X I DISCENTI: CAMILA VALLEJO NON E' UNA VELINA

www.today.it/video/camila-vallejo-campagna-elettorale.html

 

Non ricordo di aver visto gallerie di foto per neoelette deputate comuniste bulgare o sudafricane o svizzere. Ieri, da Repubblica al Fatto, tutto il mainstream sgomita per mostrare gallerie di foto della neodeputata comunista cilena Camila Vallejo. E’ evidente che l’unica cosa che interessa ai quotidiani non sia informare ma aizzare il voyerismo dei lettori mostrandone l’avvenenza.

Altrimenti intervisterebbero la donna politica cilena per raccoglierne la storia, le idee, i progetti, la radicalità della militanza. Eppure sa parlare Camilla, ha idee ben chiare, milita in un partito che viene da lontano e ha avuto centinaia di martiri, uomini e donne, sa tenere discorsi pubblici e incantare il pubblico non col bel viso ma con le cose che ha da dire. Al contrario il nostro mainstream la umilia privandola di voce e la sbatte lì, come una velina qualsiasi, per racimolare qualche click accomunandola alla nostra triste tradizione politica, quella delle Nicole Minetti. Non è in parlamento perché è bella Camila Vallejo. Lei e i suoi colleghi sono in parlamento perché leader di un movimento di moltitudini che ha tenuto in scacco per un anno e mezzo il governo neoliberale e oggi chiede a Michelle Bachelet di rispettare i patti per un sistema educativo pubblico, efficiente e gratuito.

È vero, Camila è la “fidanzata d’America”, ricevuta insieme ad altri leader studenteschi cileni, come Karol Cariola, segretaria generale della gioventù comunista, anch’essa eletta ma non oggetto di gallerie, da tutti i principali dirigenti integrazionisti latinoamericani, da Fidel Castro a Hugo Chávez. Li hanno ricevuti perché quel movimento ha rappresentato la novità più importante in un quarto di secolo di un paese ancora strangolato dal regime neoliberale. Ma vallo a spiegare a Repubblica…

Camila Vallejo è appunto la fidanzata di un’America latina integrazionista costantemente demonizzata da quegli stessi giornali. Camila è esponente di quell’asse del male latinoamericano da colpire per il quale i nostri giornali sarebbero stati pronti ad appoggiare una guerra contro l’America latina nell’era Bush. Oggi, denudandola della propria identità e delle proprie idee, pretendono di venderne il corpo. Addirittura il TG3 delle 19 di dell'altro ieri, nel darla in pasto ai propri spettatori, ha evitato di dire di che partito fosse Camila Vallejo. Troppo scomodo.

  

I do not remember seeing photo galleries newly elected Bulgarian Communist deputies or South African or Swiss . Yesterday, from the Republic Fact , all the mainstream sgom to show photo galleries of the Chilean Communist neodeputata Camila Vallejo. It 'clear that the only thing that matters to newspapers is not to inform but to incite the voyeurism of readers by showing its beauty.

Otherwise intervisterebbero the woman to collect the Chilean political history , ideas , projects , the radical militancy . Yet speak Camilla , has very clear ideas, plays in a party that comes from far away and had hundreds of martyrs , men and women , knows how to keep public discourse and enchant the audience with beautiful face but not with the things he has to say . On the contrary, our mainstream humiliates her by depriving it of voice and slams there as a tissue any , to scrape together a few clicks accomunandola to our sad political tradition , that of Nicole Minetti . It is not in parliament because she is beautiful Camila Vallejo. She and her colleagues are in parliament because the leader of a movement of the masses that held in check for a year and a half now and the neoliberal government asks Michelle Bachelet to respect the agreements for a public education system , efficient and free.

It is true , Camila is " America's Sweetheart " , received along with other student leaders from Chile, as Karol Cariola , general secretary of the Communist Youth , also elected but not the subject of tunnels, from all the major Latin American integrationist leaders , from Fidel Castro to Hugo Chavez. Received them because that movement has been the most important news in a quarter century of a country still strangled by the neoliberal regime . But to explain the range in the Republic ...

Camila Vallejo is just the girlfriend of a Latin America integrationist constantly demonized by those same newspapers. Camila is a representative of that axis of evil of Latin America to strike for which our newspapers would be ready to support a war against Latin America during the Bush era . Today, denudandola of their own identity and their own ideas , claiming to sell the body. Even the TG3 of 19 the day before yesterday , in the feed it to their viewers , he avoided saying that the party was Camila Vallejo. Too inconvenient.

 

Castro, Chiloe, Chile.

 

From Wikipedia -

Bernardo O'Higgins Riquelme (August 20, 1778 - October 24, 1842) was a Chilean independence leader who, together with José de San Martín, freed Chile from Spanish rule in the Chilean War of Independence.

 

Although he was the second Supreme Director of Chile (1817-1823), he is considered one of Chile's founding fathers, as he was the first holder of this title to head a fully independent Chilean state. O'Higgins was of Irish and Basque descent.

 

Early life

O'Higgins was born in the Chilean city of Chillán in 1778, the illegitimate son of Ambrosio O'Higgins, 1st Marquis of Osorno, a Spanish officer born in County Sligo, Ireland, who became governor of Chile and later viceroy of Peru. His mother was Isabel Riquelme, a prominent local lady and daughter of Don Simón Riquelme y Goycolea, a member of the Chillán Cabildo, or council.

 

O'Higgins spent his early years with his mother's family in central-southern Chile, and later he lived with the Albano family, who were his father's commercial partners, in Talca. At age 15, O'Higgins was sent to Lima by his father. He had a distant relationship with Ambrosio, who supported him financially and was concerned with his education, but the two never met in person. It is unclear why Ambrosio did not marry Isabel. High-ranking Spanish government officials in The Americas were forbidden to marry locals, but at the time of O'Higgins' birth, Ambrosio O'Higgins was only a junior military officer. It has been suggested that Isabel's family would not have seen the match as advantageous at the time. Two years later, she would marry Don Félix Rodríguez, an old friend of her father's. O'Higgins used his mother's surname until the death of his father in 1801.

 

Ambrosio O'Higgins continued his professional rise and became Viceroy of Peru. At seventeen Bernardo O'Higgins was sent to London to complete his studies. There, studying history and the arts, O'Higgins became acquainted with American ideas of independence and developed a sense of nationalist pride, coming to admire liberalism in the Georgian British model. He also met Francisco de Miranda, a Venezuelan idealist and believer in independence, and joined a Masonic Lodge established by Miranda, dedicated to achieving the independence of Latin America.

 

In 1798, O'Higgins went to Spain from England, his return to the Americas delayed by the wars and the British capture of the first ship he sailed with. His father died in 1801, leaving O'Higgins a large piece of land, the Hacienda Las Canteras, near the Chilean city of Los Ángeles. O'Higgins returned to Chile in 1802, adopted his father's surname, and began life as a gentleman farmer.

 

In 1806, O'Higgins was appointed to the cabildo as the representative of Laja. Then, in 1808, Napoleon took control of Spain, triggering a sequence of events in South America. In Chile, the commercial and political elite decided to form an autonomous government to rule in the name of the imprisoned king Ferdinand VII; this was to be one of the first in a number of steps toward national independence, in which O'Higgins would play a leading role.

 

Role in Chilean independence movement

On September 18, 1810, O'Higgins joined the revolt against the now French-dominated Spanish government. The criollo leaders in Chile did not support Joseph Bonaparte's rule in Spain, and a limited self-government under the Government Junta of Chile was created, with the aim of restoring the legitimate Spanish throne. This date is now recognized as Chile's Independence Day.

 

O'Higgins was a close friend of Juan Martínez de Rozas, an old friend of his father, and one of the more radical leaders. O'Higgins strongly recommended that a national congress be created, and was elected a deputy to the first National Congress of Chile in 1811 as a representative of the Laja district. Tensions between the royalist and increasingly pro-independence factions, to which O'Higgins remained attached as a junior member, continued to grow.

 

The anti-Royalist camp in Chile was deeply split along lines of patronage and personality, by political beliefs, and by geography (between the rival regional groupings of Santiago and Concepción). The Carrera family had already seized power several times in different coups, and supported a specifically Chilean nationalism, as opposed to the broader Latin American focus of the Lautaro Lodge grouping, which included O'Higgins and the Argentinian José de San Martín. José Miguel Carrera, the most prominent member of the Carrera family, enjoyed a power base in Santiago; de Rozas', and later O'Higgins', lay in Concepción.

 

As a result, O'Higgins was to find himself increasingly in political and military competition with Carrera - although early on, O'Higgins was nowhere near as prominent as his later rival. De Rozas initially appointed O'Higgins to a minor military position in 1812, possibly because of his illegitimate origins, poor health, or lack of military training.

 

Much of O'Higgins' early military knowledge stemmed from Juan Mackenna, another immigrant of Irish descent and a former client of Ambrosio's, whose advice centered mainly on the use of cavalry. In 1813, when the Spanish government made its first attempt to reconquer Chile - sending an expedition led by Brigadier Antonio Pareja - Carrera, as a former national leader and now Commander in Chief of the Army, was by far the more prominent figure of the two, and a natural choice to lead the military resistance.

 

O'Higgins was back on his estates in Laja, having retired from the Army the previous year due to poor health, when news came of the invasion. O'Higgins mobilised his local militia and marched to Concepcion, before moving onto Talca, meeting up with Carrera, who was to take command of the new army. Carrera sent O'Higgins to cut the Spanish off at Linares - O'Higgins' victory there resulted in his promotion to colonel. The unsuccessful Siege of Chillan followed, where O'Higgins produced a brave, but unspectacular, performance; however, as commander, Carrera took most of the blame for the defeat, weakening his prestige with the Junta back in Santiago. O'Higgins continued to campaign against the royalists, fighting with a reckless courage that would make him famous. In October, fighting at the battle of El Roble under Carrera, O'Higgins took effective command at a crucial moment and gave one of his more famous orders:

"Lads! Live with honor, or die with glory! He who is brave, follow me!"

 

Despite being injured, O'Higgins went on to pursue the royalist forces from the field. The Junta in Santiago reassigned command of the army from Carrera, who had retreated during the battle, to O'Higgins, who then appointed Juan Mackenna as commandant-general. Carrera was subsequently captured and imprisoned by the royalist forces; in his absence, in May 1814 O'Higgins supported the Treaty of Lircay, which promised a halt to the fighting. Once released, however, Carrera violently opposed both O'Higgins' new role and the treaty, overthrowing the Junta in a coup in July 1814 and immediately exiling Mackenna.

 

O'Higgins turned to focus on Carrera, and their forces met at the battle of Las Tres Acequias, where Luis Carrera inflicted a modest defeat on O'Higgins. Further conflict was postponed by news that the royalists had decided to ignore the recent treaty, and were threatening Concepción under the leadership of General Mariano Osorio. Carrera and O'Higgins decided to reunite the army and face the common threat. Carrera's plan was to draw the Spaniards to the Angostura del Paine, while O'Higgins preferred the town of Rancagua. They decided to make a stand at the Angostura de Paine, a gorge that formed an easily defended bottleneck. At the last hour, however, O'Higgins instead garrisoned the nationalist forces at the main square of Rancagua. Carrera did not arrive with reinforcements, and O'Higgins and his forces were promptly surrounded in October. After an entire day of fighting at the battle of Rancagua, the Spanish commander, Mariano Osorio, was victorious - but O'Higgins managed to break out with a few of his men, issuing the command:

"Those who can ride, ride! We will break through the enemy!"

 

Like Carrera and other nationalists, O'Higgins retreated to Argentina with the survivors, and remained there for three years while the royalists were in control. Mackenna, still a key supporter, was killed by Luis Carrera in a duel in 1818, deepening the ongoing feud. Whilst O'Higgins was undoubtedly a brave soldier, indeed often bordering on the reckless, and an inspirational commander, his qualities as a tactician have been questioned, both by his contemporaries and since.

 

O'Higgins as Supreme Director

While in exile, O'Higgins met the Argentinean General José de San Martín, a fellow member of the Lautaro Lodge, and together the men returned to Chile in 1817 to defeat the royalists. Initially the campaign went well, with the two commanders achieving a victory at the battle of Chacabuco. San Martín sent his troops down the mountain starting at midnight of February the 11th to prepare for an attack at dawn. As the attack commenced, his troops were much closer to the Spanish than anticipated, and they fought hard and heroically. Soler’s troops had to go down a tiny path that proved long and arduous, and took longer than expected. General O’Higgins, supposedly seeing his homeland and being overcome with passion, defied the plan of attack and charged along with his 1,500 troops. What exactly happened in this part of the battle is fiercely debated. O’Higgins claimed that the Spanish stopped their retreat and started advancing towards his troops. He said that, if he were to lead his men back up the narrow path and retreat, his men would have been massacred one by one. San Martín saw O’Higgins' early advancement, and ordered Soler to charge the Spanish flank, which took the pressure off of O’Higgins and allowed his troops to stand their ground.

 

The ensuing firefight continued into the afternoon, and the tides turned for the Patriots as Soler captured a key Spanish artillery point. At this point, the Spanish set up a defensive square around the Chacabuco Ranch. O’Higgins charged the center of the Spanish position, and Soler got into place behind the Spanish forces, effectively cutting off any chance of retreat. O’Higgins and his men overwhelmed the Spanish troops, who attempted to retreat, but Soler’s men cut off their retreat and pushed towards the ranch. Hand-to-hand combat ensued in and around the ranch, until every Spanish soldier was dead or taken captive. Five hundred Spanish soldiers were killed, and 600 were taken captive. The Patriot forces only lost 12 men in battle, but an additional 120 lost their lives from wounds suffered during the battle.

 

The Second Battle of Cancha Rayada in 1818, however, was a victory for the Royalists, and it was not until the Battle of Maipú that ultimate victory was assured.

San Martín was initially offered the position of power in the newly free Chile, but he declined, in order to continue the fight for independence in the rest of South America. O'Higgins accepted the position instead, and became the leader of an independent Chile. He was granted dictatorial powers as Supreme Director on February 16, 1817. On February 12, 1818, Chile proclaimed itself an independent republic through the Chilean Declaration of Independence.

 

Throughout the war with the royalists, O'Higgins had engaged in an ongoing feud with José Miguel Carrera. After their retreat in 1814, O'Higgins had fared much better than Carrera, who found little support forthcoming from San Martín, O'Higgins' political ally. Carrera was imprisoned to prevent his involvement in Chilean affairs; after his escape, he ended up taking the winning side in the Argentine Federalist war, helping to defeat the pro-San Martin government in 1820. Marching south to attack O'Higgins, now ruler of Chile, Carrera was arrested by supporters of O'Higgins and executed under questionable circumstances in 1821 - his two brothers had already been killed by royalist forces in the preceding years, bringing the long-running feud to an end. The argument as to the relative contribution of these two great Chilean independence leaders, however, has continued up to the modern day, and O'Higgins' decision not to intervene to prevent the execution was to colour many Chileans' views of his reign.

 

For six years, O'Higgins was a largely successful leader, and his government initially functioned well. Within Chile, O'Higgins established markets, courts, colleges, libraries, hospitals, and cemeteries, and began important improvements in agriculture. He also undertook various military reforms. He founded the Chilean Military Academy in 1817, aiming to professionalise the officer corps. O'Higgins remained concerned about the threat of invasion, and had declared after the battle of Chacabuco that "this victory and another hundred shall be of no significance if we do not gain control of the sea". Alongside the Military Academy, he founded the modern Chilean Navy under the command of the Scottish officer Lord Thomas Cochrane, establishing the First National Fleet, the Academy for Young Midshipmen (the predecessor of the current Naval Academy), and the Chilean Marine Corps. O'Higgins continued in his desire to see independence across Latin America, utilising his new forces to support San Martín, sending an expedition to assist in the liberation of Peru.

 

In time, however, O'Higgins began to alienate important political groupings within the still-fragile Chilean nation. O'Higgins' proposed radical and liberal reforms, such as the establishment of democracy and abolition of titles of nobility, were resisted by the powerful large landowners. He offended the church in Chile early on - in particular, the Bishop of Santiago, Jose Rodriguez Zorrilla. Having offended the aristocracy and the church, he also lost the support of the businesspeople, his last semi-powerful ally within the country. The government became bankrupt, forcing O'Higgins to send Antonio José de Irisarri to England to negotiate a £1 million loan - Chile's first foreign debt - whilst a massive earthquake in central Chile added more difficulty for the ruler.

