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November 1908 postcard view of the Evening Star Building on the NW corner of Pennsylvania Ave. and 11th St., NW by Charles Evans.
In front are the screens on which the Star, using a stereopticon / magic lantern, projected returns information on Nov. 3rd, election night. The crowd is looking at a news bulletin posted on the corner.
An article published the previous day notes their use of "the highest-power" projectors, "carefully selected to give the beholders the clearest announcements. These bulletins will come from many sources, from the Star's own staff and special correspondents in the field; from the Associated Press; from the Western Union and Postal Telegraph companies, and from the long distance telephone service." Cartoons of the candidates and other election personalities by the Star's then-famous cartoonist Clifford K. Berryman (today remembered mainly for his role in the creation of the first teddy bears) were also projected.
To the left at 1107 Pennsylvania Ave. is William H. Baldwin's 1867 building for Galt & Brother Jewelers - in business in DC for nearly 200 years when it folded in 2001. 1109, next door, housed a number of businesses, including the former studio of Michael Kets Kemethy, a portrait photographer here for 25 years. Per the Star, he had recently fled DC after a violent and public dispute with his estranged wife. Both buildings have since been razed.
Almost every
Almost every sign in New York and New Haven was for Obama/Biden.
Almost every sign in New York and New Haven was for Obama/Biden.
A sneak peak at the Nov. 4th 2008 election ballot.
Hopefully there will not be any "hanging chad" issues this year.
Remember to Vote!! VA can swing the vote, Change the world.
Check out the pics from my Flickr friend's campaign - Barack Obama
Outside of the Town Hall theater on West 43rd Street in Manhattan, a crowd of smiling and optimistic people Friday overflowed into the one-way street. Delivery trucks and yellow taxi cabs creeped by, their engines engaged in a shouting match with Bennet Weiss, a man who bore a fleeting resemblance to the Democratic presidential candidate they were all there to support.
"We don't have billions of dollars! All we have are people wearing Bernie pins," Weiss yelled, a large black umbrella covered in Bernie Sanders campaign pins at his feet, catching drops of sweat from his brow. The Occupy Wall Street protester-turned-Sanders supporter urged the crowd to wear the pins at all times with no exception -- even in the shower -- and gave them away freely to anyone who said they didn't have enough cash to afford to pay the suggested donation.
That's the kind of populist support Sanders' campaign has steadily been attracting since the U.S. senator from Vermont formally announced his candidacy in late April. Friday was no exception, with passion-filled people who think Sanders has proved himself the worthy champion of causes they care about the most, such as income inequality, climate change, Wall Street reform and further healthcare reforms. But, perhaps most importantly, they also think he can win the White House.
"Absolutely" he can win, said Joe Trinolone, 30, a former finance industry worker from Long Island, New York, who is studying mathematics at St. Joseph's University. "I mean, he's winning right now."
Sanders, during a fundraising speech Friday, ticked through the policies he cares about and areas of change he wants to see in Washington should he become president. At each turn, his blend of outrage, optimism and sly sarcasm brought raucous cheers from the crowd of 1,100. He rejected recent Wall Street Journal criticism of the high price tag of his proposals, including making public colleges and universities free, lowering so-called real unemployment by pumping funding into infrastructure repairs for the nation’s roads and bridges and implementing a universal healthcare system.
Instead, he pointed to European nations that already have those programs. He implored the crowd to think about what many of them were already talking about: that taking on the big-money interests in the United States that impede those sorts of policy changes is a shared moral obligation.
“Welcome to the revolution,” Sanders said, describing what he believes must happen to American politics. “We can accomplish all of this and more.” And the crowd ate it up.
When asked why they support Sanders, many described his candidacy as a movement. They love his policies, and have a hard time thinking of much they don’t like about him. They especially like that he has been a consistent voice during his time in Washington. That’s a big perceived difference between Sanders and his Democratic rival Hillary Clinton. Those "feeling the Bern" were split on whether they would consider voting for her if she becomes the nominee. Many were newcomers to political action but felt compelled to join the fray when they heard Sanders and his message.
