Jung and Jungians
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One of those moments in time worth to take. People enjoying walking this street where the funicular rides.
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Going back home in the bus. This picture is also marked as Creative Commons so you can use it in your websites etc. Let's see how this experiment goes.
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An iconic view of St. Paul's Cathedral.
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One of my street captures during my trip to Lisbon.
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Words of yesterday ...
Michael Figdor
And the book is on the table and the phone is in the corner of the room.
Michael asked me if the glass was half full ...
Yes, my glass is empty
as the thoughts that ran out of my mind,
The sun that burned my skin
amplified the echo
of the white wine pouring down on my moments of solitude.
Am I alone, or is the world getting to be half empty?
Is it a game and who is it to blame?
God is mad ...
And I stayed there, staring at the phone,
not reading, surfing, drinking,
just empty,
as the thoughts that I had and I couldn't catch as it was burglarized by my brain,
and as hot as the Phoenician Sun, I felt no pain.
Everything seems to be empty
I hear half truth and I drink half glasses full of lies,
I don't know what to believe anymore
Is everything full, empty or just diluted?
I think outside of the box
some kids will get chicken pox, adults are scared to death...
I make no sense, it doesn't make any sense.
I'm leaving in the past tense,
or just tense, with uninterrupted news, metrics, analytics, craziness, graphs, and the weather report.
And the glass seats half full, because the other half evaporated like thin smoke, I think Michael that it just got polluted or diluted and while I can,
let me go collect my brain, scarred on the sidewalk, I cannot think straight today.
Maybe I drank to much water.
Is it full or half full or half empty?
I don't know.
Maybe I'll know tomorrow.
MTN 06/25/2020
To Michael Figdor
Analytical Odysseys.
Предполагаемое знание феноменальных определений диссоциации, узнаваемая видимость исследований детерминированности сознания,
å utpeke øyeblikk sannheter inneholder viktige punkter for å forstå smarte brennende grunner tilfredshet innbefatter undersøkelser vitenskap,
disaccordi giustificati distinguendo contraddizioni osservazioni vuote scetticismo oggetti interi movimenti interi sistemi esistenza astratta,
ٹھوس جانکاری فوری حدود کی باتوں کا حواس خالص مختلف طریقوں سے پیچیدہ روابط اہم فصلوں کی عکاسی کے معاملات,
podstawowe uniwersalne prawdy obojętne relacje zachowujące zrozumiałe słowa uwierzytelnienia świadomość twierdzenia filozoficzne,
experiencias sensoriales que afirman sabidurías esferas profundas que devuelven sentidos dialécticos punteros del supuesto aprendizaje de la pluralidad contraria,
媒体の無関心な認識を考慮する極度の内なることは法を変えること規則を否定すること側面楽しむこと基礎変わらないこと規則否定規則依存性側面楽しさ基盤変わらない移動活動の本質的な機能動物の惨めさ.
Steve.D.Hammond.
Mark this day as it's the day I managed to get 10 Million views on my flickr account. It's been really busy this year and I managed to get all this views in just under a year. Thanks all for your appreciation and for spending time looking at my pictures and liking them and commenting on them.
This is certainly a great milestone.
Thanks for all the views and the likes and keep spreading the love for photography.
I've created my own tool to monitor all the likes and views of my account. The tool is still under construction but you can follow progress here:
You can find my solution on Github.
If you want to raise any issue on the app, you can do it here:
github.com/JordiCorbilla/FlickrPhotoStats/issues
Description of the application here
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without permission.
Pietro Longhi (Pietro Falca - Venice, November 15, 1701 - Venice, May 8, 1785) - Charlatan (second half of the 18th century) - oil on canvas 63 x 51 cm - Museum of the Venetian Eighteenth Century Ca' Rezzonico, Venice
Pietro nasce a Venezia il 15 novembre del 1701. Dopo un’esperienza nella bottega di Antonio Balestra, è a Bologna, dove conosce l’opera di Giuseppe Maria Crespi che diverrà, in particolare per quel che riguarda la pittura di genere, fondamentale per gli sviluppi successivi della sua carriera.
