View allAll Photos Tagged INFIDELS
Proof from HH Younus AlGohar in the light of the Koran that Christians and Jews are not infidels.
Main points:
Koran (109: 1-6) says, 'Say, "O' Kafireen: I do not worship the one you worship and you do not worship the one I worship. Your religion is with you and mine is with me."'
Wahhabis say Christians and Jews are infidels. But Christians and Jews worship the same God as Muslims do, so in light of this verse of the Koran, Christians and Jews are not infidels.
Muslims are bound by the fundamental principles of the religion to believe in all four books sent by God: the Torah, Talmud, Bible and the Koran.
The verse of the Koran does not show intolerance towards infidels nor does it call for them to be killed.
Wahhabis have created mischief in the religion by calling Christians and Jews infidels, and by calling for murder of infidels. They must be wiped out in order to restore peace.
Descripción: la turquesa es una senadora muy eficaz que ofrece bienestar al cuerpo y al espíritu. Es una piedra protectora y ha sido usada para hacer amuletos desde tiempos remotos. Se cree que cambia de color para avisar del peligro de una infidelidad. Esta piedra fomenta la sintonía espiritual y ...
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===Nanda Parbat- Prison Cells===
Gaige- Another fine mess this is, Walker.
Walker- It was your list Gaige
Anatoli- I agree with Gaige. Your incompetence is responsible for our capture. I mean no offense to you, of course.
Drury- None taken. No need to worry though- the boys will break us out
Gaige- Klaus and Lester? Ha! They'll be having drinks at the local pub!
Drury- Once again, you picked them.
Gaige- And you gave them money. You don't give alcoholics money
Anatoli- I didn't mean to start an argument- We really should stop. I do not particularly want another cavity search
Miranda- Yeah. Those creeps don't hold back
Gaige- You probably shouldn't have broken Ubu's nose.
Miranda- He deserved it
Drury- They're ninjas, honey. Sexist ninjas.
Miranda- I know. Now, did anyone see where they took Simon?
Drury- The question is why they took Simon
Gaige- They probably made him heir to the demon. That boy's destined for greatness
Drury- Thank you Gaige. Hearing you say that makes me think that maybe, just maybe I haven't failed as- You're taking the piss aren't you?
Gaige- Oh yes.
Miranda- Don't feel too bad Drury. It's Daddy's way of bonding.
Gaige- Nope. Just hate him.
Miranda- Daddy! Anyway Drury, I didn't know you were a natural ginger.
Drury- Hmm? Oh yeah. Mum made me dye it when we moved to the states. Kinda necessary considering dad was a supercriminal, mum was a prostitute and my bro was being a general hellraiser
Gaige- You have a brother? We're learning all sorts about you today! Next you'll tell me you've got some poor bastard locked up in your basement. Heh...
Anatoli- You don't actually have some poor bastard locked up in your basement, do you?
Drury- Well I... *Ahem* Absolutely not!
*The cell door opens and Ubu enters. He gestures at Drury*
Ubu- You. Come.
Drury- My lucky break.
Ubu- Whore.
Miranda- Ubu.
Drury- So where we going?
Ubu- You will go where I tell you to go.
Drury- Yes but WHERE are we going?
Ubu- To see the master.
Drury- Don't suppose we could see Cypher first? Kinda important, world saving business. You wouldn't understand.
*Ubu and Drury arrive outside the Chamber of the Demon, they enter*
Ubu- Master, I present The Killer Moth.
Ra's- Ah yes. Drury Walker.
Drury- Ra's. Even for a 600 hundred year old terrorist, you look like shit.
Ubu- Infidel! You would dare insult the master? The demon's head?
Ra's- Ubu. Leave us.
Ubu- Master!
Ra's- Enough. If I were interested in your opinion I would have asked for it. Now leave us.
*Ubu leaves in protest, muttering under his breath*
Ubu- Yes master. Insolent Whelp.
Ra's- I have been very interested in your family. Very interested indeed. Now, tell me- What has your father done to my Lazarus Pit?
Drury- Where is Cypher? Where are you keeping my son?
Ra's- You don't appear to understand who is in command here. You will answer my questions first. I recently lost my Lazarus Pit to that immortal tyrant Savage. Upon his death, your father came upon it. I hear that he too is dead. Tell me. What has become of it?
Drury- Why should I?
Ra's- Because, as you have already noticed- I am growing weaker and weaker every day. Without the Lazarus Pit, it is unlikely that I will even last the year. I shall propose an alliance- I will of course release your allies, that includes your son and the technopath- I have no use for him. In exchange for my generosity, you will locate my Pit and return to Nanda Parbat with it, not a single drop lost. For if you do not, I shall see to it that they all die screaming in agony.
Drury- Is that everything?
Ra's- Quite.
=====Moments later======
Gaige- You're just letting us go?
Ubu- Yes.
Gaige- What's the catch?
Ra's- There is not one. Safe travels.
Simon- Dad! Ra's tried to recruit me into the League but I told him no way!
Gaige- Hmph. Is that what really happened?
Simon- Actually, I think I annoyed him into changing his mind.
Gaige- Good boy.
*Behind them a large portion of the wall explodes
Miranda- What now?
Lester- We're here for Mayor Walker! Release him or you will be crushed under the combined forces of The Electrocutioner and The Snowman!
Simon- Guys! They're letting us go!
Lester- They are? Da, I knew that. Didn't I say that Klaus?
Klaus- No.
Lester- He is liar. I did.
Drury- Back to the plane then.
Simon- You'll love it Cypher, we've got video games, a juice bar, a pizza oven! That's right- a pizza oven! On a plane!
Cypher- *Sign Language* In the League of Assassins, we could not eat "pizza". We had to fight for our meals, if you could call them meals. They were little more than scraps. Scraps off the Master's plate. A single pea. A crust of bread. But we ate. We ate those crusts. Even if we had to kill to get it. I murdered my own cousin for a crust of bread once. When I fall asleep, which I seldom do, I can still hear his cries, begging for mercy. But this was the League of Assassins, there was never room for mercy.
Simon- That's right- we have Jurassic Park.
Elle semble tombée du ciel, incrustée dans le sol vallonné de ce coin de forêt de Rez.
Elle a suscité de nombreuses légendes.
1) Il est mentionné qu'à la période gauloise, on célébrait des fêtes druidiques.
2) Il est écrit que cette énorme pierre servait d'oreiller pour reposer la tête d'Esus, terrible seigneur de la forêt qui était craint par les druides.
3) Si une jeune femme qui savait se glisser le long de la pierre sans difficulté, elle se mariait dans l'année.
4) De nombreuses fêtes païennes furent données en ce lieu .
En 1653, le curé d'Haramont s'était indigné contre les fêtes qui s'y déroulaient.
5) Cette pierre se situe au lieu dit "les femmes tuées", un nom sinistre qui explique la légende ci-dessous.
"Il y a longtemps, la pierre servait d'habitation à une tribu gauloise. Partis à la guerre, les hommes y laissèrent leurs femmes seules. Peu après, l'une d'elles vint à mourir et ses compagnes se contentèrent de la déposer sur la
pierre. Les loups furent vite attirés par l'odeur de chair. Ils dévorèrent le cadavre et essayèrent de pénétrer dans le trou où les femmes se tenaient cachées. Aux cris poussés par celles-ci, des chasseurs accoururent et mirent en fuite les loups.
Un tel service méritait récompense, surtout que les hommes étaient partis depuis longtemps déjà et les femmes épousèrent leurs libérateurs.
Cependant, l'expédition gauloise terminée, les maris vainqueurs furent surpris de trouver le foyer occupé
Ils comprirent vite ce qui s'était passé et se jetèrent sur les chasseurs qu'ils massacrèrent jusqu'au dernier. C'est de la même façon qu'ils punirent les épouses infidèles en jetant leurs corps sur la Pierre en pâture aux loups !!
(Photo Google maps)
Anthony of Padua wasn't always a Franciscan. His early days in religion were spent as a Canon Regular of St. Augustine. As guest master in the Abbey of Holy Cross outside Coimbra in Portugal, he met the first Franciscan missionaries who were passing through on their way to Morocco. The enthusiasm with which the friars spoke of the possibility of martyrdom among the infidels was catching. Anthony, or Ferdinand, as he was then known, would have gone with the missionaries if he could have done so.
The Franciscan missionaries were martyred and their relics brought back to the Abbey of Holy Cross. Ferdinand spent a whole night in prayer before the precious relics of those first martyrs of the Order. In the morning his decision had been made. He too would be a Franciscan. With the consent of his superior Ferdinand the Canon Regular became Anthony the Franciscan.
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hazro,_Punjab
Hazro (حضرو) is a town located at north-west of Pakistan in Attock District of the Punjab province Pakistan. It is located approximately half-way between Peshawar and Islamabad, the federal capital. This town is the capital of Hazro Tehsil, an administrative subdivision of the district, and the central marketplace of the Chachh region, consisting of 82 villages located along the Indus River.
History and Tribes
According to the Gazetteer of Rawalpindi, Hazro was "The scene of the great battle in which, in AD 1008, Sultan Mahmud Ghazni defeated the united forces of the Rajas of Hindustan and the infidels of the Punjab with a slaughter of 20,000 men, it was afterwards fixed upon by some of the Pathan followers of that chieftain to be the site of the colony.[1]
During British Rule the town of Hazro became part of Attock Tehsil; the municipality of Attock was created in 1867 and the North-Western Railway connected the town to Lawrencepur. By the 20th century the town was surrounded by rich cultivation, and had a flourishing trade, chiefly in tobacco and sugar. The population according to the 1901 census of India was 9,799.[2] According to the Gazetteer of Rawalpindi, Hazro had a significant Hindu population which was "half Pathan, half Hindu.[
La sociedad actual está fascinada por el mal, estamos rodeados por tentaciones a cada paso que damos, como la tentación por el dinero, la tentación de la infidelidad matrimonial, etc., esto sólo nos traerá sufrimiento y un sinfín de problemas, en el cual me incluyo yo misma. Cuando aún tenía sufrimiento por haberme divorciado de mi esposo, un hombre casado entró en mi vida y su efectiva atenciones y cuidados fueron una gran tentación para mí. Fueron las palabras de Dios las que me llevaron a ver que esto era un plan de Satanás y me mantuvieron…
Este hombre era el esposo de mi mejor amiga. Después de mi divorcio, mi hijo y mi nuera trabajaban lejos de mi casa, y yo me quedaba sola en la casa cuidando de mi nieta, que tenía dos años. Mi amiga observó que yo tenía alguna dificultades para hacer ciertos trabajos pesados, por lo que ella, le pidió a su esposo que me ayudara. Un día, el esposo de mi amiga, vino a mi casa con sus herramientas para realizar un trabajo, y él me dijo sonriéndome: “La pared de tu jardín debe repararse porque se ha derrumbado. Hoy no trabajo, así que vine a ayudarte para repararla. No es tan fácil para ti cuidar de esta familia. Sólo dígame cuándo necesita ayuda y haré todo lo que pueda por usted”. Sus palabras cariñosas inmediatamente tocaron mi corazón, ya que desde que mi esposo me engañó, nunca volví a escuchar palabras de cariño. Mi exmarido no solo era indiferente a los asuntos familiares, sino que comía, bebía, jugaba, se divertía y estaba con otras mujeres fuera de nuestro matrimonio. Sin embargo, este hombre era diferente. Él no fumaba, no bebía ni jugaba; era sincero y se comportaba bastante bien tanto dentro como fuera de su casa. Todo el vecindario decía que era un hombre bendecido y que pocos hombres eran tan buenos como él. A veces también pensaba: ¡si pudiera conocer a un hombre como él y formar una familia feliz! En el momento en que pensaba en esto, mi corazón se ponía a latir rápidamente.
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Leer más : www.jesucristo-es.org/dije-no-una-relacion-extramatrimoni...
Recomendación :Reflexiones Cristianas
Caminando con Dios | Cómo perdonar una infidelidad de mi esposo (I)
Nota del editor: Toda mujer espera tener un matrimonio maravilloso y feliz en el que marido y mujer se amen durante toda la vida, pero esto no siempre sucede como las personas desean. Aunque todos juran en su boda “hasta que la muerte nos separe”, hay todo tipo de variables en la vida después de la boda. Song Zhen, una cristiana, y su esposo, estuvieron casados durante 20 años. Después de haber sido traicionada cruelmente por él, ¿cómo puede ella, con tanto dolor, salir de la neblina del divorcio?
Un pacto secreto en papel
Un día, a finales de 2010, mi marido se fue a un viaje de negocios. En una caja fuerte de su oficina, vi por accidente una cajita preciosa, con un pacto en papel escondido en la parte inferior. Al abrirlo, vi que era un pacto “sugar baby” que había suscrito con una veinteañera. De repente oí un zumbido en mi cabeza y mi mente quedó completamente en blanco. Mis manos y piernas temblaron, y rápidamente caí al suelo, incapaz de moverme. Realmente no me atrevía a creer que mi marido, de quien siempre había dependido, me hubiera traicionado.
…
Hago todo lo posible para recuperarlo, pero él está decidido a traicionarme
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Un rayo de luz brilla en mi corazón desesperado
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Leer más：https : / / www.jesucristo-es.org/como-perdonar-una-infidelidad-de-mi...
Recomendación: Cómo perdonar una infidelidad de mi esposo (II)
I believe a leaf of grass is no less than the journey-work of the stars,
And the pismire is equally perfect, and a grain of sand, and the egg of the wren,
And the tree-toad is a chef-d'œuvre for the highest,
And the running blackberry would adorn the parlors of heaven,
And the narrowest hinge in my hand puts to scorn all machinery,
And the cow crunching with depress'd head surpasses any statue,
And a mouse is miracle enough to stagger sextillions of infidels.
