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My trusty Zeus dropout alignment tool. Note the bass washers-for use in 130mm spaced rear dropouts. This is a vintage tool, made for 120mm spacing.
The Porto Metro is a light rail network in Porto, Portugal and a key part of the city's public transport system. Having a semi-metro alignment, it runs underground in central Porto and above ground into the city's suburbs while using low-floor tram vehicles
Alignment of the five bright planets, in order of their distance from the Sun, together with the waning crescent moon, as seen from Mout Coot-tha, Brisbane, Australia. The last time these five planets aligned was in 2004 and the next occurence will be in 2040. Mercury can be seen in the lower right, just above the pre-dawn glow. The other planets are aligned diagonally along the path of the ecliptic, first Venus, then the Moon, Mars, Jupiter and finally Saturn in the upper left corner. Six images stacked to a vertical panorama in Photoshop.
. . . 10. 3. 2007 - this is the fourth day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week. Today we will see buffalo fighting, cock fighting, the killing of the buffalos, the horse and the deer. The photos of the killing might look strange to you, to the torajian they are common. The souls of the killed buffalos are the servants of the deads. The more buffalos are killed the better life for the dead.
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
A mile or so away from Wickhambreaux lies Ickham. A stunningly pretty village, all tudor brick or clapboard houses, and the famous and picturesque quadruple oast overlooking the fields that lead down to the Little Stour.
There can be no mistaking the approach to St John, past a long row of timer store houses on the left, with the unKentish spire of the church rising above the yews.
Snow was still melting, giving a picture perfect view as I cradled my cameras and walked to the lych.
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The church is entered from the south and is much longer than first impressions indicate. The nave is very dark, for it has no clerestory and is only lit by the outer aisle windows. The chancel, which is long and out of alignment, is most impressive, being built at a much higher level than the nave. There are two transepts, the one on the south partly blocked by the organ which has lovely barley-twist carving. Behind it is an unexpected chapel, possibly built as a chantry by Thomas de Baa who died in 1339. His tomb occupies the south wall and is a good example of its type. What makes this church even more interesting is that there is a 'twin' monument in the north transept to William Heghtesbury who died in 1372 - although this is in a better state of repair.
www.kentchurches.info/church.asp?p=Ickham
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ICKHAM
LIES the next adjoining parish to Wickham eastward, being called in the survey of Domesday both Hickham and Gecham, and in other antient records Yeckham, taking its name from the Saxon word yeok, a yoke of arable land, and ham, a village. The whole parish consisting for the most part of arable land. There are three boroughs in this parish, viz. of Cottenham, Seaton, and Bramling.
Ickham lies about five miles eastward from Canterbury. The high road from which to Deal and Sandwich leads through it, across the Lesser Stour, usually called the Littleborne river, its western boundary, just below the ford of which is Ickham, usually called Littleborne mill, though belonging to this manor. The trout bred in this river are esteemed the best coloured, and the finest flavoured of any in either of the river Stours. On the right side of the road, on a very gentle rise from the river, is the house and park grounds of Lee, which form a beautiful picturesque appearance; adjoining to these grounds is Hazeling wood, the only one in the parish, and on still higher ground, more southward, the two estates of Garwinton, which adjoin to Adisham downs, a wholesome pleasant country.—About a mile further on from Lee, the above road passes through the hamlet of Bramling, in which is the court-lodge of that manor, and a modern neat house, built by John Paramore, esq. whose daughter Catherine carried it in marriage to admiral Charles Knowler, who resided in it, and died s. p. in 1788, leaving his widow surviving, who afterwards resided in it, and died in 1792, the year after which it was sold to Henry Rice, esq. who died in 1797, and his widow at present resides in it.
The village of Ickham, in which is the church and court-lodge, stands in a low flat country, very wet and unpleasant, the road through it being but little frequented. Further northward is the borough and hamlet of Seaton, beyond which is a level of marsh-land, containing about one hundred acres within this parish, which is here bounded by the Lesser Stour and the Wingham river. The soil throughout it is in general fertile, especially those two large extensive fields between the village and the Canterbury road, called Ickham and Treasury fields. A fair is held in the village on Whit-Monday, for pedlary and toys.