Fino al 1734 si dedica a una produzione di carattere “storico” ma dalla fine degli anni Trenta decide di cambiare rotta, indirizzandosi in modo pressoché esclusivo a quella pittura di costume che lo renderà celebre non solo entro i confini della Serenissima. Sono scene di piccolo formato dedicate dapprima, sull’esempio crespiano, alla descrizione analitica e puntuale della vita dei contadini e dei ceti poveri veneziani, poi, dagli anni Quaranta, alla vita dei veneziani, fuori e dentro i palazzi. Il successo è straordinario, come dimostrano i nomi altisonanti dei suoi aristocratici committenti: dai Sagredo ai Mocenigo, dai Grimani ai Querini ai Pisani e molti altri; in pratica, il gotha delle famiglie di antica nobiltà, non escludendo peraltro alcuni “nuovi nobili” – ma soprattutto nuovi ricchi.
Born in Venice on November 15, 1701. After an experience in the workshop of Antonio Balestra, is in Bologna, where he knew the work of Giuseppe Maria Crespi that will become, in particular as regards the genre painting, fundamental for the subsequent developments of his career.
Until 1734 he devoted himself to a production of "historical" character, but from the end of the thirties he decided to change course, addressing himself almost exclusively to the painting of costumes that will make him famous not only within the borders of the Serenissima. They are scenes of small format dedicated at first, on the example of crespiano, the analytical description and accurate life of the peasants and the poor Venetians, then, since the forties, the life of Venetians, outside and inside the palaces. The success is extraordinary, as evidenced by the high-sounding names of his aristocratic clients: from Sagredo to Mocenigo, from Grimani to Querini to Pisani and many others; in practice, the elite of the families of ancient nobility, not excluding some "new nobles" - but especially new rich.
The Jack Welch College of Business and the Office of Alumni Engagement presented “Careers in Analytics” on April 10, 2019, at the Martire Forum. The alumni panel featured Justin Baigert ’05, vice president, Data & Analytics at GE, Joseph Lucibello ’11, senior manager, data scientist at WWE and Suzanne May ’13, research manager at Purchased. The moderator was Khawaja Mamun, associate professor of economics. Photo by Mark F. Conrad
The Jack Welch College of Business and the Office of Alumni Engagement presented “Careers in Analytics” on April 10, 2019, at the Martire Forum. The alumni panel featured Justin Baigert ’05, vice president, Data & Analytics at GE, Joseph Lucibello ’11, senior manager, data scientist at WWE and Suzanne May ’13, research manager at Purchased. The moderator was Khawaja Mamun, associate professor of economics. Photo by Mark F. Conrad
In this article im gonna share with you a deep understanding of the Instagram analytics.
Instagram is the most popular social networking platform these days.
If you want to market your products and services then it’s the best ever platform for you.
All you need to make a free account and start promoting your products and services.
www.coremafia.com/instagram-analytics-to-grow-engagement-...
Historical research reveals that diverse political rationalities have framed the political means and objectives of state frontiers and borders, just as the difficult work of making borders actual has drawn upon a great variety of technologies
The single word ”border” conceals a multiplicity and implies a constancy where genealogical investigation uncovers mutation and descent. Historical research reveals that diverse political rationalities have framed the political means and objectives of state frontiers and borders, just as the difficult work of making borders actual has drawn upon a great variety of technologies and heterogeneous administrative practices, ranging from maps of the territory, the creation of specialized border officials, and architectures of fortification to today’s experimentation with bio- digitalized forms of surveillance. This chapter argues that we are witnessing a novel development within this history of borders and border-making, what I want to call the emergence of the humanitarian border. While a great deal has been written about the militarization, securitization and fortification of borders today, there is far less consideration of the humanitarianization of borders. But if the investment of border regimes by biometric technologies rightly warrants being treated as an event within the history of the making and remaking of borders (Amoore 2006), then arguably so too does the reinvention of the border as a space of humanitarian government.
