out this act, which appears to have been carried out by individuals with their own motivation."[91] This denial was broadcast on U.S. news networks and worldwide.

 

In November 2001, U.S. forces recovered a videotape from a destroyed house in Jalalabad, Afghanistan, in which Osama bin Laden is talking to Khaled al-Harbi. In the tape, bin Laden admits foreknowledge of the attacks.[92] The tape was broadcast on various news networks from December 13, 2001. His distorted appearance on the tape has been attributed to tape transfer artifact.[93]

 

On December 27, 2001, a second bin Laden video was released. In the video, he states, "Terrorism against America deserves to be praised because it was a response to injustice, aimed at forcing America to stop its support for Israel, which kills our people," but he stopped short of admitting responsibility for the attacks.[94]

 

Shortly before the U.S. presidential election in 2004, in a taped statement, bin Laden publicly acknowledged al-Qaeda's involvement in the attacks on the U.S, and admitted his direct link to the attacks. He said that the attacks were carried out because "we are free…and want to regain freedom for our nation. As you undermine our security we undermine yours."[95] Osama bin Laden says he had personally directed the 19 hijackers.[96] In the video, he says, "We had agreed with the Commander-General Muhammad Atta, Allah have mercy on him, that all the operations should be carried out within 20 minutes, before Bush and his administration notice."[90] Another video obtained by Al Jazeera in September 2006 shows Osama bin Laden with Ramzi Binalshibh, as well as two hijackers, Hamza al-Ghamdi and Wail al-Shehri, as they make preparations for the attacks.

 

Khalid Sheikh Mohammed

 

In a 2002 interview with al Jazeera journalist Yosri Fouda, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed admitted his involvement, along with Ramzi Binalshibh, in the "Holy Tuesday operation."[98] The 9/11 Commission Report determined that the animosity towards the United States felt by Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the "principal architect" of the 9/11 attacks, stemmed "not from his experiences there as a student, but rather from his violent disagreement with U.S. foreign policy favoring Israel."[72] Mohamed Atta shared this same motivation. Ralph Bodenstein, a former classmate of Atta described him as "most imbued actually about... U.S. protection of these Israeli politics in the region."[99] Abdulaziz al-Omari, a hijacker aboard Flight 11 with Mohamed Atta, said in his video will, "My work is a message those who heard me and to all those who saw me at the same time it is a message to the infidels that you should leave the Arabian peninsula defeated and stop giving a hand of help to the coward Jews in Palestine."[100]

 

Khalid Sheikh Mohammed was arrested on March 1, 2003 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan.[101] Mohammed ultimately ended up at Guantanamo Bay. During US hearings in March 2007, which have been "widely criticized by lawyers and human rights groups as sham tribunals", Mohammed again confessed his responsibility for the attacks, "I was responsible for the 9/11 operation, from A to Z."

 

Other al-Qaeda members

 

In "Substitution for Testimony of Khalid Sheik Mohammed" from the trial of Zacarias Moussaoui, five people are identified as having been completely aware of the operations details. They are: Osama bin Laden, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Ramzi Binalshibh, Abu Turab Al-Urduni and Mohammed Atef.[104] To date, only peripheral figures have been tried or convicted in connection with the attacks. Bin Laden has not yet been formally indicted for the attacks.[105]

 

On September 26, 2005, the Spanish high court directed by judge Baltasar Garzón sentenced Abu Dahdah to 27 years of imprisonment for conspiracy on the 9/11 attacks and as part of the terrorist organization al-Qaeda. At the same time, another 17 al-Qaeda members were sentenced to penalties of between six and eleven years.[106][107] On February 16, 2006, the Spanish Supreme Court reduced the Abu Dahdah penalty to 12 years because it considered that his participation in the conspiracy was not proven.

 

Motive

 

Many of the eventual findings of the 9/11 Commission with respect to motives have been supported by other experts. Counter-terrorism expert Richard A. Clarke explains in his book, Against All Enemies, that U.S. foreign policy decisions including "confronting Moscow in Afghanistan, inserting the U.S. military in the Persian Gulf," and "strengthening Israel as a base for a southern flank against the Soviets" contributed to al-Qaeda's motives.[109] Others, such as Jason Burke, foreign correspondent for The Observer, focus on a more political aspect to the motive, stating that "bin Laden is an activist with a very clear sense of what he wants and how he hopes to achieve it. Those means may be far outside the norms of political activity [...] but his agenda is a basically political one."[110]

 

A variety of scholarship has also focused on bin Laden's overall strategy as a motive for the attacks. For instance, correspondent Peter Bergen argues that the attacks were part of a plan to cause the United States to increase its military and cultural presence in the Middle East, thereby forcing Muslims to confront the "evils" of a non-Muslim government and establish conservative Islamic governments in the region.[111] Michael Scott Doran, correspondent for Foreign Affairs, further emphasizes the "mythic" use of the term "spectacular" in bin Laden's response to the attacks, explaining that he was attempting to provoke a visceral reaction in the Middle East and ensure that Muslim citizens would react as violently as possible to an increase in U.S. involvement in their region.

 

Aftermath

 

Immediate national response

 

The 9/11 attacks had immediate and overwhelming effects upon the people of the United States. Many police officers and rescue workers elsewhere in the country took leaves of absence to travel to New York City to assist in the process of recovering bodies from the twisted remnants of the Twin Towers.[113] Blood donations across the U.S. also saw a surge in the weeks after 9/11.[114][115] For the first time in history, all nonemergency civilian aircraft in the United States and several other countries including Canada were immediately grounded, stranding tens of thousands of passengers across the world.[116] Any international flights were closed to American airspace by the Federal Aviation Administration, causing flights to be redirected to other countries. Canada was one of the main recipients of diverted flights and launched Operation Yellow Ribbon to deal with the large numbers of grounded planes and stranded passengers.

 

War on Terrorism

 

The NATO council declared that the attacks on the United States were considered an attack on all NATO nations and, as such, satisfied Article 5 of the NATO charter.[118] In the immediate aftermath of the attacks, the Bush administration declared a war on terrorism, with the stated goals of bringing Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda to justice and preventing the emergence of other terrorist networks. These goals would be accomplished by means including economic and military sanctions against states perceived as harboring terrorists and increasing global surveillance and intelligence sharing. The second-biggest operation of the U.S. Global War on Terrorism outside of the United States, and the largest directly connected to terrorism, was the overthrow of the Taliban rule of Afghanistan by a U.S.-led coalition. The United States was not the only nation to increase its military readiness, with other notable examples being the Philippines and Indonesia, countries that have their own internal conflicts with Islamist terrorism.[119][120] U.S. officials speculated on possible involvement by Saddam Hussein immediately afterwards.[121] Although these suspicions were unfounded, the association contributed to public acceptance for the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

 

Domestic response

 

Following the attacks, President Bush's job approval rating soared to 86%.[122] On September 20, 2001, the U.S. president spoke before the nation and a joint session of the United States Congress, regarding the events of that day, the intervening nine days of rescue and recovery efforts, and his intent in response to those events. In addition, the highly visible role played by New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani won him high praise nationally and in New York.[123] Many relief funds were immediately set up to assist victims of the attacks, with the task of providing financial assistance to the survivors of the attacks and to the families of victims. By the deadline for victim's compensation, September 11, 2003, 2,833 applications had been received from the families of those killed.[124]

 

Contingency plans for the continuity of government and the evacuation of leaders were also implemented almost immediately after the attacks.[116] Congress, however, was not told that the United States was under a continuity of government status until February 2002.[125]

 

Within the United States, Congress passed and President Bush signed the Homeland Security Act of 2002, creating the Department of Homeland Security, representing the largest restructuring of the U.S. government in contemporary history. Congress also passed the USA PATRIOT Act, stating that it would help detect and prosecute terrorism and other crimes. Civil liberties groups have criticized the PATRIOT Act, saying that it allows law enforcement to invade the privacy of citizens and eliminates judicial oversight of law-enforcement and domestic intelligence gathering.[126][127][128] The Bush Administration also invoked 9/11 as the reason to initiate a secret National Security Agency operation, "to eavesdrop on telephone and e-mail communications between the United States and people overseas without a warrant."

 

Hate crimes

 

Numerous incidents of harassment and hate crimes were reported against Middle Easterners and other "Middle Eastern-looking" people, particularly Sikhs, because Sikh males usually wear turbans, which are stereotypically associated with Muslims in the United States. There were reports of verbal abuse, attacks on mosques and other religious buildings (including the firebombing of a Hindu temple) and assaults on people, including one murder: Balbir Singh Sodhi was fatally shot on September 15, 2001. He, like others, was a Sikh who was mistaken for a Muslim.

 

Muslim American reaction

 

Top Muslim organizations in the United States were swift to condemn the attacks on 9/11 and called "upon Muslim Americans to come forward with their skills and resources to help alleviate the sufferings of the affected people and their families". Top organizations include: Islamic Society of North America, American Muslim Alliance, American Muslim Council, Council on American-Islamic Relations, The Islamic Circle of North America, and the Shari'a Scholars Association of North America. In addition to massive monetary donations, many Islamic organizations launched blood drives and provided medical assistance, food, and residence for victims.[131]

 

Following the attacks, 80,000 Arab and Muslim immigrants were fingerprinted and registered under the Alien Registration Act of 1940. 8,000 Arab and Muslim men were interviewed, and 5,000 foreign nationals were detained under Joint Congressional Resolution 107-40 authorizing the use of military force "to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States."

 

International response

 

The attacks were denounced by mainstream media and governments worldwide. Across the globe, nations offered pro-American support and solidarity.[133] Leaders in most Middle Eastern countries, including Afghanistan, condemned the attacks. Iraq was a notable exception, with an immediate official statement that "the American cowboys are reaping the fruit of their crimes against humanity."[134] Another publicized exception was the celebration of some Palestinians.[135]

 

Approximately one month after the attacks, the United States led a broad coalition of international forces in the removal of the Taliban regime for harboring the al-Qaeda organization.[136] The Pakistani authorities moved decisively to align themselves with the United States in a war against the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Pakistan provided the United States a number of military airports and bases for its attack on the Taliban regime and arrested over 600 supposed al-Qaeda members, whom it handed over to the United States.[137]

 

Numerous countries, including the UK, India, Australia, France, Germany, Indonesia, China, Canada, Russia, Pakistan, Jordan, Mauritius, Uganda and Zimbabwe introduced "anti-terrorism" legislation and froze the bank accounts of businesses and individuals they suspected of having al-Qaeda ties.[138][139] Law enforcement and intelligence agencies in a number of countries, including Italy, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines arrested people they labeled terrorist suspects for the stated purpose of breaking up militant cells around the world.[140][141] In the U.S., this aroused some controversy, as critics such as the Bill of Rights Defense Committee argued that traditional restrictions on federal surveillance (e.g. COINTELPRO's monitoring of public meetings) were "dismantled" by the USA PATRIOT Act.[142] Civil liberty organizations such as the American Civil Liberties Union and Liberty argued that certain civil rights protections were also being circumvented.[143][144] The United States set up a detention center at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to hold what they termed "illegal enemy combatants". The legitimacy of these detentions has been questioned by, among others, the European Parliament, the Organization of American States, and Amnesty International.

 

Conspiracy theories

 

Various conspiracy theories have emerged subsequent to the attacks suggesting that individuals inside the United States knew the attacks were coming and deliberately chose not to prevent them, or that individuals outside of the terrorist organization al-Qaeda planned or carried out the attacks.[148] The community of civil engineers generally accepts the mainstream account that the impacts of jets at high speeds in combination with subsequent fires, rather than controlled demolition, led to the collapse of the Twin Towers.

 

Investigations

 

9/11 Commission

 

The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (9/11 Commission), chaired by former New Jersey Governor Thomas Kean,[150] was formed in late 2002 to prepare a full and complete account of the circumstances surrounding the attacks, including preparedness for, and the immediate response to, the attacks. On July 22, 2004, the 9/11 Commission issued the 9/11 Commission Report. The commission and its report have been subject to various forms of criticism.

