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Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le temple "Kinkaku-Ji" (金閣寺, Temple du Pavillon d'or) ; à Kyoto (Japon), dédié à la secte Rinzai du "Zen Boudhism".
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
IRISH CLAN AGAINST HIPPIES
Autocollant photographié Ici rue de la Barre, mais on le trouve régulièrement au centre, rue de l'Université ou ailleurs.
Lausanne, Switzerland, Olympic Capital of the Cluedo, july 2018
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
Secteur Oppenau-Gengenbach (Allemagne Forêt Noire)
Itinéraire : * Oppenau (270m) * St Josefs Kapelle (500m) * Ofenlochhütte (600m) * Kornebene (650m) * Eckkapelle 230m * Jakobus Kapelle (245m) * Gengenbach (180m) *
Index IBP (Avec une Préparation Physique Moyenne) = MOYEN 75/100
Organisateurs Club FeuerHot : Hubert OTT – Guy FEUERBACH
* Mercredi 25 Aôut 2021 *
Gps Garmin Montana 610 (Rectifié)
Distance 22,0 Km - Moyenne 3,4 Kmh
[Estimation Calcul Km/Effort/Temps : 31 Km Effort / Env 07H45]
Alti Min 165 m - Alti Max 700 m
Dénivelée Positif +600 m Négatif –700m
Montée : 10 Km Plat : 3 Km Descente : 9 Km
Temps de Déplacement : 06:30:00
Temps Ecoulé : 08:00:00
Température : Env Min +17° / Max +25° / Moy +22°
Temps : Soleil Matin frais puis chaud
Trajet : Bons Sentiers – Peu de monde beaucoup de VTT
Saison des Tiques : 02 www.citique.fr
Lien Tracé GPS sur Wikiloc (A copier dans le navigateur)
fr.wikiloc.com/itineraires-randonnee/2021-08-25-cvg-secte...
Le Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺, Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji?) est un temple bouddhiste situé à Tōkyō, dans le quartier d'Asakusa (arrondissement de Taitō). C'est le plus vieux temple de la capitale japonaise ; il est dédié à la déesse bodhisattva Kannon.
La légende rapporte qu'en 628, sous le règne de l'Impératrice Suiko (593 - 628), deux frères, Hamanari et Takenari Hinokuma, pêchant sur la rivière Sumida, trouvèrent dans leurs filets une statue de la Déesse Kannon. Cette découverte parvint aux oreilles du seigneur du village, Haji no Nakamoto, qui vint trouver les deux frères et fit un sermon passionné au Bouddha, la déesse Kannon étant un bodhisattva. Les frères Hinokuma en furent fortement impressionnés et se convertirent ensuite au bouddhisme. La statue de la déesse Kannon fut placée dans un temple de fortune, et les trois hommes vouèrent ensuite leur vie à prêcher la voie bouddhiste.
Le temple Sensō-ji, terminé en l'an 645, prospéra, tout comme le quartier d'Asakusa dans lequel il était établi. Anciennement associé à la secte Tendai, il est devenu indépendant après la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
En 1649, pour rendre hommage aux trois hommes et les élever au rang des divinités, le sanctuaire Asakusa, aussi nommé Sanja-sama (三社様?, « Sanctuaire des Trois Divinités »), fut érigé sur ordre du shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu.
Sensō-ji (金龍山浅草寺 Kinryū-zan Sensō-ji) is an ancient Buddhist temple located in Asakusa, Tokyo, Japan. It is Tokyo's oldest temple, and one of its most significant. Formerly associated with the Tendai sect of Buddhism, it became independent after World War II. Adjacent to the temple is a 5-store pagoda, Shinto shrine, the Asakusa Shrine, as well as many shops with traditional goods in the Nakamise Dori
The Sensoji Kannon temple is dedicated to Guanyin, the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, and is the most widely visited spiritual site in the world with over 30 million visitors annually.
MF Vorbruck - Château Kagenfels (67) (Secteur de)
MF de Vorbruck (355m) - MF d' Ochsenlaeger (600m) - Le Kreuzweg (680M) - MF Willerhof(600m) - Château Kagenfels (670m) - MF Vorbruck (355m)
Index IBP (Avec une Préparation Physique Moyenne) = MOYEN 58/100
Organisateurs : Hubert Ott - Guy Feuerbach - Marie-Thèrese Percheron
Mercredi 21 Août 2019
Gps Garmin Montana 610
Distance 15,7 Km - Moyenne 3,5 Kmh
(Wikiloc 13,90 Km - GPXSee 12,90 Km - IBP 13,90 Km)
Alti Min 310 m - Alti Max 690 m
Montée 520 m - Descente 550 m
Temps de Déplacement : 04:30:00
Temps Ecoulé : 07:00:00
Température : Env +14° / +25°
Temps : Soleil Chaud
Trajet : Bons Sentiers
Lien Tracé GPS sur Wikiloc
(A copier dans le navigateur)
fr.wikiloc.com/itineraires-randonnee/2019-08-21-cvg-secte...