Offa, king of Mercia, in the year 791, gave to Christ-church, in Canterbury, fifteen plough-lands in Ickham, Perhamsted, and Roching; and in several dens in the sorest of Andred, the pannage of hogs, which he granted free from all secular service and regal tribute, which was afterwards increased by one Athelward, who in the year 958, gave more lands here to that church. (fn. 1) After which this manor continued part of that church's possessions, and on the division made by archbishop Lanfranc between himself and the priory, it was allotted to the share of the latter; accordingly, in the survey of Domesday, it is thus entered:
In Dunebafort hundred, the archbishop himself holds Gecham. It was taxed at four sulings. The arable land is twelve carucates. In demesne there are three, and twenty-nine villeins, with sixty cottagers having sixteen carucates and an half. There is a church, and four mills of one hundred shillings, and thirty five acres of meadow, and wood for the pannage of thirty hogs. The whole manor was worth, in the time of king Edward the Confessor and afterwards, twenty-two pounds, now thirtytwo pounds. Of the land of this manor, William his tenant holds as much as is worth seven pounds.
This manor was assigned by the convent ad cibum, that is, to the use of their refectory. In the 10th year of king Edward II. the prior of Christ-church ob. tained a grant of free warren in all his demesne lands in this manor among others, about which time it was, with its appurtenances, valued at seventy-two pounds. The buildings here were much improved by prior Chillenden, about the year 1400, who new erected all of them, excepting the dove-cote and one chamber; and prior Sellinge, about 1480, not only made the prior's chamber more pleasant, but built a dormitory likewise for the brethren resorting hither. At which time this manor was let to serme, at the yearly rent of 661. 13s. 4d. In which state it continued till the dissolution of the priory in the 31st year of Henry VIII. when it came into the king's hands, where it did not continue long, for the settled it, among other premises, in his 33d year, on his new-erected dean and chapter of Canterbury, part of whose inheritance it still continues. A court baron is regularly held for this manor, which extends over part of the parishes of Rucking and Snave, and Ivechurch, in Romney Marsh.
The dean and chapter retain to themselves the court baron and all royalties, rents of assise, &c. and a certain fishing, called Grypping, with all commodities belonging to it. BUT THE COURT-LODGE, with the watermill and demesnes of the manor, with all waters, rivers and ways, together with all customs of sowings, harvesting, &c. and carriages of the manor due from the tenants, are demised by them on a beneficial lease for three lives, the interest of which is now vested in Thomas Barrett, esq. of Lee.
The Bay farm, antiently called the manor of Baa, though now it has lost even the name of having been one, and is reputed as part of the paramount manor of Ickham, was in former times accounted as such. It is situated about a quarter of a mile from the village, and had antiently possessors of the same surname, as appeared by an old fragment of glass in this church, of which were left only the words Hic . . . . de Ba . . . . and under a coat of arms, viz. Or, a lion rampant, sable, crowned, argent, was written in old French capitals, Thomas de Ba, of which there are now no remains left. He is supposed to have resided at this mansion, and to lie buried in the south chancel of this church, which is still called by his name, where, under an arch in the wall, his essigies, habited in armour, still remains lying on a tomb at full length, almost entire, but without any inscription. After this family was extinct here, the Wendertons, of Wenderton, in Wingham, became owners of it, and continued so till John Wenderton, in the 1st year of king Henry VIII. passed it away to archbishop Warham, who at his death in 1533 gave it to his youngest brother Hugh Warham, esq. of Croydon, and he gave it in marriage with Agnes his daughter to Sir Anthony St. Leger, lord deputy of Ireland, whose son Sir Warham St. Leger, of Ulcombe, sold it to Stephen Hougham, of Ash, who, as appears by his will, anno 1556, had the year before enseoffed John Gayson in this estate, called Baa, otherwise the Bay, with the Baa-field, in Ickham. He seems to have sold it to Denne, of Denne-hill, in Kingston, and his son Thomas Denne, esq. recorder of Canterbury, about the middle of queen Elizabeth's reign, alienated it to Curling, who passed it away by sale to Valentine Austen, who resided at it, and in the 14th year of James I. conveyed it to his son Richard Austen, gent. in whose descendants it continued till it was sold to Gillow, in which it remained till Richard Gillow, of Woodnesborough, alienated it, in the year 1704, to John Gibbs, of Adisham, whose direct descendant Mr. Richard Gibbs, of Ickham-court, is the present owner of it.