 

In 1822, O'Higgins established a new "controversial" constitution, which many regarded as a desperate attempt to hang on to power. The deaths of his political enemies, including Carrera and Manuel Rodríguez, returned to haunt him, with some accusing him of abusing state power. The provinces increasingly viewed him as centralising power to an excessive degree.

 

O'Higgins was deposed by a conservative coup on January 28, 1823. Chile's new dictator, Ramón Freire, formerly O'Higgins' "closest ally", had slowly turned against O'Higgins in the preceding years. Freire had fought under O'Higgins at the Battle of Maipú, was promoted to colonel for his services to the independence, and finally named Intendant of Concepción. His friendship with O'Higgins started to crack by degrees, however, until in 1822 he resigned his position in disagreement. His name became a rallying point for those discontented with O'Higgins, but the two of them never came to an armed conflict. O'Higgins' abdication was typically dramatic: baring his chest, he offered up his life should his accusers demand it of him. In return, the junta declared they held nothing against O'Higgins, and saluted him. O'Higgins was made governor of Conception, an appointment which did not last long: it was time for O'Higgins to leave Chile.

 

Peruvian independence and O'Higgins' final years

After being deposed, O'Higgins embarked from the port of Valparaiso in July 1823, in the British corvette Fly, never to see Chile again. Originally he had intended to return to Ireland, but whilst passing through Peru he was strongly encouraged by Simón Bolívar to join the nationalist effort there. Bolívar's government granted O'Higgins the Hacienda de Cuiva and the Hacienda Montalván in San Vicente de Cañete, near Lima. O'Higgins lived in exile for the rest of his life accompanied by his illegitimate son, Pedro Demetrio O'Higgins (1817-1868), his mother, and his half-sister Rosa Rodriguez Riquelme (1781-1850). According to a 2001 documentary, Bernardo O'Higgins also had a daughter, Petronila Riquelme O’Higgins (b. 1809-?), by Patricia Rodríguez. As his father Ambrosio had done, Bernardo O'Higgins never acknowledged any of his children.

 

O'Higgins travelled to join Bolívar's army in its final liberation of Peru, but upon arrival, he found that Bolivar did not intend to give him a command - instead appointing him a general of Gran Colombia and making him a special court-martial judge for Chilean volunteers.

 

Making his way back to Lima, O'Higgins heard of Bolivar's victory at the Battle of Ayacucho. He returned to Bolivar for the victory celebrations, but as a civilian. "Señor," he toasted, addressing Bolívar, "America is free. From now on General O'Higgins does not exist; I am only Bernardo O'Higgins, a private citizen. After Ayacucho, my American mission is over."

 

When Andrés de Santa Cruz became head of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation in 1836, O'Higgins endorsed his integrationist policies, and wrote a letter of support to him the following year when the Confederation came under attack from the Chilean forces of Diego Portales - ultimately offering to act as a mediator in the conflict.

 

With the rise of Agustín Gamarra, O'Higgins found himself out of favour in Peru. Meanwhile, the Chilean government had begun to rehabilitate O'Higgins, reappointing him to his old rank of captain-general in the Chilean army. In 1842, the National Congress of Chile finally voted to allow O'Higgins to return to Chile. After travelling to Callao to embark for Chile, however, O'Higgins began to succumb to cardiac problems and was too weak to travel. His doctor ordered him to return to Lima, where on 24 October 1842, aged 64, O'Higgins died.

 

Legacy

After his death, his remains were first buried in Peru, before being repatriated to Chile in 1869. O'Higgins had wished to be buried in the city of Concepción, but this was never to be. For a long time they remained in a marble coffin in the Cementerio General de Santiago, and in 1979 his remains were transferred by Augusto Pinochet to the Altar de la Patria, in front of the Palacio de La Moneda. In 2004, his body was temporarily stored at the Chilean Military School during the building of the Plaza de la Ciudadanía, before being finally laid to rest in the new underground Crypt of the Liberator.

 

O'Higgins is widely commemorated today, both in Chile and beyond. The Chilean village of Villa O'Higgins was named in his honor. The main thoroughfare of the Chilean capital, Santiago, is Avenida Libertador General Bernardo O'Higgins. There is also the Bernado O'Higgins National Park in Chile. There is a bust of O'Higgins in O'Higgins Square in Richmond, south-west London. Each year the borough's mayor is joined by members of the Chilean Embassy for a ceremony, and a wreath is placed there. A blue plaque was erected in his honor at Clarence House in Richmond, where he lived while studying in London. There is also a plaque in his honor in Merrion Square in Dublin and in the Garavogue River Walkway in Sligo, Ireland, and a sculpture near Central Railway Station in Plaza Iberoamericana, near 58 Chalmers St, Sydney, Australia. In Buenos Aires, there is a large statue of him in the center of the Plaza República de Chile. A plaque has also been erected in Cadiz, Spain, in the Plaza de Candelaria, where he resided for four years. A statue of Bernardo O'Higgins in the city of Concepción was destroyed during the 2010 earthquake in Chile.

 

Chile's highest award for a foreign citizen is named in honour of O'Higgins, whilst the Chilean Navy has named several ships in his honor, including an armored cruiser (1897-1946), a World War II-era light cruiser (the former USS Brooklyn, CL-40) (1951-1992), and a French-built Scorpene class submarine (2003-present).

 

The Chilean Base General Bernardo O'Higgins Riquelme research station in Antarctica is named in his honor. It is located on the northernmost part of the continent.

VII Ordinary Meeting of the Council of Heads of State and Government of the Union of South American Nations

 

Paramaribo, August 30, 2013

 

The Council of Heads of State and Government of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), meeting in Paramaribo, Republic of Suriname, on August 30, 2013, at its VII Ordinary Meeting, reaffirms that South American integration and unity must be established in a flexible and gradual manner, within the framework of cooperation, solidarity and respect for pluralism. The Council also emphasizes its determination to build a South American identity based on shared values such as democracy, the Rule of Law, absolute respect for human rights and the consolidation of South America as a zone of peace.

2. It honors the memory of Commander Hugo Chávez Frias, President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and shares with the Venezuelan people and with his family, the enduring pain of the void that his absence has left us, in the sense that his life example and Latin American dignity will always be a source of inspiration for the commitment to project his strategic vision in the relentless fight toward the sovereign strengthening of the Latin American and Caribbean union.

3. It firmly declares that President Hugo Chavez is the symbol of a generation of statesmen who led the strategic course and laid the foundation of the South American identity and union, and who was under his visionary motivation in April 2007 when the decision to create UNASUR was taken in Margarita Island, Venezuela. Since then, his unwavering commitment to the South American cause has impressed upon our integrating process a mark inspired by the pursuit of the welfare and social justice of our peoples.

4. The Council of Heads of State and Government highlights the important work carried out by H.E. Ollanta Humala Tasso, President of the Republic of Peru, in exercising the Pro Tempore Presidency of UNASUR during the period 2012-2013, which has contributed to the ongoing integration process of our continent.

5. It expresses its satisfaction with the acceptance of H.E. Desiré Delano Bouterse, President of the Republic of Suriname, as the Pro Tempore President of UNASUR for the period 2013-2014, wishing him the best of success during his tenure and assuring him of its commitment to contribute to the implementation of the goals established during this phase.

 

6. It is of the view that the exercising of the Pro Tempore Presidency of UNASUR by the Republic of Suriname will represent a great opportunity to deepen the union and the integrationist spirit of all the peoples of South America.

 

7. It applauds the effective administration of Dr. Ali Rodriguez Araque at the helm of the General Secretariat of UNASUR during the period 2012-2013, conveying its thanks for his unquestionable and decisive contribution to building the strategic vision of the Union, based on his tremendous determination to bring to the fore the importance of the sovereign treatment of the sustainable use, defense and protection of natural resources as one of the elements of aforementioned strategic vision of South America. It further recognizes his valuable leadership in the process to strengthen our General Secretariat, especially the legacy represented by the Center for Communication and Information of UNASUR.

8. The Council of Heads of State and Government underscores the fact that South America is rich in natural resources, such as minerals, energy, forests, agriculture and water resources, as well as its vast biodiversity and ecosystems, in addition to the advantages of its geographic location and in particular, the potential offered by its human resources, and considers that these attributes distinguish the region, strengthen its strategic potential and contribute to its sustainable development. It congratulates the General Secretariat of UNASUR on convening the first UNASUR Conference on Natural Resources and Comprehensive Development of the Region in Caracas on May 27-30. Thus, it calls on the organs and Ministerial Councils to consider the results of said Conference, which are elements that should form part of a strategic vision to utilize the natural resources with complete respect for the sovereignty of States.

9. In spite of its natural wealth however, inequality and social exclusion persist in our region. UNASUR must therefore contribute to the identification of types of regional cooperation that would allow its Member States to capitalize on South America’s assets in order to make strides in the fight against historical social problems. Thus, the Council of Heads of State and Government believes that a long-term strategic vision of UNASUR should be based essentially on the following guidelines:

 

a) the need to strengthen a South American strategy that would project the region in the global context and which would be capable of promoting the common objectives of development and social inclusion, at a time of significant change in the international economy and politics;

b) the priority given to UNASUR to promote forms of cooperation that would allow progress to be made in eradicating poverty, vulnerability and social exclusion, as well as overcoming the asymmetries that currently exist. It therefore underscores the approval of the Decision on the Agenda of Priority Social Actions and makes an appeal for its implementation and ongoing evaluation.

c) the importance of evaluating the way in which coordination and cooperation in natural resource management and protection can contribute to the scientific, technological, productive and social development of South America, taking into consideration the diversity of South American biomass, the different characteristics and priorities of each country and the sovereign rights of States in relation to the exploitation of their natural resources.

d) The strengthening of the physical infrastructure and connectivity among Member States to promote the integration of their citizens and encourage the establishment of the South American identity.

 

10. The construction of a South American identity requires the coordination of different dimensions such as economic, political, social, civic, defense and security, cultural, amongst others. That essential plurality of UNASUR issues and bodies also represents an important institutional challenge, which calls for the improvement of the management mechanisms of UNASUR, in such a manner so as to guarantee coherence in the integration process.

 

11. The Council of Heads of State and Government instructs the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs to prepare, having consulted the Ministerial Sectorial Councils, in accordance with the procedure set forth in the Constitutive Treaty and the Regulations, an annual Road Map, to be presented during the Ordinary Summits, which would establish among the strategic objectives and activities outlined in the Plans of Action of the UNASUR bodies, the priority initiatives for the coming year.

 

12. To ensure an adequate flow of communication between the institutions and political bodies of UNASUR, the Council of Delegates is instructed to invite representatives of the Presidencies of the Ministerial Councils to attend its meetings, when deemed necessary, so as to facilitate the formulation of a half-year report by the General Secretariat regarding the evolution of the work of the sectorial bodies of UNASUR, for the consideration of the Foreign Affairs Ministers.

13. The strengthening of the General Secretariat is imperative in order to guarantee coherence in the integration process and to execute the mandates issued to the UNASUR bodies. The Council calls upon the Secretary General to begin, within a period of six months, a process for the institutional strengthening of the Secretariat, furnishing it with the permanent staff necessary to perform its duties fully, bearing in mind the budgetary aspect and what is established in the Constitutive Treaty and General Regulations of UNASUR, to ensure effective management without undermining the voluntary contributions of the States regarding their diplomatic representatives at the General Secretariat.

14. The Council places strategic importance on the financing of common initiatives within the scope of the Ministerial Sectorial Councils of UNASUR, as a means of producing concrete results in the short and medium term, to the benefit of South American citizens. It is therefore necessary to strengthen the mechanisms for managing the Common Initiatives Fund. The Council instructs the General Secretariat to organize, during the second half of 2013, a meeting to formulate recommendations regarding ways in which to facilitate the selection, design and execution of projects and to present them to the next meeting of the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, through the Council of Delegates, for their consideration and approval.

15. They reiterate the importance of civic participation in the integration process, and in that context, they approve the guidelines for the establishment of the Civic Participation Forum, and ratify the convening of the First Forum in the city of Cochabamba, Bolivia, preferably in 2013. As part of the process for holding the Forum, a preparatory meeting will be held in Buenos Aires, Argentina, for the purpose of sharing the guidelines with the citizenry and producing a debate that would help to promote information mechanisms and participation from social stakeholders in the first Forum.

16. It emphasizes that UNASUR has been the ideal space for moving forward in the development of strategic topics, such as the possible development of a shared vision on regional defense, which is outlined in the series of achievements made in the South American Defense Council. Thus, the Ministers of Defense are urged to draft and present a proposal on the strategic guidelines of UNASUR for the progressive and flexible creation of a shared regional defense vision, which shall be presented at the next Ordinary Meeting of this Council.

17. They also highlighted the work of the South American Defense Council as a body for the development of the regional strategic thought by strengthening the Center for Strategic Defense Studies and the initiative to create a South American School for Defense, designed as a center for higher studies and the coordination of networks among the national initiatives of member countries, to train civilians and military personnel in matters related to regional security and defense.

18. It reaffirms its commitment to the defense, protection, promotion and strengthening of the guarantees for the full enjoyment of human rights. With the creation of the High Level Group on Cooperation and Coordination in the area of Human Rights, emphasis is placed on the importance of the cross cutting nature of human rights in the ambit of UNASUR, as well as the significance of promoting and coordinating actions that would have a positive impact on the full enjoyment of human rights in the Member States of the Union.

19. It reiterates the importance of the Union having a common strategy and vision in the area of energy and the Ministers of the South American Energy Council are instructed to present the progress made in the South American Energy Treaty during the next Ordinary Meeting of the Council of Heads of State and Government.

20. The Council reaffirms the importance of building South American citizenship, which is one of the greater objectives of UNASUR. It also determines which Member States would continue to work on the proposals presented during the Pro Tempore Presidency of Peru, outlined in a Road Map, a document containing the principles governing the drafting of a conceptual report on South American citizenship and a comparative matrix of national contributions.

21. The Council also welcomes as an UNASUR body for coordination and cooperation, the South American Conference on Tourism, reiterating that tourism activity constitutes a significant contribution to the economies of South American countries, through the generation of business opportunities, the reduction of poverty, the promotion of economic growth and the sustainable development of peoples.

22. It recognizes the need expressed in the processes for rapprochement among our peoples in the pursuit of unity, as included in the first youth Congress of UNASUR held in February 2011 and in the Declaration of the CARICOM-UNASUR Youth of June 2012. In this regard, it expresses its agreement with the proposal put forward by the Republic of Suriname to hold a Youth Congress of UNASUR in November 2013, on a date further to be coordinated through diplomatic channels, for the purpose of evaluating the possibility of establishing a permanent body on the youth in UNASUR.

23. South American integration is an open, plural and common-cause process that stimulates cooperation with other regions and international organizations, especially those in which the Member States of UNASUR participate. In its relations with third parties, UNASUR must strive to establish closer ties with other fora that could help to strengthen and democratize the bodies for global governance.

24. In order to identify the interests of UNASUR in terms of financing, the Council instructs COSIPLAN to analyze, in coordination with the Council on Economy and Finance, the possibility of establishing UNASUR mechanisms to finance infrastructure projects, with participation from regional development Banks and respecting the UNASUR guidelines governing its relations with third parties.

25. UNASUR must also serve as an instrument for the international cooperation between South America and the Latin American and Caribbean region. We accept the request presented by the Haitian Government for support from UNASUR countries for cooperation projects in the area of literacy. The Council instructs the South American Education Council, through its Pro Tempore Presidency, to establish immediate contact with the Technical Secretariat of UNASUR in Haiti and identify methods of cooperation.

26. It expresses its recognition of the work developed by the Technical Secretariat of UNASUR in Haiti and by its Special Representative, Ambassador Rodolfo Mattarollo and that of his team, among others, in the areas of food security, health systems, housing, strengthening of the rule of law and the set of human rights. It highlights in particular, the opening of the Nestor Carlos Kirchner Hospital in the city of Corail. Likewise, it conveys its appreciation to the Republic of Argentina for confirming its willingness to continue executing and financing until the conclusion of the projects underway.

27. The Council of Heads of State and Government endorses the Declaration of Cochabamba dated July 4, 2013 and reaffirms its deep sense of indignation and intense rejection of the unwarranted withdrawal of the flyover and landing rights previously granted by the authorities of some European countries to the aircraft transporting H.E. Evo Morales Ayma, President of the Pluri-national State of Bolivia, in his travels throughout said continent. In that regard, they underscore that such an attitude is contrary to International Law and was a serious offense against the Bolivian President and all South American peoples.