Walt Whitman (Long Island, Nueva York, 1819 – Candem, 1892)
la fée aux chansons
Il était une Fée
D'herbe folle coiffée,
Qui courait les buissons,
Sans s'y laisser surprendre,
En Avril, pour apprendre
Aux oiseaux leurs chansons.
Lorsque geais et linottes
Faisaient des fausses notes
En récitant leurs chants
La Fée, avec constance,
Gourmandait d'importance
Ces élèves méchants.
Sa petite main nue,
D'un brin d'herbe menue
Cueilli dans les halliers,
Pour stimuler leurs zèles,
Fouettait sur leurs ailes
Ces mauvais écoliers.
Par un matin d'automne,
Elle vient et s'étonne,
De voir les bois déserts :
Avec les hirondelles
Ses amis infidèles
Avaient fui dans les airs.
Et tout l'hiver la Fée,
D'herbe morte coiffée,
Et comptant les instants
Sous les forêts immenses,
Compose des romances
Pour le prochain Printemps !
Armand Silvestre
texture de Lenabem avec mes remerciements : www.flickr.com/photos/lenabem-anna/5671552566/in/photostream
Führende US-Wissenschaftler warnen: Die USA wollen Russland angreifen. Der Weltuntergang ist zu einer realen Bedrohung geworden. Wenn das US-Regime seine Ursachen nicht beseitigt, wird er bald kommen – völlig unabhängig davon, wer zuerst losschlägt. Die Entscheidung, die seit Jahrzehnten vorbereitete Eroberung Russlands abzusagen, kann nur der US-Präsident treffen. Wir können nur hoffen, dass die US-Regierung zur Vernunft kommt.
(von Eric Zuesse. Quelle: linkezeitung.de/2017/05/21/fuehrende-us-wissenschaftler-w...)
Auf der Website The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists wurde am 1. März 2017 eine Studie veröffentlicht [nachzulesen unter thebulletin.org/how-us-nuclear-force-modernization-underm... ], die mit folgenden Worten beginnt:
„Das Programm zur Modernisierung der US-Atomwaffen wird der Öffentlichkeit so verkauft, als handle es dabei nur um die Erhöhung der Zuverlässigkeit und der Sicherheit der Sprengköpfe im US-Atomwaffenarsenal und nicht um die Verbesserung ihrer militärischen Fähigkeiten. In Wirklichkeit geht es aber darum, durch die Einführung revolutionärer neuer Technologien die Zielerfassung und Treffsicherheit der ballistischen Raketen der USA gewaltig zu verbessern. Durch diese erstaunlichen Verbesserungen wird das Vernichtungspotenzial der vorhanden US-Atomwaffen fast verdreifacht; solche Vorbereitungen trifft ein Atomwaffenstaat nur, wenn er vorhat, einen Atomkrieg zu führen und zu gewinnen, indem er seine Feinde durch einen überraschenden atomaren Erstschlag entwaffnet.“
Weiter heißt es:
„Weil sich technisch nicht so versierten Leuten die wahre Bedeutung des innovativen Super-Zünders (der den Atomsprengkopf genau über dem Ziel explodieren lässt) kaum erschließt, haben Politiker außerhalb und vermutlich auch innerhalb der US-Regierung seine revolutionären militärischen Fähigkeiten und seine Auswirkung auf die globale Sicherheit noch nicht erkannt.“
Diese Studie wurde von den drei US-Wissenschaftlern verfasst, die sich auf die Analyse von Atomwaffen und deren Bedeutung für das globale strategische Gleichgewicht spezialisiert haben: von Hans M. Kristensen, Matthew McKinzie, und Theodore Postol. In ihrer Studie steht außerdem:
„Die enorme Steigerung der Treffsicherheit der US-Atomwaffen, die der breiten Öffentlichkeit weitgehend verborgen geblieben ist, hat schwerwiegende Auswirkungen auf die strategische Stabilität, die US-Nuklearstrategie und die mit Atomwaffen verfolgten Absichten.
Die russischen Planer haben sicher längst erkannt, dass sich durch die Weiterentwicklung der US-Atomwaffen die Fähigkeit der USA zu einem atomaren Erstschlag entscheidend verbessert hat; deshalb muss Russland geeignete Gegenmaßnahmen ergreifen und den ohnehin schon gefährlich hohen Bereitschaftsgrad der russischen
Atomstreitkräfte noch weiter erhöhen. Die sehr kurzen Vorwarnzeiten, die ein atomarer Erstschlag dem Angegriffenen lässt, können auch bei einem Falschalarm einen atomaren Gegenschlag auslösen. Die durch den Super-Zünder ermöglichte Treffsicherheit und die bestehenden Spannungen haben das Risiko so erhöht, dass Russland oder die USA nur wegen eines Falschalarms einen Atomkrieg auslösen könnten – auch wenn überhaupt kein Erstschlag erfolgt ist.“
Die Autoren erklären auch, warum ein Dritter Weltkrieg, der die Erde vernichten würde, eher von Russland als von den USA ausgelöst werden könnte:
„Russland hat kein im Weltraum stationiertes funktionierendes Infrarot-Frühwarnsystem und muss sich deshalb in erster Linie darauf verlassen, dass sein bodengestütztes
Frühwarnradar einen US-Raketenangriff rechtzeitig entdeckt. Da diese Radarsysteme nicht über den Horizont sehen können, hat Russland weniger als die Hälfte der Frühwarnzeit der USA. Bei den USA sind es etwa 30 Minuten, bei Russland 15 Minuten oder weniger.“
Mit anderen Worten, während Trump rund 30 Minuten Zeit hätte, um zu prüfen, ob Putin blitzartig einen atomaren Erstschlag gestartet hat, blieben Putin weniger als 15 Minuten, um sich für einen Gegenschlag zu entscheiden. Wenn nach 30 oder nach nur 15 Minuten keine Entwarnung erfolgt, muss das Land, dem ein Erstschlag droht, einen atomaren Gegenschlag starten, um Vergeltung zu üben; das hätte aber einen atomaren Winter und den Untergang unseres Planeten zur Folge. Die Bewohner des Landes, das auf einen Gegenschlag verzichtet, würden sofort gedemütigt und zornig untergehen, die Angreifer hätten
wenigstens noch etwas länger zu leben. Die das untergehende Land Regierenden täten nach dem feindlichen Erstschlag gut daran, Selbstmord zu begehen, bevor sie von ihren sterbenden Landsleuten gelyncht würden.
Unabhängig von der persönlichen Integrität und den Motiven des Staatschefs, der einen Atomschlag auslöst, wären die globalen Folgen seiner Entscheidung katastrophal. Da den US-Amerikanern nur 30 Minuten und den Russen sogar nur 15 Minuten für diese irreversible Entscheidung bleiben, ist die Wahrscheinlichkeit sehr groß, dass alle derzeit Lebenden, die nicht bald eines natürlichen Todes sterben, in einem Atomkrieg ihr Leben verlieren werden. Sogar die schlimmsten Vorhersagen über mögliche Folgen der Erderwärmung reichen nicht annähernd an das Ausmaß der Gefahr heran, die von dem drohenden Atomkrieg ausgeht.
Deshalb drängt sich die Frage auf: Wie konnte es dazu kommen? Die Autoren der oben zitierten Studie weisen wiederholt auf die strikte Geheimhaltung hin, durch die es gelungen sei, nicht nur „die breite Öffentlichkeit“, sondern auch „Politiker innerhalb und außerhalb der US-Regierung“ zu täuschen. Das lässt darauf schließen, dass nur ein sehr kleiner Kreis krimineller Verschwörer – vermutlich nur ein halbes Dutzend oder sogar noch weniger – dieses verbrecherische Szenario geplant hat und über seine Durchführung informiert ist.
In diesem besonderen Fall ist davon auszugehen, dass noch nicht einmal alle Minister der US-Regierung eingeweiht wurden; fest steht nur, dass Obama die Entscheidung getroffen haben muss, „alle Atomsprengköpfe auf den ballistischen Raketen der Atom-U-Boote der USA“ mit dem Super-Zünder auszurüsten, dass also hauptsächlich er für unsere heutige Situation verantwortlich zu machen ist.
Trump, der diese Situation von seinem Vorgänger geerbt hat, lässt bis jetzt nicht erkennen, ob er das (von den Verschwörern) angestrebte Ziel – die Eroberung Russlands – aufgeben oder weiter verfolgen wird. Wenn er nicht bald öffentlich erklärt, dass er die von seinem Vorgänger betriebene verwerfliche Vorbereitung eines Atomkrieges gestoppt und veranlasst hat, dass die Super-Zünder wieder von den Atomsprengköpfen entfernt werden, hat er wohl Obamas Plan übernommen.
Normalerweise wird ein Präsident, der einen schon so weit fortgeschrittenen, „Erfolg versprechenden“ Plan geerbt hat, sofort von den Planern ermordet, sobald er erkennen lässt, dass er nicht bereit ist, ihn umzusetzen; wenn Trump den Plan nicht umsetzen will, muss er seine Absicht aber so lange geheim halten, bis die Zünder wieder entfernt sind und die Gefahr gebannt ist.
Der Wendepunkt, von dem der Weg in die gegenwärtige Krise ausging, war die Entscheidung der US-Seite, Atomwaffen nicht mehr nur zur Abschreckung, sondern auch zur Eroberungen eines Landes einzusetzen [s. www.washingtonsblog.com/2016/12/americas-secret-planned-c... ]. Damit wurde die bisherige Strategie der Mutually Assured Destruction / MAD (der gesicherten gegenseitigen Zerstörung, s.
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gleichgewicht_des_Schreckens ) aufgegeben; die hatte auf der Einsicht beruht, dass es bei einem Krieg zwischen zwei atomaren Supermächten keinen „Gewinner“ und keinen „Verlierer“ geben kann, weil dabei nicht nur diese beiden Staaten untergingen, sondern mit Sicherheit die ganze Welt zerstört würde. Diese (von der Vernunft diktierte) Einsicht wurde durch die Behauptung verdrängt, auch ein Atomkrieg sei „gewinnbar“. Diese These wurde in zwei Artikeln vertreten, die 2006 in den beiden renommiertesten, mit außenpolitischen Fragen befassten US-Zeitschriften Foreign Affairs (s. web.archive.org/web/20150727204719/https://www.foreignaff... ) und International Security (s. www.belfercenter.org/sites/default/files/legacy/files/is3... ) erschienen sind . In beiden Artikeln wurde das Konzept „Nuclear Primacy“ (Nukleare Überlegenheit, s. dazu auch www.morgenweb.de/mannheimer-morgen_artikel,-politik-domin... ) entwickelt, die es angeblich möglich macht, Russland durch einem Atomkrieg zu erobern.
Obwohl die unhaltbare These (von der Gewinnbarkeit eines Atomkrieges) bis zu diesen Artikeln, die übrigens beide von den zwei Autoren Keir A. Lieber und Daryl G. Press verfasst wurden, (unter Wissenschaftlern) als „total bescheuert“ gilt, wurde sie sofort von den Mainstream-Medien aufgegriffen. Links in dem Artikel, der unter www.washingtons-blog.com/2016/12/americas-secret-planned-... aufzurufen ist, führen zu Quellen, aus denen hervorgeht, dass nicht George W. Bush, sondern dessen Vater George H. W. Bush, als der US-Präsident war, bereits am 24. Februar 1990 einen Geheimplan
zur Eroberung Russlands in Auftrag gegeben hat. Andere Fehlentscheidungen des älteren Bush haben die US-Steuerzahler nur Milliarden Dollars gekostet, der von ihm bestellte Geheimplan zur Eroberung Russlands könnte sie alle das Leben kosten.
Ich habe diesen Artikel allen Nachrichtenmedien zur kostenlosen Veröffentlichung angeboten – in der Hoffnung, dass ihn auch der gegenwärtige US-Präsident lesen und öffentlich kommentieren wird. Selbst wenn sich Trump nur darüber lustig macht, könnte das vielleicht seine Ermordung verhindern. Wir leben in einer äußerst gefährlichen Zeit, und dass Donald Trump auf einem sehr heißen Stuhl sitzt, sollte eigentlich jeder halbwegs intelligente und informierte Mensch erkennen. Die Welt hat noch nie so dringend verantwortungsvolle und mutige politische Führungspersönlichkeiten gebraucht wie heute. Falls es die nicht geben sollte, könnten wir auf dem Weg, den ein anderer US-Präsident vor 27 Jahren eingeschlagen hat, bald alle in der Hölle landen. Das zu verhindern ist zwar sehr schwierig, aber noch nicht unmöglich. Wie gefährlich unsere Lage ist, wird auch daran deutlich, dass seit Beginn des Ukraine-Konflikts im Jahr 2014 der Verkauf von „atombombensicheren Bunkern“ (in den USA) sprunghaft angestiegen ist.
Der Weltuntergang ist zu einer realen Bedrohung geworden. Wenn das Weiße Haus seine möglichen Ursachen nicht beseitigt, wird er bald kommen – völlig unabhängig davon, wer zuerst losschlägt. Die Entscheidung, die seit Jahrzehnten vorbereitete Eroberung Russlands abzusagen, kann nur der US-Präsident treffen. Wenn er das nicht tut, müsste der atomare Erstschlag eigentlich von (dem sehr rational geprägten) russischen Präsidenten Putin kommen, obwohl der uns nicht in diese fatale Situation gebracht hat. Wir können nur hoffen, dass die US-Regierung vorher zur Vernunft kommt.
