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Her white socks are now brown from the joys of mud in the water jump.

Some background:

The ASV-99 Boxer was a third-generation construction labor manufactured by Shinohara Heavy Industries, being manufactured and rolled out in March of 1999. It was one of the most advanced construction labors of the time. Shinohara Heavy Industries, a leader in the industry, opened the door to the third generation of Labor with the AV-98 “Ingram”. The ASV-99 "Boxer" was Shinohara's long-awaited civil market machine, using the police Labor’s systems and state-of-the-art technology. It had been hailed as the "highest performance'' model for a long time and was the standard-bearer of a new era of labor.

 

However, the secret that made users say it has the highest performance could be said to lie in the "Shinohara Precision'' inherited from the “Ingram”. This was an innovative joint mechanism that connected a spherical joint to three cylinder-type actuators. By providing a wide range of motion for the hip joints, ankle joints, and shoulder joints, and the actuator itself also functioning as a shock damper, the vehicle's "holding" had been significantly improved, making it possible to maneuver the vehicle closer to human movements than previous models, what highly improved the ASV-99’s effectiveness.

 

Like other labors of the same generation the ASV-99 was equipped with a VVVF-controlled PMS actuator with excellent controllability and a lightweight, high-output lithium-ion battery. Furthermore, the impact energy absorbed by the actuator was returned to the battery via a regeneration system after being converted into heat, slightly extending operating time.

Since advanced VR projection for the pilot was not standard yet and quite costly, so that this feature was limited to military Labor models, the ASV-99 still featured transparent cockpit windows to allow the driver a good field of view, augmented by small cameras that added side and back views. Climate control and a pressurized cabin that prevented water, dust, or even gas from entering the pilot’s cabin was a standard feature. A LIDAR system controlled the Labor’s close-range environment, preventing crashes and even making it possible to maneuver the Labor in total darkness.

Several interchangeable manipulators and construction tools were available, so that the ASV-99 was easily adaptable to a wide range of tasks, including a drill, a mechanical chisel, and a number of graspers/pincers, tailored to specific loads.

 

Due to its high visibility and frequent use in construction projects, the Boxer was frequently abused for labor crime. In 1999, many Boxer units were upgraded with Shinohara’s new hyper operating system. When the Tokyo police’s SV2 labor unit deployed to the Ark factory to thwart a plan to cause all the city’s labors to go berserk, many Boxer units activated on their own and attacked the police.

  

Specifications:

Accommodation: pilot only, in canopy style cockpit in torso with front access

Overall height 7.19 meters

Overall width 4.12 meters

Minimum revolving radius: 5.0 meters

Standard weight: 8.25 tons

Full equipment weight: 9.0 tons

Maximum weight lifting capacity: 3.1 tons

Armor materials: None, hull consists of fiber-reinforced plastic and aluminum

Armament: none

 

The kit and its assembly:

Some time ago I got my hands on a “reasonably priced” Patlabor IP kit set from Good Smile Company/Moderoid. The company recently created molds/kits for a wide range of Labors that appear in the original TV series and the movies, thankfully in the old Bandai kits’ rather esoteric 1:60 scale.

 

This range also included a lot of civil Labors, which were formerly only available as dubious vinyl kits, if at all, so that modelers would have to scratch any model of them. The kit set I got was the HL-98 “Hercules” and ASV 99 “Boxer” combo, two civil construction Labors that shortly appear in supporting roles in the early Nineties movies. I did not have concrete plans for the kits upon purchase, but the Hercules eventually became a JGSDF military variant, but the remaining Boxer was intended to remain a commercial/civil vehicle, due to its glazed cockpit.

 

Basically, the Boxer was built OOB, but as with the Hercules before, this also had inherent reasons. After initial enthusiasm I was a bit disappointed by both kits. While they look flashy and crisp in the box, molded in color and with some dark grey details on alternative sprues (that are partly shared by BOTH kits, beware not to throw them away!), the kits revealed the designers’ niggardliness. First of all the kits had been designed to be a rather simple snap-fit models. This is per se not a bad thing, many recent Bandai mecha kits are designed this way to appeal to newbie modelers who can put the model together, put stickers on it, and have a functional action figure within 15 minutes. However, Bandai’s designers still have the advanced modeler in mind and typically offer an alternative water slide decal sheet, and the kit is designed in segments that can be built and painted separately, to be assembled in a final step, e. g. thanks to vinyl caps and clever detail solutions that might require one or two parts more, but that pays out elsewhere.

 

The Good Smile Company kits lack this thought altogether. The number of pieces has been reduced to a point that some parts, which would normally require 2 halves, have been molded and cast with “holes” or as a single piece only, in the Boxer’s case, for instance, some joint parts of the arms which I filled with putty. This might not be an issue, if this would remain invisible – but it isn’t, and that’s really disappointing for such a “modern” and not truly cheap kit!