28. It strongly rejects the interception of telecommunications and espionage actions in our countries by the national security agency of the United States Government, or whoever may be engaging in such activities, which constitute a threat to security and serious violations against the human, civil and political rights of international law and of our sovereignties and which damage relations among nations.

29. It instructs the South American Defense Council (CDS) and COSIPLAN, to assess cooperation with other competent Ministerial Councils and to move forward in their respective projects regarding cybernetic defense and the interconnection of the fiber optic networks in our countries, whose objective is to make our telecommunications more secure, strengthen the development of regional technologies and promote digital inclusion. It welcomes MERCOSUR’s interest in improving its coordination with UNASUR on such matters and instructs the CDS and COSIPLAN to maintain regular coordination with the recently created Working Group of MERCOSUR responsible for the matter of telecommunications and to submit to us during the next Ordinary Summit of UNASUR, a report containing the recommendations on possible advancements in this area.

30. It expresses its solidarity with the peoples and countries that have been the targets of defamation campaigns like those developed recently by certain extra-regional transnational groups and corporations against the Republic of Ecuador and against the Republic of Argentina. In that respect, it stresses the need for transnational corporations and groups to respect the national legislation and observe the principles and standards for responsible conduct, consistent with the public policies adopted by the investment receiving States. It also applauds the organization of the First Ministerial Conference of Latin American States Affected by Transnational Interests, held in the city of Guayaquil on April 22, 2013 and the establishment of an International Observatory on Transnational Corporations.

31. It emphasizes that it is strategically important for the countries of UNASUR to coordinate common positions with respect to significant global matters, strengthening the sense of unity in the region. Therefore, it is pleased to accept the participation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Peru, Ms. Rivas Franchini, representing the Pro Tempore Presidency of UNASUR, during the opening debate on the issue of “Cooperation between the United Nations and regional and sub-regional organizations in maintaining international peace and security", in the framework of the United Nations Security Council, during the session led by the Head of State of Argentina, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Likewise, it promotes greater participation by UNASUR in debates held in international fora.

32. It expresses its support for the legitimate rights of sovereignty of the Argentine Republic over the Falkland Islands, Georgias del Sur and Sandwich del Sur and the surrounding maritime spaces.

33. It expresses the commitment to the implementation of effective measures and actions that would allow the Republic of Paraguay to overcome the difficulties that it is facing as a landlocked developing country, satisfying its special needs in order to promote the absolute integration of its economy into international trade.

34. They reiterate the commitment to strengthening multilateralism, with the comprehensive reform of the United Nations and with the democratization of the international decision making bodies. They expressed the importance of intensifying intergovernmental efforts to promote the change required by the Security Council, with a view to transforming it into a body that is more representative, legitimate, efficient, democratic and transparent. In that regard, they deemed it essential to revitalize the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council. They also underscored their commitment to the strengthening and effectiveness of the Human Rights Council, the principal organ of the United Nations for the multilateral treatment of Human Rights.

35. They reaffirm that quinoa, given its nutritional value, plays a role in achieving food and nutritional security and in the fight to eradicate poverty and hunger, as a result of which, they express their commitment to participate and assist in the activities of the International Year of Quinoa and to fulfill the series of recommendations arising out of such activities, so as to promote its consumption.

36. It confirms that the full validity of institutions, values, democratic principles and respect for the rules of international law, is an indispensable condition for building the South American integration process, respecting the sovereignty of States, the principle of non-intervention, their right to self-determination, the full exercising of human rights, as well as the legal equality of same, as universal principles and under the terms of the Constitutive Treaty of UNASUR.

37. It congratulates the Ecuadorian people on the electoral process that resulted in the election of H.E. Rafael Correa Delgado as President of the Republic of Ecuador and they extended their best wishes for success during his tenure.

38. It congratulates the Venezuelan people on the electoral process developed in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela that resulted in the election of H.E. Nicolás Maduro Moros as President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, wishing him success during his term in office.

39. It congratulates the people of Paraguay on the electoral process developed, which resulted in the election of H.E. Horacio Cartes Jara and on his assumption of duties as President of the Republic of Paraguay, and it expresses its best wishes for success in performing the high functions entrusted to him.

40. It conveys its thanks to the Government of the Republic of Ecuador for its efforts undertaken toward the construction of the permanent headquarters of the General Secretariat of UNASUR, as reported by H.E. Rafael Correa Delgado, President of the Republic of Ecuador, and it acknowledges the importance that this infrastructural work will have in the South American integration process.

41. It expresses its appreciation to President Evo Morales Ayma, President of the Pluri-national State of Bolivia, for the presentation of the architectural draft of the headquarters of the South American Parliament and for the announcement of the impending commencement of its construction. In that regard, an appeal is made for agreement to be reached on the final draft of the Additional Protocol that will establish the composition, authority and functioning of the South American Parliament, in accordance with the Constitutive Treaty.

42. The General Secretariat shall provide the Republic of Paraguay with the set of Decisions, Resolutions, Provisions and other regulatory documents and pronouncements adopted by UNASUR between June 29, 2012 and August 15, 2013, for the purpose of the provisions of Paragraph 5, article 13, “Adoption of Policies and Creation of Institutions, Organizations and Programs” of the Constitutive Treaty of UNASUR.

43. In view of the fact that the efforts of the Working Group of High Level Experts for the Settlement of Investment Disputes has experienced significant progress, the instruction has been given for this work to be completed as soon as possible, preferably before the end of the year, for the eventual establishment of a Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes.

44. It expresses its heartfelt gratitude to the people and Government of the Republic of Suriname for the excellent welcome enjoyed on the occasion of the VII Ordinary Meeting of Heads of State and Government of the Union of South American Nations.

  

* * * * *

 

Caracas Declaration “In the Bicentenary of the Struggle for Independence

Towards the Path of Our Liberators”.

 

1. The Heads of State and Government of the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, gathered in Caracas, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on 2nd and 3rd December 2011, within the framework of the III Summit of Latin America and the Caribbean on Integration and Development (CALC) and the XXII Summit of Rio Group, and in the year of the commemoration of the Bicentenary of the Independence of Venezuela, and in memory and homage to the historic and transcendental work of The Liberator, Simón Bolívar, agree:

2. To recognize the valuable contribution of the Permanent Mechanism for Consultation and Political Coordination - Rio Group - created in December 1986, in Rio de Janeiro, to the central issues of the regional and global agenda in accordance with the highest aspirations of our countries; as well as the impetus given to cooperation, integration and development in the region, CALC, created in December 2008, in Salvador de Bahía, Brazil.

3. To reaffirm the Declaration of the Latin American and Caribbean Unity Summit (Riviera Maya, Mexico, 23 February 2010), and, in particular, the decision to constitute the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) comprising the 33 sovereign States of our Region.

4. To welcome the establishment of the open-ended CALC and Rio Group Unified Forum, co-chaired by Chile and Venezuela which carried out the excellent task of drafting the document on the procedures of CELAC, and fulfilling thereby the Caracas Ministerial Declaration of 3rd July 2010.

5. To recognize the significant progress and consensus achieved in the meetings of Ministers of Foreign Affairs held in Caracas from July 2010 to April 2011, as well as the specialized Ministerial meetings in the social, environmental, energetic, financial and commercial areas, within the framework of the Venezuelan Presidency of CALC.

6. Aware of the challenges that the current international economic and financial crisis poses for the future of our Region and for our legitimate aspirations for social inclusion, equitable growth, and sustainable development and integration

7. Convinced that the unity and political, economic, social and cultural integration of Latin America and the Caribbean constitute both a fundamental aspiration of the peoples represented here, and a requirement for the Region to successfully confront the challenges before us.

8. Aware that the commemoration of the Bicentenary of the Independence processes in Latin America and the Caribbean provides a fitting framework for the establishment and implementation of our Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).

9. Determined to promote and project a unified voice for Latin America and the Caribbean in the discussion of the principal issues, and in the positions of the Region on the relevant global events at international meetings and conferences, as well as in the dialogue with other regions and countries.

10. To recognize that our countries have made progress in regional and sub regional integration processes and in the establishment of various mechanisms over the past decades, reflecting the Region’s diversity, plurality and vocation for unity, constituting a solid foundation to build a community comprising all the States of Latin America and the Caribbean.

11. Conscious of our shared aspiration to build just, democratic and free societies, and convinced that each one of our peoples will choose the ways and means to pursue these ideals, based on their institutions and procedures, and with full respect for the democratic values of the region, the rule of law, and human rights.

12. To ratify our adherence to the Principles and Purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and our respect for International Law.

13. Highlighting the path trod by the Latin American and Caribbean Liberators over two hundred years ago, a path effectively initiated with the Independence of Haiti in 1804, guided by Toussaint Louverture and by virtue of which Haiti became an independent Republic of the region. At the same time, we recall that the Republic of Haiti, led by its president Alexandre Pétion, supported Simón Bolivar on the independence struggles of the territories currently known as Latin America and the Caribbean, and so doing it set the basis for solidarity and integration among the peoples of the region.

14. Inspired by the action of the Liberators and fully incorporating their legacy into the foundational heritage of our Community of Latin American and Caribbean States .

15. Aware that 185 years have elapsed since the grand design of the Liberators was tested, and that the region has now acquired the necessary experience and maturity to address the challenge of unity and integration among the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean.

16. Inspired by the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama in 1826, as a fundamental act of the Latin American and Caribbean doctrine of unity, where for the first time our young sovereign nations initiated the discussion on the destinies of our continent for peace, development and social transformation.

17. Acknowledging with appreciation the participation of indigenous peoples and afro-descendant peoples in the struggles of independence and acknowledging their moral, political, economic, spiritual and cultural contributions to the creation of our identities and the construction of our nations and democratic processes.

18. Highlighting the historic role played by the countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) in the process of liberation, development and integration in Latin America and the Caribbean and stressing the continued commitment of CARICOM and Caribbean Peoples to contribute to the integral and sustainable development of the region.

19. Exalting the commemoration of the Bicentenary of the Independence , the Latin American and Caribbean countries treasure the memories of our struggles for independence and we reaffirm the integrationist ideas of our Heroes and Heroines.

We declare:

20. Within the framework of the Bicentenary of Independence, we, the 33 Latin American and Caribbean countries have gathered, conciuous of the efforts made at the Summit of Latin America and the Caribbean (CALC) of 17th December 2008 in Salvador de Bahia and in the Unity Summit held in Cancun on 23rd February 2010, to launch the Community of Latin America and the Caribbean States (CELAC)

21. In accordance with the original mandate of our Liberators, CELAC must move forward in the process of political, economic, social and cultural integration, based on a wise equilibrium between the unity and diversity of our peoples, so that the regional integration mechanism can become the ideal space to express our rich cultural diversity and also the forum to reaffirm the Latin American and the Caribbean identity, our common history and our ongoing struggles for justice and liberty.

22. That taking into consideration the diverse processes that formed in the Latin American and Caribbean identity, CELAC must become a space that protects the right of all cultures and ethnic groups of the region to existence, preservation and coexistence, as well as the multicultural character of our countries, and plurinational of some of our countries, especially of the native communities recreating and promoting their historical memory, their ancestral knowledge and experience.

Based on the values and principles of the above paragraph and picking up the Rio Group practice, CELAC will promote the development of instruments in order to ensure their compliance.

23. That recognizing the right of each nation to build freely and peacefully its own political and economic system, in the framework of the corresponding institutions according with the sovereign mandate of its people; the processes of dialogue, exchange and political negotiation carried out by CELAC must be done taking into account the following common values and principles: respect for International Law, peaceful settlement of disputes, and the prohibition of the use and the threat of use of force, the respect for self-determination, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the non-interference in the internal affairs of each country, the protection and promotion of human rights and democracy.

24. Based on the values and principles above and collecting the Rio Group's practice, the CELAC will promote the development of tools to ensure compliance with these.

25. That it is necessary to continue unifying efforts and capacities to boost the sustainable development of the region, focusing on the expanding process of political, economic, social and cultural cooperation and integration, so as to contribute to the consolidation of a multi-polar and democratic world which is fair, balanced and at peace, as well as free of the scourge of colonialism and military occupation.

26. That it is necessary to deepen cooperation and the implementation of social policies to reduce the existing internal social inequalities with the aim of consolidating nations that are able to achieve and exceed the Millennium Development Goals.

27. The need to move forward on the basis of our principles for the strengthening and consolidation of Latin American and Caribbean cooperation, in the development of our economic complementarities and South-South cooperation as an axis of integration in our common space, and as an instrument to reduce our asymmetries.

28. That CELAC, as the only mechanism for dialogue and consensus that unites the 33 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, is the highest expression of our will for unity in diversity, where henceforth, our political, economic, social and cultural ties will strengthen on the basis of a common agenda of welfare, peace and security for our peoples, with a view to consolidation of our regional community.

29. That the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), bearing in mind the historical heritage of the Rio Group and CALC, will promote action plans for the implementation of the mandates and the fulfillment of the commitments embodied in the Salvador de Bahia and Cancun Declarations, the Montego Bay Action Plan and the Caracas Work Programme.

Highlighting the historical process of our nations, the Heads of State and Government of the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean decide:

30. To adopt, under the principles of flexibility and voluntary participation in the initiatives, the declarations and documents adopted in the specialized ministerial meetings on Social Development and Eradication of Hunger and Poverty, held in Caracas on March 24th and 25th 2011; monitoring and evaluation meeting of the progress made on the Ministerial Environment Forum, held in Caracas on April 28th and 29th 2011; Ministerial Meeting on Energy, held in Caracas on May 12th and 13th 2011; Ministerial Meeting on International Financial Crisis and Foreign Trade, held in Caracas on May 18th and 19th 2011; Meeting of regional and sub-regional Integration Mechanisms in Latin America and the Caribbean within the framework of CALC on October 25th and 26th 2010; meeting of regional and sub-regional integration mechanisms in Latin America and the Caribbean in the economic-commercial field, held in Montevideo on April 6th and 7th 2010; meeting of regional and sub-regional integration mechanisms in Latin America and the Caribbean in the production field, held in Caracas on May 5th and 6th 2011; meeting of regional and sub-regional integration mechanisms in Latin America and the Caribbean in the social and institutional field, held in Caracas on June 10th and 11th 2011; meeting on conclusions of regional and sub-regional integration mechanisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, held in Caracas on June 11th 2011; Coordination meeting on regional initiatives in the infrastructure field for the physical integration of Transport and Telecommunication, as well as border integration, held in Mexico on March 24th and 25th 2011; Regional meeting of International Mechanisms on Humanitarian Assistance, held in Panama on May 30th and 31st 2011; regional meeting on migrant protection, held in Peru on June 26th and 27th 2011.

31. To launch CELAC as a representative mechanism for political consultation, integration and cooperation of Latin America and Caribbean States , and as a common space to ensure the unity and integration of our region

32. To reaffirm that the common purpose of integration, unity and cooperation within CELAC is based on legacy of the shared principles and adopted by consensus at the Summit of Latin America and the Caribbean on Integration and Development (CALC), as well as of the Permanent Mechanism for Consultation and Political Coordination of the Rio Group, which after their fruitful work formally cease their functions in order to pave the way for CELAC.

33. To incorporate the Caracas Action Plan 2012 into this Declaration with the aim of bring into reality our political commitment to defending our unity, integration, cooperation, complementarity and solidarity.

34. To approve the “CELAC Statute of Proceedings”, as an integral part of this Declaration, thus setting up definitely the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).

35. They invite the Pro-Tempore Chairmanship of CELAC to implement, during its Presidency, the Caracas Action Plan, particularly in the social, environmental, energy, economic and cultural areas, and other priority areas established in the Caracas Action Plan. Likewise, they entrust the Ministers of Foreign Affairs to submit proposals to allocate the necessary financial and material resources, supported by the criteria of maximum effectiveness and austerity established in the procedures document of CELAC

36. To commit the willingness of our Governments to guide the regional mechanisms and organisms, to promote among themselves communication, cooperation, articulation, coordination, complementarity and synergy, where appropriate, and through their respective executive bodies, in order to contribute to the achievement of the integration goals set forth in this declaration, ensuring the efficient use of resources and the complementarity of efforts.