Bramling is a manor, in the south-east part of this parish, which, about the year 784, was given by one Wullaf to the monks of Christ-church, in Canterbury, who had it of the gift of king Edwlf, confirming the same. After which, though this place is not particularly mentioned in the survey of Domesday, yet it appears to have continued part of the possessions of the priory, for king Edward II. in his 10th year, granted to the prior free-warren within this manor. (fn. 2) At the dissolution of the priory, in the 31st year of king Henry VIII. it came into the king's hands, where it did not remain long, for he settled it, in his 33d year, by his dotation charter, on his new-founded dean and chapter of Canterbury, where the inheritance of it remains at this time.
It is demised on a beneficial lease, by the dean and chapter, to Mr. Richard and John Holness, of Littleborne, whose ancestors have been lessees of it for many years past.
Apulton, or Appleton, as it is now called, lies at a small distance southward from Bramling, in the southeast part of this parish, extending into Wingham likewise. It was once esteemed a manor, though it has long since lost all reputation of ever having been one, paying now a quit-rent to the paramount manor of Ickham, part of which it is at this time accounted. It is written in old deeds, Apylton, from its being the inheritance of a family of that name, for in one of them, made by Reginald de Cornhill, owner of Lukedale and the adjoining precinct of Welle, one William de Apylton, of Ickham, is a witness to it, but whether they were related to the Apyltons, of Essex and Suffolk, is uncertain. After this family was extinct here, the Denis's were become possessed of it, one of whom, John Denis, of Apulton, who was sheriff of London in the year 1360, anno 35 Edward III. founded a chantry here in that reign, which was called Denis's chantry, and the lands with which it was endowed, are still called Denis's lands. After this family, one Adam Oldmeade appears by the private deeds to have been owner of it in the reigns of king Henry V. and VI. from whom, before the latter end of the reign of the latter, it had passed by sale to Bemboe, who alienated it to Hunt, in which name it did not remain long, for about the latter end of king Henry VII's reign, it was become the property of Dormer, descended from the family of that name in Buckinghamshire; from which name, not many years after, it was sold to Gason, a name very antient in this parish, from which it was afterwards conveyed to Hodgekin, whose ancestors were formerly possessed of Uffington, in Goodnestone, near Wingham, in whose descendants the property of it did not remain long before it was sold to Francis Rutland, gent. and he alienated it to John Winter, clerk, prebendary of Canterbury, who in 1605 devised it to John his son, his lands and tenements in Ickham, called Appington, (fn. 3) and by him it passed by sale to Denne, of this parish, from which name, in king Charles I.'s reign, it went by sale to Forster, in whose family it continued till the year 1680, when one half of it was purchased by Sir James Oxenden, of Dean, in whose family it continued down to Sir George Oxenden, bart. of Dean, who purchased a further part of this estate, being three eighths of it, of which, and the moiety above-mentioned, he died possessed in 1775, and his son Sir Henry Oxenden, bart. of Brome, is the present owner of them; but the remaining eighth part continued in separate owners, and continued so till Mr. Simon Durrant, of London, lately passed away that part of it likewise to Sir Henry Oxenden, bart. who is now possessed of the whole of it.