Der investigative Historiker Eric Zuesse (s. infidels.org/kiosk/author/eric-zuesse-474.html ) ist der Autor der kürzlich veröffentlichten Bücher „They’re Not Even Close: The Democratic vs. Republican Economic Records, 1910-2010″ (Sie kommen sich noch nicht einmal nahe: Die Wirtschaftsberichte der Demokraten und der Republikaner in den Jahren 1910-2010) und „CHRIST’S VENTRILOQUISTS: The Event that Created Christianity“ (Die
Bauchredner Christi: Das Ereignis, aus dem sich das Christentum entwickelt hat).
(Wir haben versucht diese „letzte Warnung“ so ins Deutsche zu übertragen, dass ihre Eindringlichkeit deutlich wird. Die nachfolgend verlinkten LUFTPOST-Ausgaben belegen, dass Eric Zuesse keine grundlose Panikmache betreibt, und dass unsere ständigen Warnungen vor dem US-Raketenabwehrschild in Europa und seinen beiden Kommandozentralen in Ramstein und Kaiserslautern berechtigt sind: )
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_13/LP16014_061014.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_13/LP23215_251215.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP01016_220116.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP01516_030216.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP12016_050916.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP13916_161016.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP14116_181016.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP15916_211116.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP06717_300417.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP06917_030517.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP07217_080517.pdf
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP07817_170517.pdf
www.globalresearch.ca/americas-top-scientists-confirm-u-s...
www.luftpost-kl.de/luftpost-archiv/LP_16/LP08017_210517.pdf
DSC_3715
Northbound 35,
Through the iron hills,
Under infidel skies.
It's two hundred miles to drive
You won't be home.
- Jeffrey Foucault
Jules Roy - The Unfaithful Wife
Signet Books 1429, 1957
Cover Artist: James Avati
"Every man in the squadron knew—except her husband."
Une femme infidèle, si elle est connue pour telle de la personne intéressée, n'est qu'infidèle : s'il la croit fidèle, elle est perfide.
Jean de La Bruyère
Bully,”from Dylan’s 1983 record Infidels, was released a year after the First Lebanon War and two years after an airstrike in which Israel destroyed an Iraqi nuclear reactor outside Baghdad. But its themes have clear parallels with the recent conflict between Israel and Hamas.
The song, a hard-driving rock number, never explicitly mentions Israel, yet it is widely interpreted as a Zionist anthem in the form of a biting satire lambasting those who fault the Jewish state for defending itself.
Well, the neighborhood bully, he’s just one man
His enemies say he’s on their land
They got him outnumbered about a million to one
He got no place to escape to, no place to run
He’s the neighborhood bully.
The neighborhood bully he just lives to survive
He’s criticized and condemned for being alive
He’s not supposed to fight back, he’s supposed to have thick skin
He’s supposed to lay down and die when his door is kicked in
He’s the neighborhood bully.
The neighborhood bully been driven out of every land
He’s wandered the earth an exiled man
Seen his family scattered, his people hounded and torn
He’s always on trial for just being born
He’s the neighborhood bully.
Well, he knocked out a lynch mob, he was criticized
Old women condemned him, said he should apologize
Then he destroyed a bomb factory, nobody was glad
The bombs were meant for him. He was supposed to feel bad
He’s the neighborhood bully.
Well, the chances are against it, and the odds are slim
That he’ll live by the rules that the world makes for him
‘Cause there’s a noose at his neck and a gun at his back
And a license to kill him is given out to every maniac
He’s the neighborhood bully.
Well, he got no allies to really speak of
What he gets he must pay for, he don’t get it out of love
He buys obsolete weapons and he won’t be denied
But no one sends flesh and blood to fight by his side
He’s the neighborhood bully.
Well, he’s surrounded by pacifists who all want peace
They pray for it nightly that the bloodshed must cease
Now, they wouldn’t hurt a fly. To hurt one they would weep
They lay and they wait for this bully to fall asleep
He’s the neighborhood bully.
Every empire that’s enslaved him is gone
Egypt and Rome, even the great Babylon
He’s made a garden of paradise in the desert sand
In bed with nobody, under no one’s command
He’s the neighborhood bully.
Now his holiest books have been trampled upon
No contract that he signed was worth that what it was written on
He took the crumbs of the world and he turned it into wealth
Took sickness and disease and he turned it into health
He’s the neighborhood bully.
What’s anybody indebted to him for?
Nothing, they say. He just likes to cause war
Pride and prejudice and superstition indeed
They wait for this bully like a dog waits for feed
He’s the neighborhood bully.
What has he done to wear so many scars?
Does he change the course of rivers? Does he pollute the moon and stars?
Neighborhood bully, standing on the hill
Running out the clock, time standing still
Neighborhood bully.
Newest addition to the team.... The Infidel.
Custom iPad, iPhone, Tablet, Camera, Gear, Diddy, Bag, Man Purse, with power 5v, 2.1A, 20,000mAh Battery, Gun Holster, Survival, Medium Tool bag. Bag Porn, BOB, Bug Out Bag
« Soyez résolus à ne plus servir, et vous voilà libres. » (Discours de la servitude volontaire, Étienne de La Boétie)
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Après que les mois sacrés expirent, tuez les associateurs (les infidèles) où que vous les trouviez. Capturez-les, assiégez-les et guettez-les dans toute embuscade. Si ensuite ils se repentent, accomplissent la Salat (prière quotidienne) et acquittent la Zakat (purification sous forme d'impôt), alors laissez-leur la voie libre, car Allah est Pardonneur et Miséricordieux.
(Le Coran Sourate 9 verset 5)
Le rochers des faux amants .
Il surplombe le val sans retour et d'ici, un magnifique panorama s'offre aux promeneurs !
Mais connaissez vous sa légende ?
La voici ....
Guyomard chevauchait sur la crête de la vallée, tenant sa douce amie dans ses bras et songeant au moment où il allait devoir annoncer à Morgane qu'il lui préférait une autre demoiselle ; bien que brave au combat et prêt à affronter des dragons sans faiblir, il avait grande crainte de la colère de la fée. Soudain, son cheval fit un écart et le ramena à la réalité. Devant lui se tenait Morgane. Ses longs cheveux noirs se tordaient comme des serpents dans le vent, ses yeux brillaient d'un éclat furieux et sa main se crispait sur le pommeau d'une épée. Le chevalier sauta à terre et déposa sa bien-aimée auprès de lui. Sans qu'une parole fut prononcée, ils entendirent tous les deux la malédiction de Morgane. Un froid soudain les envahit, et ils sentirent les corps s'engourdir. Guyomard voulut parler, mais sa bouche ne lui obéissait plus ; il voulut se pencher vers sa blonde amie, mais son corps refusa de le servir. Alors le soleil et le vent cessèrent de souffler ; les deux jeunes gens se sentirent devenir pierre, des pieds à la taille, puis de la taille au coeur, à la gorge, aux yeux.
Au bord du chemin, là où se tenait quelques instants plus tôt les amoureux, se dressait un haut rocher rouge. Loin dans la lande pourpre et dorée, un cheval fou galopait sans cavalier. Cela n'avait pas suffit à apaiser la colère de la fée. Il lui revint en mémoire, un enchantement appris de Merlin. Tout un jour, elle arpenta son Val, murmurant de mystérieuses incantations.... Les sorts lancés par Morgane, firent très vite de nombreux captifs, tous chevaliers infidèles à leurs dames. La réputation de la vallée devint telle qu'on lui donna le surnom fameux de Val sans Retour.
" Il était une fée... Morgane " Editions Adam Biro
"Copyright" || ® "All rights reserved" || 2016 Philippe MANGUIN / on Getty images.
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Enough of Venice, (but maybe not), I've got another 30.000 shots to go thought and see if it's worth showing.
Basta de Veneza, (talvez nao), tenho mais umas 30.000 fotos de la para ver se vale a pena mostrar...
Veneza.
Declarar meu amor pelos seus bairros pobres
seria admitir literalmente minha infidelidade
Seria nao ver seus bailes de mascaras
e seu marimbundo carnaval
pensar que nas suas noites claras
labios, mascaras, pontes e
mulheres mijando nas paredes
entre cumplices risos e gargalhados
nao mecheram com meu forte lado masculino.
Veneza, como queria conhecer-te melhor.
Silvino, que pena essa licenca ser irrevogavel e intransfirivel...
(Meu amigo Silvino eh como eu, nao carrega essa licenca nao).
Gente, nessa terra encantada ai, muito murmurio rola...
Um abraco..
French postcard by Musée de l 'Elysée, Lausanne / News Productions, Baulmes, no. 55951. Photo: Bettina Rheims / Sygma. Caption: Mathilda May - La Beauce, 1987.
Beautiful and talented Mathilda May (1965) is a French film actress. Her film work is primarily in French and made by such acclaimed directors as Claude Chabrol, Werner Herzog, and Jacques Demy. She also appeared in a few Hollywood blockbusters, but with little success.
Mathilda May was born Karima Mathilda Haim in Paris in 1965. Her father is playwright Victor Haïm, who is from a Greek- and Turkish-Jewish family. Her mother is the Swedish ballet teacher and choreographer Margareta Hanson. She was a prima ballerina for the Sweden Malmo ballet company. At age 16 May won the Premier Prix du Conservatoire de Danse de Paris (First Prize of the Paris Dance Conservatory). After a part in a German TV series, she made her film debut opposite Jason Connery in the fantasy Nemo/Dream One (Arnaud Sélignac, 1984). Jason Buchanan at AllMovie about her: “A deep-tanned, brown-eyed beauty whose background in ballet lends her a certain onscreen elegance unrivalled by many of her contemporaries,” Internationally she is best known for her role as a seductive vampire in the British Science Fiction horror film Lifeforce (Tobe Hooper, 1985), with Steve Railsback and Peter Firth. Wikipedia notes that May is naked for most of her performance in this film. Lifeforce was the first film of Tobe Hooper's three-picture deal with Cannon Films, following his enormous success with Poltergeist (1982), which was a collaboration with producer Steven Spielberg. The other two films are the remake of Invaders from Mars and The Texas Chainsaw Massacre 2. May followed this with parts in French films such as the comedy Les Rois du gag (Claude Zidi, 1985) with Michel Serrault, and La vie dissolue de Gérard Floque (Georges Lautner, 1987). She won a César award for Most Promising Actress for her role in the French-Italian thriller Le cri du hibou/The Cry of the Owl (Claude Chabrol, 1987) based on a novel by Patricia Highsmith. She starred opposite Yves Montand in the musical Trois places pour le 26/Three Seats for the 26th (1988), scripted and directed by Jacques Demy to music by Michel Legrand. In 1989, she was the recipient of the Prix Romy Schneider.
Mathilda May appeared in such non-French films as Naked Tango (Leonard Schrader, 1991) with Vincent D'Onofrio, Becoming Colette (Danny Huston, 1991) and the Spanish-French production La Teta y la luna/The Tit and the Moon (Bigas Luna, 1994) with Gérard Darmon. She also appeared in the space adventure game Privateer 2: The Darkening (Steve Hilliker, Erin Roberts, 1996) and played the Basque terrorist Isabella in the action film The Jackal (Michael Caton-Jones, 1997) with Bruce Willis and Richard Gere. Her most interesting film of this period is Cerro Torre: Schrei aus Stein/Scream of Stone (Werner Herzog, 1991) about a climbing expedition on Cerro Torre, one of the mountains of the Southern Patagonian Ice Field in South America. The film was shot on location at Cerro Torre, with several scenes filmed close to the summit. In 1992, May recorded an album called Joy of Love. In the following deacades May mostly worked for TV. Her incidental French films include Là-bas... mon pays (Alexandre Arcady, 2000), the drama and thriller La Fille coupée en deux/A Girl Cut in Two (Claude Chabrol, 2007) starring Ludivine Sagnier, and the omnibus comedy Les Infidèles/The Players (2012) directed by and starring Jean Dujardin and Gilles Lellouche. Mathilda May has been married three times: Her first husband was Paul Powell, while her second husband was Gérard Darmon, with whom she has two children, daughter Sarah (1994) and son Jules (1997). Her third husband was Philippe Kelly.
Sources: Jason Buchanan (AllMovie), Wikipedia, and IMDb.
This scene takes place in the East Salernum countryside, April 1925. Crusaders of Aeserian State of Perceptum clear out a pocket of Wolfe Regime forces. These crusaders, manning a hildetruc made in the Ordenric, are a motley bunch, some are locals, some are freed convicted terrorists political prisoners, some are "advisers" on loan from the Ordenhere, some are Regime soldiers who defected and recanted their government's heresies. These Nasitadeli, as the locals call them, aren't entirely trusted yet. It was only a few weeks ago they were shooting at them as Perceptum began to disintegrate. A civilian farmer looks on, hoping the weapon below won't draw unwanted attention on his house.
The Wolfe Regime is on its last legs, the republicans in the north have been overrun by Yuropean heretics and infidels. The Aeserian State alone remains to stand against them. The vast hordes are moving in, only time will tell if the crusaders succeed.
Protip: They will, deus vult.
Now I don't mean to offend, but I'm thinking that with the paranoia regarding individuals such as the one who put this nice sticker, license plate arrangement together on a vehicle that is shaped like a black box, any driver behind him has got to be wondering, My word, what was this guy thinking? Well, I was...
Perhaps the best time to experience Petra is early morning just before the tour buses disgorge! It is never totally quite, but at least you can experience the majesty of the Treasury with only a cleaner for company!
In 1812 Louis Burckhardt, rediscovered Petra for the West after it had dropped off all the maps. When trade routes linking Europe to China shifted the Nabataneans civilization declined and a series of earthquakes in 363 and 551 AD destroyed the city. Petra’s ruins became the home of the Bedouin and its location their closely guarded secret... until Burckhardt, disguised as a holy man, saw the Treasury (Al-Khazneh) partially obscured by the Siq’s narrow walls. His heightened interest alerted his guide that the pale holy man might actually be an ‘infidel’.