Under what conditions are we seeing the rise of humanitarian borders? The emergence of the humanitarian border goes hand in hand with the move which has made state frontiers into privileged symbolic and regulatory instruments within strategies of migration control. It is part of a much wider trend that has been dubbed the ”rebordering” of political and territorial space (Andreas and Biersteker 2003). The humanitarian border emerges once it becomes established that border crossing has become, for thousands of migrants seeking, for a variety of reasons, to access the territories of the global North, a matter of life and death. It crystallizes as a way of governing this novel and disturbing situation,and compensating for the social violence embodied in the regime of migration control.The idea of a humanitarian border might sound at first counterintuitive or even oxymoronic. After all, we often think of contemporary humanitarianism as a force that, operating in the name of the universal but endangered subject of humanity, transcends the walled space of the inter-national system. This is, of course, quite valid. Yet it would be a mistake to draw any simple equation between humanitarian projects and what Deleuze and Guattari would call logics of deterritoralization. While humanitarian programmes might unsettle certain norms of statehood, it is important to recognize the ways in which the exercise of humanitarian power is connected to the actualization of new spaces. Whether by its redefinition of certain locales as humanitarian ”zones” and crises as ”emergencies” (Calhoun 2004), the authority it confers on certain experts to move rapidly across networks of aid and intervention, or its will to designate those populating these zones as ”victims,” it seems justified to follow Debrix’s (1998) observation that humanitarianism implies reterritorialization on top of deterritorialization. Humanitarian zones can materialize in various situations – in conflict zones, amidst the relief of famine, and against the backdrop of state failure. But the case that interests me in what follows is a specific one: a situation where the actual borders of states and gateways to the territory become themselves zones of humanitarian government. Understanding the consequences of this is paramount, since it has an important bearing on what is often termed the securitization of borders and citizenship.
Foucault and Frontiers
It is probably fair to say that the theme of frontiers is largely absent from the two courses that are today read together as Foucault’s lectures on ”governmentality” (Foucault 1991; 2007; 2008). This is not to suggest that frontiers receive no mention at all. Within these lectures we certainly encounter passing remarks on the theme. For instance, Foucault speaks at one point of ”the administrative state, born in the territoriality of national boundaries in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and corresponding to a society of regulation and discipline” (Foucault 1991: 104).1 Elsewhere, he notes how the calculation and demarcation of new frontiers served as one of the practical elements of military-diplomatic technology, a machine he associates with the government of Europe in the image of a balance of power and according to the governmental logic of raison d’état. ”When the diplomats, the ambassadors who negotiated the treaty of Westphalia, received instructions from their government, they were explicitly advised to ensure that the new frontiers, the distribution of states, the new relationships to be established between the German states and the Empire, and the zones of influence of France, Sweden, and Austria be established in terms of a principle: to maintain a balance between the different European states” (Foucault 2007: 297).
But these are only hints of what significance the question of frontiers might have within the different technologies of power which Foucault sought to analyze. They are only fragmentary reflections on the place borders and frontiers might occupy within the genealogy of the modern state which Foucault outlines with his research into governmentality.2
Why was Foucault apparently not particularly interested in borders when he composed these lectures? One possible answer is suggested by Elden’s careful and important work on power-knowledge and territory. Elden takes issue with Foucault for the way in which he discusses territorial rule largely as a foil which allows him to provide a more fully-worked out account of governmentality and its administration of population. Despite the fact that the term appears prominently in the title of Foucault’s lectures, ”the issue of territory continually emerges only to be repeatedly marginalized, eclipsed, and underplayed” (Elden 2007: 1). Because Foucault fails to reckon more fully with the many ways in which the production of territory – and most crucially its demarcation by practices of frontier marking and control – serves as a precondition for the government of population, it is not surprising that the question of frontiers occupies little space in his narrative.But there is another explanation for the relative absence of questions of frontiers in Foucault’s writing on governmentality. And here we have to acknowledge that, framed as it is previously, this is a problematic question. For it risks the kind of retrospective fallacy which projects a set of very contemporary issues and concerns onto Foucault’s time. It is probably fair to speculate that frontiers and border security was not a political issue during the 1970s in the way that it is today in many western states. ”Borders” had yet to be constituted as a sort of meta-issue, capable of condensing a whole complex of political fears and concerns, including globalization, the loss of sovereignty, terrorism, trafficking and unchecked immigration. The question of the welfare state certainly was an issue, perhaps even a meta-issue, when Foucault was lecturing, and it is perhaps not coincidental that he should devote so much space to the examination of pastoralism. But not the border. The point is not to suggest that Foucault’s work evolved in close,
Humanitarian Government
Before I address the question of the humanitarian border, it is necessary to explain what I understand by the humanitarian. Here my thinking has been shaped by recent work that engages the humanitarian not as a set of ideas and ideologies, nor simply as the activity of certain nongovernmental actors and organizations, but as a complex domain possessing specific forms of governmental reason. Fassin’s work on this theme is particularly important. Fassin demonstrates that humanitarianism can be fruitfully connected to the broader field of government which Foucault outlined, where government is not a necessary attribute of states but a rationalized activity than can be carried out by all sorts of agents, in various contexts, and towards multiple ends. At its core, ”Humanitarian government can be defined as the administration of human collectivities in the name of a higher moral principle which sees the preservation of life and the alleviation of suffering as the highest value of action” (Fassin 2007: 151). As he goes on to stress, the value of such a definition is that we do not see a particular state, or a non-state form such as a nongovernmental organization, as the necessary agent of humanitarian action. Instead, it becomes possible to think in terms of a complex assemblage, comprising particular forms of humanitarian.reason, specific forms of authority (medical, legal, spiritual) but also certain technologies of government – such as mechanisms for raising funds and training volunteers, administering aid and shelter, documenting injustice, and publicizing abuse. Seen from this angle humanitarianism appears as a much more supple, protean thing. Crucially, it opens up our ability to perceive ”a broader political and moral logic at work both within and outside state forms” (ibid.).
