Picture from NECC2008 in San Antonio, TX with Tim Holt of El Paso, TX.

.

destroyed the indigenous agriculture and forest dependent economy. And all of this has of course been done in the name of so called 'development', whereas the reality is that all the regions North East to India remain grossly underdeveloped without opportunities for education or jobs. It is this that forces people from North East to migrate enmasse to Indian cities, where also in turn they are racially discriminated or as the cases of Nido, Taniam, Richard Loitam and many others have shown even killed. Notwithstanding its 'integrationist' posturing, the Indian state has never considered the regions to its North East nothing more than avenues for surplus extraction through brute force and coercion . The idea of India as a nation state which was construed and established through the artificial borders drawn by the British colonialists continue to imprison and exploit various nationalities of North East with brutal military might. .

The Indian racism has also been sustained through ruthless subjugation of the oppressed nationalities in North East and their struggles for dignity and nation self-determination. The deployment of huge army and .

para-military contingents all across North East under the impunity of draconian AFSPA. shows that it continues to remain occupied under the military jack-boot. In the past more t11an six decades, the Indian state has perpetrated the most heinous crimes to suppress the various movements for national self-determination in the region . In 1966, the Indian air force bombed Aizawl and other centres that had been liberated by the guerrilla fighters of the Mizo National Front to recapture them against the will of the people. Apart from destroying thousands of houses and murdering many hundreds of Mizos through such aerial bomb9fdments, the Indian state also carried out the policy of 'strategic hamleting' in Mizoram -a technique invented and widely used by the US Army in Vietnam. Fake encounters, rape, burning of villages, destruction of crops and property of the people, torture, custodial deaths has become the order of the day in the entire North East. From 1964 till the present, an armed struggle for national liberation is also being waged by the people of Manipur, despite severe state repression as exemplified by the brutal rape and murder of Thangjam Manorama by the Indian army in 2004 or the murder in broad daylight of Chongkham Sanjit in 2009. Even on occasions when the people of various oppressed nationalities have declared their popular will to form free and independent countries of their own, the Indian ruling classes have never respected their democratic decision. For i,nstance, in May 1951 the Nagas conductr d a referendum to decide the political future of their nation in which 99% of the Nagas voted in favour of forming an independent and sovereign Nagaland. This .

refusal by the Indian state to recognise their democratic aspirations and its use of coercive power to keep the Nq_gas occupied led to the armed liberation movement led by the Naga National Council from 1952. Frorn 1975, National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has spearheaded the Naga self-determination movement through armed struggle against the Indian occup~tion forces. Even the subsequent ceasefire agreement and the mutually-agryed guidelines of the talks have been regularly flouted by the Indian government. The collective leadership of the Nagas are being kept virtually under house-arrest and even imprisoned 01 1 frivolous charges, as in the case of Anthony Shimrey, the head of foreign affairs of the NSCN. Much like in Kashmir, the Indian state has also profiled and .

criminalised all these movements for national self-determination as 'terrorist', 'anti-national' and what not. Borrowing the policy of divide and rule from its-Colonial masters, it has also resorted to engineering several conflicts amongst the different communities, lest they identify the common enemy which is none other than the Indian state that exploits all these communities and repress them alike with escalated military strength. .

Indian Union is a colonial formation, a prison-house of nation::~ lities established through the use of brute force and intimidation. If the two hundred years of colonial rule marks the forcible integration of many independent nationalities like the Assamese to the Indian union, 1947 marks the territorial division of many other nationalities . The continued Indian occupation of Kashmir, Nagalim, Manipur and Assam, or its war on the people of central and eastern India under 'Operation Green Hunt' shows that the army is the cornerstone of political power of this state and no principles of democracy or popular will find any place in it. This national oppression is maintained by the Indian ruling classes for continuing the semi-feudal semi-coloni al system of extraction and exploitation of peoples' resources. Today, it is not simply the question of mere 'human rights' in the region as it is often reduced to be. More .

than that, it is the violation and denial of the collective political right of the people to decide their collective destiny regarding national self-determination. And it is to perpetuate and ideologically justify this exploitative state of affairs, that the state has created and attempted to normnli7e xenophobia against the people from the region . .

The violence against people of North East has not escalated suddenly. Just that, the corporate media has been forced to take cognizance of these regular instances of violence recently, due to the assertion of people. But this deeply entrenched problem of racism cannot be fought unless t1 1e progressive and democratic voices speak up against how it has been deeply institutionalised and V<11idated through the subjugation of these various oppressed nationalites. And with that we also need to question and challenge this enforced brahminical notion of India which only reflects the perception of a dominant sections and their enforced jingoist hegemony, in the name of 'national .

integration.' .

.

Repost @nmaahc. #TheNationofIslam is a political and #religiousmovement founded by #WallaceFardMuhammad that emerged in the 1930s.

...

By creating a #businessempire that included farms, bakeries, supermarkets, and restaurants, the Nation of Islam provided employment for its members.

...

The Nation of Islam reinforced #BlackPower #philosophy by insisting that #blackAmericans have control over their own businesses, schools, and community organizations. #TheNation described the philosophy of the #civilrightsmovement as “turn the other cheek” and criticized the movement for its #integrationist goals.

...

By 1964 the Nation of Islam had grown to over 300,000 members and distributed 500,000 copies a week of its newspaper, #MuhammadSpeaks. The Nation’s philosophy, especially as conveyed by #MalcolmX between 1957 and 1964, inspired a commitment to #blackliberation, including the development of #blackownedbusinesses and a rejection of integration. Comment "Just say no to whitewashed history!" if you want more #blackhistory facts. - #diversityandinclusion #nashvilleteacher #antiracism #highereducation #blackhistory #ally #teachershare #blackintheivory #whitefragility #changingthenarrative #ushistory #socialstudies #historyteacher #teacherproblems

.

i .

. .

.

destroyed the indigenous agriculture and forest dependent economy. And all of this has of course been done in the ~.' ' _name of so called 'development', whereas the reality is that all the regions North East to India remain grossly .

.,,.

underdeveloped without opportunities for education or jobs. It is this that forces people from North East to migrate enmasse to Indian cities, where also in turn they are racially discriminated or as the cases of Nido, Taniam, Richard Loitam and many others have shown even kjlled. Notwithstanding its 'integrationist' posturing, the Indian state has never considered the regions to its North East nothing more than avenues for surplus extraction through brute force ' and coercion. The idea of India as a nation state which was construed and established through the artificial borders drawn by the British colonialists continue to imprison and exploit various nationalities of North East with brutal .:,·1· .

military might. .

. ··p:li; .

The lnd'ian racism has also been sustained' through ruthless subjugation of the oppressed nationalities in .

North East and their struggles for dignity and nation self~determination. The deployment of huge army and .

para-military contingents all across North East under the impunity of draconian AFSPA, shows that it continues to .

.

remain occupied under the military jack-boot. In the past more than six decades, the Indian state has perpetrated .

the most heinous crimes to suppress the varioJs mov.ements for national self-determination in the region. In 1966, .

the Indian air force bombed Aizawl and other centres that had been liberated by the guerrilla fighters of the Mizo .

National Front to recapture them against the will of the people. Apart from destroying thousands of houses and .

.

murdering many hundreds of Mizos through such aerial bombardments, the Indian state also carried out the policy ..

;·.

of 'strategic ham-le~g· in Mizoram -a technique invented a·nd widely used by the US Army in Vietnam. Fake .

encounters, rape. burning of villages, destruction of crops and property of the people, torture, custodial deaths has .

···1·.

I' '.

become the order of the day in the entire North East. From 1964 till the present, an armed struggle for national .

liberation is also being waged by the people of Manipur, despite·severe state repression as exemplified by the brutal rape and murder of Thangjam Manorama by the Indian army in 2004 or the murder in broad daylight of Chongkham Sanjit in 2009. Even on occasions when the people of various oppressed nationalities have declared their popular will to form free and independent countries of their own, the Indian ruling classes have never respected their democratic decision. For instance, in May 1951 the Nagas conducted a referendum to decide the political future of their nation in which 99o/o of the Nagas voted in favour of forrming an independent and sovereign Nagaland. This refusal by the Indian state to recognise their democratic aspirations and its use of coercive power to keep the Nagas occupied led to the armed Uberation movement led by the Naga National Council from 1952. From 1975, National ::-;;· Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has spearheaded the Naga self-determination movement through armed .

: I!.. ~..

struggle against the Indian occupation forces. Even the subsequent ceasefire agreement and the mutually-agreed guidelines of the talks have qeen regularly flouted by the Indian government. The collective leadership of the Nagas are being kept virtually under house-arrest and even imprisoned on frivolous charges, as in the case· of Anthony Shimrey, the head of foreign affairs of the NSCN. Much like in Kashmir, the Indian state has also profiled and criminatised all these movements for national self-determination as 'terrorist', 'anti-national' and what not Borrowing the policy of divide and rule from its colonial masters, it has also resorted to engineering several conflicts amongst .

the different communities, lest they identify the common enemy which is none other than the Indian state that exploits all these communities and repress them.alike with escalated military strength. Indian Union is a colonial formation, a prison~house of nationalities established through the use of brute force and intimidation. If the two hundred years of colonial rule marks the forcible integration of many independent nationalities like the Assamese to the Indian unien, 1947 marks the territorial division of many other nationalities. The continued Indian occupation of Kashmir, Nagalim, Manipur-and Assam, or its war on the people of central and eastern India under 'Operation Green Hunt' shows that the army is the cornerstone of political power of this state and no principles of democracy or popular will find any place in it. This national oppression is maintained by the Indian ruling classes for continuing the semi-feudal semi-colonial system of extraction and exploitation of peoples' resources: Today, it is not simply the question of mere 'human rights' in the region as it is often reduced to be. More than that, it is the violation and denial of the collective political right of the people to decide their collective destiny And it is to perpetuate and ideologically justify this exploitative state of affairs,.

regarding national s~lf-determination. .

~.

that the state has created and attempted to normalize xenophobia against the people from the region. .

/ .

The violence against people of North East has not escalated suddenly. Just that, the corporate media has been .

forced to take cognizance of these regular instances of violence recently, due to the assertion of people. But this deeply entrenched problem of racism cannot be fought unless t11e progressive and democratic voices speak up against how it has be.en deeply institutionalised and validated through the subjug"ation of these various oppressed nationalites. And with that we also need to question and challenge this enforced brahminical notion of India which 'national.

only reflects the perception o·f a dominant sections and their enforced jingoist hegemony, in the name of .

integration.' .

.

-.

.

I .

.

.

.

Uphold Nationality Struggles! Reject Integrationist Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations! .

Nationality Struggles: Fight against Imperialism and.

Expansionism .

"To glorify democracy and to silence people is a far~e; to discourse on humanism and to negate people is a lie.".

-Paulo Freire .

Claiming 'freedom' from the British rule, India had a 'tryst with destiny' on August 15th, 1947. Ever since that 'fateful'.

day, the India has attempted, many a time with brute force, to 'shape the destinies of nations' which were annexed and were.

at different levels of development. Carrying forward the notoriety of the British colonial State, and adding theatrics of 'liberal'democ;ratic phrase-mongering with a virulent strain of illiberal nationalism, the Indian State has butchered and subsumedmany histories in its zeal for integration.India is a country of many nationalities. These nationalities have been struggling relentlessly against the repressive.

and expansionist policies of the Indian ruling classes. Kashmiris, Khalistanis, Tamilians and differen! nationalities of North-East such as the Assamese, Nagas, Manipuris, Tripuris, etc have been waging protracted struggles against the Indian Statefor their right to self-determination, including the right to secede from the so-called Union of India since long. There are otherstruggling nationalities like Telangana, Gorkhaland, Kamtapuri, Poorvanchal too which are at the bottom of development in.

spite the abundance of resources because of the exploitative polices being executed against them. The Indian ruling classesand their imperialist masters, particularly US imperialism, have been suppressing these struggles mercilessly. They are beingcrushed under the boots of the Indian Army stationed in various states of the north-east and in Kashmir..

There are many similarities with which the State brutally repressing the liberation voices of Kashmir, Tamil, Assam.Tibbet, Gorkha, Naga and many other nationalities . The communal/fascistlbrahmnical State and the Media are not only hiding.

the liberation struggles and the suppression, but also trying to focus all the attention on specific nationalities by labeling it anti-.

national.. .

In the name of Integration, the Hindu Communal Forces, particularly RSS and Congress are vehemently diverting the.

attention from the liberation struggles to the euphoria of terrorism to continue with minority witch hunting. This is a tacticalmove on the part of the cultural nationalists (read Hindu right wing) to 'unite' the Hindus against Muslims and other religious.

and national minorities so that the struggles against feudalism and struggles against imperialism do not come together..

. Draconian laws like AFSPA and many more provide the Army with powers to 'kill anyone and destroy publicproperty on suspicion' .

with complete impunity from the courts has been in place in Kashmir and North-East, and an ever-.

intensifying centralisation of the armed forces and thus indiscriminate arrests, rapes, torture and killings in false 'encounters.

are the order of the day. All movements and appeals against this draconian law have been summarily crushed by the military ' .

State which considers it necessary to contain 'militancy' in the region.Dancing into the tune of fascist forces the integrationist sarkari lett parties-CPI, CPM and CPI(ML)-Liberation too donot stand with the nationality struggles. More so to mock, they sometimes shout slogans of human rights violation as evenimperialist agencies UN etc do. For these brahmnical/communal forces AFSPA and other draconian laws are mere the issuesof human rights violation The subversion of struggles of liberation movements to mere human rights violation is the ruling.

class strategy to keep .

'India' intact and these sarkari brahmnical-communalleft vouch for that..

