View allAll Photos Tagged Election!
Almost every
Almost every sign in New York and New Haven was for Obama/Biden.
Almost every sign in New York and New Haven was for Obama/Biden.
A sneak peak at the Nov. 4th 2008 election ballot.
Hopefully there will not be any "hanging chad" issues this year.
Remember to Vote!! VA can swing the vote, Change the world.
Check out the pics from my Flickr friend's campaign - Barack Obama
Strada Lunga USD and CDR posters, with roadworks in progress- new manhole cover surround. THe Convenţia Democrată Română, CDR was founded to counter the National Salvation Front of the former pre-1989 politicians and only won Bucharest and other large cities in 1992, but in 1996 they won the General Election, with its candidate Emil Constantinescu becoming president. The CDR was an alliance of six parties, including Ecologists, Liberals and Christian Democrats.
September 13, 2014.
Shot with Fuji GW690III on Shanghai GP3 100 film, expiry date April, 2013. Developed in Fomadon R09 ("Rodinal" clone), 1+25 solution, for 10 minutes, 20 seconds water rinse and 5 minutes fix. – View at least large.
Some snaps from stopping by a few of our schools in Des Moines that are serving as polling locations in the 2022 election.
Taken the week before the elections in Sweden this shot was an experiment in creating the illusion of life in sleepy Lund. I put the camera on a tripod and set the internal intervalometer to take a shot every minute for 20 minutes. In this version I have used each one of those frames, masking in every person who appeared greatly increasing the apparent crowd.
It's a bit rough'n'ready since it was really a proof of concept exercise.
I learned that it's bad to shoot in changeable weather since the shots taken under cloud are hard to match those taken in direct sun. I also learned that as soon as a person appears close to the camera they hide all the people you've just carefully masked in behind them!
As usual in the DPRK, there was only one candidate per election district whose name was printed on the ballot paper. Thus, voting was reduced to dropping the ballot in the ballot box. Not surprisingly, KCNA reported 100 per cent approval the next day.
Griff couldn't be bothered to pay attention to the election results. Too much sleeping to do.
(Explored!)
With a week to presidential elections, scheduled at 20th of August, security becomes robust, as the government of Afghanistan is trying to ensure good enough conditions for voting. Candidates to provincial councils, often local strong men with mujaheed past, visit one village after another as to rally support. Children consider each passing car as an election vehicle, asking for posters.
Here, grandson and grandfather stay outside their small shop in one of villages in Firing district, on the way to Warsaj district of Takhar province.
Some snaps from stopping by a few of our schools in Des Moines that are serving as polling locations in the 2022 election.
Camera Canon EOS 50D
Exposure 0.001 sec (1/750)
Aperture f/1.8
Focal Length 85 mm
ISO Speed 100
Exposure Bias 0 EV
Flash Off, Did not fire
model:Nora azaga
Today Prime Minister Mark Carney asked Governor-General Mary Simon to dissolve Parliament. As a result, Canada is now in a general election. An election had to be called sometime before October 20 of this year. Carney chose sooner than later.
For Canada, this is an existential election, centring partly on the ridiculous tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump, but even more, this is an organic movement against Trump's continued threats to annex our country. To try to take over Canada would be a very large mistake. Clearly Trump doesn't know one of the main reasons the Geneva Convention was written. He would be advised to look it up.
The election called today takes place in 38 days on April 28. This is only one day longer than the minimum election campaign time allowed. Most Canadian general election campaigns run between 5-7 weeks in length. At the dissolution of Parliament, there were 338 seats in the House of Commons. For this election, because of population shifts, there will be elections for 343 seats.
Above me in the picture are the leaders of the six main national political parties, all running for election and the right to be Prime Minister. I have arranged the pictures according to their position on the political spectrum as I see it, from left to right.
At left is Jagmeet Singh of the New Democratic Party; Prime Minister Mark Carney of the Liberal Party; Elizabeth May of the Green Party; Yves-François Blanchet of the Bloc Québécois; Pierre Poilievre of the Conservative Party; and Maxime Bernier of the People's Party.
There are also numerous smaller, more regional parties with more limited slates that rarely get any candidates elected.
For those that believe, think or even hope that Canada will become the 51st state of the United States (ludicrous as that sounds simply because Canada is the second largest country in the world), be advised that authoritarians do not take over other countries to broaden their voter base. They take over other countries to exploit their resources and use the population as cheap, often slave, labour. And if you doubt that, see the history of Germany 1938-45 after their "liberations" of other countries began.
Vancouver, Oct. 27, 2015 - In the wake of the Oct. 19 federal election, this Canadian Journalism Foundation J-Talk explored the strategies and issues that had the most impact in this tight and historic long-running election race. Photos: Jonathan Desmond Photography
Today is election day and the campaigns are finally over. To all my US friends, I hope you have already voted or are going to vote before the polls close. And regardless of who you vote for I hope you base your choice on a well-reasoned analysis of the candidates and their positions. I voted in person during early voting last week, but my wife and daughter voted by mail to avoid exposure to crowds. I got two stickers - one for voting in the national election and one for the local and state-wide races. Now we just have to await the results.
Enthusiastic crowds gathered last week for an election rally for the opposition Kulmiye Party in Burao, Somaliland. The presidential election is set for Saturday. More Photos »
By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN
Published: June 25, 2010
BURAO, Somalia — The rallies usually start early in the morning, before the sunshine hurts.
By 8 a.m. on a recent day, thousands of people were packed into Burao’s sandy town square, with little boys climbing high into the trees to get a peek at the politicians.