I’ve had Petra on my ‘bucket-list’ since boyhood. An avid reader of the Adventures of Tintin, one particular journey (see Red Sea Sharks, p28) took Tintin and Captain Haddock to Petra. My visit did not disappoint! Petra is wild, weird, and evokes a strange other worldly atmosphere. Go!
Still editing it.
Thanks to Tulex for the advice and name, and thanks to ABA Worlock for the letters and numbers.
In 1812 Louis Burckhardt, rediscovered Petra for the West after it had dropped off all the maps. When trade routes linking Europe to China shifted the Nabataneans civilization declined and a series of earthquakes in 363 and 551 AD destroyed the city. Petra’s ruins became the home of the Bedouin and its location their closely guarded secret... until Burckhardt, disguised as a holy man, saw the Treasury (Al-Khazneh) partially obscured by the Siq’s narrow walls. His heightened interest alerted his guide that the pale holy man might actually be an ‘infidel’.
These two photos represent my ‘Burckhardt Moment’ as I experienced a similar slack-jawed wonder as the impressive structure is only partially revealed until one exits the canyon. To be honest I photographed this view on four different occasions and shot of a myriad of images trying to decide which angle was the most provocative. Which one captured best a sense of excited mystery? Of these opportunities early morning having snuck in before the tour busses disgorged was the most moving, but the light was best on my last pass by at around 11h30.
I’ve had Petra on my ‘bucket-list’ since boyhood. An avid reader of the Adventures of Tintin, one particular journey (see Red Sea Sharks, p28) took Tintin and Captain Haddock to Petra. My visit did not disappoint! Petra is wild, weird, and evokes a strange other worldly atmosphere. Go!
"In the countries of the West, the number of Jews and infidels increased, who by their wealth and their culture of letters exercised a fatal influence. The Last Day, the terrible Day of Judgement was almost forgotten, but Divine Providence was pleased to restore and beautify His Church by illustrious men. At a favourable moment, He sent into the world, for the salvation of the faithful, Vincent of Valencia, of the Order of Friar Preachers, a skillful professor of Sacred Theology. He professed all knowledge of the eternal Gospel. Like a vigorous athlete, he rushed to combat the errors of the Jews, the Saracens and other infidels; HE WAS THE ANGEL OF THE APOCALYPSE, flying through the heavens to announce the day of the Last Judgment, to evangelize the inhabitants of the earth, to sow the seeds of salvation among all nations, tribes, peoples and tongues and to point out the way of eternal life." – Pope Pius II writing in the Bull of Canonization about St Vincent Ferrer. As he was called the "Angel of the Apocalypse" so he is often depicted with wings!
St Vincent Ferrer's feast day is on 5 April but the Dominican Order celebrates his feast today, 5 May.
Stained glass detail from the apse of the Rosary Shrine in London. During the restoration work on these windows I was able to climb up the scaffolding to photograph them up close.
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EXPLORE: Nov 9, 2009 #112
Info photo: Elevator - Praga l'orologio del municipio (città vecchia)
Retouching and paint: No
Postprocessing RAW: level and contrast, saturation
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L'Orologio Astronomico di Praga o Prague Orloj, in ceco Staroměstský Orloj (Orologio della città vecchia) è un orologio astronomico medioevale situato nella città di Praga, capitale della Repubblica Ceca. L'orologio è montato sul lato sud del municipio della Città Vecchia, nella Piazza della Città Vecchia ed è una delle più importanti attrazioni turistiche della città.
Il meccanismo è composto da tre elementi principali: il quadrante astronomico, sul quale, oltre all'ora, sono rappresentate le posizioni in cielo del Sole e della Luna, insieme ad altre informazioni astronomiche; il "Corteo degli Apostoli", un meccanismo che, allo scoccare di ogni ora, mette in movimento delle figure rappresentanti i 12 Apostoli; e un quadrante inferiore composto da 12 medaglioni raffiguranti i mesi dell'anno.
Il calendario posto al di sotto dell'orologio astronomico è stato aggiunto nel 1870 ed è una copia del dipinto del pittore boemo Josef Manes. È formato da dodici medaglioni raffiguranti scene di vita rurali associate ai dodici mesi dell'anno, i personaggi ai lati del calendario raffigurano le principali materia dell'epoca: il primo sapiente in fondo a destra che legge il libro simboleggia la filosofia, il secondo sapiente che reca in mano un cannocchiale simboleggia l'astronomia. Mentre a sinistra, la prima figura raffigura un angelo con la spada e scudo,simboleggia la teologia, l'ultimo studioso in fondo a sinistra che esamina la pergamena simboleggia la matematica.
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The Prague Astronomical Clock or Prague Orloj (Czech: Pražský orloj [praʒskiː ɔrlɔi]) is a medieval astronomical clock located in Prague, the capital of the Czech Republic, at 50°5′13.23″N 14°25′15.30″E. The Orloj is mounted on the southern wall of Old Town City Hall in the Old Town Square and is a popular tourist attraction.
The Orloj is composed of three main components: the astronomical dial, representing the position of the Sun and Moon in the sky and displaying various astronomical details; "The Walk of the Apostles", a clockwork hourly show of figures of the Apostles and other moving sculptures; and a calendar dial with medallions representing the months
The four figures flanking the clock are set in motion at the hour, these represent four things that were despised at the time of the clock's making. From left to right in the photographs, the first is Vanity, represented by a figure admiring himself in a mirror. Next, a stereotypical Jew holding a bag of gold represents greed or usury. Across the clock stands Death, a skeleton that strikes the time upon the hour. Finally, the infidel Turk wears the Turban.
There is also a presentation of statues of the Apostles at the doorways above the clock, with all twelve presented every hour.
Please don't use this image on websites, blogs or other media without my explicit permission. © All rights reserved
So, this here is a Dunny. They are awesome, and they are basically vinyl toys that Kid Robot sells. Jared and I picked some up yesterday, so I figured I'd include this one today.
song.of.the.day
Elle fut construite en 1535 à l'initiative du cheikh Abdullah, chef religieux yéménite et guide spirituel d'Ubaydullah khan qui finança sa construction grâce à la vente de 3 000 prisonniers perses, des musulmans chiites considérés comme infidèles pouvant donc être vendus comme esclaves. A l'époque soviétique, elle fut la seule autorisée à dispenser un enseignement religieux en Asie centrale et est toujours en activité.
It was built in 1535 at the initiative of Sheikh Abdullah, a Yemeni religious leader and spiritual guide to Ubaydullah Khan, who financed its construction through the sale of 3,000 Persian prisoners, Shiite Muslims considered infidels and therefore eligible for sale as slaves. During the Soviet era, it was the only one authorized to provide religious instruction in Central Asia and is still in operation.
La Mezquita de los Omeyas (en árabe, الجامع الأموي , al-Djāmī banī Umaya) o Gran Mezquita de Damasco es la mezquita más importante en Damasco, la capital de Siria, y una de las más antiguas y grandes del mundo. Está considerada como el cuarto lugar más sagrado del Islam
Situada en la ciudad vieja de Damasco, después de la conquista árabe, la mezquita fue construida por el califa omeya Walid I en el año 705, tras diez años de construcción, sobre la catedral bizantina dedicada a Juan el Bautista desde la época del emperador romano Constantino I. Tiene una capilla que dice contener la cabeza de San Juan el Bautista (Yahya), considerado como profeta, tanto por el cristianismo como por el islamismo. Este edificio cristiano, habría ocupado un anterior templo romano dedicado a |Jupiter Damascenus, originalmente el dios sirio Hadad, y modelo del templo del Sol (Palmira).
Existen también importantes referencias dentro de la mezquita para los chiítas, como el lugar donde se conserva la cabeza de Huséin bin Alí, nieto del profeta Mahoma, expuesta por el califa Yazid I. También es famosa por albergar el mausoleo del sultán Saladino, que se encuentra en un pequeño jardín contiguo a la pared norte de la mezquita.
Los muros externos provienen del antiguo templo de las épocas aramea y romana. Notablamente se pueden observar en los muros externos ornamentos e insignias griegas. Asimismo, se conservan en buen estado algunas columnas del templo, principalmente en la parte oeste, en la plaza enfrente de la mezquita.
La mezquita tiene unas dimensiones de 157 x 97 m. Por su forma de construcción recuerda a una basílica católica. Es uno de los ejemplos más sobresalientes de la arquitectura islámica antigua, utilizando la piedra como material de construcción. Tiene cuatro puertas, una cúpula y tres minaretes, estos últimos construidos posteriormente en un estilo diferente.
Sepulcro de San Juan el Bautista. Su planta combina la disposición hipóstila, reaprovechando muchas columnas romanas, con una nave central que conduce al mihrab. Dispone una espaciosa sala de oraciones con imponentes arcadas, dos alas laterales y un gran patio interior de mármol con tres pequeños pabellones: el Tesoro, el Pabellón de los Relojes y el Pabellón de las Fuentes. En la amplia sala de oración (145 m de largo), con la cúpula al-Nissr de 45 m de altura, se encuentra el santuario de Juan el Bautista, venerado igualmente por cristianos y musulmanes y, según la leyenda, en el sepulcro de mármol reposa la cabeza de este profeta.
La mezquita está decorada con mosaicos coloridos, que fueron terminados por maestros bizantinos. Especialmente espléndidos son los mosaicos en las paredes que representan el Edén.
En una de las salas adyacentes se encuentra el sepulcro con la cabeza de Huséin, el nieto de Mahoma. Este mausoleo es un importante lugar de peregrinación de los chiítas.
Junto a la mezquita, en los muros del norte, rodeado por un bello jardín, está el Mausoleo de Saladino, sultán de Siria, Egipto y Palestina, fundador de la dinastía ayubí. En el sepulcro de mármol hay una inscripción en árabe que reza: “Aquí descansan los restos de Saladino, quien liberó a Jerusalén de los infieles”.
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En la Mezquita de los Omeyas se utilizó por primera vez tanto el minarete como el nicho que marca la qibla. La disposición de tres naves cubiertas y paralelas al muro de la qibla y un gran patio porticado exterior, la hicieron un modelo a seguir en construcciones posteriores.
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The Umayyad Mosque (Arabic الجامع الأموي, al-Jami Umaya bani) or Great Mosque of Damascus is the most important mosque in Damascus, the Syrian capital and one of the oldest and largest. Is considered the fourth holiest site in Islam
Located in the old city of Damascus after the Arab conquest, the mosque was built by the Umayyad caliph Walid I in 705, after ten years of construction on the Byzantine cathedral dedicated to John the Baptist from the time of Roman Emperor Constantine I. It has a chapel which is said to contain the head of St. John the Baptist (Yahya), considered a prophet both by Christianity and Islam. This building Christian, would have occupied a former Roman temple dedicated to | Jupiter Damascenus, originally Syrian god Hadad, and model of the Sun Temple (Palmira).
There are important references in the mosque for Shiites, as the site remains the head of Hussein bin Ali, grandson of Prophet Mohammed, exhibited by the Caliph Yazid I. It is also famous for housing the mausoleum of Sultan Saladin, who is in a small garden adjoining the north wall of the mosque.
The outside walls of the ancient temple from the Aramaic and Roman times. Notably can be seen on the external walls Greek ornaments and badges. Also well preserved some columns of the temple, mainly in the west, in the square opposite the mosque.
The mosque has a size of 157 x 97 m. By the way construction is reminiscent of a Catholic basilica. One of the most outstanding examples of ancient Islamic architecture, using the stone as a building material. It has four doors, a dome and three minarets, the latter built later in a different style.
Tomb of St. John the Baptist. Its layout combines hypostyle plant, reusing many Roman columns, with a central nave leading to the mihrab. It has a spacious prayer hall with towering arches, two wings and a large marble courtyard with three small buildings: the Treasury, the Hall of Clocks and the Pavilion of sources. In the large prayer hall (145 m long), with the top al-Nissr of 45 m in height, is the shrine of John the Baptist, revered equally by Christians and Muslims and, according to legend, the tomb of marble lies the head of this prophet.
The mosque is decorated with colorful mosaics, which were completed by teachers Byzantines. Particularly splendid are the mosaics on the walls representing Eden.
In one of the adjacent rooms is buried with the head of Hussein, grandson of Muhammad. This mausoleum is an important pilgrimage site for Shiites.
Next to the mosque in the northern walls, surrounded by a beautiful garden, is the Mausoleum of Saladin, sultan of Syria, Egypt and Palestine, founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. The marble tomb is an inscription in Arabic reads: "Here lie the remains of Saladin, who liberated Jerusalem from the infidels."
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In the Umayyad Mosque was first used as the minaret as the qibla niche brand. The provision of three naves covered and parallel to the qibla wall and a large arcaded courtyard outside, made a model to follow in later constructions.
EXPLORE: Nov 21, 2009 #118
Info photo: Vista dalla torre dell'orologio del municipio (città vecchia)
Retouching and paint: Tilt shift
Postprocessing RAW: Virance and levels
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(Unfortunately the weather was not the best with an ambient light very bad)
L'Orologio Astronomico di Praga o Prague Orloj, in ceco Staroměstský Orloj (Orologio della città vecchia) è un orologio astronomico medioevale situato nella città di Praga, capitale della Repubblica Ceca. L'orologio è montato sul lato sud del municipio della Città Vecchia, nella Piazza della Città Vecchia ed è una delle più importanti attrazioni turistiche della città.
Il meccanismo è composto da tre elementi principali: il quadrante astronomico, sul quale, oltre all'ora, sono rappresentate le posizioni in cielo del Sole e della Luna, insieme ad altre informazioni astronomiche; il "Corteo degli Apostoli", un meccanismo che, allo scoccare di ogni ora, mette in movimento delle figure rappresentanti i 12 Apostoli; e un quadrante inferiore composto da 12 medaglioni raffiguranti i mesi dell'anno.