In this background, the explanation provided by Ambedkar becomes very important. He says, "A caste has no feeling.

that it is affiliated to other castes except when there is a Hindu-Muslim riot. On all other occasions each caste endeavours tosegregate itself and to distinguish itself from other castes." This statement of Ambedkar clearly depicts how right-wing uses.

caste as a political weapon to mobilise dalit-OBCs into the Hindu fold against Muslims and other struggling masses. Ambedkar.

clearly states that India is not anation. To quote him, "There are many Indians whose patriotism does not permit them to admit,that Indians are not a nation, that they are only an amorphous mass of people." This clearly depicts that Ambedkar stands infavour of nationality movements. And this is the time that dalit movement, a movement against feudalism must join hands with.

oppressed nationality struggles. The voices of the struggling nationalities will grow into the symphony of freedom with the unity.

of dalits and other progressive forces. .

.,Support .

CHANDRASEN, for President.

Dharmaraj Kumar &R.Karthick Narayanan tor SLL&CS Councillors .

.

.

t .

d I< .

tl .

bJ .

Tl .

th~ .

th( .

on. pra..

ln l .

foiJ .

.

.

.

.

.

.

eno .

r --, .

~-~2-P/2 .

Uphold Naliona/ity Struggles ! Reject t'ntegrationist Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations ! .

Nationality Struggles: Fight against Imperialism and ConcernedExpansionism .

Students.

"To glorify democracy and to silence people is a farce; to discourse on humanism and to negate people is a lie.".

' Paulo Freire .

Claiming 'freedom' from the British rule, India had a 'tryst with destiny' on August 15th, 1947. Ever since that 'fateful'.

day, the India has attempted, many a time with brute force, to 'shape the destinies of nations' which were annexed and were.

at different levels of development. Carrying forward the notori.

.

ety of the British colonial State, and adding theatrics of 'liberal'.

demoGratic phrase-mongering with a virulent strain of illiberal nationalism, the Indian State has butchered and subsumedmany histories in its zeal for integration.India is a country of many nationalities. These nationalities have been struggling relentlessly against the repressiveand expansionist policies of the Indian ruling classes. Kashmiris, Khalistanis, Tamilians and different nationalities of North·East such as the Assamese, Nagas, Manipuris, Tripuris, etc have been waging protracted struggles against the Indian Statefor their right to self-determination, including the right to secede from the so-called Union of India since long. There are otherstruggling nationalities like Telangana, Gorkhaland, Kamtapuri, Poorvanchal too which are at the bottom of development inspite the abundance of resources because of the exploitative polices being executed against them. The Indian ruling classesand their imperialist masters, particularly US imperialism, have been suppressing these struggles mercilessly. They are beingcrushed under the boots of the Indian Army stationed in various states of the north-east and in Kashmir.There are many similarities with which the State brutally repressing the liberation voices of Kashmir. Tamil, Assam.Tibbet, Gorkha, Naga and many other nationalities . The communal/fascist/brahmnical State and the Media are not only hidingthe liberation struggles and the suppression, but also trying to focus all the attention on specific nationalities by labeling it anti-national.. In the name of Integration, the Hindu Communal Forces, particularly RSS and Congress are vehemently diverting theattention from the liberation struggles to the euphoria of terrorism to continue with minority witch hunting. This is a tacticalmove on the part of the cultural nationalists (read Hindu right wing) to 'unite' the Hindus against Muslims and other religious and national minorities so that the struggles against feudalism and struggles against imperialism do not come together.. Draconian laws like AFSPA and many more provide the Army with powers to 'kill anyone and destroy publicproperty on suspicion' with complete impunity from the courts has been in place in Kashmir and North-East, and an ever-intensifying centralisation of the armed forces and thus indiscriminate arrests, rapes, torture and killings in false 'encounters'are the order of the day. All movements and appeals against this draconian law have been summarily crushed by the militaryState which considers it necessary to contain 'militancy' in the region. .

·Dancing into the tune of fascist forces the integrationist sarkari left parties-CPI, CPM and CPI(ML)-Liberation too donot stand with the nationality struggles. More so to mock, they sometimes shout slogans of human rights violation as evenimperialist agencies UN etc do. For these brahmnical/communal forces AFSPA and other draconian laws are mere the issuesof human rights violation The subversion of struggles of liberation movements to mere human rights violation is the rulingclass strategy to keep 'India' intact and these sarkari brahmnical-communal left vouch for that.In this background, the explanation provided by Ambedkar becomes very important. He says, "A caste has no feelingthat it is affiliated to other castes except when there is a Hindu-Muslim riof On all other occasions each caste endeavours tosegregate itself and to distinguish itself from other castes." This statement of Ambedkar clearly depicts how right-wing usescaste as a political weapon to mobilise dalit-OBCs into the Hindu fold against Muslims and other struggling masses. Ambedkarclearly states that India is not a nation. To quote him, 'There are many Indians whose patriotism does not permit them to admit.that Indians are not a nation, that they are only an amorphous mass of people." This clearly depicts that Ambedkar stands infavour of nationality movements. And this is the time that dalit movement, a movement against feudalism must join hands withoppressed nationality struggles. The voices of the struggling nationalities will grow into the symphony of freedom with the unityof dalits and other progres-sive forces. .

,Support .

CHANDRASEN, for President .

Dharmaraj Kumar & R.Karthick Narayanan for SLL&CS Councillors .

.

.

·'''~t .

ilrr.. ·.~. .

people's movements against the state's anti-people policies. The same is the case-with the Lyngdoh Committee guidelines which claims to be a champion of democratic rights of the students and directed against the use of money & muscle power. But it is ultimately aimed at curbing the democratic movements of the students and to silence the voices .

of dissent. The political-ideological agenda of Lyngdoh is unambiguously manifest when it states that students must be 'nationalist', 'integrationist' and 'law abiding' (clause 6). At a time when the ruling class discourse of 'nationalist-integrationist' tantamounts to supporting the ruling classes' assault on the people and all kind of dissent and protest is .

being branded as 'sedition' and 'waging war against the state', one can clearly foresee the kind of politics that Lyngdoh .

aims to further and fortify. .

Unlike its stated aim, Lyngdoh was brought in with a singular aim of curbing the .

"Unionisation in higher autonomy and fighting potential of students' unions. The Birla Ambani Report on education personnel is a higher education, several World Bank and Knowledge Commission reports identified major impediment. When you organized students' movement and student politics as the biggest impediment towards talk to students unions, I am their project of privatization of universities. LCR is nothing but a penal instrument in the not sure that they are arguing hands of the administration to push through the project of Liberalization-Privatization-for the kinds of things that are .

oriented towards educational .

Globalization (LPG) in higher education. We all know how in recent years, education has .

reform. They are certainly .

emerged as the most lucrative form of resources to be marketed and sold for profit. The interested in keeping fees .

state right now has a series of educational reforms bill in the pipeline -from the Foreign low.· .

Educational Institutions (Regulation of Entry and Operation) Bill, 2010, Prohibition of Former Planning Commission .

Vice Chairman Montek Singh.

.

Unfair Practices in Technical and Med1cal Educational Institutions and Universities Bill, .

Ahluwalia.

.

2010, Educational Tribunals Bill 2010, The National Accreditation Regulatory Authority .

for Higher Educational Institutions Bill 2010, National Commission for Higher Education .

and Research (NCHER) Bill 2010, etc-and with their passage, the aim of the Indian state to let the market have a free .

hand in the market will be complete. Even before the passing of these bills, the state's drive to privatize education and .

commercialize campuses are quite manifest in our campus also. Be it the hike in the establishment charges, the rising .

mess bills, the pitiably low MCM scholarship amount, making private-public partnership with publication houses to sell of .

rights to our own research or the recent attempts of the administration to sell over our dhabas and restructure the .

progressive shop allotment policy in favour of the highest bidder policy -such assaults on our campus are only bound to .

increase. It is only to bulldoze these measures and gag all voices of dissent and suppress all opposition that can come .

from organized student politics that Lyngdoh guidelines were made. Lyngdoh report very unabashedly declares this in .

on of its clauses which states that its aim is to curb the 'unnecessary politicization' of the campuses. .

It is not that JNU student movement did not foresee these outcomes, and in the wake of the stay on JNUSU .

election in 2008, in a historic UGBM, over 2000 students unanimously rejected in toto. A platform, named Joint .

Struggle Committee was formed to fight Lyngdoh in the court and carry on the political struggle outside. Under the .

leadership of JSC hundreds of students marched in Delhi streets, were detained. Our continuous protest and resistance .

to curb our democratic space by suspending JNUSU constitution was instrumental in favourable verdict where LCR's .

constitutional validity was itself questioned. But as it often happens, it is the leadership which failed the students and this .

failure today foretells really bad times for the student movement. When the student community'mandated in a UGBM .

held on g th Jan 2012 that elections be held according to LCR, the same mandate also clearly stated that this was only to .

be an interim measure with the first task of the upcoming JNUSU to be to intensify the fight against LCR. However, the .

student community has only witnessed how the elected union has only tried to bury this most important question and .

remove it from the collective memory of the students. Since elections were held as per LCR, it is going to be the third .

JNUSU which is going to complete its tenure in less than a month's time and for the time being there is absolutely no .

intention on their part also to resist LCR. Given this circumstances, the present AISA-Ied JNUSU has today lost all credibility in the eyes of the students to lead any struggle against LCR. When there were shameful attempts to project 'acceptance' of Lyngdoh as a fait-accompli, the initiatives by several anti-Lyngdoh forces who came together to form the Joint Front against Lyngdoh fast year has once again successfully foregrounded that the fight against Lyngdoh remains the most crucial challenge for the student movement of this campus. We, the undersigned organizations, as part of the Joint Front hold the opinion that before LCR is normalized in this campus (unfortunately with the active complicity of our elected union), we must renew our resolve to struggle against Lyngdoh. Especially so, given increasing attack on the campus democracy and aggressive push of LPG in education, it is JNU student community's responsibility to lead the struggle against any such onslaughts. We also believe our struggle against privatization-brahamnisation of education must begin with our struggle against Lyngdoh. We appeal to the student community to participate in large numbers and vote a resounding "NO" to Lyngdoh in upcoming students' referendum on 121h August. 2014. Let us in unison send our .

voice clear and loud in rejection of Lyngdoh in toto and defense of our JNUSU constitution. .

..

. .

AISF I CFI I DSF I DSU I KNS I.

J.. t' .F . t t.L 'd'.:[l' .

! ··~ Struggle Committee I TNM I UDSF.

~ .

.

.

destroyed the indigenous agriculture and forest dependent economy. And all of this has of course been done in the name of so called 'development', whereas the reality is that all the regions North East to India remain grossly underdeveloped without opportunities for education or jobs. It is this that forces people from North East to migrate enmasse to Indian cities, where also in turn they are racially discriminated or as the cases of Nido, Taniam, Richard Loitam and many others have shown even killed. Notwithstanding its 'integrationist' posturing, the Indian state has never considered the regions to its North East nothing more than avenues for surplus extraction through brute force and coercion. The idea of India as a nation state which was construed and established through the artificial borders drawn by the British colonialists continue to imprison and exploit various nationalities of North East with brutal military might. .

The Indian racism has also been sustained through ruthless subjugation of the oppressed nationalities in North East and their struggles for dignity and nation self-determination. The deployment of huge army and para-military contingents all across North East under the impunity of draconian AFSPA, shows that it continues to remain occupied under the military jack-boot. In the past more than six decades, the Indian state has perpetrated the most heinous crimes to suppress the various movements for national self-determination in the region. In 1966, the Indian air force bombed Aizawl and other centres that had been liberated by the guerrilla fighters of the Mizo National Front to recapture them against the will of the people. Apart from destroying thousands of houses and murdering many hundreds of Mizos through such aerial bombardments, the Indian state also carried out the policy of 'strategic hamleting' in Mizoram -a technique invented and widely used by the US Army in Vietnam. Fake encounters, rape, burning of villages, destruction of crops and property of the people, torture, custodial deaths has become the order of the day in the entire North East. From 1964 lill the present, an armed struggle for national liberation is also being waged by the people of Manipur, despite severe state repression as exemplified by the brutal rape and murder of Thangjam Manorama by the Indian army in 2004 or the murder in broad daylight of Chongkham Sanjit in 2009. Even on occasions when the people of various oppressed nationalities have declared their popular will to form free and independent countries of their own, the Indian ruling classes have never respected their democratic decision. For instance, in May 1951 the Nagas conduciPd a referendum to decide the political future of their nation in which 99o/o of the Nagas voted in favour of forming an independent and sovereign Nagaland. This refusal by the Indian state to recognise their democratic aspirations and its use of coercive power to keep the Nagas occupied led to the armed liberation movement led by the Naga National Council from 1952. From 1975, National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) has spearheaded the Naga self-determination movement through armed struggle against the Indian occupation forces. Even the subsequent ceasefire agreement and the mutually-agreed .

guidelines of the talks have been regularly flouted by the Indian govPrnment. The collective leadership of the Nag as are being kept virtually under house-arrest and even imprisoned on frivolous charges, as in the case of Anthony Shimrey, the head of foreign affairs of the NSCN. Much like in Kashmir, the Indian state has also profiled and criminalised all these movements for national self-determination as 'terrorist', 'anti-national' and what not. Borrowing the policy of divide and rule from its colonial masters, it has also resorted to engineering several conflicts amongst the different communities, lest they identify the common en·emy which is none other than the Indian state that exploits all these communities and repress them alike with escalated military strength. .