37. To reaffirm the invitation to host the CELAC Summit in the Republic of Chile in 2012.

38. To host the 2013 CELAC Summit in the Republic of Cuba .

39. To welcome the holding the CELAC Summit for the year 2014 in the Republic of Costa Rica .

40. Done at Caracas the birthplace of the Liberator Simón Bolívar, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela , on December 3rd, 2011.

 

Català

 

L’Onze de Setembre Catalunya commemora la derrota que va patir el 1714 a mans de les tropes espanyoles de Felip V de Borbó. Catalunya, que havia estat fins aquell moment una nació sobirana, va perdre les llibertats nacionals, les lleis pròpies del país i va patir la prohibició de la llengua i la cultura catalanes.

 

Després d'anys de foscor, el 1932, en el marc de la II República espanyola, Catalunya va adquirir un Estatut d’autonomia que recuperava part de les seves llibertats nacionals. Però després de la Guerra Civil, la dictadura del general Franco va comportar la repressió més dura que mai ha patit Catalunya, fins al punt que podem parlar d’un intent de genocidi cultural, amb milers i milers d’afusellats i represaliats. Fins i tot entre ells s'hi compta el president del Govern de Catalunya, Lluís Companys, l'únic president europeu afusellat pel nazisme-feixisme.

 

El 1979 es va aprovar un nou Estatut d’autonomia de Catalunya, amb el qual es va dotar el país d’unes institucions i d’un govern propis, però des de llavors encara no s’ha assolit un nivell d'autogovern satisfactori.

 

Celebrem la Diada des de la societat civil

 

Cada 11 de setembre molts catalans i catalanes continuem manifestant-nos pels carrers per reclamar el reconeixement dels nostres drets nacionals i més autogovern.

 

La Festa per la Llibertat es configura com un acte polític de la societat civil catalana, per celebrar la Diada de manera festiva i alhora reivindicativa. Volem fer d’aquesta celebració un acte polític d’afirmació i reivindicació nacional, de forma oberta i participativa. Per aquest motiu, des de l’any 2000 unes dues-centes entitats de la societat civil catalana celebrem un acte que comprèn una mostra d’entitats, la lectura d’un manifest que compta amb el suport de les entitats i un concert de música que clou la celebració.

 

Volem compartir aquesta reivindicació amb totes les persones que viuen a Catalunya, vinguin d’on vinguin. Només si tenim més capacitat per decidir com volem que sigui el nostre país podrem construir-lo més just, plural, solidari, integrador i sostenible.

   

Castellà

 

11 de Setembre, Diada Nacional de Catalunya

 

L’Onze de Setembre Catalunya conmemora la derrota infligida por las tropas españolas de Felipe V de Borbón el año 1714. Catalunya, que hasta entonces había sido una nación soberana, perdió las libertades nacionales, las leyes propias del país y sufrió la prohibición de la lengua y la cultura catalanas.

 

Tras años de oscuridad, en 1932, en el marco de la II República española, Catalunya adquirió un Estatuto de autonomía que recuperaba una parte de sus libertades nacionales. Pero después de la Guerra Civil, la dictadura del general Franco comportó la represión más dura que jamás haya sufrido Catalunya, hasta tal punto que podemos hablar de un intento de genocidio cultural, con miles de fusilados y represaliados. Entre ellos se encuentra hasta el presidente del Gobierno de Catalunya, Lluís Companys, el único presidente europeo fusilado por el nazismo-fascismo.

 

En 1979 fue aprobado un nuevo Estatuto de autonomía de Catalunya, con el cual se dotó al país de unas instituciones y de un gobierno propio, pero aún no se ha logrado un nivel de autogobierno satisfactorio.

 

Celebramos la Diada desde la sociedad civil

 

Cada 11 de septiembre muchos catalanes y catalanas seguimos manifestándonos por las calles para reclamar el reconocimiento de nuestros derechos nacionales y más autogobierno.

 

La Festa per la Llibertat se configura como un acto político de la sociedad civil catalana para celebrar la Diada de una manera festiva y, a la vez, reivindicativa. Queremos que esta celebración sea un acto público de afirmación y reivindicación nacional, de forma abierta y participativa. Por este motivo, desde el año 2000, unas doscientas entidades de la sociedad civil catalana celebramos un acto que incluye una muestra de entidades, la lectura de un manifiesto que cuenta con el apoyo de las entidades y un concierto de música que cierra la celebración.

 

Queremos compartir esta reivindicación con todas las personas que viven en Catalunya, vengan de donde vengan. Sólo si tenemos más capacidad para decidir cómo queremos que sea nuestro país, podremos construirlo más justo, plural, solidario, integrador y sostenible.

  

Anglès

 

11 September, The National Day of Catalonia

 

On 11 September Catalonia commemorates the defeat it suffered at the hands of the Spanish troops of Felipe V of Bourbon in 1714. Catalonia, which had been a sovereign nation up to that point, lost its national rights and liberties, with its own laws abolished and Catalan language and culture banned.

 

After many years of darkness, in 1932, under the II Spanish Republic, Catalonia acquired a Statute of Autonomy which recovered some of its national rights. However, after the Civil War, the Franco dictatorship brought with it the toughest repression that Catalonia had ever endured, to a point that could be described as attempted cultural genocide. Thousands and thousands of people suffered retaliation and may were shot. These even included the President of the Government of Catalonia, Lluís Companys, the only European president executed under Nazism-fascism.

 

In 1979 the new Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia was approved, giving the country its own institutions and government, but to date a satisfactory level of self-government has still not been attained.

 

Celebrating the National Day as Civil Society

 

Every 11 September, many Catalans continue to demonstrate in the streets to demand recognition of our national rights and liberties and a greater degree of self-government.

 

The Festival for National Rights and Liberties is organised as a political event of Catalan civil society, to celebrate the National Day in a festive way yet as a protest. We want to make this celebration a political event of affirmation and national demands, in an open and participatory way. For this reason, since the year 2000, around two hundred institutions from Catalan civil society have staged an event that includes an exhibition of these organisations, the reading of a manifesto that has the support of all the organisations involved and finally a music concert to round off the celebration.

 

We want to share this festive protest with all the people who live in Catalonia, whatever their place of origin. Only if we attain greater capacity to decide what we want our country to be like in the future can we construct a nation that is fair, pluralistic, caring, integrationist and sustainable.

   

Francès

 

L’11 septembre, Journée nationale de Catalogne

 

L’Onze septembre, la Catalogne commémore la défaite qu’elle a subi en 1714 face aux armées espagnoles de Philippe V de Bourbon. La Catalogne, qui jusqu’à ce moment-là avait été une nation souveraine, a perdu ses libertés nationales, les lois propres du pays et a subi l’interdiction de la langue et de la culture catalanes.

 

Après des années d’obscurité, en 1932, dans le cadre de la II République espagnole, la Catalogne a obtenu un Statut d’autonomie que récupérait une partie de ses libertés nationales. Mais, après la Guerre Civile, la dictature du général Franco a entraîné la répression la plus dure que jamais la Catalogne n’avait pas subi, jusqu’au point que l’on peut parler de tentative de génocide culturel, avec des milliers et milliers de personnes fusillées et objet de représailles. Même, parmi elles, on trouve le président du Gouvernement de la Catalogne, Lluís Companys, le seul président européen fusillé par le nazisme-fascisme.

 

En 1979 un nouvel Statut d’autonomie de Catalogne a été approuvé, avec lequel le pays a été doté des institutions et d’un gouvernement propres, même si depuis lors on n’a pas encore obtenu un niveau d’autogouvernement satisfaisant.

 

On commémore la Journée dès la société civile

 

Tous les 11 septembre, beaucoup de catalans et de catalanes continuons à nous manifester dans les rues pour réclamer la reconnaissance de nos droits nationaux et un autogouvernement plus plein.

 

La Fête de la Liberté est configurée comme un acte politique de la société catalane, pour fêter la Journée d’une manière joyeuse mais à la fois revendicative. Nous désirons faire de cette fête un acte politique d’affirmation et de revendication nationale, d’une manière ouverte et participative. C’est pourquoi, dès l’année 2000 quelque deux cents associations de la société civile catalane organisent un acte qui comprend une présentation d’associations, la lecture d’un manifeste qui jouit du support des associations et un concert de musique pour clore la fête.

Nous désirons partager cette revendication avec toutes les personnes vivant en Catalogne, quel que soit le pays d’où elles viennent. Seulement si nous avons plus de capacité pour décider comment voulons-nous que notre pays soit-il, nous pourrons le construire plus juste, pluriel, solidaire, intégrateur et soutenable.

 

Texto extraido de www.11setembre.cat/

The Citizens' Council was the official newspaper of the Citizens' Councils of America, a white supremacist organization based in the southern US and founded in 1954.

 

The Citizens' Council was first published in October 1955. In 1961, the name of the paper changed to "The Citizen". It appears to have continued under the latter name until at least 1989, when the Citizens' Councils of America had been absorbed into the Council of Conservative Citizens. (That group continues to exist today, though it no longer publishes this particular newspaper.)

 

The Citizens’ Council

When the Supreme Court handed down its landmark 1954 desegregation ruling, segregationists in Mississippi moved fast. A prominent planter and World War II veteran in the Delta, Robert “Tut” Patterson, had already begun organizing whites just prior to the ruling. A racist tract written by Mississippi Judge Tom Brady shortly after the decision outlined a platform opposing racial integration. With Brady for inspiration, Patterson got busy. On July 11, 1954 Patterson convened a group of prominent leaders in Indianola. Later that month they held a town meeting. Roughly 100 people came. They created the first Citizens’ Council, an organization that would grow to be the most powerful opponent of civil rights activism in Mississippi.

 

By 1956, the Citizens’ Council had chapters in a majority of Mississippi counties and had attracted some 80,000 members. The movement also spread quickly across the South. Membership tended to be highest in counties where the population was more than 50 percent black. Headed by the most prominent local businessmen, professionals and governing officials, the goal of the Citizens’ Council was to use every possible means to lawfully resist desegregation.

 

William Simmons founded a chapter in the state capitol, Jackson. Simmons was the son of a prosperous Mississippi banker and at one time studied French literature at the Sorbonne. He found his life’s work, however, in defending segregation. The strategy of the Citizens’ Council, Simmons said, was “to delay, to delay, to delay” any advance toward desegregation in Mississippi. That meant thwarting NAACP school desegregation lawsuits by targeting black petitioners, mobilizing public action against desegregation, and coercing white conformity to the orthodoxy of white supremacy. According to Simmons, this was the least Mississippi whites could do to defend themselves against what they claimed was a gross infringement of federal power. Simmons told an interviewer, “Why use the power of government to compel people to mix socially for the sole reason that they were of different races? There’s nothing, there’s no historical precedent that anyone has brought to my mind that explains this. There’s no prior experience of mankind. There’s plenty of the opposite, of separation, but none of this compulsion to integrate.”

 

Simmons and his peers knew that the Brown ruling resulted from years of careful work and organization among integrationists. Now it was time for whites to organize. “White folks got to stick together,” Horace Harned recalls thinking when he joined the Citizens’ Council in 1954. Harned was a state senator at the time. “Most people prominent in [Mississippi] politics were members of the Citizens’ Council. We were all stunned by the ’54 decision and knew we had to preserve our culture and control our education system,” Harned says. According to Harned, Citizens’ Council members would boycott the businesses of black “agitators” and fire employees who were suspected activists.

 

Most victims of the Citizens’ Council were African American. The Council routinely used the economic “squeeze” to punish black agitators. For instance, when African Americans signed a petition to desegregate schools in Yazoo County in 1955, the Citizens’ Council moved quickly. It paid for a local newspaper ad listing the names of the petitioners. The Council then coordinated reprisals against the signers. Charles Bolton writes: "The president of one local bank called all his customers on the list “and told them to come down and get their money out, that the bank did not want to do business with them any longer.” James Wright, a plumber with primarily white customers, not only lost his patrons but also was refused plumbing supplies by a wholesale house, and notified by his grocer that a loaf of bread would cost him a dollar. He soon left for Detroit."

 

For all its economic and social force, the Citizens’ Council denied having any hand in violence against African Americans. Indeed, the Council explicitly rejected any association with the Ku Klux Klan. The Council dismissed Klan members as low-class troublemakers who would tarnish Mississippi’s reputation. According to Neil McMillen, Judge Tom Brady warned, “Unless we keep and pitch our battle on a high plane, and unless we keep our ranks free from the demagogue, the renegade, the lawless and the violent, we will be branded, as we should be branded, a fearful, underground, lawless organization.”

 

Nevertheless, historian John Dittmer observes, “Through its unrelenting attack on human rights in Mississippi, the Citizens’ Council fostered and legitimized violent actions by individuals not overly concerned with questions of legality and image.” McMillen says this was one reason, at least, that the KKK did not organize extensively in Mississippi until the early 1960s. The Klan wasn’t needed -- yet. The Citizens’ Council provided adequate cover for white vigilantes.

 

Central to the Council’s message was the widely-held conviction that the civil rights movement was run by communists. Mississippi politicians like Senator James O. Eastland and Congressman John Bell Williams used the monthly newsletter, The Citizen, to warn Mississippians - already in the grips of a communist phobia – of the danger. A June 1961 issue carried a warning from Eastland. “CORE [Congress of Racial Equality] is known as the war department of the U.S. integration movement. Since its inception, its creed has been lawlessness and its tactics have followed the pattern set by communist agitators the world over,” Eastland said.

 

Dick Molpus was Secretary of State in Mississippi from 1984 to 1996. He grew up in Philadelphia, Mississippi in the 1950s and ‘60s and vividly recalls anti-civil rights propaganda. “I remember seeing billboards in 1964: ‘Dr. King is a Communist!’” he says.

 

The few white people in Molpus’ community who called segregation immoral were also dismissed as communists. “It was social pressure,” he says, “because no one wants to be ostracized.”

 

“In 1964 you could have put all the communists in Mississippi in one car. It was just a ridiculous argument,” Molpus says.

White supremacist seized a meeting room at Annandale high school April 30, 1954 from a Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) study group on integration and forced the workshop outside onto the school lawn (photo above).

 

The Fairfax County Federation of PTAs was attempting to hold a workshop on problems presented by the U.S. Supreme Court 1954 decisions outlawing segregation in public schools.

 

About 100 people led by the Fairfax chapter of the Defenders of State Sovereignty and Individual Liberties disrupted the meeting inside the school for more than one hour with loud booing and hissing and charging that the PTA was “packed” with “pro-integrationists.”

 

The white supremacists were led by Manning Gasch, president of the Defenders group, Lee Sweeney, a member of the Defenders and Harley Williams a member of the Fairfax High School PTA.

 

The planned workshop was held by about 80 people in abbreviated form outside while the white supremacists carried out a meeting inside.

 

In 1954, the political organization of U.S. senator Harry F. Byrd, Sr., controlled Virginia politics. Senator Byrd promoted the "Southern Manifesto" opposing integrated schools, which was signed in 1956 by more than one hundred southern congressmen.

 

On February 25, 1956, Byrd called for what became known as Massive Resistance. This was a group of laws, passed in 1956, intended to prevent integration of the schools.

 

A Pupil Placement Board was created with the power to assign specific students to particular schools. Tuition grants were to be provided to students who opposed integrated schools. The linchpin of Massive Resistance was a law that cut off state funds and closed any public school that attempted to integrate.

 

In September 1958 several schools in Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk were about to integrate under court order. They were seized and closed, but the Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals overturned the school-closing law.

 

Simultaneously, a federal court issued a verdict against the law based on the "equal protection" clause of the 14th Amendment.

 

Speaking to the General Assembly a few weeks later, Gov. J. Lindsay Almond conceded defeat. Beginning on February 2, 1959, a few courageous black students integrated the schools that had been closed. Still, hardly any African American students in Virginia attended integrated schools.

 

After Virginia's school-closing law was ruled unconstitutional in January 1959, the General Assembly repealed the compulsory school attendance law and made the operation of public schools a local option for the state's counties and cities.

 

Schools that had been closed in Front Royal, Norfolk, and Charlottesville reopened because citizens there preferred integrated schools to none at all.

 

Fairfax resisted integration until token efforts were made in 1960. The school system was not largely integrated until the 1966-67 school year—12 years after the U.S. Supreme Court decisions. Desegregation efforts continued into the 1970s.

 

For more information and related images, see flic.kr/s/aHskWK3q68

 

Photo by Walter Oates. The image is courtesy of the D.C. Public Library Washington Star Collection © Washington Post.