Il calendario posto al di sotto dell'orologio astronomico è stato aggiunto nel 1870 ed è una copia del dipinto del pittore boemo Josef Manes. È formato da dodici medaglioni raffiguranti scene di vita rurali associate ai dodici mesi dell'anno, i personaggi ai lati del calendario raffigurano le principali materia dell'epoca: il primo sapiente in fondo a destra che legge il libro simboleggia la filosofia, il secondo sapiente che reca in mano un cannocchiale simboleggia l'astronomia. Mentre a sinistra, la prima figura raffigura un angelo con la spada e scudo,simboleggia la teologia, l'ultimo studioso in fondo a sinistra che esamina la pergamena simboleggia la matematica.
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The Prague Astronomical Clock or Prague Orloj (Czech: Pražský orloj [praʒskiː ɔrlɔi]) is a medieval astronomical clock located in Prague, the capital of the Czech Republic, at 50°5′13.23″N 14°25′15.30″E. The Orloj is mounted on the southern wall of Old Town City Hall in the Old Town Square and is a popular tourist attraction.
The Orloj is composed of three main components: the astronomical dial, representing the position of the Sun and Moon in the sky and displaying various astronomical details; "The Walk of the Apostles", a clockwork hourly show of figures of the Apostles and other moving sculptures; and a calendar dial with medallions representing the months
The four figures flanking the clock are set in motion at the hour, these represent four things that were despised at the time of the clock's making. From left to right in the photographs, the first is Vanity, represented by a figure admiring himself in a mirror. Next, a stereotypical Jew holding a bag of gold represents greed or usury. Across the clock stands Death, a skeleton that strikes the time upon the hour. Finally, the infidel Turk wears the Turban.
There is also a presentation of statues of the Apostles at the doorways above the clock, with all twelve presented every hour.
Please don't use this image on websites, blogs or other media without my explicit permission. © All rights reserved
From left to right:
Sergeant Detritus (troll), Sergeant Cheery Littlebottom (female dwarf), Sergeant Angua von Überwald (female werewolf), Captain Carrot Ironfoundersson (two metres but adopted as a dwarf...), Commander Sir Samuel Vimes, Sergeant Fred Colon, Corporal Nobby Nobbs ( carrying a certificate to prove that he's a human being), Constable Visit-the-Infidel-with-Explanatory-Pamphlets, Constable Reginald Shoe (undead) and Constable Dorfl (golem).
...the capital had taken a lot of refugees since the fall of the emirate, despite the queens ruling that hate-crimes would be punished severely and despite all had food and water supplied by the state mobs would sometimes form and they would hunt down poor random middle-easterlings and scream things like...
- infidels go back to your own country, you are nothing like barbarians anyway, they would welcome you...!!!
Or:
- That one that Turban-head he poisoned my cat, c´mon lets bash that Outlander and immigrant turban-head, they do nothing but, steal, lie and cast spells on us ordinary people...
...but don´t you worry these to poor victims made a successful escape and most of the mob got punished by the sherif well, except for the Fish-Mongrel himself a immigrant but not one of the "new" middle-easterling immigrants, he is a Easterling Immigrant much better if you ask him,,,
[Canon 7D | Canon 35mm 1.4 | Natural Light ]
Highland Park is a city within the city limits of Detroit proper. In addition to being home to Henry Ford's first assembly plant (now defunct and abandoned), it is also home to a sizable, mostly African-American, Sunni Muslim community.
I was inducted into that community when my family converted to Sunni Islam when I was around 8-years-old.
Qasim was associated with the community in Highland Park. He is also the director of Mooz-Lem: The Movie - a locally-filmed movie that is still in development . It features Danny Glover, Nia Long and quite a few other impressively notable Hollywood cast members.
Its good to see a member of my old Ummah doing his thing. Neither of us could remember if we knew each other growing up. We do both know a young man named Kareem. I happened to bump into Kareem and Qasim a couple of weeks back and they were gracious enough to let me make a couple of frames of them (Kareem, you're next).
That said, I'm no longer a member of the Highland Park Islamic community. In fact, I've removed myself from the larger intellectual community of religious believers altogether.
I've always had a distrinct aversion to fanticiful thinking - no matter how reassuring and comforting. When I was in 1st grade, before my family converted to islam, a classmate opened a bag of chips, crushed them in his hand, turned toward me, started to wiggle his backside and sing an impromptu schoolyard nursery rhyme/taunt:
"I've got more! I've got more!..."
I remember calmly looking at him, shaking my head and saying,
"No you don't. They are just in smaller peices..."
He broke into tears and tried to fight me.
Sorry, kiddo. But the facts are facts.
Though I was devout through my high school years (at Highland Park High School, I'd stop in the middle of Mr. Wojinowski's Chem class to make the afternoon iteration of the 5 daily prayers required of Muslims), the religious explanations for how reality worked became exponentially less convincing with each passing year; and with each passing grade in biology, geology, and history.
The religious explanation simply did not accord with the facts. As much comfort, solace, and certitude my religious faith had provided me in trying circumstances, I found myself increasing unable to abide them.
Sorry, kiddo. But the facts are the facts.
By my second year of college I was more or less bereft of all superstitious belief.
I'm not sure what the tone of Qasim's finished movie will be. It's my understanding that the main character has a crisis of faith.
If nothing else, I hope that his movie will encourage people to take another look at their bag of potato chips.
[View the daily blog and meet more of:The People of Detroit ]
We are becoming more and more familiar with these types of images.
It’s peculiar that only Muslims go to this extreme. I would be amazed if there ever was a Jewish or Christian protestor saying the same thing about other people or religions.
Why does Islam have within itself, this extremist wing? I know many other Muslims that are found on the other end of the spectrum. These others are peace loving, they want to live their life to the fullest, so on.
How is it that of all the global conflicts occurring at this time, virtually all of them Muslim countries fighting thier neighbors?
Why is that?
Have we returned to the Muslim Conquests of the early middle-ages? What is happening here?
The Holy Allegory is a painting by the Italian Renaissance master Giovanni Bellini, dating from c. 1490 to 1500. It is in the Uffizi gallery in Florence, Italy.
There is no documentation about the commission and the original location of the work, which is known to have been part of the Austrian Imperial collections in Vienna in the 18th century. In 1793 the director of the Uffizi, Luigi Lanzi, exchanged it with another work in order to improve the Venetian Renaissance presence in the museum. At the time, it was attributed to Giorgione.
The Italian art historian Giovanni Battista Cavalcaselle was the first to identify it as a Bellini. Today his attribution is widely recognized, although another name sometimes mentioned is that of Marco Basaiti.
The scene is set on a wide terrace with a polychrome marble pavement, in perspective, separated from a lake shore by a parapet. On the left Mary is enthroned, under a baldachin whose support is in cornucopia shape, a symbol of her fertility. The baldachin has four steps, and on its side is a frieze with scenes of the myth of Marsyas, interpreted as a parallel with Jesus' Passion. Near to Mary are two unidentified female figures, which could represent two saints or two virtues. One of them looks to be floating in the air, although the effect could stem from a loss of color near her legs and feet.
In the middle of the scene are four children playing with a small tree and its silver fruits, perhaps a symbol of the knowledge tree, a symbol of life and wisdom. On the right are Job and St. Sebastian. Outside the parapet, are St. Joseph (or St. Peter) and St. Paul, the latter with his attribute of a sword. He is advancing to the left, where a man with a turban perhaps symbolizes an infidel.
In the background, beyond a large lake, is a landscape with rocky spurs with men and animals. On the shores are a shepherd in a grotto, and a centaur.
The exact meaning of the painting had not been yet completely understood, although several hypotheses have been made by art historians. What is sure is that the painting was made for a refined élite, whose education allowed them to understand any subtle detail included in it.
In the early 20th century, Ludwig interpreted it as a pictorial transcription of the early 14th century French poem Le Pèlerinage de l'Âme ("Pilgrimage of the Soul"), by Guillaume de Deguileville. According to him, the painting represents the ideal path of purification of the soul. The hermit shepherd would be St. Anthony the Abbot, descending from his hermitage in the spiritual path inspired to the first hermit, St. Paul, and overcoming several obstacles including the centaur which waits for him at the end of the staircase. The terrace would represent the Paradise Garden, where the souls in Purgatory, symbolized by the children, wait before they are admitted to heaven. Mary, advocate of the men before God, judges the souls with the help of the crowned Justice coronata. Amongst the children, who are playing with the mystic fruits, the one at the tree would be a soul called to the eternal beatitude. The two saints standing on the left would be the patrons, perhaps connected to the works' commissioners, while the two behind the parapet would be Peter and Paul, who guard the gate of Paradise. The river in the background would be Lethe, which surrounds Paradise. The animals would represent the hermits' virtue: the mule for the patience, and the sheep for humility.
According to other scholars, the painting would represent a common holy conversation or a vision of the Paradise. Some see Jesus in the children on the cushion, giving to the work the meaning of a meditation about incarnation and redemption.
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Mirando ese cielo recordé la importancia del color azul en la Cultura Occidental y el valor que se le asigna , ese azul con un " toque de gris " propio de los atardeceres dramáticos, en la costa austral atlántica .
Vale la pena recordarlo..
Pocos artistas han sido tan humanos y tremendamente sinceros como la pintora mexicana Frida Kahlo (1907-1954). Su obra es un reflejo no solo de su personalidad o de su intensa, y tristemente breve, biografía sino que, me atrevería a expresar, de su alma. A pesar de sus graves problemas de salud y del particular amor que le profesaba el gran muralista Diego Rivera, en sus cuadros expresa un gran amor a la vida. La vida con todas sus facetas: el dolor, la angustia, el sufrimiento por las infidelidades... pero también la belleza, la amistad o el amor. Mediante el empleo de una paleta rica repleta de colores vivos y brillantes podemos atisbarnos al gran universo interior de una artista de la que, creo, solo se suele apreciar una parte de su gran personalidad. Una buena muestra es su último bodegón "Viva la vida":
En su diario, Frida Kalho, identifica al azul cobalto con la energía, la pureza y el amor. Es una asociación curiosa y muy personal para el concepto del amor. Si bien la fidelidad, entendida como lealtad que expresa ese sentimiento intenso hacia otra persona, sí ha sido descrita con ese color en el magnífico estudio de Eva Heller "Psicología del color": "Como color de la lejenía, el azul es también el color de la fidelidad. [...]La fidelidad no es una virtud que pueda demostrarse a simple vista [...] El rito nupcial inglés exige como ajuar de toda novia: Algo antiguo, algo nuevo, algo prestado y algo azul - esto es, algo fiel".
Es difícil encontrar a alguien a quien no le guste el color azul. Solemos vestirnos con prendas de ese color en todas las estaciones sin importar la ocasión, lo elegimos para nuestros automóviles, es un color muy empleado en la arquitectura popular mediterránea y americana, tanto en exteriores como en interiores. Sobre todo, en los dormitorios gracias a su efecto tranquilizante a pesar de su frialdad. Siguiendo el estudio de Eva Heller: "El azul tiene su significado más importante en los símbolos, en los sentimientos que a él asociamos. El azul es el color de todas las buenas cualidades que se acreditan con el tiempo, de todos los buenos sentimientos que no están dominados por la simple pasión, sino que se basan en la comprensión recíproca. No hay ningún sentimiento negativo en el que domine el azul."
Fuente : "El block de dibujo "
Las rosas amarillas son uno de los colores de rosas más populares del mundo, junto con el rojo y el blanco. Mientras que las rojas son más utilizadas entre los amantes para mostrar pasión y las blancas se utilizan en ambientes familiares para mostrar respeto, las rosas amarillas se centran más en la amistad y en la alegría.
Y es que esos son los lenguajes de las rosas amarillas, mostrando amor (pero de una forma mucho menos apasionada), amistad, alegría y respeto. Este tipo de rosas son muy populares sobre todo entre la gente joven, en la que la amistad está más presente que el amor sentimental.
El color soleado de las rosas amarillas evoca una sensación de calidez y felicidad. Los sentimientos asociados con este color a menudo son similares a los que se comparten con un amigo de verdad. Por ello la rosa amarilla es un símbolo de alegría y amistad.
Si te gusta este color y te gustaría regalárselo a tu pareja desde aquí te lo aconsejamos porque el lenguaje de las rosas amarillas en el amor trasmite sentamientos nada halagüeños. Una rosa amarilla representa la traición de la infidelidad. Aunque si quieres pedir perdón y arrepentimiento en una situación de esas, este tipo de rosa sí que te puede servir.
La relación de las flores amarillas con las infidelidades la encontramos en una leyenda que nos muestra la historia de Aisha, la esposa favorita de Mahoma. Éste sospechaba de la infidelidad de Aisha con un joven persa y fue a pedir la opinión del arcángel Gabriel.
A su regreso, Aisha le recibió con un ramo de rosas rojas. Siguiendo las instrucciones del arcángel, el profeta le pidió que las lanzara al río, a sabiendas de que si éstas cambiaban de color, se confirmarían sus sospechas.
Y la fatal sorpresa fue que las rosas traicioneras se convirtieron en ¡¡amarillo azafrán!! Desde ese mismo momento las rosas amarillas fueron símbolo de infidelidad conyugal para siempre.
Generalmente recomendamos regalar un ramo de rosas amarillas a amigos o a parejas a la que queramos pedir perdón por un problema de infidelidad o de celos. Pero para evitar ambigüedades, no olvides acompañar las flores con una pequeña nota.
Significado de las rosas amarillas
El color amarillo ha sido asociado comúnmente con la inteligencia, el optimismo y la abundancia, pero en el caso de las rosas amarillas, estas guardan un significado muy particular. Si deseas regalarle a un amigo o amiga, las rosas amarillas son excelentes, porque simbolizan la alegría, el amor fraternal y los buenos comienzos. Por otra parte, si deseas reconquistar a tu pareja o pedirle perdón, no hay nada como obsequiarle un ramo de rosas amarillas, ya que también transmiten sentimientos de renovación y buenas energías.