Indian Union is a colonial formation, a prison-house of nation:-1 lities established through the use of brute force and intimidation. If the two hundred years of colonial rule marks the forcible integration of many independent nationalities like the Assamese to the Indian union, 194 7 marks the territorial division of many other nationalities. The continued Indian occupation of Kashmir, Nagalim, Manipur and Assam, or its war on the people of central and eastern India under ·operation Green Hunt' shows that the army is the cornerstone of political power of this state and no principles of democracy or popular will find any place in it. This national oppression is maintained by the Indian ruling classes for continuing the semi-feudal semi-colonial system of extraction and exploitation of peoples' resources. Today, it is not simply the question of mere 'human rights' in the region as it is often reduced to be. More than that, it is the violation and denial of the collective political right or the people to decide their collective destiny regarding national self-determination. And it is to perpetuate and ideologically justify this exploitatjve state of affairs, that the state has created and attempted to normllli7e xenophobia against the people from the region. .

The violence against people of North East has not escalated suddenly. Just that, the corporate media has been forced to take cognizance of these regular instances of violence recently, due to the assertion of people. But this deeply entrenched problem of racism cannot be fought unless l11e progressive and democratic voices speak up against how it has been deeply institutionalised and ve1lidated through the subjugation of these various oppressed nationalites. And with that we also need to question and challenge this enforced brahminical notion of India which only reflects the perception of a dominant sections and their enforced jingoist hegemony, in the name of ·national .

integration.' .

.

.

via WordPress methyllifebl0g.wordpress.com/2017/05/17/the-role-of-l-met...

Depression is sometimes referred to as ‘the silent killer’, due to the fact that people often suffer in silence, and try to pretend that everything is fine when they’re dealing with the condition. There is an unfair and unneeded stigma attached to mental health disorders which is why people often keep their troubles to themselves. There is nothing wrong with admitting you’re dealing with mental health disorders, in fact, statistically, more people are currently more likely to have to deal with mental health disorders at some point, than not. The good news is that, thanks to supplements such as l-5 mthf supplement also known as l methylfolate, depression, stress, and anxiety are now more manageable than ever before.

L-methylfolate supplements and depression – There are a number of supplements currently available which are designed to treat mental health issues, though l-methylfolate supplements, in particular, are turning heads for all of the right reasons. You see, way back in the 1960s, health experts noted a distinct correlation between depression and a lack of folate. Folate deficiencies are therefore considered to play a huge role in depression. Experts noted that using a l-5 mthf supplement could help enhance the human body’s responses to antidepressants. Moreover, for people who do not respond favorably to antidepressant medication, an l methylfolate supplement could be exactly what is required.

So, how does it work? – So, now that we’ve looked at the link between a lack of folate, and how and why l-methylfolate supplements are used, it’s time to take a look at how they work. L-Methylfolate is actually the only form of folate in the human body, which is capable of crossing the blood-brain barrier. Because of this, it plays an essential role in neurotransmitter synthesis. In fact, this supplement enhances the synthesis of norepinephrine, dopamine, and serotonin. All three of these chemicals play vital roles in controlling a person’s overall levels of happiness and relaxation. L-Methylfolate has been proven, time and time again, to assist with SSRIs (Selective Serotonin Reuptake Inhibitors, along with SNRIs (Serotonin NorepinePhrine Reuptake Inhibitors), both of which function as potent and effective anti-depressants. Put simply, when taking L-methylfolate along with other anti-depressant drugs, the latter will function more effectively and will, therefore, help to control the symptoms associated with depression, and other similar mental health issues. The supplements help in improving depression particularly in people, whose systems, for genetic reasons cannot effectively generate methylfolate from folic acid.

Final thoughts –Folate deficiencies, along with the added stress of everyday life, are the major contributing factors for stress, anxiety, depression, and other mental health issues. Whilst it is perfectly normal to feel down at times, more and more people are finding themselves dealing with depression, or on the verge of being struck down with depression. This can be debilitating and could potentially be life threatening. For people who do not seem to respond favorably to anti-depressant medications, L-Methylfolate supplements can work wonders.

References:

www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-integrationist/201310/de...

www.mdedge.com/currentpsychiatry/article/64587/depression...

The post The Role of L-Methylfolate Supplements in Depression Management appeared first on Methyl-Life.

methyl-life.com/the-role-of-l-methylfolate-supplements-in...

.

oeoole'-s movements against the state's anti-people policies. The same is the case with the Lyngdoh Committee guidelines which claims to be a champion of democratic rights of the students and directed against the use of money & muscle power. But it is ultimately aimed at curbing the democratic movements of the students and to silence the voices of dissent. The political-ideological agenda of Lyngdoh is unambiguously manifest when it states that students must be .

law abiding' (clause 6). At a time when the ruling class discourse of 'nationalist-.

'nationalist', 'integrationist' and 'integrationist' tantamounts to supporting the ruling classes' assault on the people and all kind of dissent and protest is being branded as 'sedition' and 'waging war against the state', one can clearly foresee the kind of politics that Lyngdoh aims to further and fortify. Unlike its stated aim, Lyngdoh was brought in with a singular aim of curbing the .

"Unionisation in higher autonomy and fighting potential of students' unions. The Birla Ambani Report on education personnel is a higher education, several World Bank and Knowledge Commission reports identified major impediment. When you organized students' movement and student politics as the biggest impediment towards talk to students unions, I am not sure that they are arguing.

their project of privatization of universities. LCR is nothing but a penal instrument in the .

for the kmds ofthings that are.

hands of the administration to push through the project of Liberalization-Privatization-.

oriented towards educational.

Globalization (LPG) in higher education. We all know how in recent years, education has reform. They are cerlainly .

emerged as the most lucrative form of resources to be marketed and sold for profit. The interested in keeping fees .

state right now has a series of educational reforms bill in the pipeline -from the Foreign low.n .

Former Planning Commission.

.

Educational Institutions (Regulation of Entry and Operation) Bill, 2010, Prohibition of .

Unfair Practices in Technical and Medical Educational Institutions and Universities Bill, Vice Chairman Montek Singh .

.

2010, Educational Tribunals Bill 2010, The National Accreditation Regulatory Authority Ahluwalia .

'---------,....-~.

for Higher Educational Institutions Bill 2010, National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER) Bill 2010, etc-and with their passage, the aim of the Indian state to let the market have a free hand in the market will be complete. Even before the passing of these bills, the state's drive to privatize education and commercialize campuses are quite manifest in our campus also. Be it the hike in the establishment charges, the rising mess bills, the pitiably low MCM scholarship amount, making private-public partnership with publication houses to sell of rights to our own research or the recent attempts of the administration to sell over our dhabas and restructure the .

progressive shop allotment policy in favour of the highest bidder policy-such assaults on our campus are only bound to increase. It is only to bulldoze these measures and gag all voices of dissent and suppress all opposition that can come .

from organized student politics that Lyngdoh guidelines were made. Lyngdoh report very unabashedly declares this in .

on of its clauses which states that its aim is to curb the 'unnecessary politicization' of the campuses. .

It is not that JNU student movement did not foresee these outcomes, and in the wake of the stay on JNUSU election in 2008, in a historic UGBM, over 2000 students unanimously rejected in toto. A platform, named Joint Struggle .Committee was formed to fight Lyngdoh in the court and carry on the political struggle outside. Under the leadership of JSC hundreds of students marched in Delhi streets, were detained. Our continuous protest and resistance to curb our democratic space by suspending JNUSU constitution was instrumental in favourable verdict where LCR's .

constitutional validity was itself questioned. But as it often happens, it is the leadership which failed the students and this failure today foretells really bad times for the student movement. When the student community mandated in a UGBM held on 91h Jan 2012 that elections be held according to LCR, the same mandate also clearly stated that this was only to be an interim measure with the first task of the upcoming JNUSU to be to intensify the fight against LCR. However, the .

student community has only witnessed how the elected union has only tried to bury this most important question and .

remove it from the collective memory of the students. Since elections were held as per LCR, it is going to be the third JNUSU which is going to complete its tenure in less than a month's time and for the time being there is absolutely no .

intention on their part also to resist LCR. Given this circumstances, the present AISA-Ied JNUSU has today lost all credibility in the eyes of the students to lead any struggle against LCR. When there were shameful attempts to project 'acceptance' of Lyngdoh as a fait-accompli, the initiatives by several anti-Lyngdoh forces who came together to form the Joint Front against Lyngdoh last year has once again successfully foregrounded that the fight against Lyngdoh remains the most crucial challenge for the student movement of this campus. We, the undersigned organizations, as part of the Joint Front hold the opinion that before LCR is normalized in this campus (unfortunately with the active complicity of our elected union), we must renew our resolve to struggle against Lyngdoh. Especially so, given increasing attack on the campus democracy and aggressive push of LPG in education. it is JNU student community's responsibility to lead the struggle against any such onslaughts. We also believe our struggle against privatization-brahamnisation or education must begin with our struggle against Lyngdoh. We appeal to the student community to participate in large numbers and .

v tea resounding "NO" to Lyngdoh in upcoming students' referendum on 12'h August, 2014. Let us in unison send our voice clear and loud in rejection ofLyngdoh in toto and defense ofour JNUSU constitution. .

AISF I CFI I DSF I DSU I KNS I.

I : J ' 'F . L d h.

If~StruggleCommitteeiTNM I UDSF .

.

.

Mode in Argentina in 1968, The H..our of the Furnaces is the film .

that established the paradigm of revolutionary activist cinema. .

It combines new and old film footage to explain the history of .

Argentina and the wave of revolutionary fervor that swept .

many countries in Latin America. From the Spanish invaders to Join the Scteening ofthe Epic Gtounqbteqki~iDc:cu.ment4ty film modern military concerns financed by foreign powers, this film master piece examines radsm, social upheaval, nativeby Fern4nqo E. Solan4s & Od4vil Getino T -·-~-massacres, privatization of resources and education and.

..,...~ .

precarious political situations that could change in the wake of revolutionary rebellion..

The Hour of the Furnaces .

AI~F I fFI I 0~11 I KN~ I ~tr11nniP. ( ommittP.P. I TNM I IID~F .

With the tightening tentacles of the recolonization policies of liberalization-privatization-globalization (LPG) on the Indian economy a!'d polity, one can notice an increasing number of assaults on the resources and hard won rights of the working people and the toiling masses in this country. In order to satiate the greed of global as well as domestic capital our hills, rivers, forests and lands are being sold at a pittance to several multinational corporations. The latest additio11. to the list of what the ruling classes consider as saleable commodities are our minds. With a plethora of bills-and key policy changes in the pipeline, the ruling classes are all set to systemically destroy the existing public university system as well as allowing unbridled access to private corporations in the field of higher education. But, any such drastic policies the government knows very well is going to lead to widespread opposition and protests from -the students and specially from the organized students' movement. In consonance with the directives of ~ the World Bank to _minimise the possible resistance against the implementation of the policies of LPG. the latest .

strategy adopted by the ruling classes is a phased approach of implementing policies in instalments and always striking .

at the fault-lines ofthe-1-esistance by co-opting certain sections while isolating the other~:. Jt.is i~ this context that one .

needs to place the draconian Lyngdoh Committ~e Recommendations (LCR) and 1Qok at its effects on progressive .

students' movements and the larger implications in terms of privatization of education. -.

How and whom exactly within the students do the ruling classes co-opt, and whom do they attempt to isolate .

through LCR? A students' ·movement that raises its voice against the privatization of education, that struggles .

uncompromisingly against polices of fee-hikes and fund-cuts and a students' movement that links itself with the various .

people's movements of the country is not acceptable for Lyngdoh. When LCR says that students should be nationalist-.

integrationist, can a students' movement under the diktats of Lyngdoh speak out against the policies of minority-witch-.

hunting and state terror done ostensibly under the garb of 'national security'. Some can feel that the claims made .

against Lyngdoh are exaggerated for after all isn't the JNUSU elected under Lyngdoh speaking out against all these .

measures. But what goes missing in such reflections is the fact that LCR is a slow poison meant to gradually corrode .

the effective strength of our students' movement through de-politicization (or in other words, right wing politicization). .

When an extremely large section is debarred from contesting elections on the bogus plea that he has crossed a certain .

age or has contested earlier and when one notices the falling percentage of turn outs in elections, these are all .

~nd1cators of the process of depoht:CIZ3hon 'hh1ch ~~bound to only 1ncrease wrth every passing year under LCR. JNUSU .

might have been speaking out against the policies of fund-cuts but was unable since the imposition of LCR. to fight iis .

concrete manifestations, such as increasing the MCM to 3000 for the last three consecutive tenures. We in JNu-pride .

ourselves on the fact that in spite of several political-ideological differences, the students' movement has ensured .

freedom of expression to all as a result of our long and protracted struggles. But for the first time in the history of JNU, .

we were witness to a student being s.how caused by the administration (through the GRC) during the presidential .

debate last year only because he mentioned the word 'beef in his campaign. The administrative interference in the .

students' politics is at its _hi~hest since the imposition of LCR, and the only way to fight it is to outrightly reject Lyngdoh. .

Lyngdoh· reminds one of the 'Good Conduct Bond' that the Maruti management forced the struggling workers .

in Manesar to sign when they raised their banner of revolt against the exploitative working conditions and .

their right to unionize. At a time when 'good conduct' in the form of Lyngdoh is synonymous with compliance to .

policies of-LPG, to state terror, to not raising our voice agatnst minority-witch-hunting or atrocities on dalits and women .

and to not confronting the communal-fascist forces, the students of this campus must decide whether they would let the .

sword of Lyngdoh hang over our necks any longer. For the last two consecutive tenures, forces in the union such as .

AISA and SFI have only blatantly violated the mandate and betrayed the struggle against ~LCR. It is now up to the .

students to come together and unitedly rebuild the struggle ~gainst Lyng<;foh _and p~ivat!?ation. From the great students .

upsurge across the world in the mid 1960s against imperialism to the present occupy ·university movements opposing .

funds cuts -there has been a glorious & unbroken history of resistance by the students and youth for us to draw .

inspiration from for our awn struggles. It is in this spirit that the Joint Front invites the student community for the screening .

of tt:le epic bafin AmeriGan documentary The Hous: ef fhe Eurnaces' .

tonight afKV Grounds at 9:30pm. .