“I’ve never been excited about a politician my entire life,” said Meira Marom, 34, a Brooklyn third-grade teacher with a master's degree in creative writing. When Marom started seeing social media posts about Sanders and reading about him, she decided to stop focusing her personal time on writing for herself. She now writes and publishes something about Sanders every day -- Dr. Seuss themes every Sunday, poems and parodies. “I decided this is the most worthy cause to put my rhymes to use.”
Sanders has seen an unexpected rise in the polls since he joined the race for the Democratic nomination shortly after the current national front-runner Clinton announced her candidacy. While Sanders was trailing Clinton by 21.4 percent in national averages of polls compiled by Real Clear Politics, a look at early nominating states like Iowa and New Hampshire paints a different picture of vulnerability for Clinton and strength for Sanders.
The two candidates are tied in Iowa, which constitutes a dramatic drop for Clinton and an impressive surge for Sanders, who has been distancing himself from Clinton in New Hampshire at the top of the Democratic pack since Aug. 25, when he jumped past her in the state for the first time. He currently leads there by 10.5 points.
The candidates are noticeably different in many ways, from policy prescription to fundraising strategy.
Clinton has moved leftward since announcing her candidacy, but she is still threatened by the populist appeal of Sanders, who has long championed the causes that seem to be coming into grace for the Democratic Party. While the candidates currently hold some very similar positions on issues such as immigration reform, gay rights, gun control and campaign finance reform, Sanders has been able to stake out positions to the left of Clinton on other issues that excite some vocal voters.
Among them are his strong anti-war and anti-government surveillance positions as well as his distaste for President Barack Obama's Trans Pacific Partnership trade deal. Sanders also has been a vocal critic of Wall Street and champion of financial reforms, and his stance on those issues has drawn attention to Clinton's cozy relationship with Wall Street executives and the huge paychecks she has received for speeches to large banks since leaving the U.S. State Department. For some Sanders supporters, though, the perception that Sanders has been a consistent proponent of these liberal policies, and cares about them more than winning, is key.
“It’s the message that supporting Bernie Sanders is not just voting on a horse in the race” that attracts Brian Dillon, a 28-year-old self-employed Web designer and developer for e-commerce, said Friday. Dillon has voted just one time in his life, but he has been organizing meetings to drum up support for Sanders.
Sanders's fundraising portfolio also is the reverse of Clinton's. While the former secretary of state is expected to spend somewhere north of $1 billion should she win the primary and head into the general election for 2016, the same has not been said of Sanders. Currently, Clinton has raised, through her campaign committee and super PACs associated with the campaign, $47.5 million, according to data from the Center for Responsive Politics. Sanders, on the other hand, has raised just shy of $16.5 million, according to CRP data.
Their most startling difference in fundraising, however, can be seen in the size of the donations they're receiving. The Clinton campaign received 82 percent of its donations from large contributors, and her top industry donors, not including retired people, so far have been lawyers, business services and the financial industry.
In contrast, Sanders relies much more on small donations, which are defined as donations totaling $200 or less. So far, 69 percent of his contributions have come from small donors, and the biggest industries that have given to his campaign have been from the education, legal and healthcare sectors.
Who are those small donors? The types of people who showed up Friday. Some said they donate $25 to $30 a month to Sanders. Some said they have donated several hundred dollars since he jumped into the presidential race. Nearly all of them mentioned they don't earn a ton of money personally. One in particular, Machumu Sakulira, said he donated $500 before attending Friday’s event.
There is “no way” he would support a Clinton ticket, said Sakulira, a 31-year-old senior political science student at the University at Buffalo. He got on a bus Thursday night at 11 p.m. and arrived in New York at 7 a.m. for the Sanders speech. He said he was going back Friday night. “Bernie represents my interest. My vote is a moral choice, I don’t give it to somebody who doesn’t deserve it.”
www.ibtimes.com/election-2016-bernie-sanders-nyc-fundrais...
