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Gerani (Greek: Γεράνι, literally 'Geranium', Turkish: Turnalar) is a village in the Famagusta District of Cyprus, located 8 km (5.0 mi) northeast of Trikomo. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
The mining drills are controlled from this underground office. The miners can update Facebook, eat fruit and take charge when needed.
punk band Control supporting Rancid at Glasgow Barrowlands 2-12-12. Lighting was so bad and so little of it.
Another version-these are all my own pictures by the way....
The remark about "Pussy Control" is spoofed off of a song Prince did
There is increasing evidence to indicate that direct contact with natural environments has important positive health outcomes.1 Engagement with both wild and cultivated natural places improves self-esteem and mood,2–5 reduces stress and anxiety6 and fosters mental well-being.7,8 Furthermore, being physically active while exposed to nature (‘green exercise’) provides additive benefits for mental well-being above those received from contact with nature alone.4,9,10 These benefits are derived from all types of natural environments and from durations of exposure from 5 min upwards.9
Over half of the world's population and more than 70% of those in Europe reside in urban areas.11 Given the importance of nature for well-being, such changes in urbanization may be having a negative impact on health. Some urban living is associated with an increased prevalence of mental ill-health: one meta-analysis of 20 studies comparing mental illness in urban and rural areas found that urban dwellers were 38% more likely to develop a mental illness, 21% more likely to suffer from anxiety and 39% more likely to develop a mood disorder.12 The quantity and quality of available green space close to the home is also correlated with longevity and a decreased risk of mental ill health.13–16 People in urban areas with plentiful tree cover and green space have a lower prevalence of asthma, improved mental well-being, a reduction in stress, lower morbidity and cardiovascular disease risk, greater longevity of the elderly, improved cognitive function and healthier cortisol profiles.9,13–15,17–20 Less green space typical of deprived communities produces higher stress and flattened cortisol profiles21 and increased incidence of obesity.22
Gardening provides an opportunity for people residing in urban and rural areas to have regular contact with nature, be physically active and engage in green exercise. Home gardens and allotments have long been important for domestic food production and consumption; and in the mid-20th century, half of the nation's vegetable needs were produced via vegetable gardens.23 In addition, gardening can improve health; restoring physical, mental and spiritual health,24 improving mood,25,26 encouraging physical activity27 and increasing life satisfaction.28 Furthermore, Van den Berg and Custers5 found that gardening leads to greater reductions in stress following a stress test than reading indoors.
Many people in the UK do not have access to a private garden.29 There is also an increasing demand for allotment gardens. There are an estimated 3 million individual allotments gardens across Europe which are utilized by a variety of different populations and in the UK waiting lists for allotments are at a 40-year high having grown from 13 000 to 100 000 since the mid-1990s.30–32 Allotment gardening is different from traditional gardening as it is an activity in a public space separated from the home, requiring the renting of a plot and is focused on food production as well the relationships between people and the land.33–35 Recent studies have demonstrated that allotment gardening provides a number of environmental benefits including the support and regulation of ecosystem services.36–39 Allotment gardening also results in more sustainably produced food, promotes healthy eating and acts as an educational resource.30 Evidence also suggests that gardening on allotments improves general health, aids recovery from stress, increases life satisfaction, promotes social contact and provides opportunities for low to moderate–high intensity physical activity, all of which promote mental well-being.25,26,40–47 Simply ‘being’ on an allotment garden can improve health and well-being;48 with data from the European Quality of Life Survey indicating that people who grow their own food are happier than those who do not.49 Furthermore, compared with an indoor exercise class, allotment gardening results in significantly lower levels of stress.50 Allotment gardening might also play a key role in promoting health and well-being in the more vulnerable groups in society through the development of social support and cohesion.49,51 However, much evidence regarding the health benefits of allotment gardening is descriptive32 and little research has been conducted to assess the health benefits of allotment gardening specifically.