_..,.. _ .

-.

.

.

·~~ .

.

~-~~...

·.

-.

·~ .

We the students are the Union! I .

~ .

Let us build up amilitant students'movementI ' to challenge tile authoritarian administration, to Isolate the compromisingpseudo-left and todefeat Die communal fasclstsl .

- ., --.,. ---,. --IlL·_,.,. .. - ...._._ all.....,. -~.. ..-.it,...,...,_--.

Destruction, destitutlon, displacement and death today are caJied 'Development'. It is a time when imperialism coupled .

with fascism is destroying lives/ livelihood and dignity of milllons of people, to safeguard the interests of a handful. It Is .

a time when the dream of an exploitation-fr:ee and just sodety is called a utopia! Yet hundreds and thousands of the .

most oppressed of the sodety have been fighting for that. Because in that 'utopia' alone lies ·the belief for life, the hope .

for the future. In the present sodal system1 the odds are heavily against the oppressed sections that constitute a vast .

majority of the population. The need therefore is to demolish this system that benefits a few at the cost of the many1 .

and to build a new society in its place through a radical social transformation. And this struggle must be fought from · .

wherever we are located. In this context of constant attack from all the powers-that~be, let us look at our own campus! .

JNU is not an island. The JNU administration represents the ruling class in the campus! We all know that this casteist-communal-patriarchal administration is up for selling JNU to the market forces. They have internalized the language and politics of World Bank, IMF etc. as well as the Tata-Birtas·. According to them1 JNU is being converted to a world class university'. And naturally for \resource generation purposes' they need to levy user charges for electricity1 hike the price of prospectus, rent out PSR for commercial use! And with the 'resources' which is nothing but tax-payer's money, we have the plasma lVs, the manicured flower pots, pointless signboards and hideous hoardings. 'World Class' therefore entails nothing but an external glitter, but with gradually privatized education and commercialized basic facilities/ denial of minimum wages and basic legal rights to the mazdoors on campus. And the decisions for all these have been taken arbitrarily, bypassing all concerned bodies of students, teachers and karamcharis. Such anti-student polides, going by the World Bank model again, has to be necessarily implemented in such an undemocratic manner, more in consultation with the market than with the representatives of university community. After all1 when the ruling dasses ask the people whether they want to get displaced to make way for an SEZ or not! .

The World Bank and its cronies have rightly identified students' movement as the 'biggest impediment to privatization of education'. And hence Lyngdoh came knocking! The Lyngdoh committee report is intrinsically linked to the larger designs of depoliticisation, fadlitating a complete privatization of basic and higher ed~cation. It is designed to crush consciously articula~ political dissent and opposition. The Committee states that students must be 'integrationist' and 'nationaHsts' at heart1 and student politics should be aimed at inculcating values of social and econoflliC 'developmenr. But imposition of.Lyngdoh Recommendations is a thinly veiled instrument for crushing the countrywide students~. movement that raises the genuine issues of the masses and also challenges the status.quo. With dauses which will have fa"r reaching consequences/ it aims to ensure administration's hold on the election process, confine student po.litics within the boundary of the institution, cutting it off from the larger political processes in the name·of 'unnecessary politidzation of student bodies'. The Supreme Court Stay on the JNtJ election process, which is free of money and musde power and kr1own for its democratic credentials/ prove beyond doubt that Lyngdoh is not meant to ellminate the drawbacks of Student politics; rather it is here to~fadlitate state's control and repression.In this,.

.

Lyngdoh is no different in nature from ?I vast range of draconian laws imposed by the state on the pe~ple from above, be it MISA, TADA1 POTA; MCOCA, UAPA, AFSPA1 NSA, etc to name a few. The ~nl'( difference is that while these draconian laws target and suppress the struggling masses, Lyngd~h aims to clamp down on the students and the youth. .

And when feudalism and the market ties a k~ot, social justice becomes.a prime target. Measures like Lyngdoh are resorted to by the state to quell the simmering discontent among the large majority of students today/ who .

~ .

. .

is facing injustice, discrimination and excl~slon at every step. Can we expect social justice from a state whose very fabric historically has bee..n woven with brahminicaJ ideology? The recent legislatkmof 27°/o OBC reservation was ~ot a 'gift' from Manmohan and Co. It Is an outcome if long battles that thousands of people for several decades have fought and even given their lives for. It was a movement that forced the state to recognize a right which the casteist society denied for centuries. t-fowever, just the passing of legislations don't really mean their implementation. The casteist authorities always seek to take away with~pne hand what they were forced to grant with the other. JNU again provides a perfect example of this! 1ast vear ib April. JNU su:Jmjnjstration assured JNUSU that 27o/~ rese~atio.ns for OBC st~deot would be jmplcmented at one ao. However jt unllaterallv decided later that OBC reservation Will be tmple~ented in a .

J!""$, The excuse was tnfrastructural in~dequacy. Making OBC reservation conditional on seat-mcrease signified reseMng the seats for upper caste students. Even the.,stlpulated 12°/o reserve~ seats for the first y~ar of ilri.plementa,tion Wi$5 not fulfilled. While.around 22o/o OBC studenJ:s joined the camp~s wtthout reservation! w1th .~emefrt:atioqof.r*'Yation in phased manner, a meag~r 9.95% os.c students )omed last year. T~us, the . adminbib._:_defeated~the reservation policy even after·~ was mad71nto a law: Same hap~n~d...wtth PH re,servattons as well. Moreover,·the admiDI5batloo took a unilateral qeqsion of dom9.awa.y w1th pro~ress1ve offer-~ystem and. iOitiated a 'wajtiog-list' system for admissions. It was ,dear that the wa1ting-llst system 1s not a conduqve system 1n a .

" .

.. _-...., ..... .

. _ . ............ ~Ga u~r Rosnton on their own stand on their ~" un r-eo L!>. JJ The JNUSU office bearer:;s alsp state their positiQn on th~ conaitionality of the nistration that such an "offence" (as on Feb 25) np t be repeated in~th~ future. Vibha, PSU-JNU .

Sd/-Divya, PSU-JNU .

-·-=------·---.....-.....-.:.-._.*i'J'!"''-~..,.,...

~<·,.. 4' ~~ ', .. ,:; ,: . ·' :: 1 1 .

)9. .

.

·, .

·., .

I .

' ..

1 .

... ..· 1 ~ .

·: .

I !D' ~~ .

);> .

·. .

,. .

\.. ·~.

.... .

II' J.

.

,· .

'· .

: .

:..: .

·:· ·'· .

.,. 1 ' .

.':- ·...:·.

:'' l,. ·:. .

.~ --~ .

. .

,~~--:'.:;: ,::··.:· ' .

:' :'' ,. t .

... .

: ._·· ···::! .:: ,: ;; .

.. ' >'11 ..... ··,_].

.... ~-,.·!<. '1'!. . .

u I J..· · ··. .

I ~.L;:: '';'·: ~ :,~: _o : .

7~ ~. .

: .

·-:.~ :~.' -.~: ·~j( .

!'i-'· , ' .... .

·:; .. ' .: ~, ,: ::.L:; :1 ·:} :· .

~ I."'I. l; .

' ~!1"" :· . .

: . ..··~' .... ~-. .: ; ···.~. .

~· ·.;·~~~;;·~--.-.~.(-~ . ;:· .. . .

,, .

. .

·" .: . .;....: . : : . .

...... .

:~l .; ..: -. ~-,/· ;.~~✌️:; .

.

Amy, Amanda Meyer; Technology Integrationist Springfield Senior High School and Marlys Vanderwerf; Director of the Chamber of Commerce

.

-- .

.... 'T .!t_ .... -"...... "'f'"l r r .

n'1 n tr1 A C\ __ .

-.

~nee! .

Auniversitv that does not allow dissent becomes aprison! .

IntensifY the struggle against Lvngdoh Recommendations! tlk .

.

The recent stay on JNUSU elections for violation of the Lyngdoh recommendations is yet another instance of direct 106 state intervention to curb democratic movements, of students this time, to crush the voices of dissent. This is yet another attempt of the state to depoliticize students' politics and to curtail our rights quest1on and protest. tlon .

anc.

Is Lyngdoh really aiming at curbing money and muscle power as many would like us to believe? Vvell, the Amicus Curie in Supreme Court who is entitled to oversee the violations of Lyngdoh Committee Yet recommendations has not sent a single letter to the universities that have not started election process following Ion the recommendations of the report or to the universities like DU which have open!y and blatant!·: flouted the 1E, recommendations by using as much money and muscle power as it used to do. But it did stay the JNUSU elections ISS .

30.

uecause the real aim cf Lyngdoh is to curb poHticization of the students and create students' unions which are bureaucratized, depoliticized and works as a puppet of un1vers1ty authorities. Where students' polit1cs s cocooned within a limited frame and not allowed to debate, discuss and vote on issues of social and political importance. 0.

,.

All laws come with a 'progressive face'. No laws formulated and implemented by the state oper.'y claims to .

1.

repress. The POTA, TADA, MCOCA etc where brought forward to ensure 'national integrity'. The AFSPA was brought with the pretext of 'national security', the SEZ act came 1n with the aim of 'development'. Bu: these laws are actually aimed to repress, to deny the democratic rights to the people, to throttle the voices of dissent, and to liquidate people's movements against the powers that be. The Lyngdoh committee recommendations w1th all 1ts so-called progressive aims are ultimately aimed at curbing the democratic movemEnts of the stuc-~ts and to silence the voices of critiqu~ and disse:1t that emerges through these movements. .

Is it a matter that concerns the 'political lot' of JNU only? The stay on JNUSU election is not ·_stan order against the election process. It is a direct assault on the students' movement and politics. And oc :1cs in this campus is far wide spread than just elections. Some people say Lyngdoh has praised the JNU moe.::: . But tbat model is not only about the technicalities that ensure a money-muscle free peaceful election. It 1s :m evolved model of political consciousness, of the culture of debate, Lhe cou:--age to c;uestion and critique anyth t;:. the nght to protest and to fight for rights and justice, to fight agamst oppression and injustice. And not surp" s ""gly these are the things that i"lr.Lyngdor1's recommendations ultimately a1m to curb. JNU student movemen-.,as fought agair.st the wa·.; JNU ~~ being subtly CO(poratised, against th~ monopoly of nestle outlet, when worke'"s ~ ghts are openly being viol3te<i, when reservation is crcftily deniec, when communal lumpens are sh1e :t:d by the administration. Any issues pertaining to students' welfare, be 1t the fight agam:;t privatization of t1·~ un1versity .

t .

I fight against fee-hike, fight to build new hostels, to hik~ the MCM amount, to recogn1ze Al1r1 . at -Fazt:at .

I .

I certificates, or the fight to ensure end regularize scholarships etc. have all been clinched w1th collect . -' struggles .

I of students and under the banner of JNUSU. And all these struggles were political Fights agains· a casteist communal and patnarchal administration which is hell-bent on corporatis1ng and eventually p; . at111ng the university in due course as per the Birla-Ambani Report. Lyngdoh and his reactionary recommenda t101S are only here to facilitate that. The rich political debates on campus where students not only build their opmto'ls but also vote on the larger questions of imperialist aggression, on slate repression, the neo-economic polietes. the nuke deal, SEZs, land grab and the fight against it, the movements on nationality question etc. are also cor~radictory to.

l the ··integrationist: and nationalist' politics thct ~-1r. Lyngdoh recommends. .

The way ahead: The stay on JNUSU elections has to be vacated in the court through a legal battle. 6 . ...r so far no .

stay order on any stuaents' union has been won m the court only. The legal battle will have to go parallel .

with a strong political battle exposing the real intentions of the state intervention in students' .

politics. It is NOT money-muscle power and criminalization of students politics that they seek to attack. It is the .

poiiticization of studencs' politics, our right to protesc and a1ssent mat they seek tO assault. And JNU i<; not the first .

university that is standing against the reactionary recommendations of Lyngdoh. The SU elections o: Allahabad .

University have been stayed on the pretext of 'preparing formalities conducive for Lyngdoh recommendations' for .

the last two years. The students of Kanpur and Lucknow University have heen brutally lath1-charged o the police .

while they were protesting aqainst the implementation of Lhe same. It is by rejecting the lyngdoh .

recommendations everywhere in toto and fighting against the all forms of state's repression that we .

can democratize students' politics and our present society. .

.

.

.

.

.

.JNUSU UNDER LYNGDOH IS NOT ASITE OF.

STRUGGLE, BUT SURRENDER .

.

Students union elections in various universities such as Patna University, Jamia Millia lslamia are banned for lastmany years for the simple reason that students' unity and political debates among students is threat to the State, though.

the cited reasons for this anti-democratic/constitutionaJ dictate vary. Progressive students unions have stood like the rock.

of Gibraltar against the fascist policies of the State. The State has always found these unions major hurdles inimplementing the anti·people/students policies..

The State is serving the interests of the corporates and is hell-bent on privatising education and thus the LCR..

Birfa-Ambani report on educations states, "governments must encourage private financing by taking on some of the.

risks that makes financial institutions reluctant to lend for higher education." The private sector wants full freedom,.

.

including the power to hire and fire, and no law protecting the interests of students, teachers, employees, and the peopleat large. To achieve full control over education the Birla-Ambani ·report wanted a legislation that should "enable allpolitical parties come to an understanding that they wilt keep away from universities and educational institutions.Ban any form of political activity on campuses of universities and educational institutions." Further it states,.

"Keep the economy free from controls to foster new opportunities that creates a market for education. . ..

Encourage schools of learning to constantly upgrade content and facUlties to make them more market oriented.".

.