 

Collapse of the World Trade Center

 

A federal technical building and fire safety investigation of the collapses of the Twin Towers and 7 WTC has been conducted by the United States Department of Commerce's National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST). The goals of this investigation were to investigate why the buildings collapsed, the extent of injuries and fatalities, and the procedures involved in designing and managing the World Trade Center.[153]

 

The report concluded that the fireproofing on the Twin Towers' steel infrastructures was blown off by the initial impact of the planes and that, if this had not occurred, the towers would likely have remained standing.[154] Gene Corley, the director of the original investigation, commented that "the towers really did amazingly well. The terrorist aircraft didn’t bring the buildings down; it was the fire which followed. It was proven that you could take out two thirds of the columns in a tower and the building would still stand." [155] The fires weakened the trusses supporting the floors, making the floors sag. The sagging floors pulled on the exterior steel columns to the point where exterior columns bowed inward. With the damage to the core columns, the buckling exterior columns could no longer support the buildings, causing them to collapse. In addition, the report asserts that the towers' stairwells were not adequately reinforced to provide emergency escape for people above the impact zones. NIST stated that the final report on the collapse of 7 WTC will appear in a separate report.[156][157] This was confirmed by an independent study by Purdue University.

 

Internal review of the CIA

 

The Inspector General of the CIA conducted an internal review of the CIA's pre-9/11 performance, and was harshly critical of senior CIA officials for not doing everything possible to confront terrorism, including failing to stop two of the 9/11 hijackers, Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar, as they entered the United States and failing to share information on the two men with the FBI.[159]

 

In May 2007, senators from both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party drafted legislation that would openly present an internal CIA investigative report. One of the backers, Senator Ron Wyden stated "The American people have a right to know what the Central Intelligence Agency was doing in those critical months before 9/11.... I am going to bulldog this until the public gets it." The report investigates the responsibilities of individual CIA personnel before and after the 9/11 attacks. The report was completed in 2005, but its details have never been released to the public.

 

Long-term effects

 

Economic aftermath

 

The attacks had a significant economic impact on the United States and world markets. The New York Stock Exchange (NYSE), the American Stock Exchange, and NASDAQ did not open on September 11 and remained closed until September 17. When the stock markets reopened, the Dow Jones Industrial Average (“DJIA”) stock market index fell 684 points, or 7.1%, to 8921, its biggest-ever one-day point decline.[161] By the end of the week, the DJIA had fallen 1,369.7 points (14.3%), its largest one-week point drop in history.[162] U.S. stocks lost $1.4 trillion in value for the week.[162] In New York City, there were approximately 430,000 lost job months and $2.8 billion in lost wages, which occurred in the three months following the 9/11 attacks. The economic effects were mainly focused on the city's export economy sectors.[163] The GDP for New York City was estimated to have declined by $27.3 billion for the last three months of 2001 and all of 2002. The Federal government provided $11.2 billion in immediate assistance to the Government of New York City in September 2001, and $10.5 billion in early 2002 for economic development and infrastructure needs.[164]

 

The 9/11 attacks also had great impact on small businesses in Lower Manhattan, located near the World Trade Center. Approximately 18,000 small businesses were destroyed or displaced after the attacks. The Small Business Administration provided loans as assistance, while Community Development Block Grants and Economic Injury Disaster Loans were other ways that the Federal Government provided assistance to small business effected by the 9/11 attacks.[164] 31.9 million square feet of Lower Manhattan office space was either damaged or destroyed.[165] Many questioned whether these lost jobs would ever be restored, and whether the damaged tax base could ever recover.[166] Economic studies of the effects of 9/11 have confirmed that the impact of the attacks on the Manhattan office market as well as on office employment was more limited than initially expected because of the strong need for face-to-face interaction in the financial services industry.[167][168]

 

North American air space was closed for several days after the attacks and air travel decreased significantly upon its reopening. The attacks led to nearly a 20% cutback in air travel capacity, and severely exacerbated financial problems in the struggling U.S. airline industry.

 

Health effects

 

The thousands of tons of toxic debris resulting from the collapse of the Twin Towers consisted of more than 2,500 contaminants, including known carcinogens.[170][171] This has led to debilitating illnesses among rescue and recovery workers, which many claim to be directly linked to debris exposure.[172][173] For example, NYPD Officer Frank Macri died of lung cancer that spread throughout his body on September 3, 2007; his family contends the cancer is the result of long hours on the site and they have filed for line-of-duty death benefits, which the city has yet to rule on.[174] Health effects have also extended to some residents, students, and office workers of Lower Manhattan and nearby Chinatown.[175] Several deaths have been linked to the toxic dust caused by the World Trade Center's collapse and the victims' names will be included in the World Trade Center memorial.[176] There is also scientific speculation that exposure to various toxic products in the air may have negative effects on fetal development. Due to this potential hazard, a notable children's environmental health center is currently analyzing the children whose mothers were pregnant during the WTC collapse, and were living or working near the World Trade Center towers.[177]

 

Legal disputes over the attendant costs of illnesses related to the attacks are still in the court system. On October 17, 2006, federal judge Alvin Hellerstein rejected New York City's refusal to pay for health costs for rescue workers, allowing for the possibility of numerous suits against the city.[178] Government officials have been faulted for urging the public to return to lower Manhattan in the weeks shortly following the attacks. Christine Todd Whitman, administrator of the EPA in the aftermath of the attacks, was heavily criticized for incorrectly saying that the area was environmentally safe.[179] President Bush was criticized for interfering with EPA interpretations and pronouncements regarding air quality in the aftermath of the attacks.[180] In addition, Mayor Giuliani was criticized for urging financial industry personnel to return quickly to the greater Wall Street area.

 

Rebuilding

 

On the day of the attacks, Giuliani proclaimed, "We will rebuild. We're going to come out of this stronger than before, politically stronger, economically stronger. The skyline will be made whole again."[182] Debris removal officially ended in May 2002.[183] The Lower Manhattan Development Corporation, responsible for rebuilding the World Trade Center site, has been criticized for doing little with the enormous funding directed to the rebuilding efforts.[184][185] On the sites of the totally destroyed buildings, one, 7 World Trade Center, has a new office tower which was completed in 2006. The Freedom Tower is currently under construction at the site and at 1,776 ft (541 m) upon completion in 2011, will become the one of the tallest buildings in North America, behind the Chicago Spire and the CN Tower in Toronto. Three more towers are expected to be built between 2007 and 2012 on the site, and will be located one block east of where the original towers stood. The damaged section of the Pentagon was rebuilt and occupied within a year of the attacks.

 

Memorials

 

In the days immediately following the attacks, many memorials and vigils were held around the world.[187][188][189] In addition, pictures were placed all over Ground Zero. A witness described being unable to "get away from faces of innocent victims who were killed. Their pictures are everywhere, on phone booths, street lights, walls of subway stations. Everything reminded me of a huge funeral, people quiet and sad, but also very nice. Before, New York gave me a cold feeling; now people were reaching out to help each other.”

 

One of the first memorials was the Tribute in Light, an installation of 88 searchlights at the footprints of the World Trade Center towers which projected two vertical columns of light into the sky.[191] In New York, the World Trade Center Site Memorial Competition was held to design an appropriate memorial on the site. The winning design, Reflecting Absence, was selected in August 2006, and consists of a pair of reflecting pools in the footprints of the towers, surrounded by a list of the victims' names in an underground memorial space.[192] Plans for a museum on the site have been put on hold, following the abandonment of the International Freedom Center after criticism from the families of many victims.[193]

 

At the Pentagon, an outdoor memorial is currently under construction, which will consist of a landscaped park with 184 benches facing the Pentagon.[194] When the Pentagon was rebuilt in 2001-2002, a private chapel and indoor memorial were included, located at the spot where Flight 77 crashed into the building.[195] At Shanksville, a permanent Flight 93 National Memorial is in planning stages, which will include a sculpted grove of trees forming a circle around the crash site, bisected by the plane's path, while wind chimes will bear the names of the victims.[196] A temporary memorial is located 500 yards (450 meters) from the Flight 93 crash site near Shanksville.[197] Many other permanent memorials are being constructed around the world and a list is being updated as new ones are completed.[198] In addition to physical monuments, scholarships and charities have been established by the victims' loved ones, along with many other organizations and private figures.

Only counting books I read (or soon-ish will have read) in their entirety…

Faves: 3.

Best: Infidel by Ayaan Hirsi Ali! :D

Below are starting dates, titles, authors, and some quotes / comments that I could think of. :p Hopefully I have not typo-ed up the quotes too badly.

 

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20-Mar-2016: 1. Climbing Mount Improbable by Richard Dawkins

Fave! And teh Dawk is my FAVE WRITER.

 

"The attitude that living things are placed here for our benefit still dominates our culture, even where its underpinnings have disappeared. We now need, for purposes of scientific understanding, to find a less human-centered view of the natural world. If wild animals and plants can be said to be put into the world for any purpose – and there is a respectable figure of speech by which they can – it surely is not for the benefit of humans. We must learn to see things through non-human eyes."

 

"Gills are not necessarily better than lungs for water-dwelling animals. No doubt it is convenient to be able to breathe continuously, wherever you are, rather than having to break off what you are doing to go to the surface. But our judgement is coloured by the fact that we take a breath every few seconds and panic at even a brief interruption to our air supply. Having been naturally selected through millions of sea-going generations, sperm whales can submerge for fifty minutes before they have to breathe. Coming to the surface to breathe, for a whale, might feel rather like going off to urinate. Or for a meal. If you start to think of breaths as meals, rather than as a continuously vital necessity, it becomes less obvious that every underwater creature would ideally be better off with gills. There are animals, like humming-birds, that feed more or less continuously. To a humming-bird, which needs to suck nectar every few seconds of its waking life, visiting flowers might feel rather like breathing. Sea-squirts, bag-shaped marine invertebrates remotely related to vertebrates, pump a never-ceasing current of water through their bodies, filtering out tiny particles of food. Such a filter-feeder indulges in nothing corresponding to a meal. A sea-squirt might suffocate with panic at the thought of having to search for the next meal. Sea-squirts might well wonder why so many animals go in for the absurdly inefficient and dangerous habit of searching for meals, instead of sitting back and breathing in food the whole time."

 

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18-Apr-2016: 2. Einstein: His life and universe by Walter Isaacson

 

"A popular feel for scientific endeavors should, if possible, be restored given the needs of the twenty-first century. This does not mean that every literature major should take a watered-down physics course or that a corporate lawyer should stay abreast of quantum mechanics. Rather, it means that an appreciation for the methods of science is a useful asset for a responsible citizenry. What science teaches us, very significantly, is the correlation between factual evidence and general theories, something well illustrated in Einstein's life.

In addition, an appreciation for the glories of science is a joyful trait for a good society. It helps us remain in touch with that childlike capacity for wonder, about such ordinary things as falling apples and elevators, that characterizes Einstein and other great theoretical physicists."

 

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1-Jun-2016: 3. Pope Joan: A novel by Donna Woolfolk Cross

Fave! And a re-read. Probably my 3rd favourite novel or so. :D

 

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17-Jun-2016: 4. Alan Turing: The enigma by Andrew Hodges

I had heard that it was a heavy-ass book, and of course I often didn't understand shit for several pages straight. :p But it had many interesting bits as well. "The imitation game" was THE BEST MOVIE I SAW IN 2015! :D Anyway, here's a teddybear quote. o_O And other quotes.

 

"It was all somewhat mystifying to Mrs Turing, when at Christmas 1934 Alan asked for a teddy bear, saying he had never had one as a little boy. The Turings usually dutifully exchanged more useful and improving presents. But he had his way, and Porgy the bear was installed."

 

"The Looking Glass ploy of taking instructions literally was one that created a similar fuss when his identity card was found unsigned, on the grounds that he had been told not to write anything on it. It came to light when he was stopped and interrogated by two policemen as he took a country walk. His awkward appearance and habit of examining wild flowers in the hedgerows had excited the imagination of a spy-conscious citizen."

 

"Womersley's gifts of management: a mastery of name-dropping, a genial enthusiasm, a pleasant office manner to important visitors, a diplomatic sense of what to report, were not skills that Alan Turing ranked highly; not just because he lacked them himself, but because he still could not understand why anyone should need weapons other than rational argument."

 

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20-Nov-2016: 5. Infidel by Ayaan Hirsi Ali

Fave! And the best book I read this year! :D I probably first heard of her through Richard Dawkins. :) Quotes:

 

"Female genital mutilation predates Islam. Not all Muslims do this, and a few of the peoples who do are not Islamic. But in Somalia, where virtually every girl is excised, the practice is always justified in the name of Islam. Uncircumcised girls will be possessed by devils, fall into vice and perdition, and become whores. Imams never discourage the practice: it keeps girls pure.