If the humanitarian can be situated in relation to the analytics of government, it can also be contextualized in relation to the biopolitical. ”Not only did the last century see the emergence of regimes committed to the physical destruction of populations,” observes Redfield, ”but also of entities devoted to monitoring and assisting populations in maintaining their physical existence, even while protesting the necessity of such an action and the failure of anyone to do much more than this bare minimum” (2005: 329). It is this ”minimalist biopolitics,” as Redfield puts it, that will be so characteristic of the humanitarian. And here the accent should be placed on the adjective “minimalist” if we are not to commit the kind of move which I criticized above, namely collapsing everything new into existing Foucauldian categories. It is important to regard contemporary humanitarianism as a novel formation and a site of ambivalence and undecideability, and not just as one more instance of what Hardt and Negri (2000) might call global “biopolitical production.”The Birth of the Humanitarian Border
In a press release issued on June 29, 2007, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) publicized a visit which its then Director General, Brunson McKinley, was about to make to a ”reception centre for migrants” on the Mediterranean island of Lampedusa (IOM 2007). The Director General is quoted as saying: ”Many more boats will probably arrive on Lampedusa over the summer with their desperate human cargo and we have to ensure we can adequately respond to their immediate needs.... This is why IOM will continue to work closely with the Italian government, the Italian Red Cross, UNHCR and other partners to provide appropriate humanitarian responses to irregular migrants and asylum seekers reaching the island.”
The same press release observes that IOM’s work with its ”partners” was part of a wider effort to improve the administration of the ”reception” (the word ”detention” is conspicuously absent) and ”repatriation” of ”irregular migrants” in Italy. Reception centers were being expanded, and problems of overcrowding alleviated. The statement goes on to observe that IOM had opened its office on Lampedusa in April 2006. Since that time ”Forced returns from Lampedusa [had] stopped.”
Lampedusa is a small Italian island located some 200 km south of Sicily and 300 km to the north of Libya. Its geographical location provides a clue as to how it is that in 2004 this Italian outpost first entered the spotlight of European and even world public attention, becoming a potent signifier for anxieties about an international migration crisis (Andrijasevic 2006). For it was then that this Italian holiday destination became the main point of arrival for boats carrying migrants from Libya to Italy. That year more than 10,000 migrants are reported to have passed through the ”temporary stay and assistance centre” (CPTA) the Italian state maintains on the island. The vast majority had arrived in overcrowded, makeshift boats after a perilous sea journey lasting up to several weeks. Usually these boats
are intercepted in Italian waters by the Italian border guards and the migrants transferred to the holding center on the island. Following detention, which can last for more than a month, they are either transferred to other CPTAs in Sicily and southern Italy, or expelled to Libya.Finally, there is a point to be made about humanitarianism, power and order. Those looking to locate contemporary humanitarianism within a bigger picture would perhaps follow the lead of Hardt and Negri. As these theorists of ”Empire” see things, NGOs like Amnesty International and Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) are, contrary to their own best intentions, implicated in global order. As agents of ”moral intervention” who, because they participate in the construction of emergency, ”prefigure the state of exception from below,” these actors serve as the preeminent ”frontline force of imperial intervention.” As such, Hardt and Negri see humanitarianism as ”completely immersed in the biopolitical context of the constitution of Empire” (Hardt and Negri 2000: 36).Humanitarianism, Borders, Politics
Foucauldian writing about borders has mirrored the wider field of governmentality studies in at least one respect. While it has produced some fascinating and insightful accounts of contemporary strategies and technologies of border-making and border policing, it has tended to confine its attention to official and often state-sanctioned projects. Political dynamics and political acts have certainly not been ignored. But little attention has been paid to the possibility that politics and resistance operate not just in an extrinsic relationship to contemporary regimes, but within them.12 To date this literature has largely failed to view politics as something constitutive and productive of border regimes and technologies. That is to say, there is little appreciation of the ways in which movements of opposition, and those particular kinds of resistance which Foucault calls ”counter conduct,” can operate not externally to modes of bordering but by means of ”a series of exchanges” and ”reciprocal supports” (Foucault 2007: 355).