In continuation of this ideology of market oriented education, the onslaught of Lyngdoh came in the year 2006 to.

enforce a uniform system of student elections across the country. Certainly the so called uniformity will have a.

particular view point that will be imposed. As per the recommendations of the Lyngdoh committee, the guidelines for.

students' elections have this framework: "Just as during the freedom movement every university student was a.

.

nationalist at heart (whether he was active in the movement or not), even so, every university student today mustbe an integrationist at heart, whatever be his or her field... Virtues like tolerance, discipline, law abidance andpunctuality, must be cultivated right from now. True democracy rests on voluntary observance of the laws of theland and not on the enfQrcement thereof by authority. Your education should inspire you for honour of the.

motherland and humanism. Students must engage themselves in economic and social development which.

.

narrows down disparities and gradually as·sists society in raising its standards of behaviour and morality.".

And with this agenda of making universities and students unions a site of constructing robots who will have the.

softwares of integration, tolerance, discipline, law abidance, punctuality, it 'allows' students union elections under control.

.

of Administration with prescribed guidelines from the State. It clearly states, "In the light of the myriad experiences of.

.

the conduct of elections faced by the various stakeholders, the Committee was faced with the dilemma of.

.

choosing between prohibHing elections, and to enforce a uniform system of student elections across the.

.

country. The choice boiled down to the creation of a space for democratic representation through an effective.

mechanism that would not only ensure the voicing of grievances and the general welfare of the student populace,but would also provide a healthy learning field for the leaders of tomorrow, while keeping in mind the autonomyof the university in matters of Imparting education and maintaining a certain modicum of decorum and disciplineon the campus." This is nothing but another ploy of the repressive State to curb the voice of the struggle of different.

nationalities. .

·'Not only this, to get this purpose served the Lyngdoh committee 'ensures' that most of the students from the.

deprived sections (SC/ST/OBC!Minority/PH) are not 'eligible' to contest. Many students coming from Madarsa background.

have crossed the prescribed age under Lyngdoh for contesting elections already. The clauses of 'merit, age' are the tools.

.

of BrahmnicaVcommunaVfascist State to deprive us from our space/rights..

Given this reality that Lyngdoh is a tool to suppress students movements, it was challenged by the students all.

over the country. JNU became a site where the relentless struggle against Lyngodh went on to four years. Courtesy.

renegades AJSA-SFI led boggie that the Lyngdoh is finally implemented in JNU with so called 'relaxations'. The anti-.

Lyngdoh voice in the campus was labelled as anti-election voice. In the election-mania the very argument of standing.

against Lyngdoh was made to disappear.Now when the AISA-SFIIed boggie is fighting eJections under Lyngdoh, there is also a belief emerged within asection of the 'anti-Lyngdoh camp' that there is aneed for intervention in these elections under Lyngdoh. Though there isan understanding to expose the pseudo left, the only way explored for this is election again. Students For Resistance.

(SFR) believes that the responsibility of exposing the reactionary..revisionist forces cannot be reduced to.

elections. At the same time there is no possibility for intervention within a space where the Administration has all.

the powers to d\ssolve the union at any moment they like. We have experiences of universities like Hyderabad and .

.

.

.

·. ;;;:no£-~fW7 .

G;q-Feb '2-012-.

JNUSU UNDER LYNGDOH IS NOT ASITE OF .

STRUGGLE, BUT SURRENDER .

Students union elections in various universities such as Patna University, Jamia Millia lslamia are banned for last manyf. years for the simple reason that students' unity and political debates among students is threat·to the State, though the cited reasons for this anti-democratic/constitutional dictate vary. Progressive students unions have stood like the rock of Gibraltar against the fascist policies of the State. The State has always found these unions major hurdles in implementing the anti-people/students policies. The State is serving the interests of the corporales and is hell-bent on privatising education and thus the LCR. Birla-Ambani report on educations states, "governments must encourage private financing by taking on some of the risks that makes financial Institutions reluctant to lend for higher education." The private sector wants full freedom, including the power to hire and fire, and no law protecting the interests of students, teachers, employees, and the people at large. To achieve full control over education the Blrla-Ambani ·report wanted a legislation that should "enable .all political parties come to an understanding that they wilt keep away from universities and edueat!onallnsUtutlons. Ban any form of political activity on campuses of universities and educational Institutions." Further it states, uKeep the economy fre.e from controls to foster new opportunities that creates a market for education. . Encourage schools of learning to constantly upgrade content and facilities to make them more market oriented." In continuation of this ideology of market oriented education, the onslaught of Lyngdoh came in the year 2006 to .

enforce a uniform system of student elections across the country. Certainly the so called uniformity Will have a.

l .

J particular view point that will be imposed. As per the recommendations of the Lyngdoh committee, the guidelines for students' elections have this framework; "Just as during the freedom movement every university student was a.

,./,} .

nationalist at heart (whether he was active In the movement or not), even so, every university student today must a, be an Integrationist at heart, whatever be his or her field... Virtues like tolerance, discipline, law abidance and punctuality, must be cultivated right from now. True democracy rests on voluntary observance of the laws of the 0; land and not on the enforcement thereof by authority. Your education should inspire you for honour of the motherland and humanism. Students must engage themselves in economic and social development which.

IS I .

1VJJ. narrows down disparities and gradually assists society in raising its standards of behaviour and morality." And with this agenda of making universities and students unions a site of constructing robots who will have the.

des .

vac softwares of integration, tolerance, discipline, law abidance, punctuaJity, it 'allows' students union elections under control agg of Administration with prescribed guidelines from the State. It clearly states, '~In the light of the myr1ad experiences of the conduct of elections faced by the various stakeholders, the Committee was faced with the dilemma of.

resG .

choosing between prohibiting elections, and to enforce a uniform system of student eJec,tions across the country. The choice boiled down to the creation of a space for democratic representation through an effectiveMr. . mechanism that would not only ensure the voicing of grievances and the general welfare of the student populace, but would also provide a healthy learning field for the leaders of tomorrow, while keeping in mind the autonomy.

Prien .

of the university in matters of impartJng education and maintaining a certain modicum of decorum and disciplinekm. on the campus." This is nothing but another ploy of the repressive State to curb the voice of the struggle of differentPakis t'.

nationalities..

hand( Not only this, to get this purpose served the Lyngdoh committee 'ensures' that most of the students from the.

1 .

Kasbn deprived sections (SC/ST/OBC/Minority/PH) are not 'eligible' to contest Many students coming from Madarsa background .

entire have crossed the prescribed age under Lyngdoh for contesting elections already. The clauses of merit, age' are the tools .

the Pa of BrahmnicaVcommunaVfascist State to deprive us from our space/rights. .

constn Given this reality that Lyngdoh is a toot to suppress students movements, it was challenged by the students all .

String over the country. JNU became a site where the relentless struggle against Lyngodh went on to four years. Courtesy .

.

It Will I renegades AISA-SFI led boggie that the Lyngdoh is finally implemented in JNU with so caJied 'relaxations'. The anti-also ne Lyngdoh voice in the campus was labelled as anti-election voice. In the election-mania the very argument of standing gas riel-against Lyngdoh was made to disappear. Now when the AISA-SFIIed boggie is fighting elections under Lyngdoh, there is also a belief emerged within a section of the 'anti-Lyngdoh camp' that there is a need for intervention in ijlese elections under Lyngdoh. Thou~h the[e.is .

an understanding to expose the pseudo left, the only way explored for this is election again. Students Foi"'Reslstance (SFR) believes that the responsibility of exposing the reactionary-revisionist forces cannot be reduced to elections. Atthe same time there Is no possibility for,.lnterventlon within a spa~e where the Adrnlnlstiatlon has all the powers to dissolve the union at any moment they like. We have experiences of universities like Hyderabad and .

.

..,. .

,, .

, ,;~·i: '. PD ~~·:1:·..~-~~ I I o'k·li·,. '1: ! >:;! 'i~< ~~·;~:!~J/:'f!~-..

.

~:: ' ~· · I " · , · rf:t '1-"';-;r ::~ :t ·r~·infl!:~·;.·.. I .

' l}f. ' l,r.,·:' '. '· .

--.· .. .

·, .

··. ,.. ., .

·.. ;, t! .,. "!'"· "' '11 · 'llu:'I · .. , .

.~ .. 1",. :.-!!,' ·--~. ::;; ._'! ,:~I i:'F: lJ ''l !, -~:;r.; I. · , U~.f]J'' p ., jl ,. ; . j,·o--''c . llfi! -·, .1'1 ·,' · I ,'J· -'I'!" · '.,1·1 I '.

.tirtr f.

.,,.

<' o'J11 ~··(--'.' ..;I': .

. .

.,, .

.

.

.

' .

' .

' .

.

I .

.

22/lDJ 201.3 .

Join Public Meeti,ng:.

Privat:iza-tion and Lyngdoh: .

The biggest·challenge in front of the students' movement!. .

Speakers:.

Anil Sodogopol {Renowned Educationist} & Rakesh Ron ion (Professor, DU} .

Notwithstanding the surrender of the JNUSU leadership, it is well established what the draconian Lyngdoh .

Committee Recommendations (LCR) seeks to achieve in different universities. Using the bogey of money and muscle .

power, it is a concerted attempt by the ruling elite to curtail progressive students' movement and depoliticise our .

u-rtiversities to c1chieve the grand vision of rendering our universities open to private players -both foreign and domestic. \Vith the aggressive implementation of Liberalization-Privatization-Globalization (LPG) we have witnessed over the last two cteca.ctes an increasing onslaught on the hard earned rights of the working people-such as social security, job security and right to unionise. Insuch a scenario one of the most sought after spaces of control and hence exploitation has .

been the higher education sector in the Indian subcontinent. More so with the government unequivocally declaring that all hurdles to\,·ards m.aking the education sector a profit-making enterprise should be done away with. .

LCR seamlessly fits into the grand design of rendering our universities into avenues for profit making by curtailing ' politics and students' movement has.

and monitoring voices of opposition and dissent. In the past few years, students.

now been officially recogryzed by th~ rt:Ling elite as a "hurdle" to t~~-v!sio': of privatization of education. Various MHR~ .

.

ministers from Kapil Sibal to Shashi Tharoor to World Bank cronies like Montek Singh Ahluwalia have several times ' movement.

chided the idea of students unionising to fight back. lt was to systemically weaken the progressive studentsthat Lyngdoh guidelines were formulated. LCR criminalises all political activity of the students through extremely .

organised means. A large section of the students, especially those coming from marginalized backgrounds. are simply .

excl udecl on various arbitrary and bogus pretexts from participating in elections. The clause barring repetition of .

candidates is a means to institutionally check the possibility of a politicized student leadership from emerging. That the student can only think within the contours set by the ideology of 'national integration', 'nationz.1 interest' or 'national .

security' (as one clause of LCR states) is an infringement on the fundamental rights of the students-such as right to have an opinion and also the space to propagate it. Critical. thinking as we can see is the prime casualty. Further the dubious ' as a requirement for contesting elections is a.

distinction of not having any 'criminal' record or even a police 'charge-sheetclause that can put anv draconian law to shame. As to who will be declared a criminal or suspect bv the administration -.

or the authoritv to dispense with such duties -is for anyone to sec. [t goes without saying that it will be the student who .

i-, Cl'llscit..)us .1bnut the anti-people nnture of the policies of LPG, who can see through the authoritarian nature ?f the .

integrationist politics and ideology of LCR which will come under the cross-hairs of such a guideline. is~of the status-quo.

LCR and LPG-Two Sides of the Same Coin: While for the ruling-class parti.es as well as the apolog.

'.

and their student organisations LCR is a blessing in disguise, it is not that this strategy of the government has descended before us out of the blue. The implementation of LPG necessitates the commensurate instruments of law which can act as the handy tool of---the ruling classes to browbeat the resistance of the masses of the people. The progressive students moven1ent of..our-campus has been c:_t the cross roads ever since 2008 when on 23rd October ?008, JNUSU elections were .

stayed by the Supreme Court for non-compliance to LCR. The students of this campus had rejected the farmans of Lyngdoh and had pledged to fight it both politically and legally. However, it was indeed (tery tragic that--certain forces such as SFI-AISA left the struggle mid-way and came together to facilitate the imposition of the draconian LCR in this campus. And it is indeed not surprising that ever since then these same forces have in the meantime have done .

everything possible to bury the fight against Lyngdoh into oblivion. When we look at the failure of the union vis-a-vis all the genuihe struggles of the students, it is part and parcel of their compromise with LCR and the assault of privatization which is bound to further increase in the days to come. .

It is now more than necessary to rebuild the fight in the present for reinstating the JNUSUConstitution and to reject Lyngdoh completely from our campus. At this t!me when there is a concerted attempt to spread cynicism by projecting rivatisation is b~in ortra ed to us as inevitable, let us show.to.

LCR as a ait-accom li and when the~ ession of .

all the apologists of Lyngdoh...and power~ that-be that this is not the lend of histol)"_as they would like us. t-o belie.ve .

andin the coming days the progressive and democratic students will inde~throw out Lyngdoh from flris campusan'Ct' .

elsewhere. .

.

. -.

.

.

--· .,...__ .

Naga Study Fo , JNU J-/'7/VJ tZ-.

ftag..ant Politics ofTokenis.n.

is once again going for polls to elect its student leaders who will take up the responsibility of running JNUSUOffice and to take forward the gloriou::: tradition of strong students.