Additionally, where a Bandai kit would offer a separate flexible vinyl cap in a joint, half of that joint is in the Good Smile Company kits’ case completely molded in an ABS-esque material that is quite soft and poorly accepts any paint – the toy aspect seemed to have priority during the molds’ design process! Sure, you can work with this basis, but I feel painfully reminded of the early IP robot kits from the Eighties which did not offer ANY vinyl caps at all and a very cumbersome, not well thought-through matryoshka layout for arms, legs, and torso, so that building separate modules and assembling them as a final step would be impossible or require thorough mods. IMHO not really convincing and the material thickness as well as some details are rather “chunky” and toy-like.

 

However, I tried to do my best and made some small mods and upgrades. What’s nice about the Boxer is the glazed cockpit which even comes with a decent interior – even though the clear part that covers both cockpit windows as well as the searchlight at the top of the hull is very thick and, due to its curved shape, blurry, so that you cannot tell any details. To make the whole thing a bit more interesting I procured a suitable driver figure – not an easy task in the exotic 1:60 scale! I was eventually lucky to find a provider for 3D-printed civil figures in various scales, and they were so kind to print a suitable seating figure in the kit’s exact scale. To make it fit into the seat, however, I had to chop the lower legs off and modify the clear part for enough head space. But I think the effort was worth it.

 

The searchlights were changed, too. The original set has a round shape and reminded me so much of Mickey Mouse ears that OI had to do something about them, even more so because they lack IMHO depth and are clumsily molded into the hull. I simply cut them off and instead scratched new searchlights from 1:72 AH-1 exhaust diffusors, now bigger, deeper and with an oval shape, and mounted on styrene holders so that they stand off from the hull.

 

A final mod concerns the hands/manipulators: OOB the Boxer comes with two different “hands”, or rather claws, one with three and the other with four “fingers”, arranged in a circle. I really wonder how and what should be grasped by these? I rather went for pincer-style manipulators, transplanted from a tabletop figure of a Power Loader from the Aliens movie (32mm/1:50 scale, made by Prodos Games). They look a bit delicate for the chunky Boxer, but I found their shape to be much more practical for delicate and secure handling work, and they are nicely detailed, too.

 

Painting and markings:

I stuck to the bright blue OOB livery. First, the blue plastic in which the kit is molded makes it easy, I like the color, and it’s also a frequent color of Japanese construction vehicles. I used Revell 50 (RAL 5012 “Lichtblau”) as basic color, a tone which comes close to the IP material, but is a bit less bright. The joints and some other parts are molded in a very dark brown, and I repainted these with a very dark grey (Revell 6, Anthracite) instead – what was also necessary to cover up the many filled “holes” (see above).

 

The cockpit interior was painted in a greyish green, with brown seat upholstery. The operating levers became white with black tips – gleaned from a close-up screenshot of a Boxer cockpit from the Patlabor TV series. The pilot was secured in the seat with grey safety belts, made from adhesive tape. The driver himself received a white t-shirt and jeans, for a “mundane” look.

 

After separate assembly of arms, legs, torso and waist and their basic painting the parts received a black ink washing to work out the few details like air intakes and louvres, and then everything received an overall dry-brushing treatment with slightly more greyish blue tones to make the Boxer look worn and a bit sun-bleached, and then another dry-brushing turn with light grey to emphasize edges.

The new headlights were “filled” with chrome silver, and their covers were created with ClearFix – which was a bit messy, because the openings are probably at the limit of what you can cover with the gooey stuff.

 

The kit (unfortunately) only comes with stickers, and not decals, so I had to improvise a little – even though OOB there are only small emblems and yellow-and-black warning stripes on the lower arms to be applied. The stripes were replaced with decal alternatives from the scrap box, and I added some suitable stencils from an Ma.K. aftermarket sheet. To break up the uniform blue livery I gave the vehicle an individual number, taken from leftover Macross Destroid sheets (IIRC from Spartans). Additionally, I printed authentic medium-sized Japanese license plates for commercial vehicles from the Tokyo area (green with white letters) and mounted them to the front and rear of the mecha.

Finally, the model was sealed with matt acrylic varnish (from the rattle can) and some mineral pigments were dusted onto the feet for a more realistic look.

  

For presentation I also created a small base, using a 4x4” medium-density fiberboard and creating some construction site rubble with plaster/putty, some shell shards, a few brush hair bushels and green tuft fibers as dry grass, plus some leftover 1:35 resin bricks from another project. Not a diorama, but something that supports the overall mood and purpose of this mecha.