Additionally, there are few comparisons of the health of allotment gardeners with those who do not garden. A study by Van den Berg et al.32 found that allotment gardeners had a higher life satisfaction, reduced loneliness, fewer health complaints and better overall health and well-being than non-allotment gardeners. However, the response rate of allotment gardeners was low and it is conceivable that only those people who believed that they received benefits from allotment gardening responded. The non-gardener group was also small, not well-matched in relation to their allotment gardener counterparts and 64% had access to a garden at home and may therefore have been active gardeners. Furthermore, not all outcome measures were assessed using a validated scale. The aim of our study was to determine the effect of allotment gardening on self-esteem and mood as two key indicators of mental well-being and long-term disease risk9 and to compare the mental well-being of allotment gardeners with non-gardener controls.
Methodology
Participants
Two hundred and sixty-nine participants aged 55.6 ± 13.6 years volunteered to participate in the study, comprising 152 males (56%) and 117 females (44%). Participants consisted of both allotment gardeners (n = 136) and non-gardeners (n = 133) and were matched in terms of age and gender to within 10%. Participants were also closely matched in terms of main occupation, with the majority of participants in each group identifying themselves as employed.
Allotment gardeners were recruited from 10 allotment sites in North-Western England. All allotment gardeners were eligible for participation in the research; however, only one participant was permitted per allotment plot to prevent data duplication. The sites were predominantly situated within the Greater Manchester conurbation, in the South and West Manchester area. Two of the sites were in the towns of Glossop and Chapel-en-le-Frith, to the east of Manchester on the western edge of the Pennines, while one was also on the Southern edge of the Pennines. Non-gardeners were recruited from 10 local supermarkets and consisted of participants who did not partake in any gardening activities. These participants were identified by asking the question ‘do you garden’ and informing potential participants that the study required participants ‘that do not do anything in the garden’. Supermarkets were recruited based upon their distance from each of the allotment sites, with the closest supermarkets being approached initially. Of the 10 supermarkets recruited for the research, six were the nearest store to the allotment sites.52 The index of deprivation for the allotments and their surrounding areas ranged from 15.4 to 84.5%, indicating a large variation in participants in terms of income deprivation, employment deprivation, health and disability deprivation, education and skills training, barriers to housing, crime and living environment.53 All participants provided individual consent to take part in the study. Institutional ethical approval was granted
Procedure
In the spring–summer growing seasons of 2006–09, the allotment sites and supermarkets were visited. During the visits to the allotments, participants were asked to complete a questionnaire assessing self-esteem, mood and general health at the start of their allotment session. At the end of the allotment session, participants completed a further questionnaire assessing self-esteem and mood. Participants were also asked to identify how long they had spent on the allotment in that particular session, in the previous 7 days and their length of tenure on the allotment. Allotment gardeners were also asked to identify what they liked about gardening on their allotment. This question was open-ended allowing gardeners to identify as many things as they wanted to. During visits to the supermarkets, non-gardeners were asked to complete a one-off questionnaire assessing self-esteem, mood and general health. Descriptive data were collected from all participants including sex, age, height and weight. Body mass index was calculated from height and weight by dividing weight in kilogram by height in metre square. Self-esteem, mood and general health were assessed using standardized and validated scales.
Instrumentation
Self-esteem is defined as a person's positive or negative attitude towards the self in totality54 and exhibits an inverse relationship with depression and anxiety55,56 in addition to being a risk factor for mental ill health.57,58 Self-esteem was assessed using the one-page 10-item Rosenberg self-esteem scale.59 The Rosenberg self-esteem scale is the mostly widely used and popular self-esteem measure. The instrument provides a self-report one-dimensional measure of self-esteem and consists of 10 statements each of which are scored on a four-point Likert scale from strongly agree to strongly disagree. An overall self-esteem score ranging from 10 to 40 is calculated with a higher score representing a better self-esteem.
Mood is defined as a ‘host of transient and fluctuating affective states that reflect how an individual feels in general, globally or at a particular moment in time’.60 Moods can be positive or negative, persist for long periods of time without specific cause and influence feelings of happiness, quality of life and ability to cope with stress.61,62 Mood was assessed using the 30-item Profile of Mood States (POMS) questionnaire.63 The POMS questionnaire assesses mood under six subscale mood states: tension–anxiety, depression–dejection, anger–hostility, vigour–activity, fatigue–inertia and confusion–bewilderment. Each subscale is represented by five phrases, each of which is scored on a five-point Likert scale from ‘not at all’, to ‘extremely’. Scores for each of the subscales are generated and converted into normative values. A total mood disturbance (TMD) score is also generated by summing the five negative subscales (tension, depression, anger, fatigue and confusion) and subtracting the positive subscale of vigour. A higher TMD score indicates a worsened mood.