Many girls die during or after their excision, from infection. Other complications cause enormous, more or less lifelong pain. My father was a modern man and considered the practice barbaric. He had always insisted that his daughters be left uncut. In this he was quite extraordinarily forward-thinking. Though I don't think it was for the same reason, Mahad, who was six, had also not yet been circumcised."

 

However, traditional grandma had the kids mutilated anyway, behind the dad's back. D:

 

"This was my father's Islam: a mostly nonviolent religion that was his own interpretation of the Prophet's words. It relied on one's own sense of right and wrong, at least to some degree. It was more intelligent than the Islam I had learned from the ma'alim, and it was also far more humane. Still, this version of Islam also left me with unanswered questions and a sense of injustice: Why was it that only women needed permission from their husband to leave the house, and not the other way round?

My father's Islam was also clearly an interpretation of what the Prophet said. As such, it was not legitimate. You may not interpret the will of Allah and the words of the Quran: it says so, right there in the book. There is a read-only lock. It is forbidden to pick and choose: you may only obey. The Prophet said, 'I have left you with clear guidance; no one deviates from it after me, except that he shall be destroyed.' A fundamentalist would tell my father, 'The sentence 'Only the Prophet can call a Holy War' is not in the Quran. You're putting it in there. That is blasphemy.'"

 

"'I wear these skirts because I like having pretty legs,' said Mina. 'They won't be pretty for long, and I want to enjoy them.' She shook one at me and said, 'If anyone else enjoys them, so much the better.' . . .

'But if men see women dressed like you are now, with your arms bare and everything naked, then they will become confused and sexually tempted,' I told them. 'They will be blinded by desire.'

The girls began laughing, and Mina said, 'I don't think it's really like that. And you know, if they get tempted, that's not such a big deal.'

By then I was wailing, because I could see what was coming, but I said, 'But they won't be able to work, and the buses will crash, and there will be a state of total fitna!'

'So why is there not a state of total chaos everywhere around us, here, in Europe?' Mina asked.

It was true. All I had to do was use my eyes. Europe worked perfectly, every bus and clock of it. Not the first tremor of chaos was detectable. 'I don't know,' I said helplessly. 'It must be because these are not really men.'

'Oh? They are not really men, these big strong blond Dutch workers?' By this time the Ethiopian girls were almost weeping with laughter at the bumpkin that I was. They thought it was such Muslim bullshit. We Muslims were always boasting about something or other, but our whole culture was sexually frustrated. And who on earth did I think I was to personally wreak fitna on the world? They were friendly, because they knew it wasn't my fault I felt this way, but they really let me have it."

 

"… I wanted Muslim women to become more aware of just how bad, and how unacceptable, their suffering was. I wanted to help them develop the vocabulary of resistance. I was inspired by Mary Wollstonecraft, the pioneering feminist thinker who told women they had the same ability to reason as men did and deserved the same rights. Even after she published A Vindication of the Rights of Women, it took more than a century before the suffragettes marched for the vote. I knew that freeing Muslim women from their mental cage would take time, too. I didn't expect immediate waves of organized support among Muslim women. People who are conditioned to meekness, almost to the point where they have no mind of their own, sadly have no ability to organize, or will to express their opinion."

 

"The message of this book, if it must have a message, is that we in the West would be wrong to prolong the pain of that transition unnecessarily, by elevating cultures full of bigotry and hatred toward women to the stature of respectable alternative ways of life.

People accuse me of having interiorized a feeling of racial inferiority, so that I attack my own culture out of self-hatred, because I want to be white. This is a tiresome argument. Tell me, is freedom then only for white people? Is it self-love to adhere to my ancestors' traditions and mutilate my daughters? To agree to be humiliated and powerless? To watch passively as my countrymen abuse women and slaughter each other in pointless disputes? When I came to a new culture, where I saw for the first time that human relations could be different, would it have been self-love to see that as a foreign cult, which Muslims are forbidden to practice?"

 

"I am told that Submission is too aggressive a film. Its criticism of Islam is apparently too painful for Muslims to bear. Tell me, how much more painful is it to be these women, trapped in that cage?"

 

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23-Dec-2016: 6. Jonathan Strange & Mr Norrell by Susanna Clarke

 

--------------------------------------

Vegan FAQ! :)

 

The Web Site the Meat Industry Doesn't Want You to See.

 

Please watch Earthlings.

Since this Spyrius SHIP (as well as two other WIP on hold atm) is going to eat up a lot of my black plates for hull plating the Infidel which just got toted a few SHIPtembers ago is fair game for cannibalization as I can not do a large blacktron SHIP with the parts the current WIP(s) will use up.

  

Recovered parts :-)

 

- Lord, Papa, Grand Master and protector of our Holy order, there are some men here who wants to see men with strange wrapping around their heads and they say they have gift of culinary soap!

 

- Ah,I think I know who that is,let them in, tell the chef to make some extra portions for my evening supper...

 

- Shall be done, my holiest leader and beacon of light!

 

The warrior monk goes away to get the visitors...

 

When he is back with the visitors, they Were exactly the ones Henricus expected them to be... The ex-emir and his closest men...

 

- Hello Holy leader, du you remember an old friend and ally?

I have brought you a collection of our new collection of culinary soap, we make them in the capital to finance our planned retake of my lost kingdom!

 

- I am so glad to see you, I heard of the sad news of the sacking of the kingdom, very sad indeed... sit down I have already told our chef to make more food it will be crayfish and wine, oh I forgot you don´t drink these beverages who intoxicate the mind... and I recall now you don´t eat anything carrying it´s armor on the outside of the body... I will tell chef to do some more Middle-easterling styled food and drink...

 

- No worry my old friend, I have adjusted to your culture while living in the capital, a glass of wine would be fine...

 

- Chef, bring wine for the Emir! can I call you Emir? what is your correct title now? I have been promoted people, he, he

 

- Call me Emir, that will be fine, I am still seen as such by my people residing in the capital and I plan to retake my Emirate from those nasty Scando-slavians and the infidel barbarians, now have some culinary soap, they are especially made for you, a Deluxe edition, they have two flavors each, we mold them in to one single piece...

 

- Chew, Chew, mmm, they go great to my own produced wine, still they lack the foaminess of the old ones you used to make...

 

- Yes and you wine is lovely much more sting to it than the watery stuff I have tasted in the city taverns...But Dear old Friend, I have a small proposition, I want us to make business together again...

 

- Spill it, dear old friend, no not the wine! I meant tell me you plans...

 

- Haven´t you guessed yet?

Yes you have! ...anyhow. the word around town is that you have gotten really rich... perhaps the richest on this side of the border...

 

- Yes, they people here in the village support us for their protection and for guidance of their souls, we provide both... the provide us with what they grow on the fields and what animals they raise and slaughter...

this all was good business, but then I discovered that they did nothing at night except for sleep, so I started a mine so they could do something sensible at night and guess what, we struck gold in not only a figurative way...

 

- I see, but I heard by city rumors that the Forestmen want´s to steal your hard earned property... have you still not guessed why I am here, eh, well except for visiting an old good friend, I have also heard that the queen has been eye-balling you treasure chests and doesn´t really approve with they way you run your business here...

 

- Oh I get it, you mean that we should join forces and retake you homeland, excuse my slowness I think I have had to many crates of wine today... but hey what is in it for me?

 

- this is my plan, you fund my exile-army with some of your gold, when I again rule my Emirate, you will proclaim loyalty to me instead of the queen, the queen wants peace, she is obsessed by peace, so if you are a vassal to me instead of her, she won´t do anything to your here you small "religious state" and then you won´t have any problems with the Forestmen since they are very loyal to the queen as long as they can run their little "Peoples state" which is constantly in factional infighting and revolutions...

 

- Now we are talking my dear friend, but I want to add one thing to this little scheme... Make me religious leader of both my faith and yours, then we will both have our balls in each others pouches, ok, That sounded, weird, it must be the wine, but you get my drift...

 

- My dear beloved Henricus, I think this will be a fine collaboration, cheers for our common future and for my soap, your wine and our people...

Palermo Cathedral, Palermo, Sicily, Italy.

 

Today, Palermo's cathedral is known officially as "Santa Maria Assunta" or Saint Mary of the Assumption. Arab records mention the existence of a large "infidel" temple present on this site when they conquered Palermo in 831. This was turned into the Great Mosque. In early 1072, when the Normans wrested control of Palermo from the Saracens, Count Roger (Roger I) promptly saw to it that the great mosque was reconsecrated as a Christian church. It was in this earlier incarnation of the cathedral that Roger II was crowned in 1130.

 

For video, please visit youtu.be/eEjIFMUo2Vs

Ilford HP5, Pentax K1000

Louvre, Paris, France

New @ the Spoonful of Sugar Event benefit for Doctors Without Borders (MSF) From The Dark Fae!

 

The Dark Fae @ SOS

Unfaithful

Zinfandel for the Infidel :) Stu and I had a glass of this wine last evening. It is very nice and a dry wine. What I loved was the color of the wine.

 

Here are all pictures and videos of German rubbergirls available for you, so that you can download and use everything as you want:

gofile.me/73Jsx/hI8yt30MO

Hamed-al-Nil mosque in Omdurman, located in the capitol’s suburbs. The Sufis, all dressed in green, come here every week to celebrate their saints. The first echoes of the drums ring out, the crowd forms into a large circle of regulars and onlookers, and the chanting begins. The atmosphere is both solemn and joyful. The cyclical chant grows in intensity, somewhere between a prayer and an incantation. Suddenly, some men break free from the perfect circle and run to the center. They start spinning, arms spread out wide, and their eyes half closed. They will do so until they wear out, under the spell of devotion and egged on by the crowd’s cheers. For an hour, they nearly fall over, but manage to keep their balance. The chant accelerates. The believers, as well as the infidel that I am, can feel it in their gut as the same sentence is repeated over and over, “God is alive”.

A dervish collapses at my feet, and doesn’t get up… The crowd spreads out to give him some room to breathe. The sun disappears over the horizon, the call to prayer rings out, and the ceremony comes to a close. I then discover the extreme social range of the Sufis: businessmen rub shoulders with paupers. Ali, a rich businessman explains to me that the Sufis preach peace and a moderate Islam. “We are a bit like the hippies of Islam!” he tells me with a laugh. Some of the hair-dos around me, made from dreadlocks, remind me more of the Rastafari!

 

© Eric Lafforgue

www.ericlafforgue.com

Music: Right Click and select "Open link in new tab"

www.youtube.com/watch?v=n7zOrRttlPU

 

The Town That Time Forgot · T Bone Burnett · Lucius

 

He had heard an audience applaud

But with his only hope outlawed

The chances slim, the chasm broad

The last bell tolled, the curtain fеll

The libertine, thе infidel

Were in a hypnotic spell

Must remind myself to look for Sonic The Hedgehog # 3.

 

Power Rangers # 25

After the shocking events of the last issue, Lord Drakkon's victory seems assured-unless the Rangers can find a way to team up with another team of Power Rangers they've never met before!

 

Infidel # 2 (Of 5)

The haunted house story for the new millennium continues. What is the secret behind the terrifying entities haunting Aisha’s home? And as she discovers answers, will it be her family that pays the startling—and horrifying—price?

 

Batman/Ninja Turtles 2 # 6

It’s the final battle as the Bat-family and the Turtles face off against Bane and the Foot Clan on Liberty Island. With America’s great symbol of freedom watching over them, the Dark Knight and the Heroes on a Half-Shell must bring Bane’s tyrannical rule over New York to an end. And don’t forget about Shredder. What role will that deadly villain have to play in all of this? It’s all-out action in this exciting series conclusion.

 

Black Betty # 3

Betty tries for some downtime, but when a bounty comes in, Betty always answers!

 

WWE # 16

The Women's Evolution continues as the bond between the Four Horsewomen fractures! And in part three of the Asuka backup story, The Empress of Tomorrow makes a decision regarding her future.

On the 15th May 1718 as certain James Puckle, one of my direct male line ancestors filed his patent for what is acknowledged as the world's first revolving gun revolving action,which was unique for the fact that it fired round bullets for Christians, square bullets for Infidels.

 

Maxim is believed to have taken the Puckle revolving mechanism as a source of inspiration.

 

It is not known whether the gun actually worked.

 

Only 3 models are currently believed to exist, one possibly at the Buckler's Hard museum in Hampshire, UK, one in the Tower of London and one reputed to be at the Hermitage museum in St Petersburg.