  

Compared with the Hercules Labor from the kit set, the Boxer is simpler in construction, and it’s also smaller. Both share the same weaknesses, but it’s still nice to have an IP kit of this obscure Patlabor mecha at all. It builds – with some extra effort – into a neat model, even though it rather looks and feels like an action figure. Leaving it in a bright blue civil livery was the right move, I think, also because of the glazed cockpit, even though the interior is, due to the material’s thick- und blurriness, hard to see. Therefore, the simple, improvised pilot figure does its intended job well and adds to a lively look.

A rework to the engine is coming, really happy with the appearance of these- each coach has been extended by 8 studs

Kings Park is a 4.06-square-kilometre park in Perth, Western Australia. It is situated on Mount Eliza with panoramic views of the Swan River and Darling Range. Extended Family Trip to Western Australia from 7 to 16 Jun 2016. (photo by Ben Cho)

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installation view - site specific floor painting - ink on gallery floor 15' x 30'

Welcome Home Parade: 1 March 2014 Darwin, Northern Territory.

 

More than 250 Australian Defence Force members, predominantly Army personnel, will be officially welcomed home by family, friends and the Darwin community.

 

The following roads will be affected by the parade from 10.00am until 11.00am.

 

The Esplanade between Herbert Street and Daly Street

Knuckey Street between The Esplanade and Cavenagh Street

Cavenagh Street between Edmonds Street and Bennett Street

 

The members represent the final contingent of Australian Defence Force personnel to return from operations in Uruzgan Province, Afghanistan, following the completion of Australia’s mission in the region. The contingent returned to Australia in December 2013 and will be officially welcomed home following an extended break over the Christmas and New Year period.

 

Personnel marching in the parade represent elements of Combined Team – Uruzgan Four and Five, the 2nd Cavalry Regiment Task Group, Force Support Unit – Seven, Force Communication Unit – Eight and Nine, the Logistics Training Advisory Team and Artillery Training and Advisory Team – Two.

 

The Australian Defence Force maintains a continued presence in Afghanistan, with approximately 400 members remaining to provide ongoing training and advisory support for the Afghan National Security Forces.

La quebrada de Las Flechas, es un accidente geográfico (precísamente una quebrada) ubicado en el km 4380 de la Ruta Nacional 40 (tramo que une las localidades de Cafayate y Cachi) en el Departamento San Carlos de la provincia de Salta, norte de la República Argentina, extendiéndose por 20 km dentro de los Valles Calchaquíes, desde Angastaco hasta el Río Calchaquí. En 1995, la Legislatura de Salta lo incorporó como uno de sus símbolos.

Distante aproximadamente de 260 km de la ciudad de Salta (por Cafayate), se trata de formaciones rocosas puntiagudas inclinadas que forman estrechos desfiladeros con paredes de 20 m de altura, convirtiéndose en uno de los puntos turísticos y más atractivos de la ruta nacional 40.

Mientras se atraviesan las formaciones, destacan el «paso del Ventisquero» y en especial el «paso de la Flecha», que se asemeja a un glaciar petrificado de puntas agudas, que fue declarado Monumento Natural de Angastaco por medio de la ley provincial Nº 6808 en el año 1995.

En su trayectoria, ubicada en el km 4420 de la ruta 40, se encuentra la iglesia jesuítica más antigua de todo el Valle Calchaquí la que data del año 1780. Fue restaurada en 1969 por los actuales propietarios del lugar (Finca El Carmen); hecha de adobe y techo de caña, con dos altares coloridos, la iglesia parece pender de un barranco, mirando el valle en toda su extensión. Desde el lugar, y cruzando el río, puede ingresarse entre rocas milenarias donde se encuentran vestigios arqueológicos como restos de urnas funerarias y vasija de la cultura santamariana (o cultura de Santa María), que habitó estas tierras antes de la llegada de los españoles.

La quebrada está incluida en una amplia región incluida entre las áreas importantes para la conservación de las aves en Argentina

Este tramo de 150 km de la Ruta nacional 40 que une las localidades de Cafayate y Cachi puede transitarse sin ninguna dificultad con cualquier tipo de vehículo. El camino consolidado es de ripio en buen estado y en permanente conservación, el que se encuentra trazado medio de estas angulosas formaciones donde la tierra señala el cielo. Con velocidad moderada para el ripio lleva aproximadamente 5 horas completarla.

El camino encajonado comienza a abrirse si uno va en sentido a Angastaco y sucederá lo contrario si uno viaja en dirección Norte-Sur, ya que el pueblo es la puerta de entrada a la Quebrada.