September 13, 2014.
Shot with Fuji GW690III on Shanghai GP3 100 film, expiry date April, 2013. Developed in Fomadon R09 ("Rodinal" clone), 1+25 solution, for 10 minutes, 20 seconds water rinse and 5 minutes fix. – View at least large.
Some snaps from stopping by a few of our schools in Des Moines that are serving as polling locations in the 2022 election.
Taken the week before the elections in Sweden this shot was an experiment in creating the illusion of life in sleepy Lund. I put the camera on a tripod and set the internal intervalometer to take a shot every minute for 20 minutes. In this version I have used each one of those frames, masking in every person who appeared greatly increasing the apparent crowd.
It's a bit rough'n'ready since it was really a proof of concept exercise.
I learned that it's bad to shoot in changeable weather since the shots taken under cloud are hard to match those taken in direct sun. I also learned that as soon as a person appears close to the camera they hide all the people you've just carefully masked in behind them!
Ahead of the Turkish election, ABC News asked six Istanbul students about the issues that matter to them. Ceyla Erenler says the increasing amount of violence against women is worrying, and that there aren't enough punishments for offenders.
Griff couldn't be bothered to pay attention to the election results. Too much sleeping to do.
(Explored!)
With a week to presidential elections, scheduled at 20th of August, security becomes robust, as the government of Afghanistan is trying to ensure good enough conditions for voting. Candidates to provincial councils, often local strong men with mujaheed past, visit one village after another as to rally support. Children consider each passing car as an election vehicle, asking for posters.
Here, grandson and grandfather stay outside their small shop in one of villages in Firing district, on the way to Warsaj district of Takhar province.
A sneak peak at the Nov. 4th 2008 election ballot.
Hopefully there will not be any "hanging chad" issues this year.
Remember to Vote!! VA can swing the vote, Change the world.
Check out the pics from my Flickr friend's campaign - Barack Obama
Some snaps from stopping by a few of our schools in Des Moines that are serving as polling locations in the 2022 election.
Next week there will be elections in the Netherlands for the provincial councils.and the councils of the water boards. Seen here in Leiden are posters of all 19 parties up for election in the province of Zuid-Holland. In 2019 Forum voor Democratie was the largest party in Zuid-Holland, but many of its elected members left the party since then.
Camera Canon EOS 50D
Exposure 0.001 sec (1/750)
Aperture f/1.8
Focal Length 85 mm
ISO Speed 100
Exposure Bias 0 EV
Flash Off, Did not fire
model:Nora azaga
Today Prime Minister Mark Carney asked Governor-General Mary Simon to dissolve Parliament. As a result, Canada is now in a general election. An election had to be called sometime before October 20 of this year. Carney chose sooner than later.
For Canada, this is an existential election, centring partly on the ridiculous tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump, but even more, this is an organic movement against Trump's continued threats to annex our country. To try to take over Canada would be a very large mistake. Clearly Trump doesn't know one of the main reasons the Geneva Convention was written. He would be advised to look it up.
The election called today takes place in 38 days on April 28. This is only one day longer than the minimum election campaign time allowed. Most Canadian general election campaigns run between 5-7 weeks in length. At the dissolution of Parliament, there were 338 seats in the House of Commons. For this election, because of population shifts, there will be elections for 343 seats.
Above me in the picture are the leaders of the six main national political parties, all running for election and the right to be Prime Minister. I have arranged the pictures according to their position on the political spectrum as I see it, from left to right.
At left is Jagmeet Singh of the New Democratic Party; Prime Minister Mark Carney of the Liberal Party; Elizabeth May of the Green Party; Yves-François Blanchet of the Bloc Québécois; Pierre Poilievre of the Conservative Party; and Maxime Bernier of the People's Party.
There are also numerous smaller, more regional parties with more limited slates that rarely get any candidates elected.