Las rosas amarillas son uno de los colores de rosas más populares del mundo, junto con el rojo y el blanco. Mientras que las rojas son más utilizadas entre los amantes para mostrar pasión y las blancas se utilizan en ambientes familiares para mostrar respeto, las rosas amarillas se centran más en la amistad y en la alegría.
Y es que esos son los lenguajes de las rosas amarillas, mostrando amor (pero de una forma mucho menos apasionada), amistad, alegría y respeto. Este tipo de rosas son muy populares sobre todo entre la gente joven, en la que la amistad está más presente que el amor sentimental.
El color soleado de las rosas amarillas evoca una sensación de calidez y felicidad. Los sentimientos asociados con este color a menudo son similares a los que se comparten con un amigo de verdad. Por ello la rosa amarilla es un símbolo de alegría y amistad.
Si te gusta este color y te gustaría regalárselo a tu pareja desde aquí te lo aconsejo porque el lenguaje de las rosas amarillas en el amor trasmite sentamientos nada halagüeños. Una rosa amarilla representa la traición de la infidelidad. Aunque si quieres pedir perdón y arrepentimiento en una situación de esas, este tipo de rosa sí que te puede servir.
La relación de las flores amarillas con las infidelidades la encontramos en una leyenda que nos muestra la historia de Aisha, la esposa favorita de Mahoma. Éste sospechaba de la infidelidad de Aisha con un joven persa y fue a pedir la opinión del arcángel Gabriel.
A su regreso, Aisha le recibió con un ramo de rosas rojas. Siguiendo las instrucciones del arcángel, el profeta le pidió que las lanzara al río, a sabiendas de que si éstas cambiaban de color, se confirmarían sus sospechas.
Y la fatal sorpresa fue que las rosas traicioneras se convirtieron en ¡¡amarillo azafrán!! Desde ese mismo momento las rosas amarillas fueron símbolo de infidelidad conyugal para siempre.
Generalmente recomendamos regalar un ramo de rosas amarillas a amigos o a parejas a la que queramos pedir perdón por un problema de infidelidad o de celos. Pero para evitar ambigüedades, no olvides acompañar las flores con una pequeña nota.
Significado de las rosas amarillas
El color amarillo ha sido asociado comúnmente con la inteligencia, el optimismo y la abundancia, pero en el caso de las rosas amarillas, estas guardan un significado muy particular. Si deseas regalarle a un amigo o amiga, las rosas amarillas son excelentes, porque simbolizan la alegría, el amor fraternal y los buenos comienzos. Por otra parte, si deseas reconquistar a tu pareja o pedirle perdón, no hay nada como obsequiarle un ramo de rosas amarillas, ya que también transmiten sentimientos de renovación y buenas energías.
Sergeant Cheery Littlebottom,
Igor,
Captain Angua von Überwald,
Constable Visit-The-Infidel-With-Explanatory-Pamphlets
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.
Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while not directly involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath has been controversial. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü and was honored with a state funeral.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.
The Turkish War of Independence (19 May 1919 – 24 July 1923) was a series of military campaigns and a revolution waged by the Turkish National Movement, after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and partitioned following its defeat in World War I. The conflict was between the Turkish Nationalists against Allied and separatist forces over the application of Wilsonian principles, especially national self-determination, in post-World War I Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. The revolution concluded the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; the Ottoman monarchy and the Islamic caliphate were abolished, and the Republic of Turkey was declared in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This resulted in a transfer of vested sovereignty from the sultan-caliph to the nation, setting the stage for Republican Turkey's period of nationalist revolutionary reform.
While World War I ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mudros, the Allied Powers continued occupying and securing land per the Sykes–Picot Agreement, as well as to facilitate the prosecution of former members of the Committee of Union and Progress and those involved in the Armenian genocide. Ottoman military commanders therefore refused orders from both the Allies and the Ottoman government to surrender and disband their forces. In an atmosphere of turmoil throughout the remainder of the empire, sultan Mehmed VI dispatched Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), a well-respected and high-ranking general, to Anatolia to restore order; however, Mustafa Kemal became an enabler and eventually leader of Turkish Nationalist resistance against the Ottoman government, Allied powers, and separatists.
In an attempt to establish control over the power vacuum in Anatolia, the Allies agreed to launch a Greek peacekeeping force into Anatolia and occupy Smyrna (İzmir), inflaming sectarian tensions and beginning the Turkish War of Independence. A nationalist counter government led by Mustafa Kemal was established in Ankara when it became clear the Ottoman government was appeasing the Allied powers. The Allies soon pressured the Ottoman government in Constantinople to suspend the Constitution, shutter Parliament, and sign the Treaty of Sèvres, a treaty unfavorable to Turkish interests that the "Ankara government" declared illegal.
In the ensuing war, Turkish and Syrian forces defeated the French in the south, and remobilized army units went on to partition Armenia with the Bolsheviks, resulting in the Treaty of Kars (October 1921). The Western Front of the independence war is known as the Greco-Turkish War, in which Greek forces at first encountered unorganized resistance. However, İsmet Pasha (İnönü)'s organization of militia into a regular army paid off when Ankara forces fought the Greeks in the First and Second Battle of İnönü. The Greek army emerged victorious in the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and decided to drive on the Nationalist capital of Ankara, stretching their supply lines. The Turks checked their advance in the Battle of Sakarya and eventually counter-attacked in the Great Offensive, which expelled Greek forces from Anatolia in the span of three weeks. The war effectively ended with the recapture of İzmir and the Chanak Crisis, prompting the signing of another armistice in Mudanya.
The Grand National Assembly in Ankara was recognized as the legitimate Turkish government, which signed the Treaty of Lausanne (July 1923), a treaty more favorable to Turkey than the Sèvres Treaty. The Allies evacuated Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Ottoman government was overthrown and the monarchy abolished, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (which remains Turkey's primary legislative body today) declared the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. With the war, a population exchange between Greece and Turkey, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms, the Turks created the modern, secular nation-state of Turkey. On 3 March 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was also abolished.
The ethnic demographics of the modern Turkish Republic were significantly impacted by the earlier Armenian genocide and the deportations of Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian Rum people. The Turkish Nationalist Movement carried out massacres and deportations to eliminate native Christian populations—a continuation of the Armenian genocide and other ethnic cleansing operations during World War I. Following these campaigns of ethnic cleansing, the historic Christian presence in Anatolia was destroyed, in large part, and the Muslim demographic had increased from 80% to 98%.
Following the chaotic politics of the Second Constitutional Era, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Committee of Union and Progress in a coup in 1913, and then further consolidated its control after the assassination of Mahmud Shevket Pasha.[citation needed] Founded as a radical revolutionary group seeking to prevent a collapse of the Ottoman Empire, by the eve of World War I it decided that the solution was to implement nationalist and centralizing policies. The CUP reacted to the losses of land and the expulsion of Muslims from the Balkan Wars by turning even more nationalistic. Part of its effort to consolidate power was to proscribe and exile opposition politicians from the Freedom and Accord Party to remote Sinop.
The Unionists brought the Ottoman Empire into World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, during which a genocidal campaign was waged against Ottoman Christians, namely Armenians, Pontic Greeks, and Assyrians. It was based on an alleged conspiracy that the three groups would rebel on the side of the Allies, so collective punishment was applied. A similar suspicion and suppression from the Turkish nationalist government was directed towards the Arab and Kurdish populations, leading to localized rebellions. The Entente powers reacted to these developments by charging the CUP leaders, commonly known as the Three Pashas, with "Crimes against humanity" and threatened accountability. They also had imperialist ambitions on Ottoman territory, with a major correspondence over a post-war settlement in the Ottoman Empire being leaked to the press as the Sykes–Picot Agreement. With Saint Petersburg's exit from World War I and descent into civil war, driven in part from the Ottomans' closure of the Turkish straits of goods bound to Russia, a new imperative was given to the Entente powers to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war to restart the Eastern Front.
World War I would be the nail in the coffin of Ottomanism, a monarchist and multicultural nationalism. Mistreatment of non-Turk groups after 1913, and the general context of great socio-political upheaval that occurred in the aftermath of World War I, meant many minorities now wished to divorce their future from imperialism to form futures of their own by separating into (often republican) nation-states.
In the summer months of 1918, the leaders of the Central Powers realized that the Great War was lost, including the Ottomans'. Almost simultaneously the Palestinian Front and then the Macedonian Front collapsed. The sudden decision by Bulgaria to sign an armistice cut communications from Constantinople (İstanbul) to Vienna and Berlin, and opened the undefended Ottoman capital to Entente attack. With the major fronts crumbling, Unionist Grand Vizier Talât Pasha intended to sign an armistice, and resigned on 8 October 1918 so that a new government would receive less harsh armistice terms. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918, ending World War I for the Ottoman Empire. Three days later, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—which governed the Ottoman Empire as a one-party state since 1913—held its last congress, where it was decided the party would be dissolved. Talât, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and five other high-ranking members of the CUP escaped the Ottoman Empire on a German torpedo boat later that night, plunging the country into a power vacuum.
The armistice was signed because the Ottoman Empire had been defeated in important fronts, but the military was intact and retreated in good order. Unlike other Central Powers, the Allies did not mandate an abdication of the imperial family as a condition for peace, nor did they request the Ottoman Army to dissolve its general staff. Though the army suffered from mass desertion throughout the war which led to banditry, there was no threat of mutiny or revolutions like in Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia. This is despite famine and economic collapse that was brought on by the extreme levels of mobilization, destruction from the war, disease, and mass murder since 1914.
Due to the Turkish nationalist policies pursued by the CUP against Ottoman Christians by 1918 the Ottoman Empire held control over a mostly homogeneous land of Muslims from Eastern Thrace to the Persian border. These included mostly Turks, as well as Kurds, Circassians, and Muhacir groups from Rumeli. Most Muslim Arabs were now outside of the Ottoman Empire and under Allied occupation, with some "imperialists" still loyal to the Ottoman Sultanate-Caliphate, and others wishing for independence or Allied protection under a League of Nations mandate. Sizable Greek and Armenian minorities remained within its borders, and most of these communities no longer wished to remain under the Empire.
On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to an end. The Ottoman Army was to demobilize, its navy and air force handed to the Allies, and occupied territory in the Caucasus and Persia to be evacuated. Critically, Article VII granted the Allies the right to occupy forts controlling the Turkish Straits and the vague right to occupy "in case of disorder" any territory if there were a threat to security. The clause relating to the occupation of the straits was meant to secure a Southern Russian intervention force, while the rest of the article was used to allow for Allied controlled peace-keeping forces. There was also a hope to follow through punishing local actors that carried out exterminatory orders from the CUP government against Armenian Ottomans. For now, the House of Osman escaped the fates of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Romanovs to continue ruling their empire, though at the cost of its remaining sovereignty.
On 13 November 1918, a French brigade entered Constantinople to begin a de facto occupation of the Ottoman capital and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of British, French, Italian and Greek ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day, totaling 50,000 troops in Constantinople. The Allied Powers stated that the occupation was temporary and its purpose was to protect the monarchy, the caliphate and the minorities. Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe—the British signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the Ottoman government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Constantinople". However, dismantling the government and partitioning the Ottoman Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.
A wave of seizures took place in the rest of the country in the following months. Citing Article VII, British forces demanded that Turkish troops evacuate Mosul, claiming that Christian civilians in Mosul and Zakho were killed en masse. In the Caucasus, Britain established a presence in Menshevik Georgia and the Lori and Aras valleys as peace-keepers. On 14 November, joint Franco-Greek occupation was established in the town of Uzunköprü in Eastern Thrace as well as the railway axis until the train station of Hadımköy on the outskirts of Constantinople. On 1 December, British troops based in Syria occupied Kilis, Marash, Urfa and Birecik. Beginning in December, French troops began successive seizures of the province of Adana, including the towns of Antioch, Mersin, Tarsus, Ceyhan, Adana, Osmaniye, and İslâhiye, incorporating the area into the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration North while French forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Black Sea ports of Zonguldak and Karadeniz Ereğli commanding Turkey's coal mining region. These continued seizures of land prompted Ottoman commanders to refuse demobilization and prepare for the resumption of war.
The British similarly asked Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) to turn over the port of Alexandretta (İskenderun), which he reluctantly did, following which he was recalled to Constantinople. He made sure to distribute weapons to the population to prevent them from falling into the hands of Allied forces. Some of these weapons were smuggled to the east by members of Karakol, a successor to the CUP's Special Organization, to be used in case resistance was necessary in Anatolia. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia.
Other commanders began refusing orders from the Ottoman government and the Allied powers. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Constantinople, Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) brought XX Corps under his command. He marched first to Konya and then to Ankara to organise resistance groups, such as the Circassian çetes he assembled with guerilla leader Çerkes Ethem. Meanwhile, Kazım Karabekir Pasha refused to surrender his intact and powerful XV Corps in Erzurum. Evacuation from the Caucusus, puppet republics and Muslim militia groups were established in the army's wake to hamper with the consolidation of the new Armenian state. Elsewhere in the country, regional nationalist resistance organizations known as Şuras –meaning "councils", not unlike soviets in revolutionary Russia– were founded, most pledging allegiance to the Defence of National Rights movement that protested continued Allied occupation and appeasement by the Sublime Porte.
Following the occupation of Constantinople, Mehmed VI Vahdettin dissolved the Chamber of Deputies which was dominated by Unionists elected back in 1914, promising elections for the next year. Vahdettin just ascended to the throne only months earlier with the death of Mehmed V Reşad. He was disgusted with the policies of the CUP, and wished to be a more assertive sovereign than his diseased half brother. Greek and Armenian Ottomans declared the termination of their relationship with the Ottoman Empire through their respective patriarchates, and refused to partake in any future election. With the collapse of the CUP and its censorship regime, an outpouring of condemnation against the party came from all parts of Ottoman media.