 

More details of this interesting curio can be found on Wikipedia's page en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Puckle_gun from where I downloaded this copyright free image.

 

My brother is, not coincidently, named James Puckle.

Hamed-al-Nil mosque in Omdurman, located in the capitol’s suburbs. The Sufis, all dressed in green, come here every week to celebrate their saints. The first echoes of the drums ring out, the crowd forms into a large circle of regulars and onlookers, and the chanting begins. The atmosphere is both solemn and joyful. The cyclical chant grows in intensity, somewhere between a prayer and an incantation. Suddenly, some men break free from the perfect circle and run to the center. They start spinning, arms spread out wide, and their eyes half closed. They will do so until they wear out, under the spell of devotion and egged on by the crowd’s cheers. For an hour, they nearly fall over, but manage to keep their balance. The chant accelerates. The believers, as well as the infidel that I am, can feel it in their gut as the same sentence is repeated over and over, “God is alive”.

A dervish collapses at my feet, and doesn’t get up… The crowd spreads out to give him some room to breathe. The sun disappears over the horizon, the call to prayer rings out, and the ceremony comes to a close. I then discover the extreme social range of the Sufis: businessmen rub shoulders with paupers. Ali, a rich businessman explains to me that the Sufis preach peace and a moderate Islam. “We are a bit like the hippies of Islam!” he tells me with a laugh. Some of the hair-dos around me, made from dreadlocks, remind me more of the Rastafari!

 

© Eric Lafforgue

www.ericlafforgue.com

I was In front of the " Ma3gazin wall " in Tangier , a photographer approached to me, we started talking and after a while, he said : " You are a Muslim but your clothes looks like infidels clothes, you should be dressed as Muslims." I replied him : "These clothes promoted me, raised my place in this country and boost my pocket, I do not need to steal or beg because I collect money with my clothes, and it saved me from several positions, but religion, let it aside because God don't looks to our appearance, but to our hearts."

 

2Pac ft. Sierra Deaton - Little Do You Know (NodaMixMusic Mashup)

🎵🎧✈️🗻💝

 

STRANGERS PROJECT:

I always had the power of seeing something different in people. I had the idea of creating this project in 2014 when I realize I’m shooting a lot of portraits for my friends, clients, people on the street… So I transformed this passion into an artistic project where my goal wasn’t take just average pictures of strangers, but make portraits of them that reveals something.

It’s an on-going project which I want to take 100 portraits stories.

 

Instagram | Behance

Explore 6 Dic.2011 # 393

 

Rosa

 

El género Rosa está formado por un conocido grupo de arbustos espinosos y floridos representantes principales de la familia de las rosáceas. Se denomina rosa a la flor de los miembros de este género y rosal a la planta.

 

El número de especies ronda los 100, la mayoría originarias de Asia y un reducido número nativas de Europa, Norteamérica y África noroccidental. Tanto especies como cultivares e híbridos se cultivan como ornamentales por la belleza y fragancia de su flor; pero también para la extracción de aceite esencial, utilizado en perfumería y cosmética, usos medicinales (fitoterapia) y gastronómicos.

 

Existe una enorme variedad de cultivares (más de 30 000) a partir de diversas hibridaciones, y cada año aparecen otros nuevos. Las especies progenitoras mayormente implicadas en los cultivares son: Rosa moschata, Rosa gallica, Rosa damascena, Rosa wichuraiana, Rosa californica y Rosa rugosa. Los cultivadores de rosas del siglo XX se centraron en el tamaño y el color, para producir flores grandes y atractivas, aunque con poco o ningún aroma. Muchas rosas silvestres y «pasadas de moda», por el contrario, tienen una fragancia dulce y fuerte.

 

Las rosas están entre las flores más comunes vendidas por los floristas. El rosal es una de las plantas más populares de los jardines, incluso existen jardines específicos llamados rosaledas, donde se exponen únicamente los miembros del género, cuya variedad es tan extensa que comprende desde rosales miniatura de 10 ó 15 cm de altura, hasta grandes arbustos, trepadores que alcanzan varios metros de altura o rastreros utilizados como cubre suelos.

 

Etimología

 

En español —y para otras lenguas romances también—, el término «rosa» proviene directamente y sin cambios del latín rosa, con el significado que conocemos: «la rosa» o «la flor del rosal»; devenido del vocablo previo rodia [ródja] —por cambio similar como en: ClauSus por ClauDIus—. Éste último arcaísmo latino es, a su vez, prestado —a través del osco— del griego antiguo ρόδον [RhÓDON] «la rosa», «la flor del rosal» o mejor RhODÉA, «el tallo de la rosa», «el sostén de la flor».

 

A partir del griego antiguo se alude el posible significado de rhódon como «efluvio oloroso», «lo que es fragante», o «lo que desprende olor»; originado como término compuesto: por ροήdon o sino también de wrodion [bródion] en el antiguo dialecto eólico, raíces correspondientes con el persa antiguo VeReDa o V'ReDa (y sus dialectos: avéstico WaRDa, sogdiano WaRD y parto WâR), como una voz irania traspasada desde el sur de Armenia a Frigia y de ahí a Grecia.

Y previamente de un origen tan antiguo como del arameo wurrdā y hasta del asirio wurtinnu.

 

En cuanto a la base, el núcleo deriva de una raíz indoeuropea vardh- [wardh], vradh- [wradh], «crecer», «erguir(se)»; donde en sánscrito wardh-as, significa «germinante», y wardhati, «elevar(se)», «prosperar».

 

Por otra parte, puede ser un derivado de una raíz grecolatina VRAD-, «plegarse», «hacerse flexible». Y por ahí también el griego rodanós, rádinos, y el eólico bradinós, «blando» o «flexible». Color claro.

 

Rosa también es un término coincidente con varios nombres germánicos que tienen la raíz hrod, con el significado de «gloria».

 

Descripción

 

Escaramujos de Rosa canina.Los rosales son arbustos o trepadoras (a veces colgantes) generalmente espinosos, que alcanzan entre 2 a 5 metros de alto, en ocasiones llegan a los 20 m trepando sobre otras plantas. Tienen tallos semileñosos, casi siempre erectos (a veces rastreros), algunos de textura rugosa y escamosa, con notables formaciones epidérmicas de variadas formas, persistentes y bien desarrolladas (aguijones).

Las hojas pueden ser perennes o caducas, pecioladas e imparipinnadas con entre 5 a 9 folíolos de borde aserrado y estípulas basales. Es frecuente la presencia de glándulas anexas sobre los márgenes, odoríferas o no.

Las flores, que surgen en inflorescencias racimosas, formando corimbos, son generalmente aromáticas, completas y hermafroditas; regulares, con simetría radial (actinomorfas). El perianto está bien desarrollado. El hipanto o receptáculo floral prominente en forma de urna (tálamo cóncavo y profundo). El cáliz es dialisépalo, de 5 piezas de color verde. Los sépalos pueden ser simples, o a veces de forma compleja con lobulaciones laterales estilizadas. Corola dialipétala, simétrica, formada de 5 pétalos regulares (o múltiplos de 5), a veces escotados, y de variados colores llamativos, también blancos. La corola suele ser "doble" o "plena" por transformación de los estambres en pétalos, mayormente en los cultivares. El androceo está compuesto por numerosos estambres dispuestos en espiral (varios verticilos), generalmente en número múltiplo de los pétalos (5x). El gineceo apocárpico (compuesto por varios pistilos separados). Nectario presente, que atrae insectos para favorecer la polinización, predominantemente entomófila. Perigina (ovario medio), numerosos carpelos uniovulados (un primordio seminal por cada carpelo), así cada carpelo produce un aquenio.

El fruto de la flor es una infrutescencia conocida como cinorrodón o escaramujo, un "fruto" compuesto por múltiples frutos secos pequeños (poliaquenio) separados y encerrados en un receptáculo carnoso (hipantio) y de color vistoso cuando está maduro.

 

Simbologías varias

 

Las rosas son símbolos antiguos del amor y de la belleza. La rosa era sagrada para un número considerable de diosas (deidades femeninas) de la antiguedad, y se utiliza a menudo como símbolo de la Virgen María. Las rosas son tan importantes que de ellas derivan términos como color rosa o rojo en una considerable variedad de idiomas.

 

Las rosas vienen en una variedad de colores, cada uno con un diverso significado simbólico:

 

Azul: representa milagros y nuevas posibilidades

Rojo: amor, pasión

Rosado: tolerancia, secreto

Rosado Oscuro: gratitud

Rosado Ligero: admiración, condolencia

Blanco: inocencia, pureza, pristinidad, alma. (véase también: Rosa Blanca)

Amarillo: amor muriéndose, celos, orgullo, vergüenza, infidelidad, (aunque también puede significar amistad)

Naranja: pasión exaltada

Borgoña: belleza

Negro: sexo

La rosa también es el símbolo de dos dinastías reales inglesas: la Casa de Lancaster (rosa roja) y la Casa de York (rosa blanca) que se vieron enfrentadas en la conocida como Guerra de las Dos Rosas.

 

También es el emblema de la Selección de rugby de Inglaterra, que es conocida como «el XV de la rosa».

 

La rosa roja(generalmente agarrada por una mano izquierda) es también es el símbolo de los socialdemócratas, en recuerdo de Rosa de Luxemburgo, pensadora y mártir del pensamiento socialista. Es empleada por la mayoría de colectivos de esta ideología, como el español Partido Socialista Obrero Español.

   

Our views regarding the Ahmadiyya Muslim community.

 

www.youtube.com/watch?v=19GoE4Ed0RA

 

Main points:

 

⁃Unfortunately, many religious people, especially in Pakistan, are extremists and do not think for themselves in regards to the religion. They act upon hearsay and clearly lack fundamental knowledge about their religion. Many Muslims have hatred for Ahmadis due to what they have been told by their religious clerics.

 

⁃There are many misconceptions about the Ahmadis that are widespread in the broader Muslim community. The religious clerics today are involved in spreading sectarian hatred. There is negative propaganda spread by religious clerics that Ahmadis do not believe in Prophet Mohammad as the last prophet. However, this is not true.

 

⁃Tahaffuz Khatm-e-Nabuwwat is a branch of Wahhabism which entraps Sufis and anyone they find threatening to their agenda in false cases in Pakistan. They stop at nothing to accuse them of claiming to be a prophet or committing blasphemy. These are the same people who went after the Awaited One Lord Ra Riaz Gohar Shahi. Today, they are targeting Ahmadis.

 

- Mehdi Foundation International, Messiah Foundation International and Kalki Avatar Foundation are followers of the Awaited One Lord Ra Riaz Gohar Shahi. We are not Shias, Sunnis, Ahmadis, etc. We respect all prophets, messengers and religions. We believe Prophet Mohammad is the last prophet.

 

-According to the teachings of Imam Mehdi Gohar Shahi, no one is an infidel. The followers of Imam Mehdi Gohar Shahi are taught to not even label an infidel as an infidel, on the chance that one day they may obtain faith and become a true believer, or even a saint of God.

 

- Ahmadis, the followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiyani, are not infidels. They are like any other sect in Islam. In fact, Ahmadis are better than Wahhabis. It is possible for an Ahmadi to obtain faith in Imam Mehdi Gohar Shahi; however, it is impossible for Wahhabis to obtain faith.

 

Testing "Photoshop Mixer" App for iOS. Edited on iPad Pro 12.6"

Más / More tikorphotography.com | Facebook

  

"Evolucionar constituye una infidelidad... A los demás, al pasado... A las antiguas opiniones de uno mismo. Cada día debería tener al menos una infidelidad esencial, una traición necesaria. Se trataría de un acto optimista, esperanzador, que garantizaría la fe en el futuro. Una afirmación no sólo de que las cosas pueden ser diferentes, sino mejores".

 

(Todas las canciones hablan de mí)

LAS ROSAS AMARILLAS

"Significa regocijo, felicidad, una bienvenida, amistad, celos, recuerdame..., me importas o te odio, piensa en mi".

  

Suele ser la rosa ideal para regalar a un adolescente.

Para los más supersticiosos, este color trae consigo una advertencia. Si la persona que las regala no es muy cercana, puede tener una segunda intención tras su sonrisa. Sin embargo, para la gente escéptica, las rosas amarillas significan satisfacción y alegría y son una buena forma de festejar entre amigos un cumpleaños o un día significativo.

Pero es un color excelente para demostrar satisfacción y alegría.