Los colores de las formaciones rotan a lo largo del día según la posición del sol. Brillantes por la mañana y ocres por la tarde, por lo que se recomienda siempre transitarlo antes del atardecer, aunque también bajo la luz de la luna llena hay quienes se animan a surcarlas a caballo, ya no por la ruta sino por la quebrada del río Calchaquí.

Si bien son muchos los ciclistas que realizan esta travesía en verano, es aconsejable no realizarla a pleno sol de mediodía debido a las elevadas temperaturas, a la gran amplitud térmico y por ser el terreno pedregoso y polvoriento, el que se complejiza en verano durante la época de lluvia.

Su origen se remonta de entre 15 a 20 millones de años cuando grandes bloques de rocas comenzaron a elevarse en el borde de la Puna. (rocas duras y cristalinas originadas en el Precámbrico); Profundas fallas en la corteza terrestre fueron levantando rocas graníticas y metamórficas formando un contrafuerte montañoso. Las placas sedimentarias (areniscas pardo rojizas que sedimentaron antes que los Andes existieran) que se encontraron en algún momento a ras del suelo se quebraron por el surgimiento de las montañas y sus extremos quedaron inclinados apuntando al cielo armando desfiladeros angostos con paredes de aproximadamente 20 m de alto. Posteriormente la erosión las afiló y ahora se asemejan cuchillas o puntas de flecha una al lado de la otra.

Estos estratos fueron plegados y fracturados al recibir el empuje de las orogenia andina; con el tiempo estos materiales se convirtieron en rocas que quedaron clasificadas con el nombre de Formación Angastaco, por ser el lugar donde alcanzan su mejor expresión.

Dentro de la Formación Angastaco se distinguen tres secciones . La sección inferior predominantemente arenosa de color gris y pardo rojizo claro, la sección media con areniscas gruesas y conglomerado de color gris y la sección superior esencialmente arenosa con pelitas subordinadas.

Texto: es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quebrada_de_Las_Flechas

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La quebrada de Las Flechas, é um acidente geográfico (precísamente uma quebrada) localizado no km 4380 da Ruta Nacional 40 (tramo que uma as localidades de Cafayate e Cachi) no Departamento San Carlos da província de Salta, norte da República Argentina, extendido por 20 km dentro dos Valles Calchaquíes, desde Angastaco até o Rio Calchaquí. En 1995, a Legislatura de Salta para incorporar como um de seus símbolos.

Distante cerca de 260 km da cidade de Salta (por Cafayate), se trata de formações rochosas que se deslocam a partir de 20 metros de altura, convertendo-se em um dos pontos turísticos e mais atractivos da rota nacional.

Durante o período de vigência, destacam o «passo do Ventisquero» e em especial o «passo da Flecha», que se assemelha a um glaciar petrificado de puntas agudas, que foi declarado Monumento Natural de Angastaco por meio da lei provincial Nº 6808 En el año 1995.

En su trayectoria, localizado no km 4420 da rota 40, se encontra a igreja jesuítica mais antiga de todo o Valle Calchaquí que data do ano de 1780. Foi restaurado em 1969 pelos proprietários do lugar (Finca El Carmen); Hecha de adobe e teto de caña, com dos altares coloridos, a igreja parece pender de um barranco, olhando o vale em toda sua extensão. Desde o lugar, e cruzando o rio, pode entrar em rocas milenarias onde se encontra vestígios arqueológicos como restos de urnas funerárias e vasija da cultura santa mariana (o cultura de Santa María), que é habitado estas terras antes da chegada dos españoles.

A quebrada está incluída em uma ampla região entre as áreas importantes para a conservação das aves em Argentina

Este tramo de 150 quilômetros da roda nacional 40 que uma das localidades de Cafayate e Cachi pode transitarse sem nenhuma dificuldade com todo o tipo do veículo. O caminho consolidado é de ripio em bom estado e em permanente conservação, o que se encontra o meio de estas formas angulosas onde a terra indicam o céu. Com velocidade moderada para o ripio carrega aproximadamente 5 horas completala.

El camino encajonado comienza a abrir e se vai em sentido a Angastaco e sucede no sentido contrário e viaja em direcção Norte-Sur, e que o povo é a porta de entrada na Quebrada.

Os cores das formações rotan um o largo do dia segundo a posição do sol. Brillantes para a manhã e ocres pela tarde, pelo que recomendaram Sempre recomendado antes do atardecer, mas também sob a luz da lua Calchaquí.