 

SMITH, GEORGE WASHINGTON, barber and news-vendor; b. 15 March 1845 in Charles Town (W. Va), son of Washington Smith and Sydney ------; m. 5 July 1866 Eliza Jane Campbell in Toronto, and they had two daughters and three sons; d. there 24 Dec. 1921.

 

George Washington Smith immigrated to Canada in 1864 at age 18 or 19, and settled in Toronto. Two years later he and Eliza Jane Campbell, a young black woman from Bowmanville, were married by Baptist minister Thomas Ford Caldicott*. By this time, Smith had already established an entrepreneurial presence, having started out on King Street as a barber. By 1871 he had a shop in the Queen’s Hotel on Front Street, in addition to his Colossal Shaving Parlour at King and York streets. An advertisement in the city directory of 1874 promised patrons a “good refreshing bath” and “shampooing, shaving, and hairdressing done with neatness and civility.” By this juncture Smith had clearly come into his own; his business was doing so well that he had set up shop at yet another location, the American Hotel at Yonge and Front.

 

Smith’s success set a foundation from which he was able to prosper for some years. Between the mid 1870s and the turn of the century, the Evening Telegram would note at his death, he was “well known in downtown business circles.” His barber-shops, which appeared at various times on Queen Street and in Union Station, with periodic returns to King Street, were evidently frequented by many of the city’s business elite. According to the Toronto Daily Star, his economic presence simultaneously enabled him to become “prominent . . . in Toronto’s political circles.” Though generally a staunch Conservative, he supported Robert John Fleming, a populist, Liberal-leaning mayor who ran on anti-business platforms that advocated worker’s rights and temperance. His campaigns were also infused with undertones of racial and gender equality. Smith’s affiliation with the Royal Templars of Temperance as well as his black identity likely drew him to Fleming, even though this position was arguably antithetical to his interests as a businessman. Taking to the stump in support of Fleming on several occasions between 1891 and 1897, Smith earned a reputation as an entertaining and compelling orator. His other associations helped cement his standing: he was a member of the Orange lodge, the Ancient Order of Foresters, and the York Pioneers. Thus, through his various affiliations, he became known as a leader of Toronto’s “colored colony.”

 

Despite his success, Smith found himself compelled to give up barbering around 1909 or 1910, likely because he had lost his sight and perhaps because of advancing age. The death in 1907 of his wife, who owned the family home, may also have affected his state of affairs. Eliza left her property to him and four children but stipulated in her will that George was to take possession only after relinquishing all other claims to her estate. He managed to sustain himself as a newspaper dealer. The status he had enjoyed in earlier years can be gauged from the fact that his stand, at the northwest corner of Queen Street and Spadina Avenue, was, the Globe would recall, “the first permitted on the city corners.”

 

Smith met a tragic end. On a cold December night in 1921 he reportedly fell against a hot stove in his news-stand. He was taken to Toronto Western Hospital, where, after 24 hours, he died of “shock following burns,” an agonizing death for a blind man of 77 years. He was buried in Mount Pleasant Cemetery. The circumstances surrounding his passing made the city take note – the Globe, the Star, and the Telegram all ran brief chronicles of his life. Probate records indicate that his estate consisted of residential property, real estate, and Victory Bonds with a total value of $2,716.46, a figure that placed him in the ranks of the city’s tiny black bourgeoisie. A lifelong Baptist, he left $150 to the Beverley Street Baptist Church.

 

George Washington Smith’s life is intriguing. A relatively obscure figure in Canadian black history, he had nonetheless been known to contemporaries as a leader in Toronto’s black community and, later, as a stock figure of sorts at street corners. Further research is needed, however, to determine whether he was widely seen as a leader by members of the black community or whether the mantle was a result of his associations with the city’s white elite and the integrationist ethos that characterized much of his life. There is no doubt that, at his peak, Smith had managed to carve out a place for himself at a time when the majority of Toronto’s “colored colony” struggled in the face of racial slurs, Jim Crowism, and residential, social, and occupational discrimination.

SMITH, GEORGE WASHINGTON, barber and news-vendor; b. 15 March 1845 in Charles Town (W. Va), son of Washington Smith and Sydney ------; m. 5 July 1866 Eliza Jane Campbell in Toronto, and they had two daughters and three sons; d. there 24 Dec. 1921.

 

George Washington Smith immigrated to Canada in 1864 at age 18 or 19, and settled in Toronto. Two years later he and Eliza Jane Campbell, a young black woman from Bowmanville, were married by Baptist minister Thomas Ford Caldicott*. By this time, Smith had already established an entrepreneurial presence, having started out on King Street as a barber. By 1871 he had a shop in the Queen’s Hotel on Front Street, in addition to his Colossal Shaving Parlour at King and York streets. An advertisement in the city directory of 1874 promised patrons a “good refreshing bath” and “shampooing, shaving, and hairdressing done with neatness and civility.” By this juncture Smith had clearly come into his own; his business was doing so well that he had set up shop at yet another location, the American Hotel at Yonge and Front.

 

Smith’s success set a foundation from which he was able to prosper for some years. Between the mid 1870s and the turn of the century, the Evening Telegram would note at his death, he was “well known in downtown business circles.” His barber-shops, which appeared at various times on Queen Street and in Union Station, with periodic returns to King Street, were evidently frequented by many of the city’s business elite. According to the Toronto Daily Star, his economic presence simultaneously enabled him to become “prominent . . . in Toronto’s political circles.” Though generally a staunch Conservative, he supported Robert John Fleming, a populist, Liberal-leaning mayor who ran on anti-business platforms that advocated worker’s rights and temperance. His campaigns were also infused with undertones of racial and gender equality. Smith’s affiliation with the Royal Templars of Temperance as well as his black identity likely drew him to Fleming, even though this position was arguably antithetical to his interests as a businessman. Taking to the stump in support of Fleming on several occasions between 1891 and 1897, Smith earned a reputation as an entertaining and compelling orator. His other associations helped cement his standing: he was a member of the Orange lodge, the Ancient Order of Foresters, and the York Pioneers. Thus, through his various affiliations, he became known as a leader of Toronto’s “colored colony.”

 

Despite his success, Smith found himself compelled to give up barbering around 1909 or 1910, likely because he had lost his sight and perhaps because of advancing age. The death in 1907 of his wife, who owned the family home, may also have affected his state of affairs. Eliza left her property to him and four children but stipulated in her will that George was to take possession only after relinquishing all other claims to her estate. He managed to sustain himself as a newspaper dealer. The status he had enjoyed in earlier years can be gauged from the fact that his stand, at the northwest corner of Queen Street and Spadina Avenue, was, the Globe would recall, “the first permitted on the city corners.”

 

Smith met a tragic end. On a cold December night in 1921 he reportedly fell against a hot stove in his news-stand. He was taken to Toronto Western Hospital, where, after 24 hours, he died of “shock following burns,” an agonizing death for a blind man of 77 years. He was buried in Mount Pleasant Cemetery. The circumstances surrounding his passing made the city take note – the Globe, the Star, and the Telegram all ran brief chronicles of his life. Probate records indicate that his estate consisted of residential property, real estate, and Victory Bonds with a total value of $2,716.46, a figure that placed him in the ranks of the city’s tiny black bourgeoisie. A lifelong Baptist, he left $150 to the Beverley Street Baptist Church.

 

George Washington Smith’s life is intriguing. A relatively obscure figure in Canadian black history, he had nonetheless been known to contemporaries as a leader in Toronto’s black community and, later, as a stock figure of sorts at street corners. Further research is needed, however, to determine whether he was widely seen as a leader by members of the black community or whether the mantle was a result of his associations with the city’s white elite and the integrationist ethos that characterized much of his life. There is no doubt that, at his peak, Smith had managed to carve out a place for himself at a time when the majority of Toronto’s “colored colony” struggled in the face of racial slurs, Jim Crowism, and residential, social, and occupational discrimination.

Robert Fahsenfeldt, owner of a segregated lunchroom in the racially tense Eastern Shore community of Cambridge, Maryland, douses a white integrationist with water, on July 8, 1963. The integrationist, Edward Dickerson, was among three white and eight African American protesters who knelt on the sidewalk in front of the restaurant to sing freedom songs. A raw egg, which Fahsenfeldt had broken over Dickerson's head moments earlier, still is visible on the back of Dickerson's head. The protesters were later arrested.

AP Photo/William A. Smith

Irumu, Ituri, RDC – Le 17 octobre, les casques bleus bangladais et népalais de la MONUSCO sont intervenus pour débloquer la route après que des miliciens de la Force patriotique et intégrationniste du Congo (FPIC) l’avaient bloquée en plaçant des barrières près du centre d’Irumu. Les soldats de la paix ont dominé la zone et escorté vers Bunia la quarantaine de véhicules bloquées à la suite de cet incident. Photo MONUSCO/Force

 

Irumu, Ituri, DRC - On October 17, MONUSCO Bangladeshi peacekeepers from Nepal intervened to unblock the road in this picture after it was blocked by militiamen from the Force Patriotique et intégrationniste du Congo/Patriotic and Integrationist Force of Congo (FPIC) who placed roadblocks near Irumu center. Peacekeepers dominated the area and escorted to Bunia the 40 or so vehicles stranded following the incident. MONUSCO Photo /Force

 

via WordPress ift.tt/2NW1CrU

 

It’s easy to look at Robert Jeffress defending President Trump again on Fox News and wonder how the First Baptist Church of Dallas got so political.

 

Jeffress, the pastor of the Texas church since 2007, has supported Donald Trump without any sign of hesitation. He continues, unwavering, through scandal after scandal. His church of 12,000 even has a Trump-inspired song, a hymn to “Make America Great Again.”

 

But the First Baptist Church of Dallas didn’t just get political. It’s been that way for a long time.

 

Monday marked an anniversary for the church. It was founded on July 30, 1868, by three men and eight women. That was 150 years ago. It’s been political for almost as long.

 

Before Jeffress, there was W.A. Criswell. When Criswell died in 2002, his obituary from the Associated Press said the preacher “mostly eschewed politics.” But that’s not true. He ran up to politics and gave it a great big hug.

 

Criswell was called to the pulpit of First Baptist Church in 1944. The next year, he preached a sermon on Christian America. “How indebted we are to the Almighty God for the government under which we live,” he said. “On the personality of God our forefathers launched our great ship of state.”

 

In the sermon, Criswell backed a local bond that was coming up for a vote, but he didn’t just speak on non-controversial, local topics. When given the chance, Criswell took a strong position on the most controversial political issue of his day: racial segregation. He supported it. Vociferously. In fact, he thought the people pushing desegregation were evil. “A bunch of infidels,” he called them, “dying from the neck up.”

 

Criswell, who was Billy Graham’s personal pastor, preached this first at an evangelism conference in South Carolina in 1956. The segregationist diatribe was so popular, he was asked to reprise it for a joint session of the South Carolina legislature the same year. He obliged.

 

Criswell preached that the integrationists were “trying to upset all of the things that we love as good old Southern people and as good old Southern Baptists.” Even worse, he said, Baptists were succumbing to the pressure of civil rights activists. Criswell said these Baptists were an embarrassment to their martyred forefathers.

 

There was some backlash to the speech but it also won Criswell some new political friends. H.L. Hunt, a wealthy Texas oilman and a committed conservative, liked what he heard. Hunt and his third wife started attending First Baptist Church. When the Catholic John F. Kennedy ran for president in 1960, Hunt and Criswell worked together to stop him.

 

Criswell preached about the dangers of a Catholic president. “The institution of Roman Catholicism is not only a religion,” he wrote. “It is a political tyranny.” A Catholic president might well shut down all non-Catholic churches, Criswell warned. Hunt paid to print and distribute 200,000 copies of the the sermon. It was, by one estimate, the most widely distributed piece of campaign literature in 1960.

 

But sure, “eschewed politics.”

 

Criswell weighed in on presidential politics again in 1976, condemning the Southern Baptist candidate, Jimmy Carter, and endorsing the Republican Gerald Ford. “I’m for him,” he told reporters, standing next to Ford on the steps of his church, “yes sir.”

 

Criswell was happy, four years later, to host Ronald Reagan for a political rally, and four years after that to support Reagan for re-election. “I think he’s the best President we ever had,” Criswell said. As Jeffress recently pointed out, this wasn’t because of the twice-married former movie star’s moral character. Criswell supported Reagan because of Reagan’s politics.

 

In 1984, Criswell gave the benediction for the Republican National Convention and Rick Warren, then an up-and-coming megachurch pastor, described Criswell as the “Baptist pope.”

 

But it also wasn’t Criswell who turned the First Baptist Church of Dallas political. Before him, there was George W. Truett. In his day, Truett was so famous that some good Christian moms named their babies after him. One such baby was Truett Cathy, who grew up to be the founder of Chick-fil-A.

 

Truett once preached what historians Barry Hankins and Thomas Kidd call “the most famous sermon in Southern Baptist history.” He preached it on the steps of the United States capitol building in 1920.

 

Truett started by invoking the Founding Fathers: “We shall do well,” he preached, “both as citizens and as Christians, if we will hark back to…the days of Washington and Jefferson and Madison.”

 

For Truett, the main issue was religious liberty. He believed in a strong separation of church and state, but also linked the Baptist project and the American project in a grand vision of history. “Democracy is the goal toward which all feet are traveling,” he said, “whether in state or in church.”

 

He imagined the Baptist Church and American government as strong allies, closely identified. Good Americans were good Baptists; good Baptists were good Americans. Not like Catholics. American Catholics, Truett argued, couldn’t be true to their hierarchical church and their democratic country at the same time. Religious liberty, as he conceived it, was a problem for Catholics. But Baptists could and should support America with their whole hearts, at home and especially abroad.

 

Truett wanted America to be a global power. He was a strong supporter of U.S. involvement in World War I. The war would make the world safe for democracy, and, Truett said, “the triumph of democracy, thank God, means the triumph of Baptists everywhere.”

 

As one historian wrote, Truett gave Baptists “a public voice.” But the First Baptist Church of Dallas was political before him too. Before Truett was called to the church in 1897, there was Samuel A. Hayden. Hayden was a kind of associate pastor at the church in the 1880s. His main ministry was actually a newspaper, the Texas Baptist and Herald.

 

Hayden hoped to establish one Baptist paper for the whole state, but he couldn’t quite pull that off, and he got bogged down in fights with other Texas Baptists. One critic accused him of trying to be “pope, boss and supreme dictator at will.” It was true he wanted influence. And the Texas Baptist and Herald did have some power. At its height, it had 20,000 subscribers.

 

Hayden, a Confederate veteran who fought at Shilo and Chickamauga, didn’t eschew politics either. His newspaper defined Baptist issues for a lot of people and some of those issues were political issues. The paper took a strong stance in favor of prohibition and against Catholics, among other things.

 

So Jeffress stands in a long tradition. He was asked again, last week, about his continued support for Donald Trump. Could he still support the president after the release of secret recordings that revealed Trump talking about paying off a Playboy model, apparently to keep her silent about an extra-marital affair?

 

“You know,” Jeffress said, “this is not an unusual thing. We’ve been here before.”

 

That maybe slightly overstates things, but Jeffress has a point. He didn’t bring politics to the First Baptist Church of Dallas. He’s not doing something new. This is a tradition for the Texas church celebrating its 150th anniversary.

 

The post At Jeffress’ First Baptist Church of Dallas, Trump Support Is Part of a 150-Year Tradition appeared first on Rewire.News.

 

At Jeffress’ First Baptist Church of Dallas, Trump Support Is Part of a 150-Year Tradition syndicated from pickupsexdolls.wordpress.com/

 

Original Vermont Avenue Pepperdine College campus in South Central Los Angeles from 1937. After a shooting of a teenager by a white security guard in 1969, the college gave up on its mildly integrationist stance in the neighborhood and grabbed some sweet donated land in Malibu.

 

Now the art deco buildings are part of the Crenshaw Christian Center and home of the Faith Dome, the largest church in the United States when it opened in 1989.

 

Fujica ST705w on Rollei Retro 400S 35mm film.

Juan Carlos Coronado, Chargé d’affaires, and Mirsanett Carrasco, First Secretary, Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in Canada. Conference on Latin America’s Integrationist Thought held at the U of Ottawa on April 22, 2010.