  

Casi siempre está asociado con la infidelidad y el engaño pero es también símbolo de lujo gloria y éxito.

 

Got bored and decided to make some terrorist figs, a couple of these might work for NAR troops in the Purge (mainly the two on the left).

 

Had fun making them, I'm in the middle of a few different builds....so some new scenes and vigs aren't that far away.

 

Fun Fact: This picture is a few days old. :3

Monumental church's tower keeping infidels out of this land.

«C'est une folie d'haïr toutes les roses

parce que une épine vous a piqué,

d'abandonner tous les rêves parce que

l'un d'entre eux ne s'est pas réalisé, de

renoncer à toutes les tentatives parce

qu'un 'a échoué...C 'est une folie de

condamner toutes les amitiés parce

qu'une vous a trahi, de ne croire

plus en l'amour juste parce qu'un

d'entre eux a été infidèle, de jeter toutes

les chances d'être heureux juste parce

que quelque chose n'est pas aller dans la

bonne direction.Il y aura «toujours une

autre occasion, un autre ami, un autre

amour, une force nouvelle. Pour chaque

fin il y a toujours un nouveau départ...»

(Le Petit Prince)

Todos los caminos trujillanos confluyen en su Plaza Mayor, centro neurálgico de la ciudad, rodeada de edificios de interés de enorme belleza.

 

En el centro de la Plaza destaca la estatua ecuestre de bronce de Francisco Pizarro, conquistador del Perú, obra del norteamericano Charles Rumsey.

 

Trujillo fue poblada tras su reconquista por ilustres linajes, en su mayoría procedentes del norte de la península:

 

Los Chaves; Los Bejarano, originarios de Beja (Portugal); Los Vargas; Los Orellana; Los Altamirano, procedentes de Altamiro (Ávila); Los Añasco; Los Tapia; etc.

 

En esta época de estirpes y linajes, donde para aumentar las posesiones y mejorar los linajes eran muy habituales los matrimonios obligados y de conveniencia, lo eran también y por esa causa las infidelidades y los hijos ilegítimos. Uno de los más ilustres y famosos ilegítimos fue el Trujillano: Francisco Pizarro.

   

Es recomendable que la veas en grande

 

Si te apetece, echa un vistazo a mi galería

 

The Fox Cabaret - Vancouver

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I was originally enrolled into the GETTY IMAGES collection as a contributor on April 9th 2012, and when links with FLICKR were terminated in March 2014, I was retained and fortunate enough to be signed up via a second contract, both of which have proved to be successful with sales of my photographs all over the world now handled exclusively by them.

    

On November 12th 2015 GETTY IMAGES unveiled plans for a new stills upload platform called ESP (Enterprise Submission Platform), to replace the existing 'Moment portal', and on November 13th I was invited to Beta test the new system prior to it being officially rolled out in December. ESP went live on Tuesday December 15th 2015 and has smoothed out the upload process considerably.

  

These days I take a far more leisurely approach to my photographic exploits, and having moved from professional Nikon equipment to consumer bodies and lenses, I travel light less constraints and more emphasis on the pure capture of the beauty that I see, more akin to my original persuits and goals some five decades previously when starting out. I would like to say a huge and heartfelt 'THANK YOU' to GETTY IMAGES, and the 22.148+ Million visitors to my FLICKR site.

  

***** Selected for sale in the GETTY IMAGES COLLECTION on November 13th 2017

  

CREATIVE RF gty.im/870374068 MOMENT OPEN COLLECTION**

  

This photograph became my 2,925th frame to be selected for sale in the Getty Images collection and I am very grateful to them for this wonderful opportunity.

  

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Infidel! Who, with they infinite wisdom,

Would grasp things infinite, and dost become

A scoffer of God’s holiest mysteries,

Behold this rock, then tremble and rejoice.

Tremble, for He who formed the mighty mass

Could in this justice crush thee where thou art.

Rejoice! that still His mercy spares thee.

  

This sobering warning was carved into Hanging Rock by a local printer, Mr J Phippen.

  

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Photograph taken at an altitude of Eighty metres at 12:25pm on Thursday 2nd November 2017 off Fairview Lane at The High Rocks, in Tunbridge Wells, Kent, England.

  

High Rocks is a 3.2 hectare (7.9 acre) geological Site of special scientific interest 3 km (1.9 mi) west of Tunbridge Wells in Rast Sussex, England. The site was notified in 1986 under the Wildlife and Counntryside Act 1981, and is an important geomorphological site for sandstone weathering features

  

The location was formed when a melting ice sheet at the end of the last Ice age uncovered hardened silt deposited when the area was part of the Wealden Lake. There are traces of Middle Stone Age and Iron Age residents, including a 1st-century A.D. fort guarding against the Roman invasion of Britain

  

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Nikon D7200 10mm 1/125s f/8.0 iso100 RAW (14Bit) Size L (6000x4000)DX. Hand held. Auto focus AF-C with 3D-tracking enabled. Manual exposure. Matrix metering. Auto white balance.Auto Active D-lighting. Adobe RGB. Auto distortion control enabled. Vignette control normal.

  

Nikkor AF-S 10-24mm f/3.5-4.5G ED. Phot-R 77mm UV filter.Nikon MB-D15 Battery grip pack. Nikon EN-EL battery (2). Hoodman H-EYEN22S soft rubber eyecup. Matin quick release neckstrap. My Memory 32GB Class 10 SDHC. Lowepro Flipside 400 AW camera bag. Nikon GP-1 GPS module.

  

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LATITUDE: N 51d 7m 22.60s

LONGITUDE: E 0d 13m 35.10s

ALTITUDE: 80.0m

  

RAW (TIFF) FILE SIZE: 69.00MB

PROCESSED (JPeg) SIZE: 34.60MB

  

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PROCESSING POWER:

 

Nikon D7200 Firmware versions A 1.10 C 1.02 (9/3/17) L 2.015 (Lens distortion control version 2)

 

HP 110-352na Desktop PC with AMD Quad-Core A6-5200 APU 64Bit processor. Radeon HD8400 graphics. 8 GB DDR3 Memory with 1TB SATA storage. 64-bit Windows 10. Verbatim USB 2.0 1TB desktop hard drive. WD My Passport Ultra 1tb USB3 Portable hard drive. Nikon ViewNX-1 64bit (Version 1.2.4 24/11/2016). Adobe photoshop Elements 8 Version 8.0 64bit.

   

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.

 

Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while not directly involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath has been controversial. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.

 

As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü and was honored with a state funeral.

 

In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.

 

The Turkish War of Independence (19 May 1919 – 24 July 1923) was a series of military campaigns and a revolution waged by the Turkish National Movement, after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and partitioned following its defeat in World War I. The conflict was between the Turkish Nationalists against Allied and separatist forces over the application of Wilsonian principles, especially national self-determination, in post-World War I Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. The revolution concluded the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; the Ottoman monarchy and the Islamic caliphate were abolished, and the Republic of Turkey was declared in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This resulted in a transfer of vested sovereignty from the sultan-caliph to the nation, setting the stage for Republican Turkey's period of nationalist revolutionary reform.

 

While World War I ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mudros, the Allied Powers continued occupying and securing land per the Sykes–Picot Agreement, as well as to facilitate the prosecution of former members of the Committee of Union and Progress and those involved in the Armenian genocide. Ottoman military commanders therefore refused orders from both the Allies and the Ottoman government to surrender and disband their forces. In an atmosphere of turmoil throughout the remainder of the empire, sultan Mehmed VI dispatched Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), a well-respected and high-ranking general, to Anatolia to restore order; however, Mustafa Kemal became an enabler and eventually leader of Turkish Nationalist resistance against the Ottoman government, Allied powers, and separatists.

 

In an attempt to establish control over the power vacuum in Anatolia, the Allies agreed to launch a Greek peacekeeping force into Anatolia and occupy Smyrna (İzmir), inflaming sectarian tensions and beginning the Turkish War of Independence. A nationalist counter government led by Mustafa Kemal was established in Ankara when it became clear the Ottoman government was appeasing the Allied powers. The Allies soon pressured the Ottoman government in Constantinople to suspend the Constitution, shutter Parliament, and sign the Treaty of Sèvres, a treaty unfavorable to Turkish interests that the "Ankara government" declared illegal.

 

In the ensuing war, Turkish and Syrian forces defeated the French in the south, and remobilized army units went on to partition Armenia with the Bolsheviks, resulting in the Treaty of Kars (October 1921). The Western Front of the independence war is known as the Greco-Turkish War, in which Greek forces at first encountered unorganized resistance. However, İsmet Pasha (İnönü)'s organization of militia into a regular army paid off when Ankara forces fought the Greeks in the First and Second Battle of İnönü. The Greek army emerged victorious in the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and decided to drive on the Nationalist capital of Ankara, stretching their supply lines. The Turks checked their advance in the Battle of Sakarya and eventually counter-attacked in the Great Offensive, which expelled Greek forces from Anatolia in the span of three weeks. The war effectively ended with the recapture of İzmir and the Chanak Crisis, prompting the signing of another armistice in Mudanya.

 

The Grand National Assembly in Ankara was recognized as the legitimate Turkish government, which signed the Treaty of Lausanne (July 1923), a treaty more favorable to Turkey than the Sèvres Treaty. The Allies evacuated Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Ottoman government was overthrown and the monarchy abolished, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (which remains Turkey's primary legislative body today) declared the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. With the war, a population exchange between Greece and Turkey, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms, the Turks created the modern, secular nation-state of Turkey. On 3 March 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was also abolished.

 

The ethnic demographics of the modern Turkish Republic were significantly impacted by the earlier Armenian genocide and the deportations of Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian Rum people. The Turkish Nationalist Movement carried out massacres and deportations to eliminate native Christian populations—a continuation of the Armenian genocide and other ethnic cleansing operations during World War I. Following these campaigns of ethnic cleansing, the historic Christian presence in Anatolia was destroyed, in large part, and the Muslim demographic had increased from 80% to 98%.

 

Following the chaotic politics of the Second Constitutional Era, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Committee of Union and Progress in a coup in 1913, and then further consolidated its control after the assassination of Mahmud Shevket Pasha.[citation needed] Founded as a radical revolutionary group seeking to prevent a collapse of the Ottoman Empire, by the eve of World War I it decided that the solution was to implement nationalist and centralizing policies. The CUP reacted to the losses of land and the expulsion of Muslims from the Balkan Wars by turning even more nationalistic. Part of its effort to consolidate power was to proscribe and exile opposition politicians from the Freedom and Accord Party to remote Sinop.

 

The Unionists brought the Ottoman Empire into World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, during which a genocidal campaign was waged against Ottoman Christians, namely Armenians, Pontic Greeks, and Assyrians. It was based on an alleged conspiracy that the three groups would rebel on the side of the Allies, so collective punishment was applied. A similar suspicion and suppression from the Turkish nationalist government was directed towards the Arab and Kurdish populations, leading to localized rebellions. The Entente powers reacted to these developments by charging the CUP leaders, commonly known as the Three Pashas, with "Crimes against humanity" and threatened accountability. They also had imperialist ambitions on Ottoman territory, with a major correspondence over a post-war settlement in the Ottoman Empire being leaked to the press as the Sykes–Picot Agreement. With Saint Petersburg's exit from World War I and descent into civil war, driven in part from the Ottomans' closure of the Turkish straits of goods bound to Russia, a new imperative was given to the Entente powers to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war to restart the Eastern Front.

 

World War I would be the nail in the coffin of Ottomanism, a monarchist and multicultural nationalism. Mistreatment of non-Turk groups after 1913, and the general context of great socio-political upheaval that occurred in the aftermath of World War I, meant many minorities now wished to divorce their future from imperialism to form futures of their own by separating into (often republican) nation-states.

 

In the summer months of 1918, the leaders of the Central Powers realized that the Great War was lost, including the Ottomans'. Almost simultaneously the Palestinian Front and then the Macedonian Front collapsed. The sudden decision by Bulgaria to sign an armistice cut communications from Constantinople (İstanbul) to Vienna and Berlin, and opened the undefended Ottoman capital to Entente attack. With the major fronts crumbling, Unionist Grand Vizier Talât Pasha intended to sign an armistice, and resigned on 8 October 1918 so that a new government would receive less harsh armistice terms. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918, ending World War I for the Ottoman Empire. Three days later, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—which governed the Ottoman Empire as a one-party state since 1913—held its last congress, where it was decided the party would be dissolved. Talât, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and five other high-ranking members of the CUP escaped the Ottoman Empire on a German torpedo boat later that night, plunging the country into a power vacuum.