Si bien los muchos ciclistas que realizan esta travesía en verano, es aconsejable no realizarla a pleno sol de mediodía devido a las elevadas temperaturas, a gran amplitude térmica y por el terreno pedregoso y polvoriento, el que se complejiza en verano durante la Época de chuva

Su origem se remonta de entre 15 a 20 milhões de anos quando grandes bloques de rocas começaram a elevarse no borde da Puna. (Rochas duras e cristalinas originadas no pré-fabricado); Profundas fallas na corteza terrestre levantando rocas graníticas e metamórficas formando un contrafuerte montañoso. As placas sedimentarias (areniscas pardo rojizas que sedimentaron antes que os Andes existieran) que se encontrou em algum momento um ras do solo quebraram para o recolhimento das montanhas e os extremos ficaram inclinados apuntando ao céu armando desfiladeros angostos com paredes aproximadamente 20 m De alto. Posteriormente a erosão é afiado e agora é uma parte de uma outra.

Estes estratos foram plegados e fracturados para receber o empuje de orogenia andina; Con el tiempo estos materiales se convirtieron en rocas que quedaron clasificadas con el nombre de Formación Angastaco, por ser el lugar donde alcanzan su mejor expresión.

Dentro da Formação Angastaco se distinguen tres secciones. A seção inferior predominantemente arenosa da cor cinzenta e parecem rojizo claro, a seção meios com areniscas gruesas e conglomerado de cor cinzenta ea seção superior essencialmente arenosa com pelitas subordinadas.

 

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The Las Flechas gorge is a geographical accident (located at a distance of 4380 km. From the National Route 40 (section connecting the towns of Cafayate and Cachi) in the San Carlos Department of the province of Salta, north of the Argentina, extending for 20 km within the Calchaquíes Valleys, from Angastaco to the Calchaquí River. In 1995, the Legislature of Salta incorporated it as one of its symbols.

Distant approximately 260 km from the city of Salta (by Cafayate), these are pointed rocky formations that form narrow gorges with walls of 20 m in height, becoming one of the tourist attractions and more attractive of the national route 40.

While traversing the formations, the "passage of the Ventisquero" and especially the "passage of the Arrow", which resembles a petrified glacier with sharp points, was declared a Natural Monument of Angastaco by provincial law No. 6808 In the year 1995.

Located in km 4420 of route 40, there is the oldest Jesuit church in the entire Calchaquí Valley dating from 1780. It was restored in 1969 by the present owners of the place (Finca El Carmen); Made of adobe and cane roof, with two colorful altars, the church seems to hang from a ravine, looking at the valley in all its extension. From the place, and crossing the river, you can enter between ancient rocks where there are archaeological remains such as remains of funerary urns and a vessel of Santamarian culture (or culture of Santa María), which inhabited these lands before the arrival of the Spanish.

The ravine is included in a wide region included among the areas important for the conservation of birds in Argentina

This stretch of 150 km of the National Route 40 that connects the towns of Cafayate and Cachi can travel without any difficulty with any type of vehicle. The consolidated road is gravel in good condition and in permanent conservation, which is traced half of these angular formations where the earth points to the sky. With moderate speed for the rubble takes approximately 5 hours to complete it.

The boxed road begins to open if one goes in direction to Angastaco and the opposite will happen if one travels in a North-South direction, since the town is the gateway to the Quebrada.

The colors of the formations rotate throughout the day according to the position of the sun. Bright in the morning and ocher in the afternoon, so it is recommended to always walk before sunset, although also under the light of the full moon there are those who are encouraged to ride them on horseback, not by the route but by the river ravine Calchaqui.

Although there are many cyclists who make this trip in summer, it is advisable not to do it in the midday sun because of the high temperatures, the great thermal amplitude and because it is the stony and dusty terrain, which becomes complex in summer during the Rainy season

Its origin goes back from 15 to 20 million years when large blocks of rocks began to rise on the edge of the Puna. (Hard and crystalline rocks originated in the Precambrian); Deep faults in the earth's crust were lifting granite and metamorphic rocks forming a mountainous buttress. The sedimentary plates (reddish brown sandstones that sediment before the Andes existed) that were found at some point below the ground were broken by the rise of the mountains and their ends were inclined pointing to the sky by arming narrow gorges with walls of approximately 20 m High. Later erosion sharpened them and now resemble blades or arrowheads next to each other.

These strata were folded and fractured when receiving the thrust of the Andean orogeny; With time these materials became rocks that were classified with the name of Angastaco Formation, for being the place where they reach their best expression.

Within the Angastaco Formation three sections are distinguished. The lower section is predominantly sandy in gray and light reddish brown, the middle section with thick sandstones and gray conglomerate and the upper section is essentially sandy with subordinate pellets.

   

McDonnell Douglas KC-10A "EXTENDER" (DC-10-30)

The TP Link wifi extender login is required for account management. You can access the TP link extender login Page any time if you have an account. TO know how to create an account and login to the tplink range extender, contact us now.