The General health questionnaire (GHQ) is a screening instrument designed to identify individuals who have mental health problems and breaks in normal function.64,65 The GHQ-12 was used to assess general health and consists of 12 questions categorizing healthy and abnormal functioning.65 Participants respond to each question on a four-point Likert scale from ‘not at all’ to ‘much more than usual’. An overall score from 0 to 36 is generated, with a higher score representing a greater level of psychological distress and abnormal functioning.65.
Data analysis
To analyse the effects of an allotment gardening session on self-esteem and mood, one-way ANOVA was used to compare pre-self-esteem and TMD scores across the 10 different allotment sites, while one-way MANOVA was used to compare pre-subscale mood scores across the different sites. Paired samples t-tests compared self-esteem and TMD scores pre- and post- the allotment session. One-way MANOVA compared pre–post subscale mood scores. Linear regression was used to examine the relationship between the time spent on the allotment in the last 7 days, during the allotment session and the length of tenure with the change in self-esteem and mood scores. Participant responses regarding what they liked most about their allotment were categorized. The occurrence of each category was summed to give the total number of allotment gardeners who identified that particular category as being what they liked about their allotment.
For the comparison of allotment gardeners and non-gardeners, independent t-tests were used to compare descriptive data, including height, weight and BMI; while a χ2 test was used to compare participants main occupation. Group differences in unadjusted mean scores for self-esteem, GHQ-12 and TMD were analysed using independent t-tests while group differences in unadjusted means for subscale mood were assessed using one-way MANOVA. The self-esteem, mood and GHQ-12 scores of allotment gardeners and non-gardeners were also compared using a covariate adjusted model (ANCOVA) controlling for participants' sex, age and occupation. Subscale mood scores were compared using one-way MANOVA with age, sex and occupation inserted as covariates. The pre-allotment session scores were used for allotment gardeners. IBM SPSS version 19.0 software was used for all statistical analysis66 and significance was accepted as P < 0.05 throughout. Missing data were labelled as missing within the database to allow all collected data to be included in the analysis. Data were only missing when a participant missed out a question on one of the scales within the questionnaire; preventing a score from being calculated. Of the 1079 data points collected in total for self-esteem, mood and general health, only 1.4% were missing; equating to 15 pieces of data. These 15 pieces of data were from eight different participants, the majority of which were gardeners (n = 7); and included self-esteem and mood measures.
One-way MANOVA revealed a significant difference between pre- and post-session subscale mood scores [F(6,128) = 7.893; P < 0.001], with a significant reduction in tension–anxiety (P < 0.001), depression–dejection (P < 0.0083), anger–hostility (P < 0.001) and confusion–bewilderment (P < 0.001) (Table 1). Paired samples t-test also revealed a significant difference between pre- and post-session TMD scores [t(133) = 4.42; P < 0.001]. The score decreased from the start to end of the allotment session, indicating an enhanced mood (Table 1).
Frequency and duration of allotment gardening
Allotment gardeners revealed that their average length of tenure on the allotment was 9.3 ± 11.9 years, ranging from <1 year to up to 60 years. In the last 7 days, participants had spent an average of 8.1 ± 6.2 h on their allotment plot (range from 0 to 40 h) and in the session monitored, spent 2.6 ± 1.7 h on their plot. The minimum time spent on the plot in the session of assessment was 0.33 h and the maximum was 8.1 h. Linear multiple regression revealed that neither the length of participants tenure (years) (SE: β = −0.054; P = 0.588; TMD: β = −0.008; P = 0.939), time spent on the allotment in the previous 7 days (SE: β = −0.035; P = 0.737; TMD: β = −0.016; P = 0.881) or time spent on the allotment in the current session (SE: β = −0.034; P = 0.735; TMD: β = −0.029; P = 0.770) significantly contributed to the variance in the change in self-esteem or TMD. Participants who had been gardening on their allotment over a long-term period experienced a similar magnitude of improvements in self-esteem and mood as participants who had been allotment gardening for a short time.