A general amnesty was soon issued, allowing the exiled and imprisoned dissidents persecuted by the CUP to return to Constantinople. Vahdettin invited the pro-Palace politician Damat Ferid Pasha, leader of the reconstituted Freedom and Accord Party, to form a government, whose members quickly set out to purge the Unionists from the Ottoman government. Ferid Pasha hoped that his Anglophilia and an attitude of appeasement would induce less harsh peace terms from the Allied powers. However, his appointment was problematic for nationalists, many being members of the liquidated committee that were surely to face trial. Years of corruption, unconstitutional acts, war profiteering, and enrichment from ethnic cleansing and genocide by the Unionists soon became basis of war crimes trials and courts martial trials held in Constantinople.[citation needed] While many leading Unionists were sentenced lengthy prison sentences, many made sure to escape the country before Allied occupation or to regions that the government now had minimal control over; thus most were sentenced in absentia. The Allies encouragement of the proceedings and the use of British Malta as their holding ground made the trials unpopular. The partisan nature of the trials was not lost on observers either. The hanging of the Kaymakam of Boğazlıyan district Mehmed Kemal resulted in a demonstration against the courts martials trials.
With all the chaotic politics in the capital and uncertainty of the severity of the incoming peace treaty, many Ottomans looked to Washington with the hope that the application of Wilsonian principles would mean Constantinople would stay Turkish, as Muslims outnumbered Christians 2:1. The United States never declared war on the Ottoman Empire, so many imperial elite believed Washington could be a neutral arbiter that could fix the empire's problems. Halide Edip (Adıvar) and her Wilsonian Principles Society led the movement that advocated for the empire to be governed by an American League of Nations Mandate (see United States during the Turkish War of Independence). American diplomats attempted to ascertain a role they could play in the area with the Harbord and King–Crane Commissions. However, with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's health, the United States diplomatically withdrew from the Middle East to focus on Europe, leaving the Entente powers to construct a post-Ottoman order.
The Entente would have arrived at Constantinople to discover an administration attempting to deal with decades of accumulated refugee crisis. The new government issued a proclamation allowing for deportees to return to their homes, but many Greeks and Armenians found their old homes occupied by desperate Rumelian and Caucasian Muslim refugees which were settled in their properties during the First World War. Ethnic conflict restarted in Anatolia; government officials responsible for resettling Christian refugees often assisted Muslim refugees in these disputes, prompting European powers to continue bringing Ottoman territory under their control. Of the 800,000 Ottoman Christian refugees, approximately over half returned to their homes by 1920. Meanwhile 1.4 million refugees from the Russian Civil War would pass through the Turkish straits and Anatolia, with 150,000 White émigrés choosing to settle in Istanbul for short or long term (see Evacuation of the Crimea). Many provinces were simply depopulated from years of fighting, conscription, and ethnic cleansing (see Ottoman casualties of World War I). The province of Yozgat lost 50% of its Muslim population from conscription, while according to the governor of Van, almost 95% of its prewar residents were dead or internally displaced.
Administration in much of the Anatolian and Thracian countryside would soon all but collapse by 1919. Army deserters who turned to banditry essentially controlled fiefdoms with tacit approval from bureaucrats and local elites. An amnesty issued in late 1918 saw these bandits strengthen their positions and fight amongst each other instead of returning to civilian life. Albanian and Circassian muhacirs resettled by the government in northwestern Anatolia and Kurds in southeastern Anatolia were engaged in blood feuds that intensified during the war and were hesitant to pledge allegiance to the Defence of Rights movement, and only would if officials could facilitate truces. Various Muhacir groups were suspicious of the continued Ittihadist ideology in the Defence of Rights movement, and the potential for themselves to meet fates 'like the Armenians' especially as warlords hailing from those communities assisted the deportations of the Christians even though as many commanders in the Nationalist movement also had Caucasian and Balkan Muslim ancestry.
With Anatolia in practical anarchy and the Ottoman army being questionably loyal in reaction to Allied land seizures, Mehmed VI established the military inspectorate system to reestablish authority over the remaining empire. Encouraged by Karabekir and Edmund Allenby, he assigned Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate –based in Erzurum– to restore order to Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919, with his first assignment to suppress a rebellion by Greek rebels around the city of Samsun.
Mustafa Kemal was a well known, well respected, and well connected army commander, with much prestige coming from his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar"—for his role in the Gallipoli Campaign—and his title of "Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan" gained in the last months of WWI. This choice would seem curious, as he was a nationalist and a fierce critic of the government's accommodating policy to the Entente powers. He was also an early member of the CUP. However Kemal Pasha did not associate himself with the fanatical faction of the CUP, many knew that he frequently clashed with the radicals of the Central Committee like Enver. He was therefore sidelined to the periphery of power throughout the Great War; after the CUP's dissolution he vocally aligned himself with moderates that formed the Liberal People's Party instead of the rump radical faction which formed the Renewal Party (both parties would be banned in May 1919 for being successors of the CUP). All these reasons allowed him to be the most legitimate nationalist for the sultan to placate. In this new political climate, he sought to capitalize on his war exploits to attain a better job, indeed several times he unsuccessfully lobbied for his inclusion in cabinet as War Minister. His new assignment gave him effective plenipotentiary powers over all of Anatolia which was meant to accommodate him and other nationalists to keep them loyal to the government.
Mustafa Kemal had earlier declined to become the leader of the Sixth Army headquartered in Nusaybin. But according to Patrick Balfour, through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, he became the inspector of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of remaining Ottoman forces. Kemal had an abundance of connections and personal friends concentrated in the post-armistice War Ministry, a powerful tool that would help him accomplish his secret goal: to lead a nationalist movement to safeguard Turkish interests against the Allied powers and a collaborative Ottoman government.
The day before his departure to Samsun on the remote Black Sea coast, Kemal had one last audience with Sultan Vahdettin, where he affirmed his loyalty to the sultan-caliph. It was in this meeting that they were informed of the botched occupation ceremony of Smyrna (İzmir) by the Greeks. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma on the evening of 16 May 1919.
On 19 January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference was first held, at which Allied nations set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Ottoman Empire. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey", was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. France expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon, Syria, and a portion of southeastern Anatolia based on the Sykes–Picot Agreement.
Greece justified their territorial claims of Ottoman land through the Megali Idea as well as international sympathy from the suffering of Ottoman Greeks in 1914 and 1917–1918. Privately, Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos had British prime minister David Lloyd George's backing not least from Greece's entrance to WWI on the Allied side, but also from his charisma and charming personality. Greece's participation in the Allies' Southern Russian intervention also earned it favors in Paris. His demands included parts of Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada), Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna (İzmir), all of which had large Greek populations. Venizelos also advocated a large Armenian state to check a post-war Ottoman Empire. Greece wanted to incorporate Constantinople, but Entente powers did not give permission. Damat Ferid Pasha went to Paris on behalf of the Ottoman Empire hoping to minimize territorial losses using Fourteen Points rhetoric, wishing for a return to status quo ante bellum, on the basis that every province of the Empire holds Muslim majorities. This plea was met with ridicule.
At the Paris Peace Conference, competing claims over Western Anatolia by Greek and Italian delegations led Greece to land the flagship of the Greek Navy at Smyrna, resulting in the Italian delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Italy responded to the possible idea of Greek incorporation of Western Anatolia by sending a warship to Smyrna as a show of force against the Greek campaign. A large Italian force also landed in Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna per Article VII, ostensibly as a peacekeeping force to keep stability in the region. Venizelos's rhetoric was more directed against the CUP regime than the Turks as a whole, an attitude not always shared in the Greek military: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic [İttihadist] Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would control a zone around Smyrna and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor.
Most historians mark the Greek landing at Smyrna on 15 May 1919 as the start date of the Turkish War of Independence as well as the start of the "Kuva-yi Milliye Phase". The occupation ceremony from the outset was tense from nationalist fervor, with Ottoman Greeks greeting the soldiers with an ecstatic welcome, and Ottoman Muslims protesting the landing. A miscommunication in Greek high command led to an Evzone column marching by the municipal Turkish barracks. The nationalist journalist Hasan Tahsin fired the "first bullet"[note 4] at the Greek standard bearer at the head of the troops, turning the city into a warzone. Süleyman Fethi Bey was murdered by bayonet for refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" (meaning "long live Venizelos"), and 300–400 unarmed Turkish soldiers and civilians and 100 Greek soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded.
Greek troops moved from Smyrna outwards to towns on the Karaburun peninsula; to Selçuk, situated a hundred kilometres south of the city at a key location that commands the fertile Küçük Menderes River valley; and to Menemen towards the north. Guerilla warfare commenced in the countryside, as Turks began to organize themselves into irregular guerilla groups known as Kuva-yi Milliye (national forces), which were soon joined by Ottoman soldiers, bandits, and disaffected farmers. Most Kuva-yi Milliye bands were led by rogue military commanders and members of the Special Organization. The Greek troops based in cosmopolitan Smyrna soon found themselves conducting counterinsurgency operations in a hostile, dominantly Muslim hinterland. Groups of Ottoman Greeks also formed contingents that cooperated with the Greek Army to combat Kuva-yi Milliye within the zone of control. A massacre of Turks at Menemen was followed up with a battle for the town of Aydın, which saw intense intercommunal violence and the razing of the city. What was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission of Western Anatolia instead inflamed ethnic tensions and became a counterinsurgency.
The reaction of Greek landing at Smyrna and continued Allied seizures of land served to destabilize Turkish civil society. Ottoman bureaucrats, military, and bourgeoisie trusted the Allies to bring peace, and thought the terms offered at Mudros were considerably more lenient than they actually were. Pushback was potent in the capital, with 23 May 1919 being largest of the Sultanahmet Square demonstrations organized by the Turkish Hearths against the Greek occupation of Smyrna, the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history at that point. The Ottoman government condemned the landing, but could do little about it. Ferid Pasha tried to resign, but was urged by the sultan to stay in his office.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his colleagues stepped ashore in Samsun on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mıntıka Palace Hotel. British troops were present in Samsun, and he initially maintained cordial contact. He had assured Damat Ferid about the army's loyalty towards the new government in Constantinople. However, behind the government's back, Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged discreet mass meetings, made fast connections via telegraph with the army units in Anatolia, and began to form links with various Nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Kemal and his staff moved to Havza. It was there that he first showed the flag of the resistance.
Mustafa Kemal wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. His credentials and the importance of his position were not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he met with various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Pasha, Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuat Pasha, and Refet Pasha and issued the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919). Ottoman provincial authorities were notified via telegraph that the unity and independence of the nation was at risk, and that the government in Constantinople was compromised. To remedy this, a congress was to take place in Erzurum between delegates of the Six Vilayets to decide on a response, and another congress would take place in Sivas where every Vilayet should send delegates. Sympathy and an lack of coordination from the capital gave Mustafa Kemal freedom of movement and telegraph use despite his implied anti-government tone.
On 23 June, High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realising the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about the Pasha to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst of the British occupation force in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with the Brigade of Gurkhas. When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the armistice that he had signed and was assigned to another position on 5 August 1919. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced them that Mustafa Kemal was right.
By early July, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received telegrams from the sultan and Calthorpe, asking him and Refet to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Constantinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the sultan's plans. Before resigning from his position, he dispatched a circular to all nationalist organizations and military commanders to not disband or surrender unless for the latter if they could be replaced by cooperative nationalist commanders. Now only a civilian stripped of his command, Mustafa Kemal was at the mercy of the new inspector of Third Army (renamed from Ninth Army) Karabekir Pasha, indeed the War Ministry ordered him to arrest Kemal, an order which Karabekir refused. The Erzurum Congress was a meeting of delegates and governors from the six Eastern Vilayets. They drafted the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which envisioned new borders for the Ottoman Empire by applying principles of national self-determination per Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the abolition of the capitulations. The Erzurum Congress concluded with a circular that was effectively a declaration of independence: All regions within Ottoman borders upon the signing of the Mudros Armistice were indivisible from the Ottoman state –Greek and Armenian claims on Thrace and Anatolia were moot– and assistance from any country not coveting Ottoman territory was welcome. If the government in Constantinople was not able to attain this after electing a new parliament, they insisted a provisional government should be promulgated to defend Turkish sovereignty. The Committee of Representation was established as a provisional executive body based in Anatolia, with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its chairman.
Following the congress, the Committee of Representation relocated to Sivas. As announced in the Amasya Circular, a new congress was held there in September with delegates from all Anatolian and Thracian provinces. The Sivas Congress repeated the points of the National Pact agreed to in Erzurum, and united the various regional Defence of National Rights Associations organizations, into a united political organisation: Anatolia and Rumeli Defence of Rights Association (A-RMHC), with Mustafa Kemal as its chairman. In an effort show his movement was in fact a new and unifying movement, the delegates had to swear an oath to discontinue their relations with the CUP and to never revive the party (despite most present in Sivas being previous members).[120] It was also decided there that the Ottoman Empire should not be a League of Nations mandate under the United States, especially after the U.S Senate failed to ratify American membership in the League.
Momentum was now on the Nationalists' side. A plot by a loyalist Ottoman governor and a British intelligence officer to arrest Kemal before the Sivas Congress led to the cutting of all ties with the Ottoman government until a new election would be held in the lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1919, the last Ottoman governor loyal to Constantinople fled his province. Fearing the outbreak of hostilities, all British troops stationed in the Black Sea coast and Kütahya were evacuated. Damat Ferid Pasha resigned, and the sultan replaced him with a general with nationalist credentials: Ali Rıza Pasha. On 16 October 1919, Ali Rıza and the Nationalists held negotiations in Amasya. They agreed in the Amasya Protocol that an election would be called for the Ottoman Parliament to establish national unity by upholding the resolutions made in the Sivas Congress, including the National Pact.