Andrew Troxel, a technology integrationist and former social studies teacher at Fort Madison Senior High School in the Fort Madison Community School District, was honored by Gov. Terry Branstad, Iowa Department of Education Director Ryan Wise, and other leaders during the Outstanding Iowa Teachers Recognition Luncheon on Thursday, Nov. 10.

Andrew Troxel, a technology integrationist and former social studies teacher at Fort Madison Senior High School in the Fort Madison Community School District, was honored by Gov. Terry Branstad, Iowa Department of Education Director Ryan Wise, and other leaders during the Outstanding Iowa Teachers Recognition Luncheon on Thursday, Nov. 10.

The Arsenal

615 St. Peter Street

Square: 43 Lot Number: 18492-01

French Quarter

New Orleans, Louisiana

circa 1839

 

Built in 1839, the Arsenal stands adjacent to the Cabildo on the site of the old Spanish Arsenal built in 1762. Designed by James Dakin, the building is an example of Greek Revival style. It housed the Orleans Artillery up until the Civil War when it was used by Confederate troops to store supplies. After occupation by Union forces, the Arsenal came under federal control and was used as a military prison. During Reconstruction, it was given back to the state and was used to house the Metropolitan Police, giving it an important role in the Battle of Liberty Place in 1874. Violence between the integrationist Metropolitan Police and the white supremacist Crescent City White League erupted over a contentious gubernatorial election. The White League prevailed at first, occupying the Cabildo and Arsenal for three days until President Ulysses S. Grant sent in federal troops to restore order. In 1914, the Arsenal was transferred to the Louisiana State Museum to exhibit military objects.

 

The French Quarter is the only intact French Colonial and Spanish settlement remaining in the United States. It has been a continuous residential neighborhood since 1718, withstanding hurricanes, floods, fires, yellow fever epidemics, war, neglect, industrialization and commercialization. Its population has varied from 470 people to as many as 11,000. As a registered “National Historic Landmark” the French Quarter has secured an important role in our nation’s history.

as per FQC

Original Vermont Avenue Pepperdine College campus in South Central Los Angeles from 1937. After a shooting of a teenager by a white security guard in 1969, the college gave up on its mildly integrationist stance in the neighborhood and grabbed some sweet donated land in Malibu.

 

Now the art deco buildings are part of the Crenshaw Christian Center and home of the Faith Dome, the largest church in the United States when it opened in 1989.

 

Porst Compact Reflex SP with the MC/ARAX 35mm tilt-shift lens on Agfa Vista 100 color film.

The Arsenal

615 St. Peter Street

Square: 43 Lot Number: 18492-01

French Quarter

New Orleans, Louisiana

circa 1839

 

Built in 1839, the Arsenal stands adjacent to the Cabildo on the site of the old Spanish Arsenal built in 1762. Designed by James Dakin, the building is an example of Greek Revival style. It housed the Orleans Artillery up until the Civil War when it was used by Confederate troops to store supplies. After occupation by Union forces, the Arsenal came under federal control and was used as a military prison. During Reconstruction, it was given back to the state and was used to house the Metropolitan Police, giving it an important role in the Battle of Liberty Place in 1874. Violence between the integrationist Metropolitan Police and the white supremacist Crescent City White League erupted over a contentious gubernatorial election. The White League prevailed at first, occupying the Cabildo and Arsenal for three days until President Ulysses S. Grant sent in federal troops to restore order. In 1914, the Arsenal was transferred to the Louisiana State Museum to exhibit military objects.

The Arsenal

615 St. Peter Street

Square: 43 Lot Number: 18492-01

French Quarter

New Orleans, Louisiana

circa 1839

 

Built in 1839, the Arsenal stands adjacent to the Cabildo on the site of the old Spanish Arsenal built in 1762. Designed by James Dakin, the building is an example of Greek Revival style. It housed the Orleans Artillery up until the Civil War when it was used by Confederate troops to store supplies. After occupation by Union forces, the Arsenal came under federal control and was used as a military prison. During Reconstruction, it was given back to the state and was used to house the Metropolitan Police, giving it an important role in the Battle of Liberty Place in 1874. Violence between the integrationist Metropolitan Police and the white supremacist Crescent City White League erupted over a contentious gubernatorial election. The White League prevailed at first, occupying the Cabildo and Arsenal for three days until President Ulysses S. Grant sent in federal troops to restore order. In 1914, the Arsenal was transferred to the Louisiana State Museum to exhibit military objects.

Original Vermont Avenue Pepperdine College campus in South Central Los Angeles from 1937. After a shooting of a teenager by a white security guard in 1969, the college gave up on its mildly integrationist stance in the neighborhood and grabbed some sweet donated land in Malibu.

 

Now the art deco buildings are part of the Crenshaw Christian Center and home of the Faith Dome, the largest church in the United States when it opened in 1989.

 

Porst Compact Reflex SP with the MC/ARAX 35mm tilt-shift lens on Agfa Vista 100 color film.

Original Vermont Avenue Pepperdine College campus in South Central Los Angeles from 1937. After a shooting of a teenager by a white security guard in 1969, the college gave up on its mildly integrationist stance in the neighborhood and grabbed some sweet donated land in Malibu.

 

Now the art deco buildings are part of the Crenshaw Christian Center and home of the Faith Dome, the largest church in the United States when it opened in 1989.

 

Fujica ST705w on Rollei Retro 400S 35mm film.

The Arsenal

615 St. Peter Street

Square: 43 Lot Number: 18492-01

French Quarter

New Orleans, Louisiana

circa 1839

 

Built in 1839, the Arsenal stands adjacent to the Cabildo on the site of the old Spanish Arsenal built in 1762. Designed by James Dakin, the building is an example of Greek Revival style. It housed the Orleans Artillery up until the Civil War when it was used by Confederate troops to store supplies. After occupation by Union forces, the Arsenal came under federal control and was used as a military prison. During Reconstruction, it was given back to the state and was used to house the Metropolitan Police, giving it an important role in the Battle of Liberty Place in 1874. Violence between the integrationist Metropolitan Police and the white supremacist Crescent City White League erupted over a contentious gubernatorial election. The White League prevailed at first, occupying the Cabildo and Arsenal for three days until President Ulysses S. Grant sent in federal troops to restore order. In 1914, the Arsenal was transferred to the Louisiana State Museum to exhibit military objects.

The Arsenal

615 St. Peter Street

Square: 43 Lot Number: 18492-01

French Quarter

New Orleans, Louisiana

circa 1839

 

Built in 1839, the Arsenal stands adjacent to the Cabildo on the site of the old Spanish Arsenal built in 1762. Designed by James Dakin, the building is an example of Greek Revival style. It housed the Orleans Artillery up until the Civil War when it was used by Confederate troops to store supplies. After occupation by Union forces, the Arsenal came under federal control and was used as a military prison. During Reconstruction, it was given back to the state and was used to house the Metropolitan Police, giving it an important role in the Battle of Liberty Place in 1874. Violence between the integrationist Metropolitan Police and the white supremacist Crescent City White League erupted over a contentious gubernatorial election. The White League prevailed at first, occupying the Cabildo and Arsenal for three days until President Ulysses S. Grant sent in federal troops to restore order. In 1914, the Arsenal was transferred to the Louisiana State Museum to exhibit military objects.

.

._...

-·· __ .

.

What are our concerns? support: Lyngdoh: JNUSU Election 2013 is before us. Current election--like the .

previous _ones-is again going to be held under the Lyngdoh 1 Chandrasen .

recommendations that are meant to deflate the radicalism of students' politics. We all know the draconian provisions of Lyngdoh. Even if for President Kashmir is burning and peoples in north-east are killed and raped by Indian state, the Lyngdoh recommendations do not give any space to Dharmaraj Kum~r & students to debate and discuss these crimes. For the Lyngdoh, the student activist/leader has to be an 'integrationist & conformist'. Other .

R.Karthick Narayanan,.

constraints include administrative control of the student union, age bar, 'tack of opportunities to link the students' issues with the. struggling · for SLL&CS Councillors masses outside. In other words, the Lyngdoh commission is nothing but an imperialist, capitalist, statist, brahminical design .to clip the wings of students' politics. We therefore, strongly believe that there is a need to intervene in the JNUSU election, given the politics of betrayal practiced by opportunist, castiest and communal forces .

such as AISA, SFI, DSF, AISF, ABVP, YFE, NSUI. .

Therefore, our presidential candidature is to use the platform of JNUS~ election to reach out to the student community and take up those issues that cannot be addressed by the opportunist "left" organizations because they fear that their right-wing base might get eroded. We think that unless the Lyngdoh is rolled back, we will have a toothless student body. Such body is required for the elite because it will give a (false) impression that there is a "democratic" participation of students in the decision making process at the university. But in reality, it works as a constraint on furthering the politics of struggle and re~istance. This was the very reason that AISA-DSF led JNUSU this time has built upon it's earlier records of being the bootlickers o~ JNU administration. Thus, !effing the .

students community down. . .

Failure of AISA-DSF led JNUSU: First, OBC reservation has not been fully implemented year after year. Second, weightage of viva voce has not been reduced from 30 to 10, as was promised. As a result, SC/ST/OBC/women candidates continue to be discriminated against. Third, on the promise of building up new hostels, AISA-DSF led JNUSU failed to pressurise the administration. As a result, hundreds of students are deprived of their basic rights to accommodation and food for months even after the beginning of the new semester. AISA-DSF led JNUSU did not even intervene with force when the funds for the expansion of infrastructure in the wake of 27% OBC reservation were being diverted or rather misused by JNU administratjon as was pointed out by the CAG report. Fourth, .Q!l their promise to lead a struggle to increase the MCM. AISA-DSF led JNUSU fooled the students community by sitting on a 'definite' indefin~e hunger strike. Rfth, oQ__the promise to lead a struggle against LCR 'during the last JNUSU elections and hold it only as an 'interim' measure, what has been done by AISA-DSF led JNUSU in regard to this exposes their lack of political will to fight against this Castiest-Communai-Fascist recommendation. AISA-DSF half-hearted fight against Lyngdoh starts when the new academic session begins for a very short period to give an impression that they are real c·rusaders. Sixth, on its claim to champion the issue of social justice & minority rights. AISA·DSF led JNUSU has not taken any concrete step in the fear of losing communal Hindutva forces within its organisation. In the eyes of AISADSF, SC/ST/OBC/minority/women constitute just a vote-bank while most of its leadership in the past has comes ·trom upper class/castes. Seventh, on the promise to ensure deprivation points for minorites. the AISA-DSF led JNUSU neither had a clear vision nor are they willing to call for a UGBM to get the students mandate, this blatantly expose their attempts to trivialise the fight for social justicies as these revolutionary parties even failed to -acknowledge caste difference/discrimination pointed out in Sachar committee recommendations. Eight, on the pr.omise to revoke the BAMA de-linking, AISA-DSF led JNUSU only paid a lip service to our demands. While a full fledged struggle is the requirement AISA-DSF led JNUSU .

Protest demo during the BoS only unmasked their half-hearted commitment to the issue. Ninth, while raising drop out rate in the BAIMA shocked the JNUcommunity, recently exposed M. Phil drop-out is more shocking as it categorically exposes caste and class character in JNU. The silence and the ineffective struggle of AISA-DSF led JNUSU to stop such discrimination shows their class-caste charaCter. Degen.eration and Revisionism of Established Left: The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that they were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But .

AISA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML (Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sana, in Bihar, which engineered the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. · .

Turning to SFI, division, internal fighting, opportunism and lac~ of revolutionary vision has also fractured SFI into at least three camps in JNU. While during the last election SFI candidates made mockery of JNUSU election by suddenly appearing like a ghost, the DSF is the most confused organisation today. It has opposed its leadership on the candidature of aneo-liberar Pranab Mukherjee and gpt expelled. But, it yet adopted the SFI's constitution as their own. How far is DSF different from the SFI? Do they defend CPM's continuous betrayal of people? For them, the JNUSU election is less the tight for the cause for students and more to .

settle scores with its top leadership. It is a bizarre situation that while it upheld CPI-M's crime against farmers, workers and women in Nandigram and Singur, it suddenly became "critical" "autonomous" and "independent" on Pranab episode. The faction in SFI is also due to the fact that it is a gang of opportunist, careerists, professional comrades who are in the party for their petty interests in the .

garb of progressivism. As far as another left organisation AISF the very reason tor its shirking base is its revisionism aQd lack of will to take up issues of students. Most importantly, it has way back lost faith in revolutionary politics. Further people also lost faith in their Parental .

.

.

 

.

·---..: ~ .

. ~ -..:..._ ______ ---.

·---::--_ .

the murder of Rajkumar Bhul and rape and murder of Taposhi Malik in 2008. Who does not know the history of their private militia .

.

Harmad Vahini, who on the lines of Ranvir Sena, Black Cobra, Operation Green Hunt, molested, killed and raped thousands of .

women. .

After Gender Justice, communalism is their favorite subject on which they claim to have the intellectual supremacy. It was the CPM .

who in the year 2000 insisted on passing POKA, the preventive detention act on the lines of BJP Government's Prevention ol .

Terrorism Act. The clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the perceived threat to the security and integrity of the .

state necessitating such extraordinarily stringent Act. Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two sides of a .

same coin. Buddhadeb and his company tried their level best to frame such an Act in 2002. Already in 2002 Buddhadeb roared .

against Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos .

from the BJP Government at the Centre. The CPM has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of police .

stations and forces in its 34 years rule in West Bengal. In fact Buddhadeb babu while laying the foundation stone of a new police .

station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need "to shoot" the people creating law and order .

problem. and we all know the definition of 'law and order problem' in India. TAOA, POTA, GUJKOKA, MCOCA, UAPA, Sedition law .

etc. are nothing but the measures to curb the 'law and order problem'. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman .

Bose, raised the "terrorist" bogey echoing the Central Government and the us imperialists, and asKed the people everywhere in .

West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. .

On the nationality struggles in Kashmir and North-East, CPM again echo the nationalist and integrationist tone of right wing .

'patriots'. In jts 12th Party Congress, CPM expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that "The entire north-eastern region is full ol .

discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by .

"Reactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies." How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are .

buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all .

leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries. is pure and simple worship of the .

powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. The CPM dismissed the .

independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people and their right to self-determination. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the .

massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enormous presence of the military over years, the .

"disappearance" of thousands of kashmiris. Both the BJP and the CPM prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan. CPM .

even welcomed the hanging of Afzal Guru. .

We appeal to the student community to be beware of the lies of SFI. You will find them voicing against Lyngdoh in the campus, bul .

for their parental party and for them as well, Lynqdoh is a revolutionary document. You will find them voicing for worker's rights. but .

.

in reality they have flouted all labour laws in their rule. Don't believe their hypocrats. .

There is hardly any need to write any separate history of DSF, as they are only functionally out of SFI, but still uphold the .

constitution of SFI and CPM. . .

.

CPI (Mll-LIBERATION & its Student Wing AISA: Liberation-AISA proudly shouts the slogan naxalbari Ia/ salaam. but in reality .

they have actually been apologetic for having gone underground at any point of time in history. The entire proceedings of the 7th .

Congress of the CPI (Ml) Liberation reaffirmed its 'supreme commitment' to its coming 'cover ground' in its fifth congress held in .

Kolkata in December 1992. In fact, to prove this commitment it announced publicly the list of not only its entire CC, but also its Polit .

Bureau -a method avoided by communist parties even in the .developed countries. In its mouthpiece, 'Liberation',lts General .

Secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya wrote an article in which he said that they were forced to go underground. A question must be .

asked them that if they are so apologetic for going underground, why do they shout this slogan. What does naxalbari mean for .

them? Can a laal salam be saluted to naxalbari by devoiding it from the theory of armed struggle? .

The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML (liberation) is because of the fact that they were .

floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AI SA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to .

the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML .

(liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election. while it betrayed landless labourers, .

mostly Oalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the .

Bathani Tela massacre in 1996. In fact AISA's emergence was on the line of anti-mandai, anti-kamandal. .

.

The CPI (Ml) Constitution itself clearly states that it will uphold, not only the existing semi-feudal, semi-colonial system, but also the .

sovereignty, unity and integrity of India, thereby lending legitimacy to the jack-boots of the Indian rulers, that is crushing by brute .

.

force the nationality movements in the country. Their 'nationalist' and 'integrationist' character was again exposed when they joined .

the Anna 'movement'. In fact AISA had organized a 'Tiranga' rally in Palamu district. How can 'naxalbari laal salam' be collided with .