Le grand smartphone du complot secret #smartphone #complot #secret #rule #world #neworder #guru #secte #control #domination #youth #collage #lyon Eshop Sampad (link in bio)
In France, the Jardin des Plantes is one of the oldest surviving scientific institutions, the chiefbotanical garden and the host of many schools and centres studying the natural sciences.It was established in 1640 as the Royal Garden through the tireless labour of the physicianGuy de La Brosse (1586–1641). The present article focuses on La Brosse’s views ofadvancement of plant alchemy as the source of knowledge of plants. It discusses hisadoption of the Paracelsian physician Joseph Du Chesne’s (Quercetanus, 1546–1609)distinction between external and internal signature theory, opting firmly for the latter as thebasis of true knowledge. The internal character, La Brosse argues, can only be revealedempirically, by fire analysis and the practice of distillation, which can also harness theoccult properties of plants for human benefit.Keywords: alchemy; plants; botanical gardens; alchemical laboratories;Paracelsianism; Guy de La Brosse; Jardin des Plantes; Joseph Du Chesne;signature theory; empiricism; distillation‘because one cannot find the secrets of nature with crossed arms’(Guy de La Brosse)1In 1640, the Jardin Royal des Plantes Medicinales (Royal Garden of Medicinal Plants) openedto the Parisian public. It was the crowning moment of a two-decade effort by the physicianGuy de La Brosse (1586–1641). A triumphant La Brosse announced it to the worldby means of a small pamphlet called The opening of the Royal Garden of Paris forthe demonstration of medicinal plants (L’Ouverture de Iardin Royal de Paris, pour lademonstration des plantes medecinales). In it, La Brosse claimed that the new garden wasthe greatest in Europe, being the largest, the most varied and the best structured. 2 Hedescribed it as an institution of practical education, which would increase and spread the*georgiana.hedesan@history.ox.ac.uk1 Guy de La Brosse, De la nature, vertu et utilité des plantes (Baragnes, Paris, 1628), livre I, p. 45: ‘car les bras croisez l’on netrouve les secrets de la nature’. The translations from La Brosse are my own.2 Guy de La Brosse, L’Ouverture du Iardin Royal de Paris, pour la demonstration des plantes medecinales (Iacques Dugast,Paris, 1640), pp. 6–8.Notes Rec.doi:10.1098/rsnr.2023.0031Published online© 2023 The Authors. Published by the Royal Society under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/, which permits unrestricted use, provided the original author and source are credited.1knowledge of plants. Students at the Garden would benefit from two types of‘demonstrations’. The external demonstration would be undertaken in the garden, and herethey would learn the appearance, name, origin and general characteristics of the plantsfound therein. 3 This would be augmented by an internal demonstration, taking place inlecture rooms as well as in the gallery laboratory. Three physicians would teach the‘interior of plants’ by means of distillation and alchemy,4 demonstrating their qualities,faculties, properties and uses. 5 The knowledge acquired by means of alchemy was not asmall matter, La Brosse argued, because plants were ‘more useful to the human conditionthan any other products of nature, not only for its livelihood and attire, but also asremedies for its infirmities and instruments for its arts’.6 In this sense, he saw the Gardenas a place where empirical knowledge could be acquired both outside in the garden andinside in the laboratory. For him, the Garden as a whole encompassed the laboratory, asthis was where the insensible properties of plants could be made manifest.The tremendous success of the Jardin Royal, now known as the Jardin des Plantes, hasobscured its founder, and there is still limited scholarship on him and his work.7 Thisarticle will investigate La Brosse’s positioning of himself as the standard bearer of aspecific form of Paracelsian alchemical philosophy, which focused on the study andmedical application of plants. I will emphasize La Brosse’s debt to a certain brand ofParacelsianism that was advocated by Joseph Du Chesne (also known as Quercetanus;1546–1609), which itself drew on the work of Petrus Severinus (1540–1602). 8 I willparticularly emphasize La Brosse’s support for an internal signature theory, which he usedto advance his views of plant alchemy.GUY DE LA B ROSSE AND HIS GARDENSometime around 1616, a youthful La Brosse first petitioned King Louis XIII (1601–1643)for the establishment of a large garden in Paris, modelled on the one that already existed3 Ibid., pp. 33–35.4 Ibid., pp. 9, 35–36. I am using alchemy here as an all-encompassing term for what used to be called by various names:alchemy, chemistry, iatrochemistry and variants.5 Ibid., p. 16.6 Ibid., p. 19: ‘plus utiles à la condition humaine que tous les autres produits de la Nature, tant pour son vivre & vestir, que pourremedes à ses infirmitez & instrumens à ses Arts’.7 The only monograph-level treatment of Guy de La Brosse remains Rio Howard, La bibliothèque et le laboratoire de Guy deLa Brosse au Jardin des Plantes à Paris (Droz, Geneva, 1983). On La Brosse, see also Fabrizio Baldassarri, ‘Before vitalism: libertinebotany and the non-obscure life of plants’, Scienza e Filosofia 25, 218–231 (2021); Natania Meeker and Antonia Szabari, Radicalbotany: plants and speculative fiction (Fordham University Press, New York, 2020), pp. 34–39; Matteo Fornasier, ‘I principiepistemologici della botanica di Guy de La Brosse’, Noctua 7(2), 225–269 (2020); Didier Kahn, ‘Plantes et médecine, (al)chimie etlibertinisme chez Guy de La Brosse’, Medic@ (April, 2007), www.biusante.parisdescartes.fr/histoire/medica/presentati... (accessed 7 July 2022); Rio Howard, ‘Guy de La Brosse: botanique et chimie au début de la révolution scientifique’, Rev.Hist. Sci. 31(4), 301–326 (1978); Henri Guerlac, ‘Guy de La Brosse and the French Paracelsians’, in Science, medicine and society inthe Renaissance: essays to honor Walter Pagel, 2 vols (ed. A. G. Debus), vol. 1, pp. 177–200 (Heinemann, London, 1972). RenéPintard has placed La Brosse among the ‘erudite libertines’ of the early seventeenth century: Le libertinage érudit dans la premièremoitié du xviie siècle (Slatkine, Geneva, 1983, augmented edition), pp. 195–200, 202.8 On Joseph Du Chesne, see Didier Kahn, Alchimie et Paracelsisme en France à la fin de la Renaissance (1567–1625) (Droz,Paris, 2007), pp. 233–278; Didier Kahn, ‘L’interprétation alchimique de la Genèse chez Joseph Du Chesne dans le contexte de sesdoctrines alchimiques