' movement. Not surprisingly, manymainstream parties have fielded stude nts from various minority nationalities at different posts in an~ttempt to garner the votes of their communities. However, it is not unexpected to fmd that only new student!> .

are solicited to fill the surgical representation of all sections in the fray for sheer electoral benefits. But it is not the firsttime that the political parties in the campus have hoodwinked politically novice students from minority nationalities,.

rather more often than not, while new students are used as the mascot of accommodative representation, these politicalparties have neglected to take notice of those issues that concen1 these minority nationality students and its fraternalorganizations in the campus. Historically speaking, these students embody the anguished sections of society that iscrushed beneath the oppressive structure of Indian political system. Culturally, these students belong to the mostdiscriminated group in this country, and also they arc the living witness to the condition of economic dcpriva.tion in thiscountry. But the mainstream political parties in the campus do not find any persuasive reason to fightthe cause of these students, except using them as a bait to attract their social based votes. Such.

deceitful conduct upon the students from minority communities is nothing less than systematic.

discrimination by manufacturing 'Token Candidate'. Nevertheless1 .

the cause that concerns the students ofminority communities has been always deliberately ignored by all concern parties. One of the clear examples is that,though, in all contemptible manners the menu of North-East Dhaba has been strictly regimented by the administration,dth ali the non-northeastern dietaries, and inspite of periodical protests often made by north-eastern students, no.

mainstream political parties nor JNUSU have taken nolice of the serious democratic rights of nortb-eastem studentsinfringed by the Administration. Besides, the North-East India Study Program, JNU still continue to remain an attachedprogram while all the other study programs introduced at the same time have been functional as full-fledged researchcenters with faculties and students. Yet, neither the f\dministration nor students.

' parties in the campus care to soil theirhands fo r the cause that will benefit many students and scholars from the North-East. .

The Harsh Reality ofIndian State.

Indian state co-opts the North-Easterners as a mere commodity baggage for industrial needs in the metros, without.

acknowledging their quintessential value of being hwnans. In the interest for sheer integration of north-easternpopulation to the mainstream India, government ofIndia has belittled their distinct culture, identitya nd h istory by systematically assimilating them into the Sansk.ritic fold (Dominant Culture). Suchideology that treats the minority nationalities and communities like an unrefined products until Sanskritised createsdjvision am ong the citizens in the country. In order to successfully assimilate minority nationalities and other minoritiesin the COl;llltry, government of India consciously equipped str~cture and institutional capacities, economic and social· opportunities, and e·ducation and infrastructural proficiency in the mainstream lndia's cities, while North-Eastern states.

are rendered impoverished with infrastructute for education and opportunity. One crystal clear case is that, while lndianstate and politicians have been continuously asserting that 'Arunachal Pradesh' is an integral part of India, they have no.

concern about the people and their livelihood. Till now, in Arunachal, the road only goes where-ever the Army stays.The Indian state has constructed North~East region into oppressive military laboratory of experimenting crime a.Rdviolence. Government of lndia uses its oppressive military forces to frustrate the north-easterners to leave the regionand to join the mainstr eam hub of the integrationist project. The recent spurt of hate target to the north-eastern peoplesin lndia's metro cities was nothing more than a reminder that we will live with fear unless we fall in the line or go backto the land where Indian Army rules. Nowhere minority nationalities are safe and free from discrimination in this so.

called land of 'Democracy'. .

Naga Study Forum is extremely critical on all the political parties in JNU campus fielding token candidates from.

minority communities to gather votes, while neglecting the issues that concerns minority communities. In all through.

the fight against social injustice and all forms of discrimination, we should work together as compatriots, and not as.

subordinates and frontrunner. Together we can, together we will win. .

MEETING TONIGHT.

All the Naga Students in JNU are requested to attend the meeting ofNaga Study Forum, JNU tonight.

.

(7/9/2012). Various issues concerning the Forum and its affairs will be discussed..

At Kaveri Mess Hall, From 9:30p.m~ onwards. .

.

.. .

.. -.,.,.,_,.,.,c_,.,.,.,..,,,,...,,..,..,.,.~--,....__1·:·..,,, 'r, : ,. I ,, · · ·-~---......___~-~-}.

. , ,, .. , t,I'ti·.....,..~~,·. ~ ' ..!J·~' ~ . ,,. . ""'' , J',. .

' .

' ,.:1,,-,~~~~-.-!.; fJ·; '"; ~~ 'iJ. II.

i"~~; '. '·' ' ·,1. ·.. -.) ,,.,.o. ·...' ~ ' '! :''f . ·~· .. ,. ' ....

.

,. rlr· ··n,"'~r' .

!"', '; '· ' · n ~. --h-1_11 ti.J,'·'!:' ':.

a ; ,, ., ! ·;"!! ~~&.r.!.r·· 1''lr'li··'-1.· ·1~· ftl'' . .......

...~.·.

'· .

1 .

.

l .

f .

.

'.

.

I .

.

l .

.

I.

I .

l .

.

.

.

Iwe the stu·dents are the Union! .

I let us build up amilitant students'movement ') .

to challenge the autltorltarlan admlnlstrauon, .

to Isolate the compromising pseudo-left .

and to defeat the communal rasclstsl j .

-.J .

Destruction, destitution, displacement and death today are called 'Development'. It is a time when imperialism coupled .

with fascism is destroying lives, livelihood and dignity of millions of people, to safeguard the interests of a handful. Itis .

for the future. In the present sodal system, the odds are heavily against the oppressed sections that constitute a vast most oppressed of the society have been fighting for that. Because In that 'utopia' alone lies the belief for life, the hope a time when the dream of an exploitation-free and just sodety is called a utopia! Yet hundre9s and thousands of the .

and to build a new society in its place through a radical social transformation. And this struggle must be fought from .

wherever we are located. In this context of constant attack from all the powers-that-be, let us look at our own campus! .

majority of the population. The need therefore is to demolish this system that benefits a few at the cost of the many, .

JNU is not an island. The JNU administration represents the ruling class in the campus! We all know that this .

language and politics of World Bank, IMF etc. as well as the Tata-Birlas. According to them, JNU is being converted to a .

casteist-communal-patriarchal administration is up for selling JNU to the market forces. They have internalized the .

'world class university'. And naturally for 'resource generation purposes' they need to levy user charges for electricity, .

hike the price of prospectus, rent out PSR for commerdal use! And with the 'resources' which is nothing but tax-payer's .

money, we have the plasma lVs, the manicured flower pots, pointless signboards and hideous hoardings. 'World Class' .

therefore entails nothing but an external glitter, but with gradually privatized education and commercialized basic .

facilities, denial of minimum wages and basic legal rights to the mazdoorson campus. And the decis1ons for a//these .

policies, going by the World Bank model again, has to be necessarily implemented in such an undemocratic manner, .

have been taken arbitrarily, bypassing all concerned bodies of students, teachers and karamcharis. Such anti-student .

more in consultation with the market than with the representatives of university community. After all, when the ruling .

classes ask the people whether they want to get displaced to make way for an SEZ or not! .

.

privatization ofeducation'. And hence Lyngdoh came knocking! The Lyngdoh committee report is intrinsically The World Bank and its cronies have rightly identified students' movement as the 'biggest impediment to .

linked to the larger designs of depolitidsation, facilitating a complete privatization of basic and higher education. It is .

designed to crush consdously articulated political dissent and opposition. The Committee states that students must be economic 'development'. But imposition of Lyngdoh Recommendations is a thinly veiled instrument for crushing the 'integrationist' and 'nationalists' at heart, and student politics should be aimed at inculcating values of social and clauses which will have far reaching consequences, it aims to ensure administration's hold on the election process, countrywide students' movement that raises the genuine issues of the masses and also challenges the status quo. With confine student politics within the boundary of the institution, cutting it off from the larger political processes in the meant to eliminate the drawbacks of student politics; rather it is here to facilitate state's control and repression. In this, free of money and muscle power and known for its democratic credentials, prove beyond doubt that Lyngdoh is not name of 'unnecessary politicization of student bodies'. The Supreme Court Stay on the JNU election process, which Is be it MISA, TADA, POTA, MCOCA, UAPA, AFSPA, NSA, etc to name a few. The only difference is that while these Lyngdoh is no different in nature from a vast range of draconian laws imposed by the state on the people from above, draconian laws target and suppress the struggling masses, Lyngdoh aims to clamp down on the students and the youth. ' Lyngdoh are resorted to by the state to quell the simmering discontent among the large majority of students today, who fabric historically has been woven with brahminical ideology? The recent legislation of 27% OBC reservation was not a And when feudalism and the market ties a knot, social justice becomes a prime target. Measures like is fadng injustice, discrimination and exclusion at every step. can we expect social justice from a state whose very 'gift' from Manmohao and Co. It is an outcome if long battles that thousands of oeoole for several decades have fought and even given their lives for. It was a movement that forced the state to recognize a right which the casteist society .

denied for centuries. However, just the passing of legislations don't really mean their implementation. The casteist .

authorities always seek to take away with one hand what they were forced to grant with the other. JNU again provides .

would be implemented at one go. However it unilaterally decided later that OBC reservation will be implemented in a a perfect example of this! Last year in April. JNU administration assured JNUSU that 27% reservations for OBC student phased process. The excuse was lnfrastructural inadequacy. Making OBC reservation conditional on seat-increase .

. implementation was not fulfilled. While around 22% OBC students joined the campus without reservation, with .

signified reserving the seats for upper caste students. Even the stipulated 12% reserved seats for the first year of as well. Moreover, the administration took a uni!ate@l decision of doing away with orogressive 'offer-system' and implementation of reservation in phased manner, a meager 9.95°/o OBC students joined last year. Thus, the administration defeated the reservation policy even after it was made into a law. Same happened with PH reservations initiated a 'wajtjng-list' system for admissions. Itwas clear that the waiting-list system is not a conducive system In a .

'"< CD--.

:J.

-..;;;r::;::J r -.

.. ---""' '" "" I .

' ~a/. Divya, PSU-JNU J .

... .

.-'.

) I .

} .

I} .

g ts )n .

.

.

' .

The fight against tvngdoh must be Intensified! i ( Students must be vigilant against .

surrender in the name of 'negotiations'! .

.

Monday's UGBM gave a mandate to "negotiate" with the Sol~general and made the struggle of the student com_rnunity against Lyngdoh a much more difficult o~. Now the .

scudent community needs~ to rer.'1aln (..~ven more vJgilant and cautious. While accepting the new .

n1andate, we must remain aware ag~inst any possibility of 'negotiations' (as proposed by the .

Lyngdoh. While .

of AISA-SFI-ABVP-NSUI) ending up In surrender before .

opportunist alliance congratulating those 88 students who refused to give any grounds to compromise in the name of llegotiation in the last UGBM, we appeal to the entire student community to most resolutely resist any .

attempt to tamper with our Constitution in the coming days. Our fight against Lyngdoh must continue .

qnd LIH:reby we must ensure that in thf' next UGBM ,;~~2 ·1o not accept the imr;osition of LCR in any forrn .

as 2 'possible outcome' of this "negotiacion". .

We must not look at LCR as just a set of clauses, but as a product of the nee-liberal agenda of the .

We rn ust remind ourselves again what Lyngdoh really stands for and what all are at stake. state and is a tool in the hands of the market forces. ,_yngdoh stands for de-politicization of campus .

ational and international concerns. Lyngdoh stands for a 'national integrationist' mindset among all spaces. It is antithetical to the culture of debates, discussions and movements regarding vanous issues .

stU'8ents which in other words implies blind and uncritrcal acceptance of the nee-liberal policies of the .

o' .

stanu~ for direct administrative interference and its entire fascist agenda. Lyngdoh ,.

state and.

highhandedness. It is designed to muffle all voices of dissent, 'discipline' the students, and render the .

.

students union from a seat of struggle to a loyalist toothless body subject to constant dictates of the .

administration. With the powers to even cancel the candidature of an elected reoresentative or dissolve· .

an entire union with its authoritarian and.,. reactionary provisions, ~CR is here to ~~itate the .

students' movement. It is thereby here to pave the way for commercialization of education and restrict .

no unclear terms repeatedly expressed h1s '.'r.\.--Ji!Hngness t(_) give ]~~u anyrning more t:'1an t:he twCJ ·e1axatiors on age ana re~etttion..

!k :n the hands of only the privileged few who can afford it. The solicitor generai, wbose JOb IS to ensure .

::o;~·:e:-Tl2ntatlc:: of ~I! of the· above, of course has ir .Moreover we reiterate our concern that a move to go in for an Gu!:-::'f-c.ourt ..;t:tt!:;~ ~r:t w:th .

the solicitor general would most certainly weaken our case at the Constitutional Be;1ch. Such .

was the warning from our lawyer too. We had the possibility of not only opposing Lyngdoh in campus, but also to lead the struggle to question the constitutional validity of Lyngdoh and reject it all over the our two years of struggle, our case in the Supreme Court and our 37 year old tradition enshrined in our{:ountry. At this juncture what AISA-SFI (in alliance with Y4E, ABVP & NSUI) has argued for, would put c..~stitution,-all at stake. A.nd for all the above eventualities, organizations like AISA/SFI must be 1n a .

QOSition to take complete responsibility in front of tbe student community. Left unC>pposed, the curren..: .

I .

rnove to negotiate would surely lead us to a cornpromise at the end of which we might get our elections, but we'll forever relinquish the battle to get our JNUSU back. The last UGBM we also saw how AISA, the self proclaimed champions of social justice in .

~ampus, blatantly refused to £hange the merit clause in AC/ BoS elections. We believe that it 1s jmportar.t to hold the AC/BoS elections and send ~r:udent representatives to these statutory bodies, but .

:ion~ oni-y after we have struggled to ensure that the .

·.

prob.lematic clauses symptornatic 0f ~ CR are ~cr2;.1ped including the casteist merit/'eligibllity' criterion. .

,1ot in its present form. This: should have been .