 

The armistice was signed because the Ottoman Empire had been defeated in important fronts, but the military was intact and retreated in good order. Unlike other Central Powers, the Allies did not mandate an abdication of the imperial family as a condition for peace, nor did they request the Ottoman Army to dissolve its general staff. Though the army suffered from mass desertion throughout the war which led to banditry, there was no threat of mutiny or revolutions like in Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia. This is despite famine and economic collapse that was brought on by the extreme levels of mobilization, destruction from the war, disease, and mass murder since 1914.

 

Due to the Turkish nationalist policies pursued by the CUP against Ottoman Christians by 1918 the Ottoman Empire held control over a mostly homogeneous land of Muslims from Eastern Thrace to the Persian border. These included mostly Turks, as well as Kurds, Circassians, and Muhacir groups from Rumeli. Most Muslim Arabs were now outside of the Ottoman Empire and under Allied occupation, with some "imperialists" still loyal to the Ottoman Sultanate-Caliphate, and others wishing for independence or Allied protection under a League of Nations mandate. Sizable Greek and Armenian minorities remained within its borders, and most of these communities no longer wished to remain under the Empire.

 

On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to an end. The Ottoman Army was to demobilize, its navy and air force handed to the Allies, and occupied territory in the Caucasus and Persia to be evacuated. Critically, Article VII granted the Allies the right to occupy forts controlling the Turkish Straits and the vague right to occupy "in case of disorder" any territory if there were a threat to security. The clause relating to the occupation of the straits was meant to secure a Southern Russian intervention force, while the rest of the article was used to allow for Allied controlled peace-keeping forces. There was also a hope to follow through punishing local actors that carried out exterminatory orders from the CUP government against Armenian Ottomans. For now, the House of Osman escaped the fates of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Romanovs to continue ruling their empire, though at the cost of its remaining sovereignty.

 

On 13 November 1918, a French brigade entered Constantinople to begin a de facto occupation of the Ottoman capital and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of British, French, Italian and Greek ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day, totaling 50,000 troops in Constantinople. The Allied Powers stated that the occupation was temporary and its purpose was to protect the monarchy, the caliphate and the minorities. Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe—the British signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the Ottoman government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Constantinople". However, dismantling the government and partitioning the Ottoman Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.

 

A wave of seizures took place in the rest of the country in the following months. Citing Article VII, British forces demanded that Turkish troops evacuate Mosul, claiming that Christian civilians in Mosul and Zakho were killed en masse. In the Caucasus, Britain established a presence in Menshevik Georgia and the Lori and Aras valleys as peace-keepers. On 14 November, joint Franco-Greek occupation was established in the town of Uzunköprü in Eastern Thrace as well as the railway axis until the train station of Hadımköy on the outskirts of Constantinople. On 1 December, British troops based in Syria occupied Kilis, Marash, Urfa and Birecik. Beginning in December, French troops began successive seizures of the province of Adana, including the towns of Antioch, Mersin, Tarsus, Ceyhan, Adana, Osmaniye, and İslâhiye, incorporating the area into the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration North while French forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Black Sea ports of Zonguldak and Karadeniz Ereğli commanding Turkey's coal mining region. These continued seizures of land prompted Ottoman commanders to refuse demobilization and prepare for the resumption of war.

 

The British similarly asked Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) to turn over the port of Alexandretta (İskenderun), which he reluctantly did, following which he was recalled to Constantinople. He made sure to distribute weapons to the population to prevent them from falling into the hands of Allied forces. Some of these weapons were smuggled to the east by members of Karakol, a successor to the CUP's Special Organization, to be used in case resistance was necessary in Anatolia. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia.

 

Other commanders began refusing orders from the Ottoman government and the Allied powers. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Constantinople, Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) brought XX Corps under his command. He marched first to Konya and then to Ankara to organise resistance groups, such as the Circassian çetes he assembled with guerilla leader Çerkes Ethem. Meanwhile, Kazım Karabekir Pasha refused to surrender his intact and powerful XV Corps in Erzurum. Evacuation from the Caucusus, puppet republics and Muslim militia groups were established in the army's wake to hamper with the consolidation of the new Armenian state. Elsewhere in the country, regional nationalist resistance organizations known as Şuras –meaning "councils", not unlike soviets in revolutionary Russia– were founded, most pledging allegiance to the Defence of National Rights movement that protested continued Allied occupation and appeasement by the Sublime Porte.

 

Following the occupation of Constantinople, Mehmed VI Vahdettin dissolved the Chamber of Deputies which was dominated by Unionists elected back in 1914, promising elections for the next year. Vahdettin just ascended to the throne only months earlier with the death of Mehmed V Reşad. He was disgusted with the policies of the CUP, and wished to be a more assertive sovereign than his diseased half brother. Greek and Armenian Ottomans declared the termination of their relationship with the Ottoman Empire through their respective patriarchates, and refused to partake in any future election. With the collapse of the CUP and its censorship regime, an outpouring of condemnation against the party came from all parts of Ottoman media.

 

A general amnesty was soon issued, allowing the exiled and imprisoned dissidents persecuted by the CUP to return to Constantinople. Vahdettin invited the pro-Palace politician Damat Ferid Pasha, leader of the reconstituted Freedom and Accord Party, to form a government, whose members quickly set out to purge the Unionists from the Ottoman government. Ferid Pasha hoped that his Anglophilia and an attitude of appeasement would induce less harsh peace terms from the Allied powers. However, his appointment was problematic for nationalists, many being members of the liquidated committee that were surely to face trial. Years of corruption, unconstitutional acts, war profiteering, and enrichment from ethnic cleansing and genocide by the Unionists soon became basis of war crimes trials and courts martial trials held in Constantinople.[citation needed] While many leading Unionists were sentenced lengthy prison sentences, many made sure to escape the country before Allied occupation or to regions that the government now had minimal control over; thus most were sentenced in absentia. The Allies encouragement of the proceedings and the use of British Malta as their holding ground made the trials unpopular. The partisan nature of the trials was not lost on observers either. The hanging of the Kaymakam of Boğazlıyan district Mehmed Kemal resulted in a demonstration against the courts martials trials.

 

With all the chaotic politics in the capital and uncertainty of the severity of the incoming peace treaty, many Ottomans looked to Washington with the hope that the application of Wilsonian principles would mean Constantinople would stay Turkish, as Muslims outnumbered Christians 2:1. The United States never declared war on the Ottoman Empire, so many imperial elite believed Washington could be a neutral arbiter that could fix the empire's problems. Halide Edip (Adıvar) and her Wilsonian Principles Society led the movement that advocated for the empire to be governed by an American League of Nations Mandate (see United States during the Turkish War of Independence). American diplomats attempted to ascertain a role they could play in the area with the Harbord and King–Crane Commissions. However, with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's health, the United States diplomatically withdrew from the Middle East to focus on Europe, leaving the Entente powers to construct a post-Ottoman order.

 

The Entente would have arrived at Constantinople to discover an administration attempting to deal with decades of accumulated refugee crisis. The new government issued a proclamation allowing for deportees to return to their homes, but many Greeks and Armenians found their old homes occupied by desperate Rumelian and Caucasian Muslim refugees which were settled in their properties during the First World War. Ethnic conflict restarted in Anatolia; government officials responsible for resettling Christian refugees often assisted Muslim refugees in these disputes, prompting European powers to continue bringing Ottoman territory under their control. Of the 800,000 Ottoman Christian refugees, approximately over half returned to their homes by 1920. Meanwhile 1.4 million refugees from the Russian Civil War would pass through the Turkish straits and Anatolia, with 150,000 White émigrés choosing to settle in Istanbul for short or long term (see Evacuation of the Crimea). Many provinces were simply depopulated from years of fighting, conscription, and ethnic cleansing (see Ottoman casualties of World War I). The province of Yozgat lost 50% of its Muslim population from conscription, while according to the governor of Van, almost 95% of its prewar residents were dead or internally displaced.

 

Administration in much of the Anatolian and Thracian countryside would soon all but collapse by 1919. Army deserters who turned to banditry essentially controlled fiefdoms with tacit approval from bureaucrats and local elites. An amnesty issued in late 1918 saw these bandits strengthen their positions and fight amongst each other instead of returning to civilian life. Albanian and Circassian muhacirs resettled by the government in northwestern Anatolia and Kurds in southeastern Anatolia were engaged in blood feuds that intensified during the war and were hesitant to pledge allegiance to the Defence of Rights movement, and only would if officials could facilitate truces. Various Muhacir groups were suspicious of the continued Ittihadist ideology in the Defence of Rights movement, and the potential for themselves to meet fates 'like the Armenians' especially as warlords hailing from those communities assisted the deportations of the Christians even though as many commanders in the Nationalist movement also had Caucasian and Balkan Muslim ancestry.

 

With Anatolia in practical anarchy and the Ottoman army being questionably loyal in reaction to Allied land seizures, Mehmed VI established the military inspectorate system to reestablish authority over the remaining empire. Encouraged by Karabekir and Edmund Allenby, he assigned Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate –based in Erzurum– to restore order to Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919, with his first assignment to suppress a rebellion by Greek rebels around the city of Samsun.

 

Mustafa Kemal was a well known, well respected, and well connected army commander, with much prestige coming from his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar"—for his role in the Gallipoli Campaign—and his title of "Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan" gained in the last months of WWI. This choice would seem curious, as he was a nationalist and a fierce critic of the government's accommodating policy to the Entente powers. He was also an early member of the CUP. However Kemal Pasha did not associate himself with the fanatical faction of the CUP, many knew that he frequently clashed with the radicals of the Central Committee like Enver. He was therefore sidelined to the periphery of power throughout the Great War; after the CUP's dissolution he vocally aligned himself with moderates that formed the Liberal People's Party instead of the rump radical faction which formed the Renewal Party (both parties would be banned in May 1919 for being successors of the CUP). All these reasons allowed him to be the most legitimate nationalist for the sultan to placate. In this new political climate, he sought to capitalize on his war exploits to attain a better job, indeed several times he unsuccessfully lobbied for his inclusion in cabinet as War Minister. His new assignment gave him effective plenipotentiary powers over all of Anatolia which was meant to accommodate him and other nationalists to keep them loyal to the government.

 

Mustafa Kemal had earlier declined to become the leader of the Sixth Army headquartered in Nusaybin. But according to Patrick Balfour, through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, he became the inspector of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of remaining Ottoman forces. Kemal had an abundance of connections and personal friends concentrated in the post-armistice War Ministry, a powerful tool that would help him accomplish his secret goal: to lead a nationalist movement to safeguard Turkish interests against the Allied powers and a collaborative Ottoman government.

 

The day before his departure to Samsun on the remote Black Sea coast, Kemal had one last audience with Sultan Vahdettin, where he affirmed his loyalty to the sultan-caliph. It was in this meeting that they were informed of the botched occupation ceremony of Smyrna (İzmir) by the Greeks. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma on the evening of 16 May 1919.

 

On 19 January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference was first held, at which Allied nations set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Ottoman Empire. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey", was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. France expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon, Syria, and a portion of southeastern Anatolia based on the Sykes–Picot Agreement.

 

Greece justified their territorial claims of Ottoman land through the Megali Idea as well as international sympathy from the suffering of Ottoman Greeks in 1914 and 1917–1918. Privately, Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos had British prime minister David Lloyd George's backing not least from Greece's entrance to WWI on the Allied side, but also from his charisma and charming personality. Greece's participation in the Allies' Southern Russian intervention also earned it favors in Paris. His demands included parts of Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada), Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna (İzmir), all of which had large Greek populations. Venizelos also advocated a large Armenian state to check a post-war Ottoman Empire. Greece wanted to incorporate Constantinople, but Entente powers did not give permission. Damat Ferid Pasha went to Paris on behalf of the Ottoman Empire hoping to minimize territorial losses using Fourteen Points rhetoric, wishing for a return to status quo ante bellum, on the basis that every province of the Empire holds Muslim majorities. This plea was met with ridicule.

 

At the Paris Peace Conference, competing claims over Western Anatolia by Greek and Italian delegations led Greece to land the flagship of the Greek Navy at Smyrna, resulting in the Italian delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Italy responded to the possible idea of Greek incorporation of Western Anatolia by sending a warship to Smyrna as a show of force against the Greek campaign. A large Italian force also landed in Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna per Article VII, ostensibly as a peacekeeping force to keep stability in the region. Venizelos's rhetoric was more directed against the CUP regime than the Turks as a whole, an attitude not always shared in the Greek military: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic [İttihadist] Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would control a zone around Smyrna and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor.