 

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The V-Ring Extender is an add on to a riggers belt, and it is an alternative to a hard sewn v-ring on a belt. This one can be used in the front or back, and it can be rotated up or down. It is made with Type 13 - 4088 webbing with a black phosphate coated steel v-ring, and sewn with #69 bonded nylon thread.

After making this edit then undoing it with the History palette, I had the unsettling feeling that the original (with me in it) was the fake.

One of the gazillion olive trees in the South of France.

 

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Kaleidoscope 2022: Extended reality − How to boost quality of experience and interoperability,

National Communications Authority (NCA)

 

Host: Ghana-India Kofi Annan Centre of Excellence in ICT (GI-KACE), Accra, Ghana

7-9 December 2022

 

©ITU/

The 2,970-pound C-X75 is "a range-extended electric supercar" that does the run from zero to 62 miles per hour in 3.4 seconds. That happens courtesy of two 96-horsepower micro gas turbines that pump juice into a plug-in li-ion battery pack. That in turn powers four 195-horsepower electric motors – one at each wheel – for a total of 780 horsepower and 1,187 pound-feet of torque. Top speed is pegged at 205 mph, and the concept can theoretically run on just its batteries for 68 miles before the twin turbines kick in and extend the range to 560 miles. Think of it like the Volt, but with turbines instead of a gas engine and a helluva lot quicker and faster.

 

The body resting above all those electrons is aluminum, with swan doors allowing entry to the leather-lined cabin. The seats inside are fixed, with the steering wheel, instruments and pedals moving to accommodate the driver. Three high-res TFT screens present driver information, with readouts and displays switchable between all of the screens.

Agia Triada (Greek: Αγία Τριάδα, lit. 'the Holy Trinity', also known as Αγία Τριάς; Turkish: Sipahi, lit. 'cavalry', formerly Aytriada) is a village on the Karpas Peninsula, 2 kilometres (1.2 mi) east of Gialousa, in Cyprus. The village de jure is part of the internationally recognized Republic of Cyprus but since the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974 it is under the de facto control of the internationally unrecognized TRNC which claims the northern part of Cyprus.

 

Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.

 

Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.

 

A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.

 

Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.

 

Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.

 

Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.

 

Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.

 

The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.

 

Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.

 

Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.

 

By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.

 

EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.

 

However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.

 

On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.

 

In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.

 

By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.

 

In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.

 

The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.

 

After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".

 

As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.

 

Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

 

On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.

 

The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.

 

Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.

 

The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.

 

Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.

 

Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria

An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."

 

In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.

 

Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.

 

In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.

 

Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.

 

Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.

 

Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.

 

The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:

 

UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.

 

The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.

 

By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."

 

After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.

 

On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.

 

The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.

 

During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.

 

In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.

 

Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.

 

A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.

Kaleidoscope 2022: Extended reality − How to boost quality of experience and interoperability,

National Communications Authority (NCA)

 

Host: Ghana-India Kofi Annan Centre of Excellence in ICT (GI-KACE), Accra, Ghana

7-9 December 2022

 

©ITU/

Estudiantes de los municipios Cotuí y La Mata ven hechos realidad sus sueños de recibir el pan de la enseñanza en condiciones favorables para el proceso de enseñanza-aprendizaje.

 

Foto: Ángel Álvarez Rodríguez/Presidencia República Dominicana

 

Nota de prensa:

presidencia.gob.do/noticias/tres-escuelas-nuevas-para-tan...

The regulator is a cheapie. I didn't know it when we purchased it. Karl Mullendore says it will fail and quickly :(

Also the regulator isn't protected from road debris nor does it have a bracket for support.

More projects to work on :(

Spent an enjoyable afternoon on the Busselton Jetty, sitting in a train, walking, fishing and birding. And the best part was to watch the sunset here. Busselton Jetty was preserved by the community when Cyclone Alby destroyed the old wooden one. Extended Family Trip to Western Australia from 7 to 16 Jun 2016. (photo by Ben Cho)

The Lidl Run Kildare Events 2013 were held at the Curragh Racecourse, Newbridge, Co. Kildare, Ireland on Sunday 12th May 2013. There were three events: a 10KM, a half marathon, and a full marathon. This is a selection of photographs which includes all events. The photographs are taken from the start and finish of the marathon, the finish of the 10KM, and the finish of the half marathon. Due to the large numbers participating we did not manage to photograph everyone - which was not helped by the weather. Congratulations to Jo Cawley and her RunKildare crew for another great event. The weather didn't dampen the spirits of the many happy participants.

 

Electronic timing was provided by Red Tag Timing [www.redtagtiming.com/]

 

Overall Race Summary

Participants: There were approximately 3,000 participants over the 3 race events - there were runners, joggers, and walkers participating.

Weather: A cold breezy morning with heavy rain at the start. The weather dried up for the 10KM and the Half Marathon races

Course: This is an undulating course with some good flat stretches on the Curragh.