For those that believe, think or even hope that Canada will become the 51st state of the United States (ludicrous as that sounds simply because Canada is the second largest country in the world), be advised that authoritarians do not take over other countries to broaden their voter base. They take over other countries to exploit their resources and use the population as cheap, often slave, labour. And if you doubt that, see the history of Germany 1938-45 after their "liberations" of other countries began.
Vancouver, Oct. 27, 2015 - In the wake of the Oct. 19 federal election, this Canadian Journalism Foundation J-Talk explored the strategies and issues that had the most impact in this tight and historic long-running election race. Photos: Jonathan Desmond Photography
PROUD BOYS marching in front of the US Supreme Court along First Street between Maryland Avenue and East Capitol Street, NE, Washington DC on Wednesday morning, 6 January 2021 by Elvert Barnes Photography
Learn about PROUD BOYS at en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proud_Boys
Saturday, 6 January 2021 DO NOT CERTIFY WILD PROTEST website at wildprotest.com/
Elvert Barnes Wednesday, 6 January 2021 WILD PROTESTS docu-project at elvertbarnes.com/6January2021
Almost every
Almost every sign in New York and New Haven was for Obama/Biden.
Almost every sign in New York and New Haven was for Obama/Biden.
Today is election day and the campaigns are finally over. To all my US friends, I hope you have already voted or are going to vote before the polls close. And regardless of who you vote for I hope you base your choice on a well-reasoned analysis of the candidates and their positions. I voted in person during early voting last week, but my wife and daughter voted by mail to avoid exposure to crowds. I got two stickers - one for voting in the national election and one for the local and state-wide races. Now we just have to await the results.
Delmar Maryland. In small towns running for an elected position in town government is almost considered civic duty. There is no money or very little money involved and what ever way you vote at least 25 percent of the voters are going to disagree with you.
Enthusiastic crowds gathered last week for an election rally for the opposition Kulmiye Party in Burao, Somaliland. The presidential election is set for Saturday. More Photos »
By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN
Published: June 25, 2010
BURAO, Somalia — The rallies usually start early in the morning, before the sunshine hurts.
By 8 a.m. on a recent day, thousands of people were packed into Burao’s sandy town square, with little boys climbing high into the trees to get a peek at the politicians.
“We’re going to end corruption!” one of the politicians boomed, holding several microphones at once. “We’re going to bring dignity back to the people!”
The boys cheered wildly. Wispy militiamen punched bony fists in the air. The politicians’ messages were hardly original. But in this corner of Africa, a free and open political rally — led, no less, by opposition leaders who could actually win — is an anomaly apparently worthy of celebration.
The crowd that day helped tell a strange truth: that one of the most democratic countries in the Horn of Africa is not really a country at all. It is Somaliland, the northwestern corner of Somalia, which, since the disintegration of the Somali state in 1991, has been on a quixotic mission for recognition as its own separate nation.
While so much of Somalia is plagued by relentless violence, this little-known piece of the Somali puzzle is peaceful and organized enough to hold national elections this week, with more than one million registered voters. The campaigns are passionate but fair, say the few Western observers here. The roads are full of battered old Toyotas blasting out slogans from staticky megaphones lashed to the roofs.
Somalilanders have pulled off peaceful national elections three times. The last presidential election in 2003 was decided by a wafer-thin margin, around 80 votes at the time of counting, yet there was no violence. Each successful election feeds the hope here that one day the world will reward Somaliland with recognition for carving a functioning, democratic space out of one of the most chaotic countries in the world.
But this presidential election, scheduled for Saturday, will be one of the biggest tests yet for Somaliland’s budding democracy.
The government seems unpopular, partly because Somaliland is still desperately poor, a place where even in the biggest towns, like Burao or the capital, Hargeisa, countless people dwell in bubble-shaped huts made out of cardboard scraps and flattened oil drums. Most independent observers predict the leading opposition party, Kulmiye, which means something akin to “the one who brings people together,” will get the most votes.