et cosmologiques’, in Scientiae et artes. Die Vermittlung alten und neuen Wissens in Literatur, Kunst undMusik, 2 vols (ed. Barbara Mahlmann-Bauer), vol. 3, p. 641–692 (Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2004); Hiro Hirai, ‘The world spirit andquintessence in the chymical philosophy of Joseph Du Chesne’, in Chymia: science and nature in medieval and early modern Europe(ed. Miguel López Pérez, Didier Kahn and Mar Rey Bueno), pp. 247–261 (Cambridge Scholars, Newcastle upon Tyne, 2010).G. D. Hedesan2in Montpellier. At this point La Brosse was the physician of the Prince de Condé, but soon hebecame one of the king’s physicians in ordinary, being selected for this position by the FirstPhysician of the King, Jean Héroard (1551–1628).With Héroard’s support, La Brosse obtained Louis XIII’s approval for the set-up of a royalgarden ten years later, on 6 January 1626. In July of the same year, the Parliament of Parisgave its consent, and in August Héroard passed the responsibility for setting up the gardento La Brosse as its Intendant.The edict issued by the king was unfortunately vague, approving the establishment andconstruction of a Royal Garden of Medicinal Plants in one of the fauxbourgs (suburbanareas) of Paris. Specifics were lacking, including funds. La Brosse immediately set himselfto write letters petitioning support from the Cardinal de Richelieu (1585–1642), as well asfrom the Guardian of Seals and the Superintendent of Finances. To garner support for hisendeavour and to prove his credentials in running the new institution, he also wrote a workcalled On the nature, virtue and utility of plants (De la nature, vertu et utilité des plantes,1628, henceforth called On the nature of plants).By 1633, the energetic physician had managed to ensure the purchase of the land for theGarden. He immediately set to work in coordinating its set-up. The Garden looked functionalby 1636, according to an engraving by Frédéric Scalbergé (figure 1). 9 The actual publicopening had to wait until 1640, but the concept proved an instant success. By 1641, nofewer than 227 students had attended the demonstrations promised by La Brosse inL'Ouverture.10 That same year, La Brosse died suddenly. After his death, the Garden fellinto a state of apparent neglect until 1648, when the Scot William Davisson (1593–1673)was appointed Intendant.Before reviewing La Brosse’s views, it is worth investigating his Paracelsian background ina bit more detail. La Brosse came from an established medical family, with his father, Isaie deVireneau, Sieur de La Brosse, being a physician at the royal court. The La Brosses originatedfrom the south of France, and it is very likely that they were in the retinue of Henri IV deBourbon (1553–1610), as he moved to take the crown of France in Paris in 1589. It hasbeen suggested that the family was originally Protestant, but may have converted toCatholicism; in any case, Guy is known to have died in the Catholic faith.11At the turn of the seventeenth century, the physicians of Henri IV formed a powerfulfaction that supported the new medical philosophy of Theophrastus von Hohenheim, calledParacelsus (1493–1541). The Paracelsian movement customarily rejected the teachings ofGalen and Aristotle in favour of a new form of medicine based on empirical experienceand the tenets of medical alchemy and astrology. In Paris, their views were countered bythe powerful Medical Faculty of the University, a bastion of Galenic teaching, leading to anumber of notorious confrontations that resonated throughout Europe. 129 This engraving was included in Guy de La Brosse, Description du Iardin Royal des plantes medecinales estably par le roiLouis le Juste à Paris, contenant le catalogue des plantes qui y sont de present cultivées, ensemble le plan du Iardin (Paris, 1636).10 Guy de La Brosse, Catalogue des plantes cultivées à present au Iardin Royal des plantes medecinales ([Jacques Dugast],Paris, 1641), pp. 1–8. On La Brosse’s teaching, see Didier Kahn, ‘The first private and public courses of chymistry in Paris (and Italy)from Jean Beguin to William Davisson’, Ambix 68(2–3), pp. 247–272 (2021) (doi.org/10.1080/00026980.2021.1922019), atpp. 265–267.11 Guerlac, op. cit. (note 7), p. 180.12 On Paracelsianism in France and its confrontations with the Medical Faculty in Paris, see Kahn 2007, op. cit. (note 8); AllenDebus, French Paracelsians (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991), pp. 46–65.Plant alchemy in the writings of Guy de La Brosse 3La Brosse seems to have been associated with the physicians of Henri IV early on in hiscareer; indeed in 1607 he was condemned by the faculty, together with other Paracelsians, fortreating patients with alchemical medicine. 13 His later praise for Jean Ribit de la Rivière(1546–1606), the First Physician of Henri IV, suggests that he may have been part of hisentourage.14 Ribit de la Rivière was seconded by the most outspoken of the Paracelsiangroup, Joseph Du Chesne, a Gascon physician and prolific writer of alchemical treatises.Together with the younger Theodore Turquet de Mayerne (1573–1655), the three built astrong alliance; 15 years later, La Brosse described the Paracelsian medical ‘sect’ as themost powerful that ever existed. 16Figure 1. The Jardin du Roy in 1636, according to an engraving by Frédéric Scalbergé. This version on vellum,painted in gouache, survives in the Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle. A black and white version waspublished in Guy de La Brosse, Description du Iardin Royal des plantes medecinales estably par le roi Louis leJuste à Paris, contenant le catalogue des plantes qui y sont de present cultivées, ensemble le plan du Iardin(Paris, 1636). Source: Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle. Public domain.13 Kahn 2007, op. cit. (note 8), p. 389.14 On Jean Ribit de la Rivière, see Hugh Trevor-Roper, ‘The Sieur de la Rivière, Paracelsian physician of Henri IV’, in Debus(ed.), op. cit. (note 7), vol. 2, pp. 227–250.15 Hugh Trevor-Roper, Europe’s physician: the various life of Sir Theodore de Mayerne (Yale University Press, New Haven,2006).16 Guy de La Brosse, Advis defensif du Iardin royal, des plantes medecinales à Paris (Paris, 1636; first printed in La Brosse,op. cit. (note 1), pp. 745–809), p. 33, ‘Entre les François, il a esté suiuy de Ioseph du Chesne, d’Harvet, de Baucinet, de Claude Dariot,de Mayerne, & de plusieurs autres encores vivans: & depuis que la Medecine a esté donnée aux hommes, il n’y a point eu de sipuissante secte.’G. D. Hedesan4. After Henri IV’s death, La Brosse continued to be allied with members of the Paracelsianfaction who were close to the new king, Louis XIII. He seems to have been acquainted withJean Beguin (ca 1550–ca 1620), who had been appointed by Du Chesne and Mayerne as theteacher of the first courses of chymistry in France. 