  

Viewing this on a smartphone device?

If you are viewing this Flickr set on a smartphone and you want to see the larger version(s) of this photograph then: scroll down to the bottom of this description under the photograph and click the "View info about this photo..." link. You will be brought to a new page and you should click the link "View All Sizes".

 

Some Useful Links

GPS Garmin Trace of the Kildare Marathon Route: connect.garmin.com/activity/175709313

Homepage of the Lidl Run Kildare Event: www.kildaremarathon.ie/index.html

Facebook Group page of the Lidl Run Kildare Event: www.facebook.com/RunKildare

Boards.ie Athletics Discussion Board pages about the race series: www.boards.ie/vbulletin/showthread.php?t=2056815306

Our photographs from Run Kildare 2012: www.flickr.com/photos/peterm7/sets/72157629707887620/

Our photographs from Run Kildare 2011: www.flickr.com/photos/peterm7/sets/72157626725200956/

A small selection of photographs from Run Kildare 2010: www.flickr.com/photos/peterm7/sets/72157623899845567/ (first event)

 

Can I use the photograph with the watermark?

Yes! Absolutely - you can post this photograph to your social networks, blogs, micro-blogging, etc.

 

How can I get a full resolution, no watermark, copy of these photographs?

 

All of the photographs here on this Flickr set have a visible watermark embedded in them. All of the photographs posted here on this Flickr set are available, free, at no cost, at full resolution WITHOUT watermark. We take these photographs as a hobby and as a contribution to the running community in Ireland. We do not know of any other photographers who operate such a policy. Our only "cost" is our request that if you are using these images: (1) on social media sites such as Facebook, Tumblr, Pinterest, Twitter,LinkedIn, Google+, etc or (2) other websites, web multimedia, commercial/promotional material that you provide a link back to our Flickr page to attribute us. This also extends the use of these images for Facebook profile pictures. In these cases please make a separate wall or blog post with a link to our Flickr page. If you do not know how this should be done for Facebook or other social media please email us and we will be happy to help suggest how to link to us.

 

Please email petermooney78 AT gmail DOT com with the links to the photographs you would like to obtain a full resolution copy of. We also ask race organisers, media, etc to ask for permission before use of our images for flyers, posters, etc. We reserve the right to refuse a request.

 

In summary please remember - all we ask is for you to link back to our Flickr set or Flickr pages. Taking the photographs and preparing them for online posting does take a significant effort. We are not posting photographs to Flickr for commercial reasons. If you really like what we do please spread the link around, send us an email, leave a comment beside the photographs, send us a Flickr email, etc.

 

If you would like to contribute something for your photograph(s)?

Some people offer payment for our photographs. We do not charge for these photographs. We take these photographs as our contribution to the running community in Ireland. If you feel that the photograph(s) you request are good enough that you would pay for their purchase from other photographic providers we would suggest that you can provide a donation to any of the great charities in Ireland who do work for Cancer Care or Cancer Research in Ireland.

 

I ran in the race - but my photograph doesn't appear here in your Flickr set! What gives?

 

As mentioned above we take these photographs as a hobby and as a voluntary contribution to the running community in Ireland. Very often we have actually ran in the same race and then switched to photographer mode after we finished the race. Consequently, we feel that we have no obligations to capture a photograph of every participant in the race. However, we do try our very best to capture as many participants as possible. But this is sometimes not possible for a variety of reasons:

 

     ►You were hidden behind another participant as you passed our camera

     ►Weather or lighting conditions meant that we had some photographs with blurry content which we did not upload to our Flickr set

     ►There were too many people - some races attract thousands of participants and as amateur photographs we cannot hope to capture photographs of everyone

     ►We simply missed you - sorry about that - we did our best!

  

You can email us petermooney78 AT gmail DOT com to enquire if we have a photograph of you which didn't make the final Flickr selection for the race. But we cannot promise that there will be photograph there. As alternatives we advise you to contact the race organisers to enquire if there were (1) other photographs taking photographs at the race event or if (2) there were professional commercial sports photographers taking photographs which might have some photographs of you available for purchase. You might find some links for further information above.

 

Don't like your photograph here?

That's OK! We understand!

 

If, for any reason, you are not happy or comfortable with your picture appearing here in this photoset on Flickr then please email us at petermooney78 AT gmail DOT com and we will remove it as soon as possible. We give careful consideration to each photograph before uploading.

 

I want to tell people about these great photographs!

Great! Thank you! The best link to spread the word around is probably www.flickr.com/peterm7/sets

   

Live d'EZ3kiel Extended à l'Hexagone de Meylan le 12.10.2012. Photos : Yann Nguema.