“We’re going to end corruption!” one of the politicians boomed, holding several microphones at once. “We’re going to bring dignity back to the people!”
The boys cheered wildly. Wispy militiamen punched bony fists in the air. The politicians’ messages were hardly original. But in this corner of Africa, a free and open political rally — led, no less, by opposition leaders who could actually win — is an anomaly apparently worthy of celebration.
The crowd that day helped tell a strange truth: that one of the most democratic countries in the Horn of Africa is not really a country at all. It is Somaliland, the northwestern corner of Somalia, which, since the disintegration of the Somali state in 1991, has been on a quixotic mission for recognition as its own separate nation.
While so much of Somalia is plagued by relentless violence, this little-known piece of the Somali puzzle is peaceful and organized enough to hold national elections this week, with more than one million registered voters. The campaigns are passionate but fair, say the few Western observers here. The roads are full of battered old Toyotas blasting out slogans from staticky megaphones lashed to the roofs.
Somalilanders have pulled off peaceful national elections three times. The last presidential election in 2003 was decided by a wafer-thin margin, around 80 votes at the time of counting, yet there was no violence. Each successful election feeds the hope here that one day the world will reward Somaliland with recognition for carving a functioning, democratic space out of one of the most chaotic countries in the world.
But this presidential election, scheduled for Saturday, will be one of the biggest tests yet for Somaliland’s budding democracy.
The government seems unpopular, partly because Somaliland is still desperately poor, a place where even in the biggest towns, like Burao or the capital, Hargeisa, countless people dwell in bubble-shaped huts made out of cardboard scraps and flattened oil drums. Most independent observers predict the leading opposition party, Kulmiye, which means something akin to “the one who brings people together,” will get the most votes.
But that does not mean the opposition will necessarily win.
In many cases in Africa — Ethiopia in 2005, Kenya in 2007, Zimbabwe in 2008 — right when the opposition appeared poised to win elections, the government seemed to fiddle with the results, forcibly holding on to power and sometimes provoking widespread unrest in the process.
“There’s probably not going to be many problems with the voting itself, but the day after,” said Roble Mohamed, the former editor in chief of one of Somaliland’s top Web sites. “That is the question.”
Many people here worry that if Somaliland’s governing party, UDUB, tries to hold on to power illegitimately, the well-armed populace (this is still part of Somalia, after all) will rise up and Somaliland’s nearly two decades of peace could disappear in a cloud of gun smoke.
“I know this happens in Africa, but it won’t happen in Somaliland,” promised Said Adani Moge, a spokesman for Somaliland’s government. “If we lose, we’ll give up power. The most important thing is peace.”
Easily said, infrequently done. Peaceful transfers of power are a rarity in this neighborhood. In April, Sudan held its first national elections in more than 20 years (the last change of power was a coup), but the voting was widely considered superficial because of widespread intimidation beforehand and the withdrawal of several leading opposition parties from the presidential race.
Last month’s vote in Ethiopia, in which the governing party and its allies won more than 99 percent of the parliamentary seats, was also tainted by what human rights groups called a campaign of government repression, including the manipulation of American food aid to starve out the opposition.
Then there is little Eritrea, along the Red Sea, which has not held a presidential election since the early 1990s, when it won independence. And Djibouti, home to a large American military base, where the president recently pushed to have the Constitution changed so he could run again.
South-central Somalia, where a very weak transitional government is struggling to fend off radical Islamist insurgents, is so dangerous that residents must risk insurgents’ wrath even to watch the World Cup, never mind holding a vote.
So in this volatile region, Somaliland has become a demonstration of the possible, sustaining a one-person one-vote democracy in a poor, conflict-torn place that gets very little help. While the government in south-central Somalia, which barely controls any territory, receives millions of dollars in direct support from the United Nations and the United States, the Somaliland government “doesn’t get a penny,” Mr. Said said.
Because Somaliland is not recognized as an independent country, it is very difficult for the government here to secure international loans, even though it has become a regional model for conflict resolution and democratic-institution building — buzzwords among Western donors.
In many respects, Somaliland is already its own country, with its own currency, its own army and navy, its own borders and its own national identity, as evidenced by the countless Somaliland T-shirts and flags everywhere you look. Part of this stems from its distinct colonial history, having been ruled, relatively indirectly, by the British, while the rest of Somalia was colonized by the Italians, who set up a European administration.
Italian colonization supplanted local elders, which might have been one reason that much of Somalia plunged into clan-driven chaos after 1991, while Somaliland succeeded in reconciling its clans.
Clan is not the prevailing issue in this election. The three presidential candidates (Somaliland’s election code says only three political parties can compete, and they take turns campaigning from day to day) are from different clans or subclans. Yet, many voters do not seem to care.
In the middle of miles and miles of thorn bush stand two huts about 100 feet apart, one with a green and yellow Kulmiye flag flapping from a stick flagpole, the other with a solid green UDUB flag.
Haboon Roble, a shy 20-year-old, explained that she liked UDUB: “They’re good. They hold up the house.”
But about 100 feet away, her uncle, Abdi Rahman Roble, shook his head. “This government hasn’t done anything for farmers,” he complained. “We can’t even get plastic sheets to catch the rain.”
He said he was voting for Kulmiye. “But I don’t tell anyone how to vote,” Mr. Abdi Rahman said. “That’s their choice.”
And like the other adults in the family, he proudly showed off his new plastic voter card, which he usually keeps hidden in a special place in his hut, along with other valuables.