17 La Brosse was certainly close to JeanHéroard, who had Paracelsian sympathies as well.At the beginning of the 1620s, however, the Paracelsian current was facing new challenges,both without and within. An important impact was that of the 1623 Rosicrucian hoax, asDidier Kahn has called it, which prompted a condemnation by the Jesuit Father FrançoisGarasse (1585–1631), including an attack on one of La Brosse’s friends, the poetThéophile de Viau (1590–1626). 18 The following year Étienne de Clave (1587–1645)parted ways with the Paracelsians by proposing a new philosophy opposed to bothAristotelians and Paracelsians; in response, the Parliament of Paris cast de Clave out ofFrance in 1624. 19 In 1625, the Theological Faculty of the University of Paris condemnedHeinrich Khunrath’s (ca 1560–1605) alchemical work The amphitheatre of eternal wisdom(Amphitheatrum sapientiae aeternae). 20In the middle of this storm, La Brosse continued to advance the Garden project. Apart froma treatise in support of Viau and another on the plague, he was quiet but efficient. 21 The 1626approval of the Garden must have stunned the Galenic Medical Faculty, which would spendthe following years trying to reverse, delay or appropriate La Brosse’s project. What they weremost worried about was his plan to teach alchemy at the Garden. 22 In the end, however, theycould not stop the intrepid physician.There were several reasons why La Brosse was so successful. Scholars have highlighted hisability to cultivate friendships in high places. He must have also realized that the advancementof plants was a subject that the supporters of traditional medicine could hardly object to, andin turn used plants as a way of creating a firm base for alchemical teaching in Paris. This is notto say that he saw plants only as a means of establishing Paracelsianism in Paris: as we willsee, he actually worked hard to carve a space for the alchemy of plants in the intellectuallandscape of the era.PLANT ALCHEMY, DISTILLATION AND THE INFLUENCE OF J OSEPH D U C HESNELa Brosse was a supporter both of plants and of Paracelsianism, but scholars have nottraditionally associated the Paracelsian current with plants and herbalism. This view hasnow begun to change. 23 Paracelsus himself was interested in plants as well as minerals andanimals, employed distillation and wrote a fragmentary Herbarius.24 His thinking about17 On Jean Beguin’s teaching, see Kahn, op. cit. (note 10), pp. 249–254.18 Kahn 2007, op. cit. (note 8), pp. 413–499; Didier Kahn, ‘The Rosicrucian hoax in France (1623–24)’, in Secrets of nature: astrologyand alchemy in early modern Europe (ed. William R. Newman and Anthony Grafton), pp. 253–344 (MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2001).19 On the affaire of Etienne de Clave and Antoine de Villon, see Kahn 2007, op. cit. (note 8), pp. 501–567.20 On Khunrath’s condemnation, see ibid., pp. 568–593.21 Guy de La Brosse, Traicté de la peste … avec des remedes preservatifs (Jérémie et Christophe Périer, Paris, 1623); Guy deLa Brosse, Traicté contre la Mesdisance (Jérémie et Christophe Périer, Paris, 1624).22 Rio Howard, ‘The founding of the Jardin des Plantes in Paris’, J. Western Soc. French Hist. 2, 138–150 (1974), at p. 147.23 For instance, there has been renewed interest in one of the first Paracelsian followers, Leonhard Thurneisser: see BruceT. Moran, ‘Medical performance and the alchemy of plants in the ventures of Leonhard Thurneisser zum Thurn’, Ambix 69(2), 95–117(2022) (doi.org/10.1080/00026980.2022.2042058).24 Matti Leprêtre, ‘Paracelsus, his Herbarius, and the relevance of medicinal herbs in his medical thought’, Daphnis 49(3),324–378 (2021). As Leprêtre points out, Paracelsus’s interest in plants has not been researched as much as that on minerals because ofPlant alchemy in the writings of Guy de La Brosse 5plants has particularly been tied in with the notion of the doctrine of signatures, present inseveral of his treatises, some of which may not be authentic. 25 This doctrine has beendiscussed by many different scholars in the wake of Michel Foucault’s highly influentialLes mots et les choses (1966, translated as The order of things, 1973). 26 Paracelsus’ssupport of this concept led to a fashion for the signature theory at the turn of theseventeenth century, exemplified particularly by Oswald Croll (ca 1563–1609), and appliedspecifically to plants by Johann Popp (fl. 1617–1629). 27 Yet it was Paracelsus’s supportfor mineral medicine, including antimony and mercury, that captured the imagination ofphysicians, and became most closely associated with his name.The reason for this is, perhaps, because the notion of distilling plants was much lesscontroversial and had a longer pedigree. Indeed, while we often associate medical alchemywith Paracelsus, in fact it had much older roots. It was linked with the discovery of alcoholby thirteenth-century Salernitan monks, and afterwards with the notion of quintessence asdeveloped by the fourteenth-century Franciscan monk Johannes de Rupescissa (ca 1310 to1366–70).28 As such, medical alchemy had strong plant-based roots, and the remarkablespread of distillation techniques in the Renaissance and early modern Europe was chieflybased on plants. In the sixteenth century, plant distillation flourished, prompted by theworks of Hieronymus Brunschwig (ca 1450–ca 1512), Philipp Ulstad (fl. 1526–1672) andothers. 29 Plant alchemy certainly did not need the genius of Paracelsus to spread, as it hadits own theory and practice. Yet many supporters and practitioners of alchemicaldistillation were interested in the Paracelsian current, as for instance Gerard Dorn (ca1530–1584) or Conrad Khunrath (1555–1613). 