 

Most historians mark the Greek landing at Smyrna on 15 May 1919 as the start date of the Turkish War of Independence as well as the start of the "Kuva-yi Milliye Phase". The occupation ceremony from the outset was tense from nationalist fervor, with Ottoman Greeks greeting the soldiers with an ecstatic welcome, and Ottoman Muslims protesting the landing. A miscommunication in Greek high command led to an Evzone column marching by the municipal Turkish barracks. The nationalist journalist Hasan Tahsin fired the "first bullet"[note 4] at the Greek standard bearer at the head of the troops, turning the city into a warzone. Süleyman Fethi Bey was murdered by bayonet for refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" (meaning "long live Venizelos"), and 300–400 unarmed Turkish soldiers and civilians and 100 Greek soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded.

 

Greek troops moved from Smyrna outwards to towns on the Karaburun peninsula; to Selçuk, situated a hundred kilometres south of the city at a key location that commands the fertile Küçük Menderes River valley; and to Menemen towards the north. Guerilla warfare commenced in the countryside, as Turks began to organize themselves into irregular guerilla groups known as Kuva-yi Milliye (national forces), which were soon joined by Ottoman soldiers, bandits, and disaffected farmers. Most Kuva-yi Milliye bands were led by rogue military commanders and members of the Special Organization. The Greek troops based in cosmopolitan Smyrna soon found themselves conducting counterinsurgency operations in a hostile, dominantly Muslim hinterland. Groups of Ottoman Greeks also formed contingents that cooperated with the Greek Army to combat Kuva-yi Milliye within the zone of control. A massacre of Turks at Menemen was followed up with a battle for the town of Aydın, which saw intense intercommunal violence and the razing of the city. What was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission of Western Anatolia instead inflamed ethnic tensions and became a counterinsurgency.

 

The reaction of Greek landing at Smyrna and continued Allied seizures of land served to destabilize Turkish civil society. Ottoman bureaucrats, military, and bourgeoisie trusted the Allies to bring peace, and thought the terms offered at Mudros were considerably more lenient than they actually were. Pushback was potent in the capital, with 23 May 1919 being largest of the Sultanahmet Square demonstrations organized by the Turkish Hearths against the Greek occupation of Smyrna, the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history at that point. The Ottoman government condemned the landing, but could do little about it. Ferid Pasha tried to resign, but was urged by the sultan to stay in his office.

 

Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his colleagues stepped ashore in Samsun on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mıntıka Palace Hotel. British troops were present in Samsun, and he initially maintained cordial contact. He had assured Damat Ferid about the army's loyalty towards the new government in Constantinople. However, behind the government's back, Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged discreet mass meetings, made fast connections via telegraph with the army units in Anatolia, and began to form links with various Nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Kemal and his staff moved to Havza. It was there that he first showed the flag of the resistance.

 

Mustafa Kemal wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. His credentials and the importance of his position were not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he met with various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Pasha, Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuat Pasha, and Refet Pasha and issued the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919). Ottoman provincial authorities were notified via telegraph that the unity and independence of the nation was at risk, and that the government in Constantinople was compromised. To remedy this, a congress was to take place in Erzurum between delegates of the Six Vilayets to decide on a response, and another congress would take place in Sivas where every Vilayet should send delegates. Sympathy and an lack of coordination from the capital gave Mustafa Kemal freedom of movement and telegraph use despite his implied anti-government tone.

 

On 23 June, High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realising the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about the Pasha to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst of the British occupation force in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with the Brigade of Gurkhas. When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the armistice that he had signed and was assigned to another position on 5 August 1919. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced them that Mustafa Kemal was right.

 

By early July, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received telegrams from the sultan and Calthorpe, asking him and Refet to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Constantinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the sultan's plans. Before resigning from his position, he dispatched a circular to all nationalist organizations and military commanders to not disband or surrender unless for the latter if they could be replaced by cooperative nationalist commanders. Now only a civilian stripped of his command, Mustafa Kemal was at the mercy of the new inspector of Third Army (renamed from Ninth Army) Karabekir Pasha, indeed the War Ministry ordered him to arrest Kemal, an order which Karabekir refused. The Erzurum Congress was a meeting of delegates and governors from the six Eastern Vilayets. They drafted the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which envisioned new borders for the Ottoman Empire by applying principles of national self-determination per Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the abolition of the capitulations. The Erzurum Congress concluded with a circular that was effectively a declaration of independence: All regions within Ottoman borders upon the signing of the Mudros Armistice were indivisible from the Ottoman state –Greek and Armenian claims on Thrace and Anatolia were moot– and assistance from any country not coveting Ottoman territory was welcome. If the government in Constantinople was not able to attain this after electing a new parliament, they insisted a provisional government should be promulgated to defend Turkish sovereignty. The Committee of Representation was established as a provisional executive body based in Anatolia, with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its chairman.

 

Following the congress, the Committee of Representation relocated to Sivas. As announced in the Amasya Circular, a new congress was held there in September with delegates from all Anatolian and Thracian provinces. The Sivas Congress repeated the points of the National Pact agreed to in Erzurum, and united the various regional Defence of National Rights Associations organizations, into a united political organisation: Anatolia and Rumeli Defence of Rights Association (A-RMHC), with Mustafa Kemal as its chairman. In an effort show his movement was in fact a new and unifying movement, the delegates had to swear an oath to discontinue their relations with the CUP and to never revive the party (despite most present in Sivas being previous members).[120] It was also decided there that the Ottoman Empire should not be a League of Nations mandate under the United States, especially after the U.S Senate failed to ratify American membership in the League.

 

Momentum was now on the Nationalists' side. A plot by a loyalist Ottoman governor and a British intelligence officer to arrest Kemal before the Sivas Congress led to the cutting of all ties with the Ottoman government until a new election would be held in the lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1919, the last Ottoman governor loyal to Constantinople fled his province. Fearing the outbreak of hostilities, all British troops stationed in the Black Sea coast and Kütahya were evacuated. Damat Ferid Pasha resigned, and the sultan replaced him with a general with nationalist credentials: Ali Rıza Pasha. On 16 October 1919, Ali Rıza and the Nationalists held negotiations in Amasya. They agreed in the Amasya Protocol that an election would be called for the Ottoman Parliament to establish national unity by upholding the resolutions made in the Sivas Congress, including the National Pact.

 

By October 1919, the Ottoman government only held de facto control over Constantinople; the rest of the Ottoman Empire was loyal to Kemal's movement to resist a partition of Anatolia and Thrace. Within a few months Mustafa Kemal went from General Inspector of the Ninth Army to a renegade military commander discharged for insubordination to leading a homegrown anti-Entente movement that overthrew a government and driven it into resistance.

 

In December 1919, an election was held for the Ottoman parliament, with polls only open in unoccupied Anatolia and Thrace. It was boycotted by Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians and the Freedom and Accord Party, resulting in groups associated with the Turkish Nationalist Movement winning, including the A-RMHC. The Nationalists' obvious links to the CUP made the election especially polarizing and voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing in favor of the Kemalists were regular occurrences in rural provinces. This controversy led to many of the nationalist MPs organizing the National Salvation Group separate from Kemal's movement, which risked the nationalist movement splitting in two.

 

Mustafa Kemal was elected an MP from Erzurum, but he expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal and the Committee of Representation moved from Sivas to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Constantinople to attend the parliament.

 

Though Ali Rıza Pasha called the election as per the Amasya Protocol to keep unity between the "Istanbul government" and "Ankara government", he was wrong to think the election could bring him any legitimacy. The Ottoman parliament was under the de facto control of the British battalion stationed at Constantinople and any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the battalion's commanding officer. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.

 

On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey was in Ankara in the name of the Committee of Representation. On 28 January the MPs from both sides of the isle secretly met to endorse the National Pact as a peace settlement. They added to the points passed in Sivas, calling for plebiscites to be held in West Thrace; Batum, Kars, and Ardahan, and Arab lands on whether to stay in the Empire or not. Proposals were also made to elect Kemal president of the Chamber;[clarification needed] however, this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies would be forcefully dissolved for passing the National Pact anyway. The National Pact solidified Nationalist interests, which were in conflict with the Allied plans.

 

From February to April, leaders of Britain, France, and Italy met in London to discuss the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the crisis in Anatolia. The British began to sense that the elected Ottoman government was under Kemalist influence and if left unchecked, the Entente could once again find themselves at war with the Empire. The Ottoman government was not doing all that it could to suppress the Nationalists.

 

Mustafa Kemal manufactured a crisis to pressure the Istanbul government to pick a side by deploying Kuva-yi Milliye towards İzmit. The British, concerned about the security of the Bosporus Strait, demanded Ali Rıza Pasha to reassert control over the area, to which he responded with his resignation to the sultan.

 

As they were negotiating the partition of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies were growing increasingly concerned about the Turkish National Movement. To this end, the Allied occupational authorities in Istanbul began to plan a raid to arrest nationalist politicians and journalists along with occupying military and police installations and government buildings. On 16 March 1920, the coup was carried out; several Royal Navy warships were anchored in the Galata Bridge to support British forces, including the Indian Army, while they carried out the arrests and occupied several government buildings in the early hours of the morning.

 

An Indian Army operation, the Şehzadebaşı raid, resulted in 5 Ottoman soldiers from the 10th Infantry Division being killed when troops raided their barracks. Among those arrested were the senior leadership of the Turkish National Movement and former members of the CUP. 150 arrested Turkish politicians accused of war crimes were interned in Malta and became known as the Malta exiles.

 

Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the Nationalist organisations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to counter Allied movements was to organise protests. He declared "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence – its entire future".

 

On 18 March, the Chamber of Deputies declared that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members, and dissolved itself. Mehmed VI confirmed this and declared the end of Constitutional Monarchy and a return to absolutism. University students were forbidden from joining political associations inside and outside the classroom. With the lower elected Chamber of Deputies shuttered, the Constitution terminated, and the capital occupied; Sultan Vahdettin, his cabinet, and the appointed Senate were all that remained of the Ottoman government, and were basically a puppet regime of the Allied powers. Grand Vizier Salih Hulusi Pasha declared Mustafa Kemal's struggle legitimate, and resigned after less than a month in office. In his place, Damat Ferid Pasha returned to the premiership. The Sublime Porte's decapitation by the Entente allowed Mustafa Kemal to consolidate his position as the sole leader of Turkish resistance against the Allies, and to that end made him the legitimate representative of the Turkish people.

 

The strong measures taken against the Nationalists by the Allies in March 1920 began a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a new parliament to represent the Ottoman (Turkish) people, which would convene in Ankara. With the proclamation of the counter-government, Kemal would then ask the sultan to accept its authority. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the caliph from the Allies. He found an ally in the Khilafat movement of British India, where Indians protested Britain's planned dismemberment of Turkey. A committee was also started for sending funds to help the soon to be proclaimed Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip and Abdülhak Adnan (Adıvar), Mustafa İsmet Pasha (İnönü), Mustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), many of Kemal's allies in the Ministry of War, and Celalettin Arif, the president of the now shuttered Chamber of Deputies. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as he declared that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally.

 

Some 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced the establishment of a new parliament in Ankara known as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNA) that was dominated by the A-RMHC.[citation needed] The parliament included Turks, Circassians, Kurds, and one Jew. They met in a building that used to serve as the provincial headquarters of the local CUP chapter. The inclusion of "Turkey" in its name reflected a increasing trend of new ways Ottoman citizens thought of their country, and was the first time it was formally used as the name of the country. On 23 April, the assembly, assuming full governmental powers, gathered for the first time, electing Mustafa Kemal its first Speaker and Prime Minister.

 

Hoping to undermine the Nationalist Movement, Mehmed VI issued a fatwa to qualify the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, calling for the death of its leaders. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the Nationalist Movement as they committed apostasy. The mufti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi issued a simultaneous fatwa, declaring that the caliphate was under the control of the Entente and the Ferid Pasha government. In this text, the Nationalist Movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultanate and the caliphate from its enemies. In reaction to the desertion of several prominent figures to the Nationalist Movement, Ferid Pasha ordered Halide Edip, Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal to be sentenced to death in absentia for treason.