'tiranga'. Tiranga is not only a flag, but a symbol of casteism, communalism and patriarchy? .

.

.

 

.

' .

~Jq (zo1z .

lseellvour for president ? lhllld againstlvogdob ?., we reJect"left" and opaonunism,? .

JNUSU Election 2012 is just a few days to go. But current election-like the previous one is again going to be under the Lyngdoh recommendations that meant for deflating the radicarism of students' politics. We all know the \.

.

·~ianprovisio~s of the Lyngdoh. Even if Kashmir is burning and peoples in north-east are killed and raped by Indian .

·~the Lyngdoh recommendation do not give any space to students to debate and discuss these crimes. For the .

lyngdoh, the student activist/leader has to be an "integrationist". Other constraints include administrative control of the .

student union. age .bar, lack of opportunities to link the students' issues with the struggling masses outside. In other .

WordS, .the Lyngdoh commission is nothing but an imperialist, capitalist, statist, brahminical design to clip the wings of .

.

students' politics. .

I, .therefor~, strongly befieve there is a need to intervene in the JNUSU election, given the politics of betrayal .

.

, AISF, ABVP, YFE, NSUI..

.

practiced by qpportunist, castiest and communal forces such as AI SA, SFI, SFl~JNU .

Therefore; my independent presidential candidature is to use the platform of JNUSU election to reach out to the .

.

studeqt commu~ity and take up those issues cannot be addressed by opportunist "lefr organisation because they fear .

that their light-wing base might get eroded. I think unless the Lyngdoh is rolled back, we will have a tamed student body. .

Such body is required for the elites because it will give a (false) impression that there is a "democratic" participation of .

~n~in the decision making at the university. But in reality, it works as a constraint on furthering the politics of .

struggle and resistance. This was the very reason that AISA-led JNUSU this time has-improved its earlier records of being .

.

abootlicker of JNU administration. Thus, AISA coufd not do anything for students. First, OBC reserva~i.on has not been fully implemented year after year. Second, marks for the viva from 30 to 10 j \t .

has not been reduced, despite its promise. As a result, SC/ST/OBC/women/ candidates continue to be discriminated. Third, oo·its promise of building up new hostels, AISA fail to pressurise the administration. As a resuiC hundreds of ~~ students are depfived of their basic rights to shelter and food month~ after the opening of new semester. AISA even did 'n d.

I.

not intervene when the funds for the expansion of infrastructure in the wake of 27% OBC reservation was diverted or .

rather misused by JNU administration as pointed out by CAG report. Fourth, on its promise to lead a struggle against the .

Lyngdolj ~uring t~e last JNUSU election and hold it only as an "interim" measure, what it has done is nothing more or less .

lhan tokepism and tourism. AJSAJs half-hearted fight against Lyngdoh starts when the new academic session begins for a .

.

'issue of social I I ~.

very short period to give an impression that it is the real crusader. Fifth, on its claim to champion the \.

I I I ~II.

{ustice. ·minority rights, AtSA has not taken any concrete step in fear of losing communal Hindutva forces within its d. \ organisation:In the eyes of AISA, SC/ST/OBC/minority/women constitute just avote-bank while its leadership comes from l 1 'St .

· -. I \e id.

uppE!rclass/castes. This continues to be reflected in the panel of AI SA. Most of the AISA presidents so far has been upper I .

~ I 1.

caStes..What accounted for the rejection of AI SA among student? _ The ~egeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML · (Uberation) is because of the fact j I .

that they were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AISA and CPI-ML J .

l .

, ~)very·soon fall prey to the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis le .

ir.

~l~acyand shrinking base, CPM-ML (Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last .

n.

;~Gp,l;:·~j-:_~.--election, while it betrayed landles"s labourers, mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and .

.at.

~r.o:.ww-militarY force, Ranvir Sema, in Bihar, which engineered the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. I I.

let me briefly tum to SFI. Division, internal fighting, .opportunism and lack of revolutionary theory has also .

.

SFI inte at least three camps in JNU. While "officialn SFI candidates have made the mockery of JNUSU election I .

.appearir:'Q like a ghost, the SFI-JNU·is the most confused organisation today. It has opposed its leadership candid~ureof neo-liberal" P.ranab Ml)khe~ee and got expelled, But, it is stm begging at the door of CPI-M leaders the expulsion. For them, the JNUSU election is Jess the fight for the cause for students and more to settle ·with its top leadership. It is a bizarre situation that while it upheld CPI-M's crime against farmers, workers and .

in Nandigram and Singure, it suddenly became "critical" "autonomous" and "independenf on Pranab episode. The I.

. " ,....

SFI is also due to the fact that it is agang of opportunist, careerists, professional comrades who" are in the patty f.

petty interests in the garb of progressivism. far as another..left organisation AISF is concerned, it is yet to break out of its slavery from SFI and now it has a new bondage with SFI-JNU. The very reason for AISF shirkfng base is its revisionism and lack of will to .

stud~nts. Most.importantly, it has way back lost faith in revolutionary politics. W,Att: attac~ing official left,.we must not forget that while Hindu communal-fascist ABVP a~d equally dangerous garb have no issue and concern for the students. These organisations are divided houses as they .

I. .

·· -r.~ >"'.

. ,. ~... 1 .

1 ,, ,. "!-! 1:..

.~d."''. ,.. ' .,,.

·-· -·'1.

~: ,;·J·.· I, . ------. ~ r:· .1·ti'.·· · ' '.

. '. ':. , ' . . ''Jf. ..::----...___ .

·, ,..

" ""' , ' . I . ·, ,lti'l..1 '''"''·' O~~ 0't_l . 1! ,· ' t ) 0,· ; 1"'111".-If. LlI . I '.

.,,11; <:·!1. ' I ' . ~---.

' It oil ' , , 0.

1 .

.

 

The village of Bogoro, halfway between Bunia and the lake, was the scene of a massacre of 200 men, women and children on February 24 2003. Nationalist and Integrationist Front (FNI) and the Front for Patriotic Resistance of Ituri (FRPI) soldiers went on a killing spree - an attack led by Germain Katanga, who is facing a war crimes trial at the ICC

.

1.

I.

\ .

~ .

<t:/1/2fJIL .

should 1seek vour suoaon lor president ?.

Whv should we fight against Lvngdob ?.

Mvshould we reJect·.,telf' revlsloni and opponunism ? \ .

JNUSU Election 2012 is just a few days to go. But current election-like the previous one-is again going to be.

held under the Lyngdoh recommendations that meant for deflating the radicalism of students' politics. We all know the.

draconian provisions of the Lyngdoh. Even if Kashmir is burning and peoples in north-east are killed and raped by Indian.

state, the Lyngdoh recommendation do not give any space to students to debate and discuss these crimes. For the.

lyngdoh, the student activist/leader has to be an "integrationist". Other constraints include administrative control of the.

student union, age bar, lack of opportunities to link the students' issues with the struggling masses outside. In other.

words, .the Lyngdoh commission is nothing but an imperialist, capitalist, statist, brahminical design to clip the wings of.

students' politics..

I, therefore, strongly betieve there is a need to intervene in the JNUSU election, given the politics of betrayal.

practiced by opportunist, castiest and communal forces such as AISA, SFI, SFt-JNU, AISF, ABVP, YFE, NSUI..

Therefore, my independent presidential candidature is to use the platform of JNUSU election to reach out to the.

student community and take up those issues cannot be addressed by opportunist "left" organisation because they fear.

that their right-wing base might ge~ eroded. r think unless the Lyngdoh is rolled back, we will have a tamed student body..

.

Such body is required for the elites because it will give a (false) impression that there is a "democratic" participation ofstudents in the decision making at the uniyersity. But in reality, it works as a constraint on furthering the politics of t\ystruggle and resistance. This was the very reason that AISA-led JNUSU this-time has improved its earlier records of being ue abootlicker of JNU administration. Thus, AISA could not do anything for students. II First, OBC reservation has not been fully implemented year after year. Second, marks for the viva from 30 to 10 III.

has not been.reduced, despite its promise. As a re$ult, SC/ST/OBC/women/ candidates continue to be discriminated. 1\ 1~heThird, on its promise of building up new hostels, AISA fair to pressurise the administration. As a result, hundreds of hed .

:i in.

students are deprived of their basic rights to shelter and food months after the opening of new semester. AISA even did .

It pod.

not intervene when the funds for the expansion of infrastructure in the wake of 27% OBC reservation was diverted or .

'few.

rather misused by JNU administration as pointed out. by CAG report. Fourth, on its promise to lead a struggle against theLyngdoh during the last JNUSU election and hold it only as an "interim" measure, what it has done is nothing more or Jess I~,rthan tokenism and tourism. AISA's half-hearted fight against Lyngdoh starts when the new academic session begins for a .

! ping.

very short period to give an 'impression that it is the real crusader. Fifth, on its claim to champion the issue of social .

I ea\\justice, minority rights, AISA has not taken any concrete step in fear of losing communal Hindutva forces within its \ ted.organisation. In the eyes of AI SA, SC/ST/OBC/minority/women constitute just a vote-bank while its l'eadership comes from 'nUSt .

~ the.

upper class/castes. This continues to be reflected in the panel of AI SA. Most of the AISA presidents so far has been upper And.

castes. What accounted for the rejection of AISA among student? . ' , . The degeneration. and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML {Liberation) is because of the fact.

that they were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AISA and CPI-ML .

the.

(Liberation) very soon fall prey to the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis lof legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML (Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last ' Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, mostly Oalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and I'feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996.let me briefly turn to SFI. Division, internal fighting~ opportunism and lack of revolutionary theory has alsofractured SFI into at least three camps in JNU. While ~~officiar SFI candidates have made the mockery of JNUSU electionby suddenly appearing like a ghost, the SFI-JNU is the most confused organisation today. It has opposed its leadership.

on the candidature of "nee-liberal" Pranab Mukhe~ee and got expelled, But, it is still begging at the door of CPI-M leadersfor repealing the expulsion. For them, the JNUSU election is less the fight for the cause for students and more to settlescores with its top leadership. It is a bizarre situation that while it upheld CPI-M1s crime against farmers, workers andwomen in Nandigram and Singure, it suddenly became 11Criticaln"autonomous" and llindependenr on Pranab episode. The .

thiS.

faction in SFI is also due to the fact that it is agang of opportunist, careerists, professional comrades who are in the partyfor their petty interests in the garb of progressivism. it. As far as another left organisation AISF is concerned, it is yet to break out of its slavery from SFI and now it hasentered into a new bondage with SFI-JNU. The very reason for AISF shirking base is its revisionism and lack of will totake up issues of students. Most importantly, it has way back lost faith in revolutionary politics.While attacking official left, we must not forget that while Hindu communal-fascist ABVP and equally dangerousNSUI with "secular" garb have no issue and concern for the students. These organisations are divided houses as ,they .

,....

. .... .

~j: .,. - li . . [}< ~· .·~ I i' ' lj .' j; i tp, A.' ' .· ·~ ' li.

! :i ~. ·;~ .;i-:~;::d~:~?~~Ii~~!; ~:_:~:t.~l/rr~;~:· ~-. t~~. !1111 . J~J1~~·:W ::. ;! ,,..

.. 1. .

~-0. __, .

.

 

.

\.

What J are our concerns? .

Lyngdoh:JNUSU Election 2013is just a few days away. Current election--like the previous ones--is again going to be .

h.eld under the Lyngdoh recommendations that are meant to deflate the radicalism of students' politics. We all knc;>w the draconian provisions of Lyngdoh. Even if Kashmir is burning and peoples in north-east are killed an~ raped by Indian state, the Lyngdoh recommendations do not give any space to students to debate and discuss these crimes. For the Lyngdoh, the student activist/leader has to be an 'integrationist & conformist'. Other constraints include administrative .

control of the· student union, age bar, lack of opportunities to link the students' issues with the struggling masses outside. In other words, the Lyngdoh commission is nothing but an imperialist, capitalist, statist, brahminical design to clip the wings of students' politics. We therefore, strongly believe that there is a need to intervene in the JNUSU election, given the politics of betrayal practiced by opportunist, castiest and communal forces such as AISA, SFI, DSF, AISF, ABVP, YFE,NSUI.Therefore, our presidential candidature is to use the platfonn of JNUSU election to reach out to the student .

community and take up those issues "that cannot be addressed by the opportunist "left" organisations because they fear .

that their right-wing base might get eroded. We think that unless the Lyngdoh is rolled back, we will have a toothless .

student body. Such body is required for the elite because it will give a (false) impression that there is a ~(democratic" .

participation of students in the decision making process at the university. But in reality, it works as a constraint on furthering the politics of struggle and resistance. This was the very reason that AISA-DSF led JNUSU this time has built .

upon it's earlier records of being the bootlickers of JNU administration. Thus, letting the students community down.Failure of AISA-DSF led JNUSU;First, OBC reservation has not been fully implemented year after year. Second, weightage of viva voce has not been reduced from 30 to 10, as was promised. As a result, SC/ST/OBC/women candidat~s continue to be discriminated against. Third, on the promise of building up new hostels, AISA-DSF led JNUSU failed to pressurise the administration. As a result, hundreds of students are deprived of th~ir basic rights to accommodation and food for months even after the begining of the new semester. AISA-DSF led JNUSU did not even intezvene with force when the funds for the expansion of infrastructure in the wake of 27% OBC reservation were being diverted or rather misused by JNU administration as was pointed out by the CAG report. Fourth, on their promise to .

lead a snuggle to increase the MCM. AISA-DSF led JNUSU fooled the students community oy sitting on a 'definite' .

indefinite hunger strike. Fifth, on the promise to lead a struggle against LCR during the last JNUSU elections and hold it only as an 'interim' measure, what has been done by AISA-DSF led JNUSU in regard to this exposes their lack of political will to fight against this Castiest-Communal-Fascist recommendation. AISA-DSF half-hearted fight against Lyngdoh starts when the new academic session begins for a very short period to give an impression that they are real crusaders. Sixth, on its claim to champion the issue of social justice & minority rights, AISA-DSF led JNUSU has not .

taken any concrete step in the fear of losing communal Hindutva forces within its organisati~n. In the eyes of AT~.t\-.

DSF, SC/ST/OBC/minority/women constitute just a vote-bank while most of its leadership in the past has comes from upper class/castes. Seventh, on the promise to ensure deprivation points for rninorites, the AISA-DSF led JNUSU .

neither had a clear vision nor are they willing to call for a UGBM to get the students mandate, this blatantly expose their attempts to trivialise the fight for social justicies as these revolutionary parties even failed to acknowledge caste difference/discrimination pointed out in Sachar committee recommendations. Eight, on the promise to revoke the BA-MA de-linking, AISA-DSF led JNUSU only payed a lip setvice to our demands. Vlh.ile a full fledged struggle is the .

requirement AISA-DSF led JNUSU Protest demo during the BoS only unmasked their half-hearted commitment to the issue. Ninth,while raising drop out rate in the BAJMA shocked the JNU community,recently exposed·M. Phil drop-out is more shocking as it categorically exposes caste and class character in JNU. The silence and the ineffective struggle of AISA-DSF led JNUSU to stop such discrimination shows their class-caste character. Degeneration and Revisionism of Established Left: The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that th~y were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AISA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML (Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which ..

engineered the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. .

Turning to SFI, division, internal fighting, opportunism and lack of revolutionary vision has also fractured SFI into at .

least ~ee ~amps in JNU. Whil~ during the last election S~I c~clidates made mockery of JNUSU election by suddenly .

appeann~ like ~ ghost, the DSF .1s the most confused org~sauon today. It has opposed its leadership on the candidature .

of "neo-liberal Pranab MukheiJ ee and got expelled. But, 1t yet adopted the SFI's constitution as their own. How f . .

DSF different from the SFI? Do they defend CPM's continuous betrayal of people? For them the JNUSU el u·ar ~s.

. . ' ec on 1s .

les~ th~ ~ght for the c~use .for stud.ents. and more to settle scores Wl~ lts top .leadership. It is a bizarre situation that while 1t upheld CPI-M s cnme agcu.nst farmers, workers and women m Nandlgram and Singure, it sudden! b "critical" "autonomous" and "independent" on Pranab episode. The faction in SFI is also due to the fact th t .t~ ecame.

. f a 1 ls a gang.

. . f . al d h , the party . or their petty interests in th.

of opportunist, careensts, pro ess10n comra es w o are m · e garb of .