30the negative statements made by Paracelsus’s chief modern scholar, Karl Sudhoff, as well as by the specialist in early modernherbalism Agnes Arber. See Karl Sudhoff, Versuch einer Kritik der Echtheit der Paracelsischen Schriften, 2 vols (Georg Reimer,Berlin, 1894–1899), vol. 2 (Paracelsische Handschriften), esp. p. vii; Agnes Arber, Herbals, their origin and evolution: a chapter inthe history of botany, 1470–1670 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1912), esp. p. 205.25 The authorship of the highly influential ‘De signatura rerum naturalium’, a treatise included in De natura rerum, has beendisputed. On the topic, see Urs Leo Gantenbein, ‘Real or fake? New light on the Paracelsian De natura rerum’, Ambix 67(1), 4–29(2020) (doi.org/10.1080/00026980.2020.1720339), at pp. 25–28.26 Michel Foucault, Les mots et les choses (Gallimard, Paris, 1966), translated as The order of things: an archaeology of thehuman sciences (Vintage, New York, 1973), defined the doctrine of signatures as fundamental to the Renaissance worldview. Hiscontroversial view had a lasting impact on the subject. See, for instance, Massimo Luigi Bianchi, Signatura rerum. Segni, magia econoscenza, da Paracelso a Leibniz (Edizioni dell’Ateneo, Rome, 1987); Wolf-Dieter Müller-Jahncke, ‘Ordnung durch Signatur:Analogiedenken und Arzneischatz im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert’, Deutsche Apotheker Zeitung 124, 2184–2189 (1984); WilhelmKühlmann, ‘Oswald Crollius und seine Signaturenlehre: zum Profil hermetischer Naturphilosophie in der Ära Rudolphs II’, in Dieokkulten Wissenschaften in der Renaissance (ed. A. Buck), pp. 103–123 (Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1992); James J. Bono, The wordof God and the languages of man (University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1995), pp. 123–166; Bradley C. Bennett, ‘Doctrine ofsignatures: an explanation of medicinal plant discovery or dissemination of knowledge?’, Econ. Bot. 61, 246–255 (2007); GiorgioAgamben, Signatura rerum. Sul metodo (Boringhieri, Turin, 2008); and, most recently, Yohei Kikuchihara and Hiro Hirai, ‘Signaturarerum theory’, in Encyclopedia of Renaissance philosophy (ed. Marco Sgarbi) (Springer International Publishing, Cham, 2014),https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02848-4_405-1.27 Oswaldus Crollius, De signaturis internis rerum. Die lateinische Editio princeps (1609) und die deutsche Erstübersetzung(1623) (ed. Wilhelm Kühlmann and Joachim Telle) (Franz Steiner, Stuttgart, 1996). Johann Popp’s work was published in German:KräuterBuch. Darinnen die Kräuter des Teutschen Landes, aus dem Licht der Natur, noch rechter art der Signaturen der HimlischenEinfliessung nicht allein beschrieben (Zachariae Schürers und Matthiae Götzen, Leipzig, 1625).28 On Rupescissa, see Leah DeVun, Prophecy, alchemy, and the end of time: John of Rupescissa in the late Middle Ages(Columbia University Press, New York, 2009).29 A general introduction is provided by the somewhat outdated works of R. J. Forbes, A short history of the art of distillation(Brill, Leiden, 1948); and Robert Multhauf, ‘The significance of distillation in Renaissance medical chemistry’, Br. Hist. Med. 30,329–346 (1956).30 On Gerard Dorn, see Jean-Francois Marquet, ‘Philosophie et alchimie chez Gerhard Dorn’, in Alchimie et philosophie à laRenaissance (ed. J.-C. Margolin and S. Matton), pp. 215–221 (Vrin, Paris, 1993); and Didier Kahn, ‘Les débuts de Gérard DornG. D. Hedesan6The controversy surrounding the use of minerals, and particularly antimony, had the effectof overshadowing the plant side of Paracelsian alchemy. In France, for instance,Paracelsianism was associated, rightly or wrongly, with antimony-based cures, leading tothe famous querrelles de l’antimoine.31Yet several of the French Paracelsians were also interested in plants. Du Chesne, in particular,had a keen interest in plants and plant distillation. In 1603 he published a compendium called Depriscorum philosophorum verae medicinae materia (The matter of the true medicine of theancient philosophers), a work that drew the ire of the Paris Medical Faculty for its maincontention, which was that the followers of Paracelsian alchemy (spagyria) were the heirs ofan ancient ‘Hermetic’ school of medicine.32 Plants figure prominently in this publication, andDu Chesne argued that an universal medicine can be extracted from plants—more specificallyfrom wine.33 De priscorum philosophorum also includes a treatise called De dogmaticorummedicorum legitima et restituta medicamentorum praeparatione (The legitimate and restoredpreparation of the medicines of dogmatic physicians). In it, Du Chesne argued that dogmaticmedicine—by which he denoted Hippocratic and Galenic medicine—could be improved byusing alchemical methods, more specifically distillation. Most of the recipes given thereinrefer to plants. Du Chesne’s approach was to suggest that alchemy improved, rather thanrejected, the medicine of Hippocrates and Galen, and that they themselves would have beenpleased to see the progress of medicine in the early modern period.34Du Chesne’s work was poorly received by the Paris faculty, which issued an edictcondemning it, followed up by several pamphlets, interdictions and even requisitions ofalchemical remedies. As already mentioned, La Brosse was caught in the fray. In 1607,King Henri IV himself had to intervene to appease the conflict and ensure that Du Chesneand Turquet de Mayerne could continue practising medicine in Paris. 35 During the sameyear, Du Chesne published a full pharmacopoeia called Dogmaticorum pharmacopoeiarestituta (The restored pharmacopoeia of the dogmatics); it was apparently simultaneouslypublished in Frankfurt, Leipzig and Giessen. 36 This is a much-augmented version of the1603 publication and follows the same principles, supposedly improving on the recipes ofd’après le manuscrit autographe de sa Clavis totius philosophiæ chymisticæ (1565)’, in Analecta Paracelsica (ed. Joachim Telle),pp. 59–126 (Franz Steiner, Stuttgart, 1994). On Conrad Khunrath, the older brother of the more famous alchemist Heinrich Khunrath,and author of a rather popular work on distillation, Medulla destillatoria (1594), see Oliver Humberg, Der Alchemist ConradKhunrath. Texte und Dokumente aus Leipzig, Schleswig und Hamburg mit Studien zu Leben, Werk und Familiengeschichte(Humberg, Wuppertal, 2006).31 On this topic, see Kahn 2007, op. cit. (note 8), pp. 171–189.32 Du Chesne identified four sects of physicians, rather than the customary three, which could be traced back to antiquity:dogmatics, empirics, methodists and Hermetists; Joseph Du Chesne (Quercetanus), De priscorum philosophorum verae medicinaemateria, preparationis modo, atque in curandis morbis, praestantia (S. Gervasii, Geneva, 1603). On the full contents of this work andthe faculty’s reaction, see Kahn 2007, op. cit. (note 8), pp. 363–373.33 Kahn 2004, op. cit. (note 8), p. 663, Hirai, op. cit. (note 8). The view of Du Chesne is clearly influenced by Rupescissa andthe Pseudo-Lullian corpus, which adopted Rupescissa’s theory of the quintessence. On the promotion of herbal remedies, as well asthe introduction of notions of ‘vegetation’ in pseudo-Lullian alchemy, see Michela Pereira, ‘Vegetare seu transmutare: the