Enjoyment of allotment gardening
Participants identified six main themes related to what they enjoyed most about gardening on their allotment. The majority of participants (70%) reported that they enjoyed being outdoors and having contact with nature, followed by the sense of achievement derived from allotment gardening (50%) and the opportunity for restoration and stress relief (35%). Participants also reported enjoying the social interaction (31%), growing and eating the produce (19%) and the opportunities to be active (11%).
Comparison of allotment gardeners and non-gardeners
Table 2 contains descriptive data for allotment gardeners and non-gardeners. Independent t-tests revealed no significant differences between the allotment gardeners and non-gardeners in age or height (P > 0.05). However, the weight [t(267) = 2.14; P < 0.05] and BMI [t(259) = 2.80; P < 0.01] of non-gardeners were significantly greater than those of allotment gardeners (Table 2). A χ2 test also revealed no significant differences (P > 0.05) in the main occupation of non-gardeners and gardeners. In the non-gardener group, 57.9% of participants were employed (including self-employed), 33.8% retired, 3.8% did housework and 2.3% were both seeking employment or identified their employment status as ‘other’. In the gardeners group, 55.1% were employed, 41.2% retired, 2.9% did housework and 0.7% were seeking work.
Main findings of this study
The aim of this study was to determine the effect of allotment gardening on self-esteem and mood and to compare the mental well-being of allotment gardeners with non-gardener controls.
The findings first indicate that one session of allotment gardening can result in significant improvements in self-esteem and mood via reductions in tension, depression, anger and confusion. These findings are supported by previous research demonstrating the health and well-being benefits of participating in green exercise activities.4,9,10 With an increasing number of people residing in urban areas, a decline in the number of homes with gardens,29 and the increased risk for mental ill health associated with urban living;11,12 these findings are particularly important and suggest that allotment gardening might play an important role in promoting mental well-being in people residing in urban areas.
In addition to the improvements in self-esteem and mood resulting from a single session of allotment gardening; the findings of this study highlighted that the length of time spent on the allotment during the session and in the previous 7 days; and the length of participants' tenure did not significantly contribute to changes in self-esteem or mood. Thus, participants who attend an allotment for a short period just once per week can experience a similar magnitude of improvements in self-esteem and mood as participants who attend more regularly for longer periods of time.
We found that <30 min of allotment gardening produces a measureable and beneficial health affect. This finding is encouraging as participants are more likely to be able to fit short, occasional allotment sessions into their daily routines. In addition, the findings of this study suggest that the health and well-being benefits of allotment gardening do not deteriorate over time. The length of time spent allotment gardening by participants in the current study ranged from <1 year up to 60 years, yet this did not impact upon the magnitude of changes in self-esteem and mood received from one allotment session. Thus, allotment gardening could be used as a long-term tool for promoting and improving mental well-being.
The findings of this study also indicate that allotment gardeners have better mental well-being than their non-gardener controls. Allotment gardeners reported significantly higher levels of self-esteem and mood, with reduced levels on the POMS subscales of fatigue and depression and greater feelings of vigour. In addition, allotment gardeners achieved better scores on the GHQ, indicating a reduced level of psychological distress and abnormal functioning. These differences remained statistically significant after adjustment for age, sex and occupation. Given the fact that ∼1 in 4 adults suffer from a mental illness each year,67 this finding is particularly important. Allotment gardening could play a key role in promoting mental well-being in the general population, regardless of circumstance; and could therefore be used as a preventive health measure. However, the lengthy waiting lists for allotment plots throughout the UK,30 and the reduction in the availability of green spaces in urban areas are limiting the ability of people to have access to nature close to their homes. Community allotment plots might provide a feasible solution to this problem as they allow all people to access an allotment and to take part in green exercise; in addition to promoting social interaction, community inclusion and opportunities for healthy eating; all of which promote well-being.33–35 Local public authorities should therefore seek to provide community allotment plots in order to improve the health and well-being of their residents.