By October 1919, the Ottoman government only held de facto control over Constantinople; the rest of the Ottoman Empire was loyal to Kemal's movement to resist a partition of Anatolia and Thrace. Within a few months Mustafa Kemal went from General Inspector of the Ninth Army to a renegade military commander discharged for insubordination to leading a homegrown anti-Entente movement that overthrew a government and driven it into resistance.
In December 1919, an election was held for the Ottoman parliament, with polls only open in unoccupied Anatolia and Thrace. It was boycotted by Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians and the Freedom and Accord Party, resulting in groups associated with the Turkish Nationalist Movement winning, including the A-RMHC. The Nationalists' obvious links to the CUP made the election especially polarizing and voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing in favor of the Kemalists were regular occurrences in rural provinces. This controversy led to many of the nationalist MPs organizing the National Salvation Group separate from Kemal's movement, which risked the nationalist movement splitting in two.
Mustafa Kemal was elected an MP from Erzurum, but he expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal and the Committee of Representation moved from Sivas to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Constantinople to attend the parliament.
Though Ali Rıza Pasha called the election as per the Amasya Protocol to keep unity between the "Istanbul government" and "Ankara government", he was wrong to think the election could bring him any legitimacy. The Ottoman parliament was under the de facto control of the British battalion stationed at Constantinople and any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the battalion's commanding officer. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.
On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey was in Ankara in the name of the Committee of Representation. On 28 January the MPs from both sides of the isle secretly met to endorse the National Pact as a peace settlement. They added to the points passed in Sivas, calling for plebiscites to be held in West Thrace; Batum, Kars, and Ardahan, and Arab lands on whether to stay in the Empire or not. Proposals were also made to elect Kemal president of the Chamber;[clarification needed] however, this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies would be forcefully dissolved for passing the National Pact anyway. The National Pact solidified Nationalist interests, which were in conflict with the Allied plans.
From February to April, leaders of Britain, France, and Italy met in London to discuss the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the crisis in Anatolia. The British began to sense that the elected Ottoman government was under Kemalist influence and if left unchecked, the Entente could once again find themselves at war with the Empire. The Ottoman government was not doing all that it could to suppress the Nationalists.
Mustafa Kemal manufactured a crisis to pressure the Istanbul government to pick a side by deploying Kuva-yi Milliye towards İzmit. The British, concerned about the security of the Bosporus Strait, demanded Ali Rıza Pasha to reassert control over the area, to which he responded with his resignation to the sultan.
As they were negotiating the partition of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies were growing increasingly concerned about the Turkish National Movement. To this end, the Allied occupational authorities in Istanbul began to plan a raid to arrest nationalist politicians and journalists along with occupying military and police installations and government buildings. On 16 March 1920, the coup was carried out; several Royal Navy warships were anchored in the Galata Bridge to support British forces, including the Indian Army, while they carried out the arrests and occupied several government buildings in the early hours of the morning.
An Indian Army operation, the Şehzadebaşı raid, resulted in 5 Ottoman soldiers from the 10th Infantry Division being killed when troops raided their barracks. Among those arrested were the senior leadership of the Turkish National Movement and former members of the CUP. 150 arrested Turkish politicians accused of war crimes were interned in Malta and became known as the Malta exiles.
Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the Nationalist organisations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to counter Allied movements was to organise protests. He declared "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence – its entire future".
On 18 March, the Chamber of Deputies declared that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members, and dissolved itself. Mehmed VI confirmed this and declared the end of Constitutional Monarchy and a return to absolutism. University students were forbidden from joining political associations inside and outside the classroom. With the lower elected Chamber of Deputies shuttered, the Constitution terminated, and the capital occupied; Sultan Vahdettin, his cabinet, and the appointed Senate were all that remained of the Ottoman government, and were basically a puppet regime of the Allied powers. Grand Vizier Salih Hulusi Pasha declared Mustafa Kemal's struggle legitimate, and resigned after less than a month in office. In his place, Damat Ferid Pasha returned to the premiership. The Sublime Porte's decapitation by the Entente allowed Mustafa Kemal to consolidate his position as the sole leader of Turkish resistance against the Allies, and to that end made him the legitimate representative of the Turkish people.
The strong measures taken against the Nationalists by the Allies in March 1920 began a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a new parliament to represent the Ottoman (Turkish) people, which would convene in Ankara. With the proclamation of the counter-government, Kemal would then ask the sultan to accept its authority. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the caliph from the Allies. He found an ally in the Khilafat movement of British India, where Indians protested Britain's planned dismemberment of Turkey. A committee was also started for sending funds to help the soon to be proclaimed Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip and Abdülhak Adnan (Adıvar), Mustafa İsmet Pasha (İnönü), Mustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), many of Kemal's allies in the Ministry of War, and Celalettin Arif, the president of the now shuttered Chamber of Deputies. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as he declared that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally.
Some 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced the establishment of a new parliament in Ankara known as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNA) that was dominated by the A-RMHC.[citation needed] The parliament included Turks, Circassians, Kurds, and one Jew. They met in a building that used to serve as the provincial headquarters of the local CUP chapter. The inclusion of "Turkey" in its name reflected a increasing trend of new ways Ottoman citizens thought of their country, and was the first time it was formally used as the name of the country. On 23 April, the assembly, assuming full governmental powers, gathered for the first time, electing Mustafa Kemal its first Speaker and Prime Minister.
Hoping to undermine the Nationalist Movement, Mehmed VI issued a fatwa to qualify the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, calling for the death of its leaders. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the Nationalist Movement as they committed apostasy. The mufti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi issued a simultaneous fatwa, declaring that the caliphate was under the control of the Entente and the Ferid Pasha government. In this text, the Nationalist Movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultanate and the caliphate from its enemies. In reaction to the desertion of several prominent figures to the Nationalist Movement, Ferid Pasha ordered Halide Edip, Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal to be sentenced to death in absentia for treason.
On 28 April the sultan raised 4,000 soldiers known as the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye (Caliphate Army) to combat the Nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, another force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants were initially deployed in İznik. The sultan's government sent the forces under the name of the Caliphate Army to the revolutionaries to arouse counterrevolutionary sympathy. The British, being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counteract the revolutionaries. The Nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many smaller units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat and Refet Pasha.
Anatolia had many competing forces on its soil: British troops, Nationalist militia (Kuva-yi Milliye), the sultan's army (Kuva-yi İnzibatiye), and Anzavur's bands. On 13 April 1920, an uprising supported by Anzavur against the GNA occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the fatwa. Within days the rebellion spread to Bolu and Gerede. The movement engulfed northwestern Anatolia for about a month. On 14 June, Nationalist militia fought a pitched battle near İzmit against the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye, Anzavur's bands, and British units. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye deserted and joined the Nationalist militia. Anzavur was not so lucky, as the Nationalists tasked Ethem the Circassian with crushing Anzavur's revolt. This revealed the sultan did not have the unwavering support of his own men and allies. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held their position. For now, Istanbul was out of Ankara's grasp.
The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. British forces conducted combat operations on the Nationalists and the Royal Air Force carried out aerial bombardments against the positions, which forced Nationalist forces to temporarily retreat to more secure missions. The British commander in Turkey, General George Milne—, asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish Nationalists. The report, signed by French Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, concluded that 27 divisions were necessary, but the British army did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the British public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.
The British accepted the fact that a nationalist movement could not be defeated without deployment of consistent and well-trained forces. On 25 June, the forces originating from Kuva-i İnzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The British realised that the best option to overcome these Turkish Nationalists was to use a force that was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor already occupying its territory: Greece.
Eleftherios Venizelos, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Anatolia, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the hope that fighting would stop. The subsequent treaty of Sèvres in August 1920 confirmed the Arab provinces of the empire would be reorganized into new nations given to Britain and France in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while the rest of the Empire would be partitioned between Greece, Italy, France (via Syrian mandate), Britain (via Iraqi mandate), Armenia (potentially under an American mandate), and Georgia. Smyrna would hold a plebiscite on whether to stay with Greece or Turkey, and the Kurdistan region would hold one on the question of independence. British, French, and Italian spheres of influence would also extend into Anatolia beyond the land concessions. The old capital of Constantinople as well as the Dardanelles would be under international League of Nations control.
However, the treaty could never come into effect. The treaty was extremely unpopular, with protests against the final document held even before its release in Sultanahmet square. Though Mehmed VI and Ferid Pasha loathed the treaty, they did not want Istanbul to join Ankara in nationalist struggle. The Ottoman government and Greece never ratified it. Though Ferid Pasha signed the treaty, the Ottoman Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the sultan, refused to ratify the treaty. Greece disagreed on the borders drawn. The other allies began to fracture their support of the settlement immediately. Italy started openly supporting the Nationalists with arms by the end of 1920, and the French signed another separate peace treaty with Ankara only months later.
Kemal's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Sèvres by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected sultan, but from the Turkish people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the sultan's signature of the Treaty of Sèvres would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the sultan, the document gave Kemal ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Turks for justified resistance against Istanbul.
In contrast to the Eastern and Western fronts, it was mostly unorganized Kuva-yi Milliye which were fighting in the Southern Front against France. They had help from the Syrians, who were fighting their own war with the French.
The British troops which occupied coastal Syria by the end of World War I were replaced by French troops over 1919, with the Syrian interior going to Faisal bin Al-Hussein's self-proclaimed Arab Kingdom of Syria. France which wanted to take control of all of Syria and Cilicia. There was also a desire facilitate the return of Armenian refugees in the region to their homes, and the occupation force consisted of the French Armenian Legion as well as various Armenian militia groups. 150,000 Armenians were repatriated to their homes within months of French occupation. On 21 January 1920, a Turkish Nationalist uprising and siege occurred against the French garrison in Marash. The French position untenable they retreated to Islahiye, resulting in a massacre of many Armenians by Turkish militia. A grueling siege followed in Antep which featured intense sectarian violence between Turks and Armenians. After a failed uprising by the Nationalists in Adana, by 1921, the French and Turks signed an armistice and eventually a treaty was brokered demarcating the border between the Ankara government and French controlled Syria. In the end, there was a mass exodus of Cilician Armenians to French controlled Syria, Previous Armenian survivors of deportation found themselves again as refugees and families which avoided the worst of the six years violence were forced from their homes, ending thousands of years of Christian presence in Southern Anatolia.[146] With France being the first Allied power to recognize and negotiate with the Ankara government only months after signing the Treaty of Sèvres, it was the first to break from the coordinated Allied approach to the Eastern question. In 1923 the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under French authority would be proclaimed in former Ottoman territory.
Some efforts to coordinate between Turkish Nationalists and the Syrian rebels persisted from 1920 to 1921, with the Nationalists supporting the Faisal's kingdom through Ibrahim Hanunu and Alawite groups which were also fighting the French. While the French conquered Syria, Cilicia had to be abandoned.
Kuva-yi Milliye also engaged with British forces in the "Al-Jazira Front," primarily in Mosul. Ali İhsan Pasha (Sabis) and his forces defending Mosul would surrender to the British in October 1918, but the British ignored the armistice and seized the city, following which the pasha also ignored the armistice and distributed weapons to the locals. Even before Mustafa Kemal's movement was fully organized, rogue commanders found allies in Kurdish tribes. The Kurds detested the taxes and centralization the British demanded, including Shaykh Mahmud of the Barzani family. Having previously supported the British invasion of Mesopotamia to become the governor of South Kurdistan, Mahmud revolted but was apprehended by 1919. Without legitimacy to govern the region, he was released from captivity to Sulaymaniyah, where he again declared an uprising against the British as the King of Kurdistan. Though an alliance existed with the Turks, little material support came to him from Ankara, and by 1923 there was a desire to cease hostilities between the Turks and British at Barzanji's expense. Mahmud was overthrown in 1924, and after a 1926 plebiscite, Mosul was awarded to British-controlled Iraq.
Since 1917, the Caucasus was in a chaotic state. The border of newly independent Armenia and the Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (4 June 1918). To the east, Armenia was at war with the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic after the breakup of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, and received support from Anton Denikin's White Russian Army. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn, which mandated the evacuation of the Ottoman army back to its 1914 borders. Right after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, pro-Ottoman provisional republics were proclaimed in Kars and Aras which were subsequently invaded by Armenia. Ottoman soldiers were convinced not to demobilize lest the area become a 'second Macedonia'.[149] Both sides of the new borders had massive refugee populations and famine, which were compounded by the renewed and more symmetric sectarian violence (See Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia (1917–1921) and Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan). There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Allied Powers on reshaping the border. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer territories to Armenia based on the principles of national self-determination. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920).
Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, commander of the XV corps, encountered Muslim refugees fleeing from the Armenian army, but did not have the authority to cross the border. Karabekir's two reports (30 May and 4 June 1920) outlined the situation in the region. He recommended redrawing the eastern borders, especially around Erzurum. The Russian government was receptive to this and demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. However, Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish Nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami (Kunduh) was assigned to negotiate with the Bolsheviks.
On 24 September 1920, Karabekir's XV corps and Kurdish militia advance on Kars, blowing through Armenian opposition, and then Alexandropol. With an advance on Yerevan imminent, on 28 November 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Gekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government surrendered to Bolshevik forces, ending the conflict.
The Treaty of Alexandropol (2—3 December 1920) was the first treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. The 10th article in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres and its allotted partition of Anatolia. The agreement was signed with representatives of the former government of Armenia, which by that time had no de jure or de facto power in Armenia, since Soviet rule was already established in the country. On 16 March 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.
Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.
In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.