 

On 28 April the sultan raised 4,000 soldiers known as the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye (Caliphate Army) to combat the Nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, another force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants were initially deployed in İznik. The sultan's government sent the forces under the name of the Caliphate Army to the revolutionaries to arouse counterrevolutionary sympathy. The British, being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counteract the revolutionaries. The Nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many smaller units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat and Refet Pasha.

 

Anatolia had many competing forces on its soil: British troops, Nationalist militia (Kuva-yi Milliye), the sultan's army (Kuva-yi İnzibatiye), and Anzavur's bands. On 13 April 1920, an uprising supported by Anzavur against the GNA occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the fatwa. Within days the rebellion spread to Bolu and Gerede. The movement engulfed northwestern Anatolia for about a month. On 14 June, Nationalist militia fought a pitched battle near İzmit against the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye, Anzavur's bands, and British units. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye deserted and joined the Nationalist militia. Anzavur was not so lucky, as the Nationalists tasked Ethem the Circassian with crushing Anzavur's revolt. This revealed the sultan did not have the unwavering support of his own men and allies. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held their position. For now, Istanbul was out of Ankara's grasp.

 

The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. British forces conducted combat operations on the Nationalists and the Royal Air Force carried out aerial bombardments against the positions, which forced Nationalist forces to temporarily retreat to more secure missions. The British commander in Turkey, General George Milne—, asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish Nationalists. The report, signed by French Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, concluded that 27 divisions were necessary, but the British army did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the British public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.

 

The British accepted the fact that a nationalist movement could not be defeated without deployment of consistent and well-trained forces. On 25 June, the forces originating from Kuva-i İnzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The British realised that the best option to overcome these Turkish Nationalists was to use a force that was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor already occupying its territory: Greece.

 

Eleftherios Venizelos, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Anatolia, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the hope that fighting would stop. The subsequent treaty of Sèvres in August 1920 confirmed the Arab provinces of the empire would be reorganized into new nations given to Britain and France in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while the rest of the Empire would be partitioned between Greece, Italy, France (via Syrian mandate), Britain (via Iraqi mandate), Armenia (potentially under an American mandate), and Georgia. Smyrna would hold a plebiscite on whether to stay with Greece or Turkey, and the Kurdistan region would hold one on the question of independence. British, French, and Italian spheres of influence would also extend into Anatolia beyond the land concessions. The old capital of Constantinople as well as the Dardanelles would be under international League of Nations control.

 

However, the treaty could never come into effect. The treaty was extremely unpopular, with protests against the final document held even before its release in Sultanahmet square. Though Mehmed VI and Ferid Pasha loathed the treaty, they did not want Istanbul to join Ankara in nationalist struggle. The Ottoman government and Greece never ratified it. Though Ferid Pasha signed the treaty, the Ottoman Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the sultan, refused to ratify the treaty. Greece disagreed on the borders drawn. The other allies began to fracture their support of the settlement immediately. Italy started openly supporting the Nationalists with arms by the end of 1920, and the French signed another separate peace treaty with Ankara only months later.

 

Kemal's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Sèvres by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected sultan, but from the Turkish people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the sultan's signature of the Treaty of Sèvres would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the sultan, the document gave Kemal ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Turks for justified resistance against Istanbul.

 

In contrast to the Eastern and Western fronts, it was mostly unorganized Kuva-yi Milliye which were fighting in the Southern Front against France. They had help from the Syrians, who were fighting their own war with the French.

 

The British troops which occupied coastal Syria by the end of World War I were replaced by French troops over 1919, with the Syrian interior going to Faisal bin Al-Hussein's self-proclaimed Arab Kingdom of Syria. France which wanted to take control of all of Syria and Cilicia. There was also a desire facilitate the return of Armenian refugees in the region to their homes, and the occupation force consisted of the French Armenian Legion as well as various Armenian militia groups. 150,000 Armenians were repatriated to their homes within months of French occupation. On 21 January 1920, a Turkish Nationalist uprising and siege occurred against the French garrison in Marash. The French position untenable they retreated to Islahiye, resulting in a massacre of many Armenians by Turkish militia. A grueling siege followed in Antep which featured intense sectarian violence between Turks and Armenians. After a failed uprising by the Nationalists in Adana, by 1921, the French and Turks signed an armistice and eventually a treaty was brokered demarcating the border between the Ankara government and French controlled Syria. In the end, there was a mass exodus of Cilician Armenians to French controlled Syria, Previous Armenian survivors of deportation found themselves again as refugees and families which avoided the worst of the six years violence were forced from their homes, ending thousands of years of Christian presence in Southern Anatolia.[146] With France being the first Allied power to recognize and negotiate with the Ankara government only months after signing the Treaty of Sèvres, it was the first to break from the coordinated Allied approach to the Eastern question. In 1923 the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under French authority would be proclaimed in former Ottoman territory.

 

Some efforts to coordinate between Turkish Nationalists and the Syrian rebels persisted from 1920 to 1921, with the Nationalists supporting the Faisal's kingdom through Ibrahim Hanunu and Alawite groups which were also fighting the French. While the French conquered Syria, Cilicia had to be abandoned.

 

Kuva-yi Milliye also engaged with British forces in the "Al-Jazira Front," primarily in Mosul. Ali İhsan Pasha (Sabis) and his forces defending Mosul would surrender to the British in October 1918, but the British ignored the armistice and seized the city, following which the pasha also ignored the armistice and distributed weapons to the locals. Even before Mustafa Kemal's movement was fully organized, rogue commanders found allies in Kurdish tribes. The Kurds detested the taxes and centralization the British demanded, including Shaykh Mahmud of the Barzani family. Having previously supported the British invasion of Mesopotamia to become the governor of South Kurdistan, Mahmud revolted but was apprehended by 1919. Without legitimacy to govern the region, he was released from captivity to Sulaymaniyah, where he again declared an uprising against the British as the King of Kurdistan. Though an alliance existed with the Turks, little material support came to him from Ankara, and by 1923 there was a desire to cease hostilities between the Turks and British at Barzanji's expense. Mahmud was overthrown in 1924, and after a 1926 plebiscite, Mosul was awarded to British-controlled Iraq.

 

Since 1917, the Caucasus was in a chaotic state. The border of newly independent Armenia and the Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (4 June 1918). To the east, Armenia was at war with the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic after the breakup of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, and received support from Anton Denikin's White Russian Army. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn, which mandated the evacuation of the Ottoman army back to its 1914 borders. Right after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, pro-Ottoman provisional republics were proclaimed in Kars and Aras which were subsequently invaded by Armenia. Ottoman soldiers were convinced not to demobilize lest the area become a 'second Macedonia'.[149] Both sides of the new borders had massive refugee populations and famine, which were compounded by the renewed and more symmetric sectarian violence (See Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia (1917–1921) and Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan). There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Allied Powers on reshaping the border. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer territories to Armenia based on the principles of national self-determination. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920).

 

Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, commander of the XV corps, encountered Muslim refugees fleeing from the Armenian army, but did not have the authority to cross the border. Karabekir's two reports (30 May and 4 June 1920) outlined the situation in the region. He recommended redrawing the eastern borders, especially around Erzurum. The Russian government was receptive to this and demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. However, Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish Nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami (Kunduh) was assigned to negotiate with the Bolsheviks.

 

On 24 September 1920, Karabekir's XV corps and Kurdish militia advance on Kars, blowing through Armenian opposition, and then Alexandropol. With an advance on Yerevan imminent, on 28 November 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Gekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government surrendered to Bolshevik forces, ending the conflict.

 

The Treaty of Alexandropol (2—3 December 1920) was the first treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. The 10th article in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres and its allotted partition of Anatolia. The agreement was signed with representatives of the former government of Armenia, which by that time had no de jure or de facto power in Armenia, since Soviet rule was already established in the country. On 16 March 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.

 

Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.

 

Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.

 

In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.

Batman: Sins of the Father (2018-) # 1

Based on the acclaimed videogame series from Telltale Games, this new digital-first comic tells the story of events between the first and second seasons. Someone is killing people associated with Arkham Asylum during the time Thomas Wayne was forcibly committing people there. Suspicion falls on the families suing Bruce Wayne to pay for the harm caused by his father. Batman has other ideas, but his investigation leads to him becoming the target of a deadly assassin.

 

Batman: Sins of the Father (2018-) # 2

It’s a deadly game of cat and mouse as Batman tries to stop Deadshot from killing former Arkham Asylum employees, while also trying to determine just who he is and why he’s targeting them. Then Batman goes up against the Black Spider—does he work for Deadshot or one of the new mystery figures making waves in the Gotham underworld?

 

Southern Cross # 14

THE CRYPT DIMENSION Part Two Trapped on the Southern Cross, Hazel and her crew have just as much to fear from each other as they do the alien-possessed undead that are haunting the ship.

 

Infidel # 1

Bestselling editor PORNSAK PICHETSHOTE (Swamp Thing) makes his comics-writing debut alongside artist extraordinaire AARON CAMPBELL (The Shadow), award-winning colorist and editor JOSÉ VILLARRUBIA (Promethea) and letterer / designer JEFF POWELL (SCALES & SCOUNDRELS).

 

Hit-Girl # 1

HIT-GIRL IS BACK! The pint-sized Punisher-meets-Polly-Pocket has left America behind and set off to serve justice around the world. First stop: Colombia. A mother seeking vengeance for the murder of her child enlists Hit-Girl to destroy his killer, but Mindy has bigger plans for Colombia's most feared hitman. MARK MILLAR and RICARDO LOPEZ ORTIZ join forces for the first chapter of Hit-Girl's world tour in this new, ongoing monthly series.

 

Saban's Go Go Power Rangers # 8

With Rita’s plan throwing chaos into the personal lives of the Power Rangers, Billy faces a difficult choice...

 

Black Betty # 2

Find the girl? Check. Kill the monster? Working on it. Black Betty is on her way to earning her latest paycheck when she comes across a big snag in her plans. More accurately; two snags.

 

The Amazing Spider-Man # 796 (Second Printing)

You’ve watched for months as Norman Osborn has scoured the globe for a cure to the genetic tampering that prevents him from becoming the Green Goblin. IN THIS ISSUE…HE FINDS IT! And it spells the worst kind of trouble for your Friendly Neighborhood Spider-Man!

 

WWE # 15

The Women’s Evolution continues as the Four Horsewomen— Becky Lynch, Charlotte Flair, Bayley, and Sasha Banks—climb the ranks of NXT. Plus, the second chapter of the backup story spotlighting the rise of Asuka from Tini Howard (Mighty Morphin Power Rangers: Pink) and Hyeonjin Kim (Sisters of Sorrow)!

Fox Cabaret - Vancouver

Gel, gel, ne olursan ol yine gel,

ister kafir, ister mecusi,

ister puta tapan ol yine gel,

bizim dergahımız, ümitsizlik dergahı değildir,

yüz kere tövbeni bozmuş olsan da yine gel...

Şu toprağa sevgiden başka bir tohum ekmeliyiz,

Şu tertemiz tarlaya başka bir tohum ekmeliyiz biz...

Beri gel, beri ! Daha da beri ! Niceye şu yol vuruculuk ?

 

Madem ki sen bensin, ben de senim, niceye şu senlik benlik...

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Mevlâna Celaleddin-i Rûmi

  

Come, Come again !

Whatever you are...

Whether you are infidel,

idolater or fireworshipper.

Whether you have broken your vows

of repentance a hundred times

This is not the gate of despair,

This is the gate of hope.

Come, come again...

 

Mevlana Jelaluddin RUMI

 

Indiana Jones Adventure - Temple of the Forbidden Eye, Adventureland - Disneyland

 

View in Lightbox

 

I think I may be to blame for looking into the eyes of Mara this time...infidel!

  

DLandLive.com • Twitter • Facebook • YouTube

Dead Space (2008)

1080p

Reshade 0.17

 

SMAA

FXAA

Chpaman lens

Lens Dirt (custom lens texture)

Bloom

SSAO

PETKAGTADOF (satic low clip curve)

Tonemap

Vibrance

Curves

Filmic Pass Tonemapping

Anamorphic Lens Flares

Chromatic Aberration

Vignetting+dof vignette

Letterboxing

 

- Improved performance by ~20fps, grainier DoF

"*huff* huff* *huff* *huff*...my son....that infidel will pay, I swear! He'll---A dead end....no matter. I can face him. Him and the bat, I do not fear any man or--"

 

*....ffffwwwwwoooOOOSSSHH*