vegetablesoul and pseudo-Lullian alchemy’, in Arbor Scientiae. Der Baum des Wissens von Ramon Llull (ed. F. Dominguez Reboiras,P. Villalba-Varneda and P. Walter), pp. 93–119 (Brepols, Turnhout, 2002).34 Joseph Du Chesne, De dogmaticorum medicorum legitima et restituta medicamentorum praeparatione, in Du Chesne, op.cit. (note 32), pp. 166–167: ‘Sanè si vel Hippocrates, vel ipse etiam Galenus nunc reviviscant, summo gaudio utique perfundantur, sivideant artem tanto, & tam nobili accessorio ditatam, & manus porrigant, & herbam vel ultrò, pro omnibus iis, quibus ars hodièampliata.’35 Kahn 2007, op. cit. (note 8), pp. 389–391.36 Joseph Du Chesne, Dogmaticorum pharmacopoeia restituta (Johannes Theobald Schönwetter, Frankfurt, Thomas Schurerand Bartholomaeus Voigt, Leipzig, and Nicolaus Hampelius, Giessen, 1607).Plant alchemy in the writings of Guy de La Brosse 7the ancient dogmatics. Du Chesne continues to claim the superiority of medicine obtained bythe distillatory technique and implicitly posits the supremacy of the alchemical physiciansover traditional Galenists. Rather tellingly, the Frankfurt edition features a frontispiece thatplaces Hippocrates and Hermes at the top, with Galen and Aristotle below them.La Brosse, who undoubtedly knew Du Chesne, followed in his footsteps with a keen interest inplant-based medicine and an attempt to legitimize Paracelsian alchemy. In the Advis defensif duIardin Royal (A defensive notice on the Royal Garden), which was written before 1626 to advancehis project, La Brosse makes his own attempt to legitimize the Paracelsian faction. However, heshelves Du Chesne’s theory that Paracelsians are an ancient ‘Hermetic’ sect; his own history ofmedicine accepts the traditional account of three ancient sects. Instead, he maintains that theParacelsian faction is new, but attempts to show that it is not radically different from the‘dogmatic’ or ‘rational’ sect of Hippocrates and Galen. La Brosse adopts Du Chesne’s strategyof not attacking Galen; instead, he aims to rhetorically pit the ancient physician against hisearly modern followers. He argues that the latter prefer to know medicine by books and theopinion of others, and think that medicine does not require working with one’s hands,something Galen disagreed with.37 In fact, La Brosse goes further, claiming that thesephysicians do not belong to Galen’s dogmatic sect at all. Instead, he maintains that they havejoined a new sect which he derisively calls ‘sanguinaire’, ‘the bleeder sect’. They are notfollowing Galen, but a certain Botal who had proclaimed bleeding as the panacea for alldiseases.38 It is doubtful that there was such a ‘bleeder sect’, but the butt of La Brosse’s attackmust have been Galenic supporters of phlebotomy such as Guy Patin (1601–1672), professorof the Medical Faculty at the University of Paris.39 Patin incidentally delivered a crass epitaphupon La Brosse’s sudden death, maintaining that ‘the devil will bleed him in the other worldas befits a swindler, atheist, imposter, murderer and public butcher’.
The doctrine of signatures, also known as the doctrine of correspondences, is a biomedicinal theory or psuedoscience. It states that herbs or animals have physical or behavioral traits that mirror the ailment it can successfully treat.[1] Theological justifications, such as that of botanist William Cole, were that God would want to show men what plants would be useful for.[2] The doctrine of signatures has a debated origin.[3] Many historians believe it begins with primitive thinking methods, while other historians believe it originated with Dioscorides and was popularized in the 16th and 17th centuries after Jakob Böhme coined the doctrine of signatures in his book The Signature of All Things.[2][3][4]
This theory is a possible explanation for the ancient discovery of medicinal properties; however, there is no definitive proof as to whether the medicinal property or the connection in physical/behavioral traits was realized first.[5] The theory later became a scientific basis for trying new remedies solely based upon their qualities in an attempt to find new medicines. While there are some homeopathic remedies that are still used today which have been connected to this theory, there are also remedies from this theory which have been found harmful.[1][6] For instance, birthwort (so-called because of its resemblance to the uterus) was once used widely for pregnancies, but is carcinogenic and very damaging to the kidneys, owing to its aristolochic acid content.[7] As a defense against predation, many plants contain toxic chemicals, the action of which is not immediately apparent or easily tied to the plant rather than other factors.
History
Diagram by Athanasius Kircher describing the relationship of the human body, constellations, and plants with signatures for medical use
The origins of the doctrine of signatures are debated by historians.[8] The concept of the doctrine of signatures dates back to Hippocratic medicine and the belief that "cures for human ills were divinely revealed in nature, often through plants."[9] The concept would be further developed by Dioscorides.[4] Dioscorides would provide ample descriptions of plant medications through various drawings, detailing the importance of their look, name, shelf life, how to tell when plants have gone bad, and how to properly harvest the crop for medical use.[4] Paracelsus (1493–1541) developed the concept further, writing that "nature marks each growth ... according to its curative benefit", and it was further developed by Giambattista della Porta in his Phytognomonica (1588).[2]
The writings of Jakob Böhme (1575–1624) coined the term "doctrine of signatures" within his book The Signature of All Things (or Signatura Rerum), published in 1621.[2] He suggested that God marked objects with a sign, or "signature", for their purpose,[10] specifically that "to that Signature, his inward form is noted in the form of his face; and thus also is a beast, an herb, and the trees; every thing as it is inwardly [in its innate virtue and quality] so it is outwardly signed".[11] Plants bearing parts that resembled human body parts, animals, or other objects were thought to have useful relevance to those parts, animals, or objects. The "signature" could sometimes also be identified in the environments or specific sites in which plants grew.
The English physician-philosopher Sir Thomas Browne, in his discourse The Garden of Cyrus (1658), uses the quincunx pattern as an archetype of the 'doctrine of signatures' pervading the design of gardens and orchards, botany, and the macrocosm at large.