But that does not mean the opposition will necessarily win.
In many cases in Africa — Ethiopia in 2005, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008 — right when the opposition appeared poised to win elections, the government seemed to fiddle with the results, forcibly holding on to power and sometimes provoking widespread unrest in the process.
“There’s probably not going to be many problems with the voting itself, but the day after,” said Roble Mohamed, the former editor in chief of one of Somaliland’s top Web sites. “That is the question.”
Many people here worry that if Somaliland’s governing party, UDUB, tries to hold on to power illegitimately, the well-armed populace (this is still part of Somalia, after all) will rise up and Somaliland’s nearly two decades of peace could disappear in a cloud of gun smoke.
“I know this happens in Africa, but it won’t happen in Somaliland,” promised Said Adani Moge, a spokesman for Somaliland’s government. “If we lose, we’ll give up power. The most important thing is peace.”
Easily said, infrequently done. Peaceful transfers of power are a rarity in this neighborhood. In April, Sudan held its first national elections in more than 20 years (the last change of power was a coup), but the voting was widely considered superficial because of widespread intimidation beforehand and the withdrawal of several leading opposition parties from the presidential race.
Last month’s vote in Ethiopia, in which the governing party and its allies won more than 99 percent of the parliamentary seats, was also tainted by what human rights groups called a campaign of government repression, including the manipulation of American food aid to starve out the opposition.
Then there is little Eritrea, along the Red Sea, which has not held a presidential election since the early 1990s, when it won independence. And Djibouti, home to a large American military base, where the president recently pushed to have the Constitution changed so he could run again.
South-central Somalia, where a very weak transitional government is struggling to fend off radical Islamist insurgents, is so dangerous that residents must risk insurgents’ wrath even to watch the World Cup, never mind holding a vote.
So in this volatile region, Somaliland has become a demonstration of the possible, sustaining a one-person one-vote democracy in a poor, conflict-torn place that gets very little help. While the government in south-central Somalia, which barely controls any territory, receives millions of dollars in direct support from the United Nations and the United States, the Somaliland government “doesn’t get a penny,” Mr. Said said.
Because Somaliland is not recognized as an independent country, it is very difficult for the government here to secure international loans, even though it has become a regional model for conflict resolution and democratic-institution building — buzzwords among Western donors.
In many respects, Somaliland is already its own country, with its own currency, its own army and navy, its own borders and its own national identity, as evidenced by the countless Somaliland T-shirts and flags everywhere you look. Part of this stems from its distinct colonial history, having been ruled, relatively indirectly, by the British, while the rest of Somalia was colonized by the Italians, who set up a European administration.
Italian colonization supplanted local elders, which might have been one reason that much of Somalia plunged into clan-driven chaos after 1991, while Somaliland succeeded in reconciling its clans.
Clan is not the prevailing issue in this election. The three presidential candidates (Somaliland’s election code says only three political parties can compete, and they take turns campaigning from day to day) are from different clans or subclans. Yet, many voters do not seem to care.
In the middle of miles and miles of thorn bush stand two huts about 100 feet apart, one with a green and yellow Kulmiye flag flapping from a stick flagpole, the other with a solid green UDUB flag.
Haboon Roble, a shy 20-year-old, explained that she liked UDUB: “They’re good. They hold up the house.”
But about 100 feet away, her uncle, Abdi Rahman Roble, shook his head. “This government hasn’t done anything for farmers,” he complained. “We can’t even get plastic sheets to catch the rain.”
He said he was voting for Kulmiye. “But I don’t tell anyone how to vote,” Mr. Abdi Rahman said. “That’s their choice.”
And like the other adults in the family, he proudly showed off his new plastic voter card, which he usually keeps hidden in a special place in his hut, along with other valuables.
supporters take a rest on the seashore in Nanao, Ilan, eastern Taiwan ,during an election campaign.
如果，可以這麼輕鬆愉快的選舉.....。