Lee is a seat, situated in the south-west part of this parish, at a small distance from the river. It was formerly spelt Legh, and belonged to a family who took their surname from their residence at it, one of whom, Richard de la Legh, was owner of it in Edward I.'s reign, as appears by a deed of the 13th year of it, and it is probable that the tomb in the wall of the Lee chancel in this church, on which is the figure of an antient man, lying at full length, belonged to him. How long it continued in his descendants, I have not found; but at the latter end of king Edward IV.'s reign, the family of Stoks, or Stokys, as they were sometimes written, were become owners of it. After this name was become extinct here, it came by sale in James I.'s reign into the possession of Sir William Southland, who bore for his arms, Or, a dragon rampant, with wings inverted, vert, on a chief, gules, three spears heads, argent; assigned to him in 1604, by William Camden, clarencieux. (fn. 4) He resided at this seat, which at length descended to his grandson Thomas Southland, esq. who in 1676 alienated it to Paul Barrett, esq. afterwards knighted, who was a sergeant-at-law and recorder of Canterbury, who bore for his arms, Or, on a chevron, sable, three lions passant of the field, between three mullets, pierced of the second. His grandson Thomas Barrett, esq. was of Lee, where he died in 1757, and was buried in the Lee chancel, in Ickham church, as were his four wives, the first being Anne, daughter and coheir of Sir William Boys, M.D. by whom he had three sons, who died insants; the second, Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Peter Peters, M. D. of Canterbury, by whom he had an only daughter Elizabeth, married to the Rev. William Dejovas Byrch, of Canterbury; the third, Sarah, daughter and heir of Hercules Baker, esq. by whom he had no issue; and the fourth, Katherine, daughter and at length heir of Humphry Pudner, esq who surviving him, died in 1785, by whom he left an only son and heir Thomas Barrett, esq. who is now of Lee, and the present possessor of this seat.
The house of Lee, which was but indifferent before, has been, by the skill and art of Mr. Wyatt, admirably improved in the disposition of the apartments, among them is a most beautiful library, finished in the most perfect stile of gothic taste. The three fronts of the house convey an idea of a small convent, never attempted to be demolished, but partly modernized, and adapted to the habitation of a gentleman's family; and the gently rising ground, antient spreading trees, and the adjoining rivulet, seem to correspond with it, and to form a scite selected by monks, with a view to retirement and meditation, while at the same time no distant prospects tantalized them with views of opulence and busy society. In the house is a small but curious collection of pictures.
Well is a district on the west side of the river, next to Littleborne, which, so late as the beginning of king James I.'s reign, was esteemed as part of that parish, but it has been for a number of years past annexed to the parish of Ickham. Though the chief part of it is situated as above-mentioned, yet there are some small parts, separated by other parishes intervening. THE MANOR of it, usually called WELL-COURT, stands close to the bank of the river, and was in very early time the property of the family of Clifford, from whom it passed into the possession of those who took their surname from it, the trustee of one of whom, John at Welle, in the 44th year of king Henry III. sold it to Reginald de Cornhill, who lest by Matilda de Lukedale his wife, an only daughter and heir, who carried this manor in marriage to one of the family of Garwinton, whose descendant Thomas de Garwinton obtained the king's licence in the 30th year of king Edward III. to suppress the chantry held here, and to grant that part of its revenues which lay at the Wike to St. John's hospital; in Northgate, and to keep possession of the scite of the chantry, and the lands belonging to it at Lukedale, to him and his heirs; in which name it descended down to Mr. William Garwynton, who dying s. p. it came to his next heir Joane, married to Richard Haut, of a younger branch of those of Bishopsborne, in whose descendants it continued down to Richard Haut, who leaving an only daughter and heir Margery, she carried this manor in marriage to William Isaak, esq. of Patrixborne, whose son Edward Isaak leaving by his first wife, an only daughter and heir Jane, she carried it in marriage to Martin Sidley, esq. of Great Chart, and their son Sir Isaac Sidley sold it to Sir Henry Palmer, of Bekesborne, who had married his mother Jane before-mentioned. Sir Henry Palmer died possessed of it in 1611, and by will devised it to his old servant, as he stiles him in his will, John White, in tail general, remainder to his son inlaw Sir Isaac Sidley, above-mentioned. How it passed afterwards, I have not found; but in the year 1680 it was become the property of Mr. Francis Jeoffery, whose only daughter and heir Elizabeth entitled her husband John Knowler to it, and they afterwards joined in the conveyance of it to Robert Daines, who left it by will in 1733 to Daines Balderston, and he in 1750 passed it away to his father Captain George Balderston, of Dover, who died in 1751, leaving his wife Sarah surviving, whose trustees in 1775 sold it to Sir Philip Hales, bart. and he in 1787 alienated it, with other adjoining estates, to Isaac Baugh, esq. the present owner of it, who has since built a seat for his residence, on the rise of the hill, within this precinct, about a quarter of a mile distant from the courtlodge of it.