The 17th-century botanist William Coles supposed that God had made "Herbes for the use of men, and hath given them particular Signatures, whereby a man may read the use of them."[2] Coles's The Art of Simpling and Adam in Eden, stated that walnuts were good for curing head ailments because, in his opinion, "They have the perfect signatures of the head." Regarding Hypericum, he wrote, "The little holes whereof the leaves of Saint Johns wort are full, doe resemble all the pores of the skin and therefore it is profitable for all hurts and wounds that can happen thereunto."[10]
In the late 19th century, Andrew Dickson White published his book History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom, which pushed back against the doctrine of signatures.[12] White explains the connectiveness between Christianity and the doctrine of signatures as its increased presence and significance in the orthodox faith as theological pseudoscience.[12] White further explains how the doctrine of signatures developed into the church as a justification to "[disgust] the demon with the body which he tormented" and how "the patient was made to swallow or apply to himself various unspeakable ordures", with various uses of animal organs as medications to protect against demons.[12]
For the late medieval viewer, the natural world was vibrant with images of the Deity: 'as above, so below', a Hermetic principle expressed as the relationship between macrocosm and microcosm; the principle is rendered sicut in terra. Michel Foucault expressed the wider usage of the doctrine of signatures, which rendered allegory more real and more cogent than it appears to a modern eye:
Up to the end of the sixteenth century, resemblance played a constructive role in the knowledge of Western culture. It was resemblance that largely guided exegesis and the interpretation of texts; it was resemblance that organized the play of symbols, made possible knowledge of things visible and invisible, and controlled the art of representing them. (The Order of Things, p. 17)
Late 20th-century mentions of the doctrine of signatures include five cited publications in the 1996 Economic Botany Index (1947–1996).[5] In the early 21st century, Amots Dafni and Efraim Lev conducted a survey and used literature to understand how the doctrine of signatures has evolved in the Middle East.[13] Their studies show that the doctrine of signatures evolved into four main categories: "similarity of the plant or plant organ to the damaged human organ, similarity to animal shape or behavior, similarity of plant color to the color of the disease's symptoms or the medical phenomena, and similarity of plant habitat or characteristic to human features."[13]
Linked remedies
NameLink to doctrineHistory of useEffectiveness
Common figwort (Scrophulariaceae)[14]
Sample of Scrophularia capillaris and root structure
Figwort's roots have small nodules that resemble nodes within the lymph system or swelling.[14]Used in Spain to treat hemorrhoids, digestive conditions, respiratory conditions, and skin conditions.[15] In ancient China, Scrophularia ningpoensis, another member of the Scrophulariaceae family, was used for sore throats, abscesses, carbuncles, and constipation.[16] Native American women in the Shenandoah Valley would use this plant after childbirth to prevent bleeding and cramps or as a calming tonic.[17] The treatment linked to the doctrine of signs was for inflammation and conditions that cause lymph node swelling, which are thought to resemble the root nodules.[18]Study of this plant has correlated it with anti-inflammatory effects.[19] This is potentially linked to the fact that this species has iridoids, which can exhibit anti-inflammatory and antioxidant properties.[20]
Eyebright aka Euphrasy/Euphrasia (Euphrasia rostkoviana)[21]
Euphrasia flower
Named "eyebright" because its flower blossoms resemble eyes.[21]Used in medieval Europe to treat conditions that have to do with irritated or swollen eyes, like cataracts or conjunctivitis. They also were used for digestive conditions, jaundice, diabetes, and respiratory conditions. Some of these treatments are not eye-related and thus do not reflect the doctrine.[22]Contains flavonoids and polyphenols, which have been linked to lowered inflammation by interacting with cytokines.[22] Extracts of the plant have successfully shown antibacterial properties, specifically with gram-positive bacteria. It is still used and effective within conjunctivitis[22] and blepharitis[22] treatments through eye drops.
Swallowwort (Papaveraceae)[23]
Swallowwort plant
Linked through animal behavior, "some say that this [the name] was because it flowered at about the time the swallows reappeared and finished when they left; but there grew a story that swallow mothers bathed their blind nestlings with its [figwort's] juices to help them see."[24][25][26] Swallowwort may also be referred to as celandine (species Chelidonium majus in the family Papaveraceae), and this is cited as being linked to the doctrine because of the yellow latex believed to link with jaundice and liver bile.[27]In traditional Chinese medicine, this plant was used for the treatment of jaundice, accumulation of fluids, or clots. In other regions it was used for ulcers, liver conditions, digestive complaints,[28] oral infections, tuberculosis, and dermatological conditions.[29]"Isoquinoline alkaloids, flavonoids, carotenoids, saponins, organic acids, and vitamins A and C are the distinct biologically active compounds of C. majus. According to the metabolites identified, it has been found to possess a range of pharmacological effects such as antimicrobial activity, anti-inflammatory, analgesic, natriuretic, antidiuretic, and anticancer effects."[29] The plant has been linked with hepatotoxicity. Due to the cause of this side effect being under investigation, medicinal use in high or consistent doses is unusual due to potential health effects.[28]
Birthwort (Aristolochia clematitis)[30]
Aristolochia clematitis
Said to resemble the womb and birth canal in shape and believed to provide a good birth.[30]Utilized in India, Greece, and China to induce menstruation (emmenagogues), induce labor, abortive measures, contraception, fever reduction (febrifuge), bladder stones, edemas, and gout.[31] It was also combined with quicklime and used as fish poison.[31]This plant has been linked with aristolochic acid nephropathy, which can cause progressive interstitial fibrosis—a lung disease—and bladder, kidney, or urethral cancers.[32] Specifically, it is linked to urothelial neoplasms, a precancerous cell in the urinary system.[33]
Hedge woundwort (Stachys sylvatica)[34]
Stachys sylvatica
Believed to treat wounds and bruises because the plants themselves have holes in the leaves.[35][36]During the medieval period, flowers were ground, mixed with salt, and used on spear and sword wounds.[37][38]Both the flower and leaf extract show antibacterial and antioxidant attributes, which help to control oxidative stress and risk of infection in healing.[39]
Liverwort (Marchantiophyta or Hepatica)[40]
Illustration of Hepatica plant
The mat-forming liverworts resembled lobes of the liver.[40]"Antimicrobial, antifungal, antipyretic, antidotal activity; used to cure cuts, burns, scalds, fractures, swollen tissue, poisonous snake bites and gallstones".[41]There is some scientific support for specific species having properties that can aid treatment of hepatitis, blisters, gastrointestinal complaints, and fever. This is linked to antibacterial and antifungal properties. Liverworts also have metabolites that interact with the central nervous system and thus can have serious side effects.[42]
Lungwort (Pulmonaria officinalis)[30][43]
Lungwort plant
The spotted leaves resemble structures within the lungs.[citation needed]Was used in Europe to treat phthisis, another name for tuberculosis.[44]Within a 2022 systematic review of scientific research, Chauhan and associates concluded that "safety studies and clinical trials are missing for lungworts to establish most of their potential biological properties."[45]
Spleenwort (Asplenium)[46]
Spleenwort plant
The grass is said to resemble both hair and worms and is used to treat worms or hair loss.[47]Usually ingested as a tea used to relieve stomach issues and parasitic worm infections in both Europe and China.[47][48]As of 2021, systematic reviews of different medicinal applications showed no scientific consensus that they are effective in treating any conditions.[49][50]
Walnuts (Juglans)[36][51]
Walnut nut and shell
Believed to treat brain-related conditions because the seed resembles a brain or gastrointestinal complaints because of the appearance of the intestines.[36]Used to treat headaches.[52]Walnuts contain fatty acids, which are valuable for the brain.[53][54] From a medicinal standpoint, there is not a significant evidence base that it can prevent cognitive decline.[55]
It is worth noting that it is possible that these are post hoc attributions—the appearance and treatment linked after the medicinal property was discovered.[30] Depending on the article, remedies connected to the doctrine vary in number and consistency.