AISA along with NSUI were the only ones that v~J\.cd :.gahst the resolution that req1:11red the removal of the merit criterion before the AC/BoS elections. Their opposition to the removal of the brahmm1cal nothing but eyewash. When they can so shamelessly capitulate in front of the (Lyngdoh-like) .

merit clause before the holding of elections exooses that their claims to fight for social JUStice c,re .

problematic clauses of the AC/BoS, their so called 'sincerest commitment' to fight against Lyngdoh also .

stands exposed. It is onto the students, each znd every one of us who are the building blocks of the ·radition that we cherish, who have to fight to uphold our Constitution against all attempts to ,mpromise and capitulate. Like all other struggles against the neo-liberaPforces for land, livelihood & llity that are being waged outside, this too is not an easy battle. But fight we will. .

~ .

.

.

Oppose reactionarv Lvngdoh Comminee Recommendations! .

Remove the stav on JNUSU election! .

The stay on JNUSU elections for violation of the Lyngdoh recommendations is an instance of direct state voices of dissent. This is yet another attempt of the state to depoliticize students' politics and to curtail our Is Lyngdoh really aiming at curbing money and muscle power as many would like us to believe? rights question and protest. The matter has been hanging in the court for the last one year almost, and .

intervention to curb democratic movements of students. Its is a conscious effort by the state to crush the .

the Supreme Court has refused to hear the case even once and keeps postponing the date. The next .

The Amicus Curie in Supreme Court who is entitled to oversee the violations of Lyngdoh recommendations .

has not sent a single letter to the universities that have not started election process following the .

hearing in all likelihood will take place in September. .

have blatantly flouted the .

.

the report or to the universities like DU which .

movements "Of students and create students' unions which are bureaucratized, depoliticized and works as .

and not allowed to debate, discuss and vote on issues of social and political importance. .

.

elections because the real aim of Lyngdoh is to curb politicization of the students, control assertive .

recommendations of .

recommendations by using as much money and muscle power as it used to do. But it did stay the JNUSU .

.

a puppet of university authorities. Where students' politics is insulated, limited within a particular frame .

JNU student movement has fought against the way JNU is being subtly corporatised, against the monopoly .

struggle and we must defend its weakening or dismantling through the reactionary lyngdoh. .

JNUSU represents our collective voice of resistance and is the most formidable platform of .

of nestle outlet, when workers' rights are openly being violated, when reservation is craftily denied, when .

etc. have been fought for in this campus. And all these struggles were political fights. They were against a .

communal lumpens are shielded by the administration. Any issue pertaining to students' welfare, be it the .

casteist, communal and patriarchal administration which is hell-bent on corporatising and eventually .

privatizing the university in due course, as per the Birla-Ambani Report. Lyngdoh and his reactionary .

fight against privatization of the university, fight against fee-hike, fight to build new hostels, to hike the .

.

MCM amount, to recognize Alimiyat -Fazilat certificates, or the fight to ensure and regularize scholarships only vote but also build their opinions on the larger questions of imperialist aggression, on state recommendations are only here to facilitate that. The rich political debates on campus where students not movements on nationality question etc. are also contradictory to the 'integrationist' and 'nationalist' , .

politics that Mr. Lyngdoh recommends. We must not allow any attack on this platform of struggle, on our .

represc;ion, the nee-economic policies, the nuke deal, SEZs, land grab and the fight against it, the right to debate, to dissent, to protest and to elect. .

implement Lyngdoh recommendations was given a fitting rebuff by the students' community in JNU. This and continued with the previous union. The anti-student, casteist Y4E's attempts to The continuing of the previous JNUSU through successive UGBMs in itself is a form of continuing of the previous JNUSU is a unique case in the whole country, where most campuses have resistance against lyngdoh. The students of JNU did not accept Lyngdoh but rather upheld the JNUSU accepted Lyndoh. But then, in the past too, during Emergency when overall democratic rights were .

constitution .

So it is time to revive the fight. Our JNUSU constitution is an extremely progressive and democratic community at large has participated. It is time we uphold our constitution, our history of progressive trampled in the entire country, JNUSU elections did take place. .

guideline for students' union elections. And it has emerged through conscious students' struggle. Its formation and further evolution was always approved through extra-ordinary UGBMs, where the student elections. JNUSU elections must take place according to its own constitution and not according struggles, our progressive democratic traditions and enforce the state to remove the stay from our to the reactionary and repressive recommendations set by Lyngdoh and the state. .

ONWARDS TO MASS DElEGATION.

TOPMO .

.

By the Joint Struggle Committee 9.00 Pl\'1 JOIN SOLIDARITY PUBLIC MEETING WITH FACULTY MEMBERS .

20T11 August (TONIGIIT) GODAVARI HIIABA .

.

.. ' -2 ~l<i~IS I .

.

Gloria Richardson, left, a leader in the Cambridge, Md., integrationist's movement, Dr. Rosa L. Gragg of the National Association of Colored Woman's Clubs and Mrs. Diane Nash Bevel, right, representing the Southern Christian Leadership Committee, are interviewed as they leave the White House in Washington, D.C., July 9, 1963. U.S. President John F. Kennedy asked 300 representatives of Women's organizations to back his civil rights program. At a two-hour meeting, the president outlined a three-point program to help solve the racial problem. (AP Photo/Henry Burroughs)

.

( .

.

Chandi-abhaga hosml, t:he administration subseQuently.

body is a stumbling block ror neo-liber~l pollcle:;. The .

de'nied admission to both the ~rpetrator and the victim of.

Lyngdoh committee report cannot be seen in isolation but the v\'olence! So if the JNU administration or anyrather intrinsically linked to the larger nefarious designs of ,administratiOn is given more powers, who will they be used.

depoliticisation facilitating privatization of education. against? The use of money and muscle power continues in.

Lyngdoh is designed to crush consciously articulated .

numerous places despite the imposition of Lyngdoh;political dissent and opposition. because powerful ruling dass student organizations The Lyngdoh Committee states that students must be can easily buy and beat their way around Lyngdoh .

"integrationist" and "nationalists" and student politics and indeed any other law. Itis the dissenting .

ShOUIO bt: almeo at 1nwlo:~t1n9 values of social <!nd studentygic;ea that fa~a c;rackdown. In .JNU if .

cLlt: ~VVVCI. The ~tAtQd aim of t:ho tne powers mdtlJt:::.lyngdoh recommendations is however to do away The Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations with all its so-.

with or at least limit the 'unnecessary' politicization of student bodies. JNU has a history of struggles against called progressive aims are ultimately aimed at curbing thedemocratk: movements of th~ stuclen~ i:lnd to silence the .

Fee hik~s Md priv~ti,~tion, ~truool~ led by aOOiiticized VOiCeS Or CritiqUe i:lnd diSSent thal emcr9es through the-;~students uniun. Had it not been for the presence of a political JNUSU with clear ideological affiliations with left movements. A meticulous look into the different aspects of .

movements, this university would have been privatized a the report wiU dri-.:e_ this point home. .

decade ago and many of us would not have been able to Lyngdoh therefore must be opposed in toto. The afford an education in JNU. students of JNU have declared in no uncertain terms in the .

UGBM held on 25th October that "'The JNUSU Constitutjoo.

This claim is a pretext for the state to control students. It is .

the student wingt Lyngdoh in JNU now.

violations of the Lyngdoh Recommendations, 1ts real .

has to be connected to other universities, and to intensifyintentions become obvious. It is to simply rob the students the demand that Lyngdoh recommendations be reJected tn .

'-'"ion oF ~hoir r::~r1irAI nntlmti~lc; and to Strenathen the .

totO, i.e., in Its tOtall(y. I ne Oflly dii:>VY!::I LV llrt;.

hands of the administration to control students' activities. .

But Administrations nave nearly uulimiled punitive power even without Lyngdoh; the fact is that these by the state or the administration. Far from eliminating punitive powers are not used against ruling class crirninalization, Lyngdoh in reality elil!linates the possibility elements, but students and organizations that stand of democratic and progressive student politics on all against the establishment. The JNU administration campuses. Because Lyngdoh implies c6ntrol of conscious chose not to punish those found guilty in the presidential politiCal activities, of dissel'lt, of thought, of right to protest, .

debate vlolen~e durtng the 2007 elections, while students of right to tight for genulne demands. .lNU is not an islco'"ld .

protesting for workers rights were served suspension and it cannot stay free of Lyngdoh when it is being notices the day after they confronted the Registrar. In the elsewhere. ThereFore we mu~collectivelylightthe recent case of caste abuse In Perlyar hostel the authorities impGSition ofthe Lyngdoh Recommendations, both chose to punish the victim rather than the perpetrat9f"Hn legallyandpolitically, notjustin.JNUbutIn every .

2005 after the incident of violence and caste abuse-In campus ofthe country..

".

' .

'\ .

.

.

....

r ~ --lla -.

Auniversitv that does not allow dissent becomes aprison!.

lntensitv the struggle against Lvngdoh Recommendationsl.

The recent stay on JNUSU elections for violation of the Lyngdoh recommendations is yet another instance of direct.

state intervention to curb democratic movements, of students this time, to crush the voices of dissent. This is yet.

another attempt of the state to depoliticize students' politics and to curtail our rights question and protest..

the Amicus Curie in Supreme Court who is entitled .

Is Lyngdoh really aiming at curbing money and muscle power as many would like us to believe? Well,to oversee the violations of Lyngdoh Committeerecommendations has not sent a single letter to the universities that have not started election process followingthe recommendations of the report or to the universities like DU which have openly and blatantly flouted therecommendations by using as rnuch money and rnuscle power as it used to do. But it did stay the JNUSU elections.

because the real aim of Lyngdoh is to curb politicization of the students and create students' unions which are.

uureaucratized, depoliticized and works as a puppet of university authorities. Where students' politics is cocooned.

\Nithin a limited frame and not allowed to debate, discuss and vote on issues of social and political importance..

All laws come with a 'progressive face'. No laws formulated. and implemented by the state openly claims to.

repress. The POTA, TADA, MCOCA etc where brought forward to ensure 'national integrity'. The AFSPA was.

orought with the pretext of 'national security', the SEZ act came in with the aim of 'development'. But these laws.

are actually aimed to repress, to deny the democratic rights to the people, to throttle the voices of dissent, and to.

liquidate people's movements against the powers that be. The Lyngdoh committee recommendations with all itsso-called progressive aims are ultimately aimed at curbing the democratic movements of the students and tosile~ce the voices of critique and dissent that emerges through these movements.Is it a matter that concerns the 'political lot' of JNU only? The stay on JNUSU election is not just an order.

against the eJection process. It is a direct assault on the students' movement and politics. And politics in this.

campus is far wide spread than just elections. Some people say Lyngdoh has praised the JNU model. But that.

model of political consciousness, of the culture of debate, the courage to question and critique anything, the right model is not only about the technicaltttes that ensure a money-IY;uscle free peaceful election. It is an evolved.

to protest and to fight for rights and justice, to fight against oppression and injustice. And not surprisingly theseoie the things that Mr.Lyngdoh's recommendations ultimately aim to cuib. JNU student moveillent has foughtagainst the way JNU is being subtly corporatised, against the monopoly of nestle outlet, when workers' rights arev0enly being violated, when reservation is craftiiy den1ed, when communal iumpcns are shielded by thec:cministration. Any issues pertaining to students' welfare, be it.the fight against privatizatio!l of the university, .

.

f gnt against fee-hi'<e, fight to build new hostels, to hike the MCM amount, to recognize Alim:yct -Fazilat f.

certificates, or the f1ght to ensure and regularize scholarships etc. have all been clinched with collective struggles.

of students and under lne banner of JNUSU. And all these struggles were oolitical fights against a casteist,.

communal and patriarchal administration which is hell-bent on corporatis!ng and eventually privatizing the a.

university in due course as per the Birla-Ambani Report. Lyngdoh and his reactionary recommendations are only.

here to facilitate that. The rich political debates on campus where students not only build their opinions but also.

...... ....·. )Ut .

ole .

vote on the larger questions of imperialist aggression, on state repression, the neo-economic policies, the nuke.

deal, SEZs, land grab and the fight against it, the movements on nationality question etc. are also contradictory to hat.

the 'integrationist' and 'nationalist' politics that Mr. Lyngdoh recommends. .

·ary.

The way ahead: The stay on JNUSU elections has to be vacated in the court through a legal battle. But so far no .

y, a.

ourc.

.

stay order on any students' union has been won in the court only. The legal battie will have to go parallel .

f che.

with a strong political 'battle expcsing the real intentions of the state intervention in students'.

politics. It is NOT money-muscle power and criminalization of students politics that they seek to attack. It is the.

.... politicization of students' politics, our right to protest and dissent that they seek to assault. And JNU is not the first nsel.

.. .

....,.. .

·~-.

........

.

'· ar..

......... .

.....' .

university that is standing against the reactionary recommendations of Lyngdoh. The SU elections of Allahabad.

University have been stayed on the pretext of 'preparing formalities conducive for Lyngdoh recommendations' for t.

the last two years. The students of Kanpur and Lucknow University have been brutally lathi-charged by the police .

the.

recommendations everywhere in toto and fighting against the all forms of state's repression that we .

v:htle they were protesting against the implementation of the same. It is by rejecting the Lyngdoh.

J. can democratize students' politics and our present society. .

..I " .

.

Item Title

African Americans holdings signs to protest George Wallace.

Description

The signs read, "Wallace Against Civil Rights" "Wallace Not Welcome Here" "Wallace Is a Segregationist" and "We Are Integrationists."

Date

1962 circa

.

Kumaun. In both these universities the students union elected under Lyngdoh was dissolved by the Administration. And more so, when the 'interventionists' are participating in the very election process (of 10 days) they are not even violating any recommendation of Lyngdoh. If they are also abiding by the LCR then how are they going to intervene and create an anti-lyngdoh struggle by participation? Or are they arguing that their intervention is conditional or contingent upon winning and that is why they are not violating Lyngdoh in the process of election and hence they are also 'corrupted' by the vote-.

bank politics! .