The ruins of the chapel or church of Well, adjoining to the court-lodge, are still remaining. It was entire in 1535, in which year Thomas Franklyn, parson of Ickham, devised a legacy to the repair of it. On the next page is a view of the ruins of it.
THIS PARISH is within the ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION of the diocese of Canterbury, and deanry of Bridge.
¶The church, which is exempt from the jurisdiction of the archdeacon, is dedicated to St. John. It consists of three isles, a cross sept, and high chancel, having a slim spire steeple at the west end, in which hang four bells. It is handsome, and kept neat. In the high chancel is a stone, with a cross flory, and old French capitals round the edge, obliterated. A memorial for Sir Richard Head, bart.obt. 1721. Underneath is a large vault, in which several of this family lie buried, among them the late Sir John Head, bart. archdeacon of Canterbury, his two wives, and his children, who all died infants. A memorial for admiral Charles Knowler, obt. 1788. The transept, or south chancel, called the Bay chancel, belongs to that estate. On a tomb, under an arch in the south wall, is the figure of a man in armour, with his hands joined together and uplisted, lying at full length, pretty entire, probably for Thomas de Baa, owner of that manor. On the pavement are several stones, with old French capitals round the edges, all obliterated, excepting one for Martin de Hampton, rector of this parish and prebendary of Wingham, obt. 1306. Several memorials of the Austens, owners of Bay farm. The north transept or chancel is called the Lee chancel, belonging to that seat, under which is a large vault, in which lie several of the Barrett family. On the pavement is a memorial for dame Sarah Barrett, daughter of Sir George Ent, widow of Francis Head, esq. of Rochester, and married secondly to Sir Paul Barrett, of Canterbury, obt. 1711, arms, Barrett, impaling Ent, azure, a chevron, between three falcons belled, or. Under an arch in the north wall is the figure of an old man, lying at full length on a tomb, his hair cut short, with a cap on his head, and his hands joined and uplifted, most probably for Richard de la Legh, owner of this seat. Against the east wall is a monument for the right hon. Sir William Southland, of Lee, obt. 1638. About seventy years ago there were eighteen stalls in the chancel of this church, which were used by the prior and monks of Christchurch when they resorted hither, as well as for others of the clergy who should be present here at divine service. In the church-yard, near the porch, is a tomb for the Paramors, of Ickham; several tombstones and memorials for the family of Gibbs, of the court-lodge; and one for Margaret, wife of Valentine Austen, obt. 1615. At the west end of the steeple is an antient circular arch, with indented ornaments. In the windows of this church there were formerly the arms of Fitzalan, and of the priory of Christ-church; both long since destroyed. There was a chapel in it, dedicated to St. Thomas, which had a light perpetually burning in it.
The church of Ickham was antiently appendant to the manor, and continued so at the dissolution of the priory of Christ-church in the 31st year of Henry VIII. when it came into the king's hands, who afterwards, in his 33d year, settled the manor on his new-founded dean and chapter of Canterbury, but he granted the advowson of the rectory of this church in exchange to the archbishop, in which state it now continues, his grace the archbishop being the present patron of it.
It is valued in the king's books at 29l. 13s. 4d. and the yearly tenths at 2l. 19s. 4d. In 1588 it was valued at 150l. communicants two hundred and five. In 1640 it was valued at 250l. the like number of com municants. It is now of the value of about 450l. per annum. There are twenty acres of glebe.
The rector is collated to the rectory of Ickham, with the chapel of Well annexed.
After nature's alignment, we see the shore, two boats, and the sun line up just right. These images were taken just after sunrise on Pleasant Bay at Cape Cod, Massachusetts. It's good to see on a quick visit with totally crappy weather, that we could squeeze in a few good shots like these. I hope you like them.
The Moon rises and the Sun sets on opposing sides of the Burton Memorial Tower at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, in early March, 2023.
The alignment in the Karl-Kunger-Straße (Treptow) with a small piece of track left at the crossing with at the end the Wall not only cutting tramway lines in two and thus doomed to close. Anyone visiting this street nowadays would recognize nothing, the Karl-Kunger-Straße is a rather small street with on both sides buildings.