While this study was primarily focused on mental well-being outcomes, descriptive analyses revealed that non-gardeners had a significantly higher BMI than allotment gardeners. The average BMI for non-gardeners was 27.0 kg m2, compared with 25.5 kg m2 in gardeners. While both of these scores fall into the overweight category (25.0–29.9 kg m2); ∼68% of participants in the non-gardening group were overweight or obese, compared with only 47% in the gardener group. Higher incidence of overweight and obesity is associated with coronary heart disease and increased risk of type II diabetes. Approximately 12% of people with a BMI of >27.0 kg m2 have diabetes while hypertension is associated with a BMI of >25.0 kg m2.68 Thus, allotment gardening could help to reduce BMI and associated disease risk; promoting improved well-being. However, further research comparing measures of physical health and the physical health of gardeners when they take on an allotment would be required to confirm this hypothesis.
In addition to the questionnaires assessing health and well-being, allotment gardeners were asked what they enjoyed most about gardening on their allotment. The key themes were being outdoors; the sense of achievement; opportunities for restoration; social interaction; growing and eating produce and opportunities to be active. These are largely linked to the proposed health benefits of allotment gardening which include healthy eating, being active, improvements in physical and mental well-being and social interaction.30,40–50 Thus, participants seem to enjoy the aspects of allotment gardening which contribute to their health. The opportunities for social interaction offered by allotment gardening might be particularly important as the development of relationships promotes social capital.69 Social capital increases life expectancy, while a lack of social capital embodied by loneliness has the equivalent risk to health as consuming 15 cigarettes daily and is twice as harmful as obesity.67,69 Allotment gardening could contribute to a greener and healthier economy focused on the prevention of ill-health. This preventive approach could result in substantial savings to the UK economy, particularly in the treatment of health conditions such as mental illness, obesity, cardiovascular disease and loneliness.
Conclusions
Overall, the findings of this study indicate that one single session of allotment gardening can improve both self-esteem and mood, irrespective of how long participants spend on the allotment, whether they have attended in the last 7 days and their overall length of tenure. Furthermore, allotment gardeners have a better level of self-esteem and mood and a reduced level of abnormal psychological functioning than non-gardeners. Thus, in order to improve health and well-being, people in the UK should be encouraged to take part in short bouts of allotment gardening. Health organizations and policy makers should consider the potential of allotment gardening as long-term tool for combatting the increasing prevalence of ill-health and local public authorities should seek to provide community allotment plots to allow residents to have regular opportunities to partake in gardening activities.
Title: This photograph, taken on the occasion of the 5th anniversary of the Elgin Mall in October 1980, demonstrated that shoppers could conveniently rotate from one store to another in the comfort of the climate controlled mall. Shoppers are pictured browsing around protected from the elements. It was announced last week that the owner of the Elgin Mall plans to sell the underperforming St. Thomas property.
Creator(s): St. Thomas Times-Journal
Bygone Days Publication Date: May 23, 2015
Original Publication Date: October 21, 1980
Reference No.: C8 Sh1 B1 F4 24c
Credit: Elgin County Archives, St. Thomas Times-Journal fonds
95/365
I'm kinda losing contorl over that 365...Don't know why, and how, and if a selfportrait again..and why to take that much time each day... Sometimes I feel i've climbed too high, and my requirements became too strict and too "strbist" ..I just can not be that creative each day..especially when I haven't done anything on a certain day...So why that strobist stuff?Sometimes I feel like if I've lost my sense of finding interesting stuffs to shoot and if I'd became the one who wants to create stuffs for a shot...hm...I hope spring solves the problem!:)
5th april 2010
A picture is worth a thousand words but it takes 3,000 times the disk space...
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The National Ignition Facility's complex operation, alignment and diagnostic functions are controlled and orchestrated by the integrated computer control system. It consists of 300 front-end processors attached to nearly 60,000 control points, including mirrors, lenses, motors, sensors, cameras, amplifiers, capacitors and diagnostic instruments. The shot director must coordinate all 14 NIF subsystems when preparing for a shot.
The controls for the whole system are the three white units at the top. They are controlled by the bose controlspace processer (located lower in the rack, see the other pic).
Controlled fires are set in Spring and Autumn to reduce the leaf litter and fire load in our forests. This helps to reduce fierce wildfires in summertime during the hot time of the year.
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