There is a certain paradox involved when we speak of Foucault and frontiers. In certain key respects it could be said that Foucault is one of our most eminent and original theorists of bordering. For at the heart of one of his most widely read works – namely Discipline and Punish – what does one
find if not the question of power and how its modalities should be studied by focusing on practices of partitionment, segmentation, division, enclosure; practices that will underpin the ordering and policing of ever more aspects of the life of populations from the nineteenth century onwards. But while Foucault is interested in a range of practices which clearly pertain to the question of bordering understood in a somewhat general sense, one thing the reading of his lectures on security, governmentality and biopolitics reveals is that he had little to say explicitly about the specific forms of bordering associated with the government of the state. To put it differently, Foucault dealt at length with what we might call the microphysics of bordering, but much less with the place of borders considered at the level of tactics and strategies of governmentality.Recent literature has begun to address this imbalance, demonstrating that many of Foucault’s concepts are useful and important for understanding what kinds of power relations and governmental regimes are at stake in contemporary projects which are re-making state borders amidst renewed political concerns over things like terrorism and illegal immigration. However, the overarching theme of this chapter has been the need for caution when linking Foucault’s concepts to the study of borders and frontiers today. While analytics like biopolitics, discipline and neoliberalism offer all manner of insights, we need to avoid the trap which sees Foucault’s toolbox as something ready-made for any given situation. The challenge of understanding the emergent requires the development of new theoretical tools, not to mention the sharpening of older, well-used implements. With this end in mind the chapter has proposed the idea of the humanitarian border as a way of registering an event within the genealogy of the frontier, but also, although I have not developed it here, within the genealogy of citizenship.
What I have presented previously is only a very cursory overview of certain features of the humanitarianization of borders, most notably its inscription within regimes of knowledge, and its constitutive relationship to politics. In future research it would be interesting to undertake a fuller mapping of the humanitarian border in relation to certain trajectories of government. While we saw how themes of biopolitical and neoliberal government are pertinent in understanding the contemporary management of spaces like the detention center, it would seem especially relevant to consider the salience of pastoralism. Pastoral power has received far less attention within studies of governmentality than, say, discipline or liberal government (but see Dean 1999; Golder 2007; Hindess 1996; Lippert 2004). But here again, I suspect, it will be important to revise our concepts in the light of emergent practices and rationalities. For the ways in which NGOs and humanitarians engage in the governance of migrants and refugees today have changed quite significantly from the kinds of networks of care, self-examination and salvation which Foucault identified with pastoralism. For instance, and to take but one example, the pastoral care of migrants, whether in situations of sanctuary or detention, is not organized as a life-encompassing, permanent activity as it was for the church, or later, in a secular version, the welfare state. Instead, it is a temporary and ad hoc intervention. Just as Foucault’s notion of neo-liberalism was intended to register important transformations within the genealogy of liberal government, it may prove useful to think in terms of the neo-pastoral when we try to make better sense of the phenomenon of humanitarian government at/of borders, and of many other situations as well.
williamwalters.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/2011-Foucau...
Dimensions of the slice: 3 x 2 x 0,6 centimeters
Weight: 8,9 grams
Locality: NWA (big deserts of North West Africa)
About CV3 Carbonaceous Chondrites:
This relatively rare METEORITE type is in my opinion one of the most interesting ones. They are almost not altered by heat nor pressure on their parent body (probably an asteroid), nor have they been exposed to water there. Consequently, among all the different types of meteorites, these provide the closest insights into the processes and conditions around the formation of our solar system. (approx. 4600 million years ago).
As per today we do not know certainly the complete story of their formation. Probably the different components we see here were formed freely floating in space and got assembled later to this rock. (Unlike igneous rocks formed on earth, where the different components usually crystalized from the same melt)
The round structures are chondrules, they give the name to the rock. We see different types of those. Probably chondrules were formed from melting of iron silicate dust by a sudden raise of temperature, followed by quick cooling. (Unknown events in the early solar system.)