 

Extended barrel, handguard and bigger folding stock version of the Tarantula mk.2 Submachine gun.

121130-M-RQ061-019

 

An extended boom forklift lines up to unload equipment from a KC-130J Hercules aircraft at Tinian’s West Field Nov. 30 during Exercise Forager Fury 2012. The forklift unloaded equipment so a P-19 aircraft rescue and firefighting truck could be unloaded from the aircraft. Tinian, an island of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, will play host for nearly 100 Marines and sailors during FF12, which will run through Dec. 19. Training on Tinian’s West Field will include emplacement of arresting gear, fuel storage, and fuel distribution for purposes of extending aviation training throughout the Mariana Island Range Complex. The forklift is with Marine Wing Support Squadron 171, Marine Aircraft Group 12, 1st Marine Aircraft Wing, III Marine Expeditionary Force. The aircraft is with Marine Aerial Refueler Transport Squadron 152, MAG-36, 1st MAW, III MEF. (U.S. Marine Corps photo by Sgt. Justin M. Pack/released)

Emergency? This United Airlines Boeing 747-400 (below) had just crossed the Pacific Ocean from Sydney, Australia to the United States west coast. Its flight chart shows (see separate Flickr 'photos' here) deviations while far out over the ocean.

 

As it flew over my home in cloudy southern California skies at 6.900 feet (and 20 miles from landing) UAL840 had landing gear down, flaps extended; it landed six minutes later at LAX (Los Angeles International Airport); I have heard no news on it.

 

Of the hundreds of aircraft I've seen fly over my home enroute to LAX (and other destinations), I've never seen one with landing gear down and/or flaps extended.

 

Interestingly, last October a UAL840 747 flight from Sydney Airport blew tires upon takeoff for LAX; it dumped fuel into the ocean before returning to land safely at Sydney Airport. That caused a lot of disruption in numerous flights.

 

If you have any information on this flight, please comment below.

 

National Museum of Nuclear Science & History

 

(excessive detail images ahoy)

 

To maximize the performance of the length-constrained system, Peacekeeper used an extendable exit cone (EEC) for its 2nd and 3rd stages. The EEC translated from a stowed position to an operational position during flight, more than tripling the nozzle expansion ratio for optimal performance at altitude. In mid-1977, an EEC designed and built by Allegany Ballistics Laboratory (ABL) was successfully tested at Edwards Air Force Base as part of an early Hercules program to demonstrate advanced technology in an MX third stage. Later, Peacekeeper became the first ballistic missile system to flight test a nozzle with an EEC.

 

LGM-118A Peacekeeper

 

The Peacekeeper served as the United States Air Force's most powerful, accurate, and technologically advanced Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) deterrent. Conceived to replace the Minuteman ICBMs, its development began in the early 1970s under the name "Missile, Experimental," or MX. Later, it received the official name "Peacekeeper." The first test flight took place in 1983 at Vandenberg AFB, California. Peacekeepers became operational in 1986.

 

Constructed with an airframe made of a Kevlar epoxy composite, the Peacekeeper was much lighter than previous ICBMs, and it could carry more warheads. When combined with new Multiple Independently Targeted Re-entry Vehicles (MIRV) technology, one Peacekeeper could accurately deliver a number of nuclear warheads on different targets at the same time. A four-stage missile, Peacekeeper was the first Air Force ICBM to use the "cold launch" technique similar to the system used to launch missiles from submarines.

 

The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) II, signed in 1993 with Russia, removed all multiple-warhead ICBMs. As a result of the changed strategic world situation and START II, the United States deactivated all 50 LGM-118As between 2003 and 2005. Some Peacekeepers were eventually used as satellite launch vehicles.

 

TECHNICAL NOTES:

Payload: 10 Avco MK-21 re-entry vehicles

Maximum speed: Approx. 15,000 mph

Range: Greater than 6,000 miles

Guidance: Inertial

Height: 71 feet

Weight: 195,000 lbs

Stockpiled: 1985-2005

Source: United States Air Force

Beach dining room table, with bread board ends. 4' x 4', and extends to 8'.

My new guitar family, real or otherwise, with their amps.

 

The original family snapshot is here.

Tal y como ha sucedido con entregas anteriores de aulas, los estudiantes se muestran totalmente regocijados al recibir los nuevos planteles escolares, debido a que ahora tendrán más comodidades y facilidades para desarrollarse y formarse como futuros profesionales.

 

Foto: Ángel Álvarez Rodríguez/Presidencia República Dominicana

Nota de prensa:

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Koninklijke Luchtmacht (Royal Netherlands Air Force) McDonnell Douglas KDC-10 T-235 "Jan Scheffer" turns off the runway at RAF Fairford during the 2015 Royal International Air Tattoo

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