Even going by their own (mis)understanding of intervention, they should have fought for the elections to .

GSCASH. Why have they left the space of GSCASH? These 'radicals' along with the reactionary organisations are .

ready to compromise on the election of GSCASH. AISA-DSU-SFI has given in writing to the EC to hold elections .

to GSCASH after 3rd March. As per the JNUSU constitution GSCASH election has to take place along with JNUSU .

election. Despite knowing well that the LCR is not for GSCASH, AISA·DSU-SFI has agreed to compromise and .

they are shielding themselves under the 'pressure and fear' of EC. It is very well known to all of us that under LCR .

the university Administration is responsible to the judiciary for any kind of 'alteration' of any 'law. Hence it will ensure that .

EC function under its guidance, but it is not contingent upon the organisations and their politics who are giving 'temple like .

sanctity' to all 'fears' of EC. The JNUSU Constitution has already been sold out in case of JNUSU elections, but we need .

to uphold our own constitution for GSCASH elections. It is not only a matter of conducting elections (legalities), but a .

matter how we uphold our own constitution which in the case of GSCASH is compromised. .

Revolutionary politics cannot be election centric. Students' union elections are seen as a site of struggle that is why many struggles were led by students unions across the country to stand against the World Bank oriented goals of the State. But when students union itself is going to be governed and dictated by these very agendas that we stood against, and violating rt means dissolution, then on vvhat grounds will the students union be a site of struggle. The very fact that the right to dissolve the union lie in the hands of Administration and not students demonstrates the point. It will be a puppet union, a union monitored by Grievance Redressal Cell that has Dean of Students as the Chairperson. It will tum from a site of struggle to an instrument of oppression in the hands of Administration. We have already seen this in the case of humiliation of the EC members by Administration. Now the responsibility of conducting 'free and fair elections without any kind of violence, dispute' is in the hands of Administration and the Administration will definitely take all measures to avoid any 'dispute' arising out of 'caste and religious sentiments'. .

Revolutionary organisation/individual who believes in intervening 'successfully' in the puppet union is a cheater. The election under casteist'communalifascist!integrationist LCR must be rejected. As we know Parliament is a puppet of imperialist/fascist forces/comprador bourgeoise hence we do not believe in intervening into that by participating in parliamentary elections. Many erstwhile under-ground formations came over ground on the very argument of 'cleaning' the system from wtthin. But at the end of the day the system cleaned their 'revolutionary spirif and many of them who were the ardent supporters of making change within the system b} participating in the election ritual every five years chose finally the way of people's movement that boycott parliamentary elections. Thus Students for Resistance (SFR) appeal to the progressive students to .

.

The traditionalists turning their backs on the integrationists.

Audience, Conference on Latin America’s Integrationist Thought held at the U of Ottawa on April 22, 2010.

.

Assault on Democratic Space in Campuses:Lyngdoh in fostering privatisation and promoting Brahmanism .

Once these Bills become legislations, the aim ofthe Indian ruling classes to let the market have a &ee hand in the field ofeducation will be complete. However it is equally important for the state to ensure that any dissent .

and resistance to such aggressive privatisation and promotion ofcertain ideologies, is strictly monitored, .

controlled, and if required, punished. Lyngdoh ~ommittee Recommendations (LCR) as pru't of neoliberal policies .

o1 tl\e state has been imposed into campus spaces With the mandate ofweakening pro tests and aggressively pushing and stu?en~' ~ons have ~en sub~e~ to increasing onslaughts.h:tely. ~e. crushing of.

\n the mo through privatisation. Teachers' .

the two year standoffbetween the Delhi Uruvers1ty Tea~hers Assoaatlo?-(DU!A) and the administratlon 1s partiotlarly.

reso\ved .

instructive in this case. For two years DUTA fought ag:u.nst the forcefulunposltlon of 'semester system'. Teachers of.

Students .

Delhi University pointed out how itwould inevitably lead to highly mechanized processes ofteaching and learning in a.

They we university as big as DU with steep teacher-students ratio. All through, the university authorities showed complete disdain.

uncomp towards the many representations ofthe teachers and imposed unilateral decisions through manipulative and coercive.

On the< means. The administration even curbed down on the teachers' right to strike and protest invoking legality, and in this way.

their as' .

established the anti-student 'semester system'..

welco!ll NSUI, I LCR whichJNU has been battling since 2008 is an instrument in the hands of the state to control and regulate other u dissent and protest among students. LCR comes with a mask ofensuring election as per certaio guidelines as is the faced, case with all anti-people policies and laws in this country--be it SEZs under the LPG paradigm or AFPSA for 'national (JSC) security'. Under the garb ofridding the student politics ofcriminal elements what it actually does is to draw the lines e\ectic beyond which students are not supposed to tread. The criterion ofnot having any 'criminal' record, 'charge-sheet' or .

progr; disciplinary action as requirements for contesting elections is a clause that can put any draconian law to shame. We all .

unde1 know in this coWltry not everybody who is charged or brought under the law is 'criminal'. Often the voices which dare to Lyn~ question exploitation endemic to this system and stand in solidarity with people demanding democratisation, inclusive agar policies and life ofdignity are the ones that are criminalised. In campuses like JNU, where historically students have been .

'criminal' in the eyes.

LCR upholding all such democratic demands and movements, it is anybody's guess as to who would be a .

ofthe state andJNU administration. Ofcourse for the state or any university authority right-wing goons intimidating or.

stud \ hE threatening against film screening for being 'anti-India' will never be considered 'criminal'. LCR gives these forces complete cushion through its observation that students must be 'nationalist' and 'integrationist'. However ifyou protest .

ex< against fee hike, non-implementation ofreservations, renting out PSR or dare to question what is unfolding in North-.

furt East, Kashmir, Gujarat or Khairlanji, you are boWld to be charged by the administration, and ifnecessary, with 'law'. .

Stl .

These are, as the principal ofSymbiosis put it, 'matters ofpassionate political opinions' having nothing to do with re education and the lives ofstudents. And for the students who refuse to comply, LCR gives all forms ofpunitive .

et measures in the hands of administrations. The most dangerous clause ofLCR-the Grievance Redressal Cell to be headed e' by the Dean has the power to cancel anyone's candidature for elections and even dissolve an elected students' union .

\\ elected by students. .

( .

\t LCR is not only here to push privatisation but also to safeguard hegemonisation of knowledge production by small minority ofexploiting castes-classes. For example, LCR declares that a student needs to have a certain percentage ofmarks and attendance or 'good conduct' report by his/her supervisor or a faculty member to contest in elec .10ns. Perfunctorily it seems there is nothing wrong with this clause as it only argues for students concentrating on theu academics along with contesting in elections. Tills has indeed also been the logic ofSupreme Court in recent .

hearings. But as ithas been seen time and again that students from socially and educationally deprived backgroWlds are willfully poorly graded. 1bis has also been amply reflected in the admission policy followed by the JNU administration where because ofthe high weightage given to the MPhil interview, students from SC/Sf or OBC categories, get di~1' roportionately lower marks in their interviews as compared to their written paper. In a system where caste.ist biases .

ar(' mpant, such clauses instead ofensuring academic standard precisely aims at restricting representation of students .

from marginalised groups in student bodies for voicing their grievances. By such silencing, LCR targets to arrest any form .

ofdemocratisation ofcampus spaces. By making marks and supervisor's good conduct recommendation a criteria, what Lioh is a setback for the student movement ofJNU. But the fight against Lyngdoh is anything but ove.r and the Struggle Committee against Lyngdoh, Privatisation and Brahmanism is committed·to carry on the ~ht. The Struggle Committee calls upon the students to interV-ene in all possible spaces and utilize all available means to res1st Lyngdoh and its larger agend~-privatization and brahmanism in education. .

Struggle Committee Against Lyngdoh, Privatisation and Brahmanism .

.

.

Come out on th~ streets and march....

. Against privatization of education, Against 5rahminical Meritocrac_y...against L_yngdoh .

..as L_yngdoh stands against ever_ything that j NU stands for! .

We the students of JNU have always marched against Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations. We marched even before it was officially imposed on us in 2008, and several times after that as well. Because Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations are not just a set of restrictive rules alone. It encapsulates a vision. A vision that holds, that students who had started their education late, cannot fight elections. A vision according to which only 'meritocratic' students without any 'academic arrears''.

. are capable of representing students. A vision that claims students against whom 'disciplinary actionhas been taken (read someone who in the past had dared to confront the administration} must-not fight elections. A vision that insists that students' politics must be disassociated from politics outside, and decrees that students must not deliberate on larger social issues. A vision that compels students to be 'natioAalist and integrationist'' Th1s vision considers organized students politics as the major stumbling block in the path of privatizing higher education. This is the vision of World Bank that finds it perfect cohort with the vision of Manu. This vision fortifies exclusion, injustice, and meritocracy. It instils .

depoliticisation in .tt:le name of fighting money and muscle power and it gradually provides fertile grounds for reactionary right-wing forces to breed. .

The students of JNU have always rejected that vision. In our struggles and our constant battles .

against the undemocratic administration, we have also fought that casteist, communal and patriarchal .

forces and their policies of exclusion, injustice and oppression. We have fought against privatization and brahminism. We have fought for rights of students, teachers, for minimum wages of workers. We have fought for democracy. We have expressed solidarity with masses that have fought and are fighting against oppression everywhere in the world. As the preamble of the JNUSU constitution states... "The Union shall strive to live up to the important role students have to play in th edevelopment and progress of our people. The Union shall endeavour to make our academic courses relevant to the needs of our society and meet the expectations our people have from us. The Union shall endeavour to democratise the structure of decision-making in the University in order to be able to effectively strive for relevance in our education. The Union shall promote and safeguard the genuine interests of the student community, and link it up with the democratic movement in the country, including struggles for gender equality." .

And Lyngdoh is here to destroy this very spirit. It wants to turn us into self-seeking, self-financed .

cocoons who remain engrossed in their own careers, who do not fight against exclusion, injustice and oppression Bu! we the students of JNU have always fought agamst such administrative· diktats. tt was .

JNUSU which was functional from Tihar even when emergency was imposed across the c:ountry in 1975. JNU students provided safe refuge to hundreds of Sikhs in 1984, when the entire city was hurning in the anti-Sikh dots. The JNU students have gone to jail fighting for new hostels. And we will continue .

to fight against draconian diktats imposed on our campus, as well the injustice meted out to people anywhere in the country. We will challen.ge and defeat the forces of privatization and we will resist any attempt to hi~e the fees or commercicilise the campus or imposing user charges on basic facilities. But for all that, it is important to oust the Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations from this campus. .

· Lyr.gdoh stands against everything JNU stands for. Let us rejuvenate the fight against Lyngdoh. Let us march again as we did a few years ago. Let us reinvigorate the student politics that JNU has always stood for. Let us march to reinstate the constitution of. the JNUSU·, every .clause of whic~ we the '.

students have painstakingly established and protected for decades. Let us fQrge a unity with students.

movements going on across the world against draconian diktats, even in the face of repression. .

JoinJUl(!(!$ 1\-,A-inst L1fn'~"/1, from Ganga Dhaba 9.30 pm, TONlGHT .

. -.

.

.

country, keeping in mind the words of the Former Chief Justice of .

India: .

Just as during the freedom movement every university student was a nationalist at heart (whether he was active in the movement or not), even so, every university student today must be an integrationist at heart, whatever be his or her field

Virtues like tolerance, discipline, law abidance and punctuality, must be cultivated right from now. True democracy rests on voluntary observance of the laws of the land and not on the enforcement thereof by authority. Your education should inspire you for honour of the motherland and humanism. Students must engage yourself in economic and social development which narrows down disparities and gradually assists society in raising its standards of behaviour and morality. .

The Applicant submits that throughout its functioning the JNUSU has been engaged in activities of economic and social development which narrows down disparities. Through the JNUSU, the JNU student community has not only played an extremely constructive role in the development of the institutional and academic culture of the university, but has also participated in larger democratic initiatives and social concerns. Some of the most well-known initiatives include: .

GSCASH: In 1996, the JNUSU mooted the idea of an autonomous body to deal with complaints of sexual harassment and built up a consensus among the student community on a need for such a body. In 1997, when the Supreme Court delivered its landmark Vishakha judgment, making a Complaints Cell Against Sexual Harassment mandatory in all workplaces, through JNUSUs efforts, JNU became one .

.

.

III. Further, in JNU elections, an important part of elections is the public meetings addressed by political leaders of the parent parties of student groups. If this is ended, it will mean that students will no longer be able to vote based on a thorough ideological understanding of the candidates positions. This will benefit non-serious candidates, and candidates will no longer have to survive serious ideological grilling about their parent parties stances. In JNU, the very fact that elections are decided on political grounds is a guarantee that glamour, money and violence play no part in the election. If this level of ideological openness and debate is weakened in any way, it can only open the doors to vitiation of the campus atmosphere. .

14. The Lyngdoh Committee Report [p., 36] states that the Committee has prepared its Guidelines for the Conduct of Student Elections across the country, keeping in mind the words of the Honble Chief Justice, Y.K. Sabharwal: .

Just as during the freedom movement every university student was a nationalist at heart (whether he was active in the movement or not), even so, every university student today must be an integrationist at heart, whatever be his or her field

Virtues like tolerance, discipline, law abidance and punctuality, must be cultivated right from now. True democracy rests on voluntary observance of the laws of the land and not on the enforcement thereof by authority. Your education should inspire you for honour of the motherland and humanism. Students must engage yourself in economic and social development which narrows down disparities and gradually assists society in raising its standards of behaviour and morality. .

The Applicant Union submits that throughout its functioning the JNUSU has been engaged in activities of economic and social development which narrows down disparities and in doing so has upheld the best traditions of the freedom movement. .

.