Aughlish Stone Circle complex consists of five circles and five alignments and is an extremely well preserved site. The most southerly of the circles (above image) is the most prominent - at 12.6 metres in diameter with a total of forty-two stones.The stone row (below image) faces the southernmost setting point of the Moon.
Maryhill, Washington, USA.
Merrivale
Northern length of the alignment. View from the east (Scale 1m).
stonerows.wordpress.com/gazetteer/region/dartmoor/merriva...
Moon, Jupiter and Venus Having Fun in the sky, as seen in Israel.
No idea which one is which, But it's still beautiful to look at (-:
01/12/08, 6:30 PM
You may see layer alignment issues on prints with flat surfaces; notice how the print on the left exhibits the problem very well but the contour of the print on the right masks the problem to a certain degree. This can be caused by a variety of issues, but here are some of the things you can do to get more consistency:
1. Slow down if using non-Marlin firmware. Print your perimeter at 20-25 mm/sec
2. Tighten your belts.
3. Make sure any springs on your build platform are very tight and that the top plate can't wobble around independent of the bottom plate.
4. Upgrade your Z-coupling to a better one, such as www.thingiverse.com/thing:11220
5. Replace any non-straight threaded rod used in the Z-axis with perfectly straight ones.
6. Unless they were printed perfectly, replace your timing pulleys with manufactured ones, such as sdp-si.com/eStore/PartDetail.asp?Opener=Group&PartID=...
It was rainy, so I fabricated a fixture/spacer to move the polar scope alignment set screws outside of the mount's housing so you can easily adjust alignment. This is the prototype. With 3 small pieces of felt tape and the O ring, the polar scope aligns perfectly concentric to the mount's RA axis.
Wheels: Anthracite SM-10s
Front: 18x11 ET38
Rear: 18x12.5 ET52
Tires: BF Goodrich Rival S
Front: 315/30-18
Rear: 335/30-18
Additional Notes:
Alignment: -2.7° Front camber, -1.8° Rear camber.
Suspension: LG GT2 Coilovers
Sequence analysis of eukaryotic and prokaryotic SLC1 transporters.(A) Sequence alignment of TMD8 region from human, insect, bacterial, and archael transporters. CuqDCT, CuqEAAT, AeaDCT, and AeaEAAT represent the EAAT and DCT orthologs from Culex quinquefasciatus and Aedes aegypti, respectively. AngEAAT1 and AngEAAT2 represent the transporters from Anopheles gambiae. Drosophila EAAT1/2 are from Drosophila melanogaster, Gltph from Pyrococcus horikoshii, and DctA is from Bacillus subtilis. Highlighted TMD8 residues involved in substrate binding are labeled above using human EAAT3 numbering. R447 and N451 are conserved in all EAAT-like orthologs, while D444 and T448 are changed to asparagine and alanine, respectively in the CuqDCT and AeaDCT mosquito transporters. Sequence alignments were performed with ClustalX2 and Jalview. (B) The phylogenetic relationship of the EAAT and DCT proteins from Culex quinquefasciatus and Aedes aegypti mosquito species together with the two EAATs from Drosophila (ClustalX2 based alignment).
Traffic diversions become important and track work moves onto the intersection of George, Park and Druitt street near Sydney's Town Hall. It's early days, yet remnants of the previous tramway system keep appearing.
Chris' BMW G20 M340i
APEX Wheels Forged VS-5RS in Satin Bronze
F/R: 19x9.5" ET25 with 265/35-19
Front 12mm spacer to clear Ohlins suspension
Modifications:
Ohlins R&T Coilovers
Alignment:
-3F & -2.2R camber
Shrine of Pope John XXIII
A sentence of John XXIII impressed me during this visit:
"We must think that in the world there is only once, there is a morning and there is one evening.
For a Christian, however, even the setting sun remains shimmering.
For those who have the sense of justice and love of the Lord, light is always intense and constant. "
Una frase di Giovanni XXIII mi ha colpito durante questa visita:
"Bisogna pensare che al mondo ci si sta una volta sola, c'è un mattino e c'è una sera.
Per un cristiano, tuttavia, anche il sole che tramonta permane sfavillante.
Per chi ha il senso della giustizia e dell'amore del Signore la luce è sempre intensa e costante."