Then we have some small white irregular refractory inclusions (also called CAIs for ‘Calcium Aluminium rich Inclusions’) that are even older. Because of their very high melting points probably they were not impacted by the chondrule melting events.
Finally, we have the fine-grained substance in between, the matrix. It contains different carbon compounds. According to certain theories the inorganic compounds that arrived to earth in these meteorites may have played a role in the emergence of life on our planet.
***
About the piece on this photo:
I acquired an unprocessed, 24gram piece. It was without any fusion crust and clearly eroded on the surface, as it has been exposed to weathering in the Sahara for many years. (For strict scientific analytical purposes such pieces are biased by possible earthly alterations. Fresh falls are preferred. )
I have sent the piece for slicing and polishing with my specific requirements for direction and thickness. The outcome was satisfactory: Visually the interior looks fresh, with many minute details. On top, the contrast of the dark matrix and the different colours of chondrites give it an esthetical look. (from a purely esthetical viewpoint the petrology of CV3 chondrites with lighter gray matrix as the famous Allende are less pleasant to look at.)
Voicething will be covering the new Ever After High... but not as you might expect! Forget the guff those other sites are throwing at you. Shit gets real when Voicething takes its analytical, educated approach to postmodern fairytale updates. You won't wanna miss it...
Bridgei2i is very good provider of marketing analytics. Their marketing analytics ecosystem that provides a holistic view of the marketing data environment, enables innovation & technology for marketing automation, forecasting, and personalization and helps CMOs drive operationalization of analytics for improved effectiveness and ROI. They are very efficient. For more... www.bridgei2i.com/marketing-analytics-solutions
Kumbh Mela or Kumbha Mela is a mass Hindu pilgrimage of faith in which Hindus gather to bathe in a sacred or holy river.
Prayagraj Ardh Kumbh Mela, 2019 is the Ardh Kumbh Mela to being held at Triveni Sangam in Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, India from 15 January to 4 March 2019
According to Hindu mythology, Vishnu dropped drops of amrita (the drink of immortality) at four places, while transporting it in a kumbha (pot). These four places, including Allahabad, are identified as the present-day sites of the Kumbh Mela. The river-side fair at Allahabad is centuries old, but its association with the kumbha myth and a 12-year old cycle dates back to the 19th century. The priests of Allahabad borrowed these concepts from the Haridwar Kumbh Mela and applied it to their local Magh Mela, an annual celebration. The Magh Mela probably dates back to the early centuries CE, and has been mentioned in several Puranas.
Rising attendance and scale
Kumbh Mela at Prayagraj, c. 2001.
Maha Kumbh at Prayagraj is the largest in the world, the attendance and scale of preparation of which keeps rising with each successive celebration. For the 2019 Ardh Kumbh at Prayagraj, the preparations include a ₹42,000 million (US$580 million or €510 million) temporary city over 2,500 hectares with 122,000 temporary toilets and range of accommodation from simple dormitory tents to 5-star tents, 800 special trains by the Indian Railway, artificially intelligent video surveillance and analytics by IBM, disease surveillance, river transport management by Inland Waterways Authority of India, and an app to help the visitors.
In 1903, 400,000 pilgrims were recorded as attending the fair at Prayagraj.
On 14 April 1998, 10 million pilgrims attended the Kumb Mela at Haridwar on the busiest single day.
In 2001, 70 million pilgrims attended the 55 days long Kumbh Mela at Prayagraj, including more than 40 million on the busiest single day.
In 2007, 70 million pilgrims attended the 45-day long Ardha Kumbh Mela at Prayagraj.
In 2013, 120 million pilgrims attended the Kumbh Mela at Prayagraj.
#kumbhmela #kumbh #prayagraj #ardh #allahabad #2019
Sydney Padua's cartoon effort here seems to be the world's only coherent effort to graphically visualize a full-scale Analytical Engine.
Illustration of a web analytics framework - data gathering, data reporting, data analysis - then the bonus stage of optimisation.
Inspired by a blog post by Avinash Kaushik (Occam's Razor)
www.kaushik.net/avinash/web-analytics-consulting-framewor...
Have you checked out Google Analytics? I have been using it for about two months on my blog, and it is very interesting to track...
Sure, it's not about quantity, but I do like the graphs :)
The Map Overlay may be my favorite of all! how many people visited the site from Sri Lanka? you can find it out with Google Analytics!