Scientific, spiritual, and social context
Signatures are often described as post hoc attributions and mnemonics used to remember the properties of a plant rather than the reason it was originally used.[56] There is no scientific or historical evidence that plant shapes and colors have aided in the discovery of their medical uses.[56]
In Europe, the idea of doctrine of signatures was linked with Christian beliefs.[56] However, similar theories were created within black magic with sympathetic magic.[57] Similar theories have been observed all over the world in ancient Egypt, China, pre-Columbian America, and the Middle East.[57][56] This can also explain how varied, and at times contradictory, applications of the doctrine can be because traditional botany is subject to optimal foraging theory.[58] Remedies would, in many cases, be based on the environmental availability of that resource rather than its objective effectiveness.[58]
Some sociologists frame the doctrine of signatures as a type of "enchantment", the idea that it is not just what one observes but how they observe it, and it was a device used to elevate a group of "elite" observers who could interpret the world with more accuracy.[59] In this context, the elite observers would be those that, for example, notice that lungwort's leaves look like lung tissue rather than positing that the dark red flowers could look like blood clots or the pink petals like irritated skin.[59] The idea being that within many descriptors, the "correct" one that links to the signature could only be found by someone within this elite group.[59]
It is important to note similar yet conflicting theories like the theory of opposites, where Galen supposed that a cold and wet thing could be used to treat an imbalance in a hot and dry organ.[60] Hypotheses like these and the questions they posed, regardless of the validity of the hypotheses themselves, inspired scientific investigations into the safety and usefulness of many plant-based remedies.[61][62]
In literature
The phrase "signatures of all things" appears in the beginning of episode three in James Joyce's novel Ulysses. The character Stephen Dedalus is walking along the beach, thinking to himself, "Signatures of all things I am here to read, seaspawn and seawrack, the nearing tide, that rusty boot". The Canadian poet Anne Szumigalski, 1922–1999, entitled her third full-length collection Doctrine of Signatures.
See also
Table of magical correspondences
Sympathetic magic
Naturalistic fallacy
Pictogram
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doctrine_of_signatures
Alchimie entre petits Lab... oratoires nous mène dans un autre univers érectile ou pas !!!
CONCLUSIONS : EMPIRICAL KNOWLEDGE IN THE GARDENGuy de La Brosse’s On the nature of plants faded into oblivion in the course of theseventeenth century. Certainly, La Brosse was not a great writer: the treatise is not wellorganized and the quality of writing varies from clear to almost incomprehensible, despitebeing written in the author’s native French. 109 He seemed conscious of his rhetoricalshortcomings, and in turn tried to deflect criticism by complaining that alchemists hadspent too much time arguing and too little working in the laboratory. He singled out DuChesne, whom, as I showed, he otherwise followed in many ways, and particularlyAndreas Libavius (ca 1555–1616), for writing too much; the latter, he quipped, compiledthick volumes to make himself the chief of the alchemical party.110Instead, La Brosse cast himself as a tireless empirical practitioner and researcher. 111 I haveshown how this empiricism is particularly focused on the detection of the internal character ofplants, and its extraction for medical application. According to him, only continuous labour inthe laboratory allows an alchemist to obtain the knowledge of plants, ‘because with crossedarms one cannot find the secrets of nature’.112 La Brosse’s dedication to knowledge wasdoubled by his desire to perpetuate alchemy by means of hands-on education: althoughformally in charge at the Royal Garden of external demonstration of plants only, he wasapparently one of the three internal demonstrators as well. 113 He also maintained a well-stocked laboratory there, which has been analysed by Rio Howard. 114 The 1636 image ofthe Garden shows that the main residence (la maison), was actively used as a laboratory,with several chimneys rising from the rooftops of the house and its immediatedependencies. Five of them were already in use by 1636.Rhetorical problems aside, On the nature of plants is an intriguing and original work thatmakes a strong argument on behalf of the importance of plants. Clearly, La Brosse’s argument108 Ibid., p. 679. See above, note 33, for the Pseudo-Lullian roots of the notion of ‘vegetating’ minerals.109 La Brosse did not write anything in Latin; this was probably a choice for him as he wished to distance himself from learneddiscourse and to emphasize the Royal Garden’s national aspect.110 La Brosse, op. cit. (note 1), livre III, p. 343: ‘tesmoins les Alemans qui en compilent de si gros volumes, comme Libavius,pretendant par ce moyen se faire admirer & se faire chef de Part’.111 His arch-critic, Guy Patin, described him, albeit derisively, as an ‘empiric’ who ‘hardly knew how to read’; see ‘À JohannCaspar Bauhin, le 9 septembre 1638’ in Patin, op. cit. (note 39), www.biusante.parisdescartes.fr/patin/?do=pg&let=1035(accessed 20 March 2023).112 La Brosse, op. cit. (note 1), livre I, p. 45.113 This can be surmised from the fact that there were two physicians hired as internal demonstrators, Jacques Cousinot andUrbain Baudinot; see Kahn, op. cit. (note 10), pp. 266–267.114 Howard 1983, op. cit. (note 7), pp. 15–18, 40–47.G. D. Hedesan18