.

 

Original Vermont Avenue Pepperdine College campus in South Central Los Angeles from 1937. After a shooting of a teenager by a white security guard in 1969, the college gave up on its mildly integrationist stance in the neighborhood and grabbed some sweet donated land in Malibu.

 

Now the art deco buildings are part of the Crenshaw Christian Center and home of the Faith Dome, the largest church in the United States when it opened in 1989.

 

Fujica ST705w on Rollei Retro 400S 35mm film.

Dr Richard Race (Roehampton University)presents his paper 'Educating for Britishness in the Twenty-First Century: integrationist and intercultural applications to citizenship and cohesion'

.

t .

r: .

Assault on Democratic Space in Campuses: Lyngdob in fostering privatisation and promoting Brahmanism .

.

of the state has been imposed into campus space~ with the mandate of weakening protests and aggressively pushing Once these Bills become legislations, the aim ofthe Indian ruling classes to let the market have a free hand in the field ofeducation will be complete. However it is equally important for the state to ensure that any dissent controlled, and ifrequired, punished. Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations (LCR) as part ofneoliberal policies and resistance to such aggressive privatisation and promotion ofcertain ideologies, is strictly monitored, the two year standoffbetween the Delhi Uruverstty Teacher's Association (DUTA) and the administration is particularly instructive in this case. For two years DUTA fought against the forceful imposition of'semester system'. Teachers of towards the many representanons ofthe teachers and unposed uOilateral decisions through manipulative and coercive through privatisation. Teachers' and s~en~' ~ons have been subject to increasing onslaughts lately. The crushing of .

' Delhi University pointed ?ut howit would inevitably l~to highly mechanized processes ofteaching and leaming in a .

university as big as DU Wlth s~eep teacher-students ra~o. All ~~~h,the university authorities showed complete disdain dissent and protest among students. LCR comes with a mask ofensuring election as per certain guidelines as is the case with all anti-people policies and laws in this country --be it SEZs under the LPG paradigm orAFPSA for 'national LCR whichJNU has been battling since 2008 is an instrument in the hands ofthe state to control and regulate beyond which students ate not supposed to tread. The criterion ofnot having any 'criminal' record, 'charge-sheet' or .

established the anti-student 'semester system'. .

means. The administration even curbed down on the teachers' right to strike and protest invokinglegality and in this way .

security'. Under the garb ofridd.ing the student politics ofcriminal elements what it actually does is to draw the lines .

know in this country not everybody who is charged or brought under the lawis 'criminal'. Often the voices which dare to The Indid .

I.

eastern r~ .

disciplinary action as requirements for contesting elections is a clause that can put any dracol).ian law to shame. We all .

deploym~ .

policies and life ofdignity are the ones that are criminalised. In campuses like JNU, where historically students have been .

declared~ upholding all such democratic demands and movements, it is anybody's guess as to who would be a 'criminal' in the eyes .

threatening against film screening for being 'anti-In~'will never be considered 'criminal'. LCRgives these forces .

Operation~ .

complete cushion through its observation that students must be 'nationalist' and '.integrationist'. However ifyou protest question exploitation endemic to this system and stand in solidarity with people demanding democratisation, inclusive .

Septembe~1 .

ofthe state andJNU administration. Ofcourse for the state or any university authority right-wing goons intimidating or .

unabated ti East, Kas~Gujarat or Kbairlanji, you are bound to be charged by the administration, and ifnecessary, with 'law'. ruling coalit political par These are, as the principal ofSymbiosis putit, 'matters ofpassionate political opinions' having nothing to do with against fee hike, non-implementation ofreservations, renting out PSR ordare to question what is unfolding in North-.

Eastern stat! .

poorest mos .

.

education and the lives ofstudents. And for the students who refuse to comply, LCR gives all forms ofpunitive .

subcontinent by the Dean has the power to cancel anyone's candidature for elections and even dissolve an elected students' union .

· .

India has incr LCR is not only here to push privatisadon but also to safeguard hegemonisation ofknowledge production by .

.

with the inten .

elected by students. .

.

the I·,dian Ar measures in the bands of administrations. The most dangerous clause ofLCR -the Grievance Redressal Cell to be headed .

resistance aga .

willfully poorlygraded. This has also been amply reflectedin the admission policy followed by theJNU administration small minority ofexploiting castes-classes. For example, LCRdeclares that a student needs to have a certain .fir~t batch of2 ele:uons. Perfunctorily it seems there is nothing wrong with this clause as it only argues for students concentrating on .

hearings. But as ithas been seen time and again that students from socially and educationally deprived backgrounds are .

~here bec~use ofthe high weigbtage given to the :MPhil interview, students from SC/ST or OBC categories, ~t go"~r,rnent to percentage ofmarks and attendance or 'good conduct' report by his/her supervisor or a faculty member to contest in .

Ba("'"'~r on 3 ]un the.u: academics along with contestingin elections. This has indeed also been the logic ofSupreme Court in recent .

600 square kild Warfare Trainit are .ampant, such clauses instead ofensuring academic standard precisely aims ~t restricting representation ofstudents ofdemocransatlon of campus spaces. By making marks and supervisor's good conduct recommen~anon a cntena, what .

personnel desc~ d1sproporttonately lower marks in their interviews as compared to their written paper. In a system where castelst b1ases .

from margin.alis~d groups in student bodies for voicing their grievances. By such silencing, LCR targe~ to ~st.any form November 20111 goveruments m4 LCR wants to subtly bring in is the logic ofmeritocracy to protect brahminical hegemonyin educatton. For students who .

~hthave joined education late due to several constraints, the age-criterion in LCR sees to the fa~t.that such stue!ents. .

called Jungle Wa1 ~ill never be able to cc:>ntest elections or join students, politics. Thus LCR ensures ~tstudent pQlittcs and the wuverstty to put pressure 6 region militarily,I .

vasl swathes of~ stte as a space oflearrung becomes predomi.nandy the domain of students from dom11Wlt castes/classes, there~y ~er .

Multinational C have stood up to strengthening and perpetuating the highly undemocratic and elitist higher education system that has been established 10 .

do~antcaste/class interests and for foreign and domestic business, LCR is an ide.al 'guidelin~' as it.stultifies criticality .

very existence. .

this country. .

.

LCR which is inherently anti-democratic and anti-student needs to be completely rejected and defeated. For and so.fles student voices. The unfortunate capirulation ofthe Joint Srn@e Comrruttee. constttuted tn 2008 to fight anything but over and the S~ggle Committee against Lyngdoh, Privati~ation an~ Brahmanismis c?.mmitted ~o carry on the fight. The Struggle Comm1ttee calls upon the students to intervene 10 all posS1ble spaces and utilize all available means .

appointed long hoF.l .

legally and politically against Lyn~ohis a setback for the student movement of)NU. But the fight against Lyngdoh is to resist Lyngdoh and its larger agend~-privatization and brahmanismin education. .

Struggle Committee Against Lyngdoh, Privatisation and Brahmanism .

j .

I .

.

 

Original Vermont Avenue Pepperdine College campus in South Central Los Angeles from 1937. After a shooting of a teenager by a white security guard in 1969, the college gave up on its mildly integrationist stance in the neighborhood and grabbed some sweet donated land in Malibu.

 

Now the art deco buildings are part of the Crenshaw Christian Center and home of the Faith Dome, the largest church in the United States when it opened in 1989.

 

Fujica ST705w on Rollei Retro 400S 35mm film.

Original Vermont Avenue Pepperdine College campus in South Central Los Angeles from 1937. After a shooting of a teenager by a white security guard in 1969, the college gave up on its mildly integrationist stance in the neighborhood and grabbed some sweet donated land in Malibu.

 

Now the art deco buildings are part of the Crenshaw Christian Center and home of the Faith Dome, the largest church in the United States when it opened in 1989.

 

Fujica ST705w on Rollei Retro 400S 35mm film.

Bentley Richert, ESSDACK science and tech integrationist helps kids learn! Note how he is BEHIND the students. There's nothing blocking them from the learning!

 

Kevin Honeycutt calls this "leaned-in learning."

 

:-)

.

fwhe, , -~~----------------=" .

.

. a·-----eC/1' Pr· .

])... 'e'1d-.

the murder of Rajkumar Bhul and rape and murder of Taposhi Malik in 2008. Who does not know the history of their private militia Harmad Vahini, who on the lines of Ranvir Sena, Black Cobra, Operation Green Hunt, molested, killed and raped thousands o1 .

women. After Gender Justice, communalism is their favorite subject on which they claim to have the intellectual supremacy. It was the CPM who in the year 2000 insisted on passing POKA. the preventive detention act on the lines of BJP Government's Prevention of .

Terrorism Act. The clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the perceived threat to the security and integrity or the state necessitating such extraordinarily stringent Act. Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two sides of a same coin. Buddhadeb and his company tried their level best to frame such an Act in 2002. Already in 2002 Buddlladeb roared .

against Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos from the BJP Government at the Centre. The CPM has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of police stations and forces in its 34 years rule in West Bengal. In fact Buddhadeb babu while laying the foundation stone of a new police station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need "to shoot" the people creating law and order problem. and we all know the definition of 'law and order problem' in India. TADA, POTA, GUJKOKA, MCOCA, UAPA, Sedition law etc. are nothing but the measures to curb the 'law and order problem'. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman Bose, raised the "terrorist" bogey echoing the Central Government and the US imperialists, and asked the people everywhere in West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. On the nationality struggles in Kashmir and North-East, CPM again echo the nationalist and integrationist tone of right wing 'patriots'. In jts 12th Party Congress, CPM expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that "The entire north-eastern region is full of discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by "Reactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies." How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries, is pure and simple worship of the powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. The CPM dismissed the independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people and their right to self-determination. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enormous presence of the military over years, the "disappearance" of thousands of kashmiris. Both the BJP and the CPM prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan. CPM even welcomed the hanging of Afzal Guru. We appeal to the student community to be beware of the lies of SFI. You will find them voicing against Lyngdoh in the campus, but for their parental party and for them as well, Lyngdoh is a revolutionary document. You will find them voicing for worker's rights, bul in reality they have flouted all labour laws in their rule. Don't believe their hypocrats. There is hardly any need to write any separate history of DSF, as they are only functionally out of SFI but still uphold the constitution of SFI and CPM. ' CPI (Mll-LIBERATION & its St~dent Wi~g AI SA: Liberation-AISA proudly shout~ the slogan naxalbari tal salaam. but in reality they have actually been ap~logeh.c for ha~mg g~ne underground at any point of time in history. The entire proceedings of the 7th Congres.s of the CPI (ML) L1berat1on reaff1rm~d 1ts 'supreme .commitment' to its coming 'cover ground' in its fifth congress held in Kolkata 1n December 19~2. In fact, to prov.e th1s commitment 1t announced publicly the list of not only its entire cc, but also its Polit Bureau -a ~ethod avo1ded by commumst p~rtie~ eve.n in the .developed countries. In its mouthpiece, 'Liberation',lts General Secretary, D1pan~ar Bhattacharya wrote an art1cle m wh1ch he said that they were forced to go underground. A question must be ~ske~ ~em that If they are so apologetic for going underground, why do they shout this slog'an. What does naxalbari mean for .

em. an a l~al salam o~ ~al~ted to naxalbari by devoiding it from the theory of armed struggle? ~he deg~nerat1o.n and rev1s1on1s~. of. AI SA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that they were oated w1th an a1m to correct rev1s1omsm and opportunism of SFI and CPM But AI SA and CPI ML (L'b r ) f .

~tfb~~a~~n)i~~~~~:da~~odi~h~~~~c~i~hii~: :ne;~on~~~~~~i~ed by the~. U~der t~e crisis ~f leg-iti~ac~ =~~~~~ri~~~gs~~~e,e~~~!'J~ mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiesf communal ;~dMf d~l~g ~~st Bihar election, while It betrayed landless labourers, Bathani Tola massa~re.in 1996. In fact AISA's e~ergence was on t~~ l~nem~~~~i-force, Ranvi.r Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the The CPI (ML) Constitution itself clearly states that it will u hold n ~ ~andal, .anh-kamand~l. .

sovereignty, unity and integrity of India, thereby lending fegiti~a~; ~nlihthe e~l~trng sem1-feuda~, sem1-colonial system, but also the force the nationality movements in the country Their 'nationalist' d~. t e Jac. -.o~ts of the Indian rulers, that is crushing by brute ~~e An~a ·~ovement' . In fact AISA had organi~ed a 'Tiran a' rail ~~ In egratl?m~t character ~as agai~ exposed when they joined tlranga . Tlranga is not only a flag but a symbol of cast . g y Pa.lamu dlstnct: How can naxalban laal salam' be collided with .

. e1sm, communalism and patnarchy? .

.

.

 

Dr Richard Race (Roehampton University)presents his paper 'Educating for Britishness in the Twenty-First Century: integrationist and intercultural applications to citizenship and cohesion'

.

What are our ~concerns? .

Lyngdoh:JNUSU Election 2013ls just a few days away. Current election--like the previous ones-is again going to be held under the Lyngdoh recommendations that are meant to deflate the radicalism of students, politics. We all knc;>w the draconian pt()vislons of Lyngdoh. Even if Kashmir is burning and peoples in north-east are killed an~ raped by Indian state, the Lyngdoh recommendations do not give any space to students to debate and discuss these crimes. For the Lyngdoh, the student activist/leader has to be an 'integrationist & conformist'. Other constraints include administrative control of the student union, age bar, lack of opportunities to link the students' issues with the struggling masses outside. .

In other words, the Lyngdoh commission is nothing but an imperialist, capitalist, statist, brahminical design to clip the wings of students' politics. We therefore, strongly believe that there is a need to intervene in the JNUSU election, giventhe politics of betrayal practiced by opportunist, castiest and communal forces such as AISA, SFI, DSF, AISF, ABVP,YFE, NSUI. .

Therefore, our presidential candidature is to use the platform of JNUSU election to reach out to the student .

community and take up those issues that cannot be addressed by the opportunist uleft" organisations because they fear that their right-wing base might get eroded. We think that unless the Lyngdoh is rolled back, we will have a toothless student body. Such body is required for the elite because it will give a (false) impression that there is a "democratic" .

participation of students in the decision making process at the university. .

But in reality, it works as a constraint on furthering the politics of struggle and resistance. This was the very reason that AISA-DSF led JNUSU this time has built upon it's earlier records of being the bootlickers of JNU administration. Thus, letting the students community down..

Failure of AISA-DSF led JNUSU:First, OBC reservation has not been fully implemented year after year. Second,weightage of viva voce has not been reduced from 30 to 10, as was promised. As a result, SC/ST/OBC/women candidat~s continue to be discriminated against. Third, on the P-romise of building up new hostels, AISA-DSF led JNUSU failed to pressurise the administration. As a result, hundreds of students are deprived of th~ir basic rights to accommodation and food for months even after the begining of the new semester. AISA-DSF led JNUSU did not even intervene with force when the funds for the expansion of infrastructure in the wake of 27% OBC reservation were beingdiverted or rather misused by JNU administration as was pointed out by the CAG report. Fourth, on their promise to .

lead a snuggle to increase the MCM. AISA-DSF led JNUSU fooled the students community oy sitting on a 'definite' indefinite hunger strike. Fifth, on the promise to lead a struggle against LCR during the last JNUSU elections and hold it only as an 'interim' measure, what has been done by AISA-DSF led JNUSU in regard to this exposes their lack of political will to fight against this Castiest-Communal-Fascist recommendation. AISA-DSF half-hearted fight againstLyngdoh starts when the new academic session begins for a very short period to give an impression that they are real crusaders. Sixth, on its claim to champion the issue of social justice & minority rights, AISA-DSF led JNUSU has not taken any concrete step in the fear of losing communal Hindutva forces within its organisation. In the eyes of AT~~-DSF, SC/ST/OBC/minority/women constitute just a vote-bank while most of its leadership in the past has comes from upper class/castes. Seventh, on the promise to ensure deprivation points for rninorites, the AISA-DSF led JNUSU neither had a clear vision nor are they willing to call for a UGBM to get the students mandate, this blatantly expose their attempts to trivialise the fight for social justicies as these revolutionary parties even failed to acknowledge caste difference/discrimination pointed out in Sachar committee recommendations. Eight, on the promise to revoke the BA-MA de-linking, AISA-DSF led JNUSU only payed a lip service to our demands. While a full fledged struggle is the requirement AISA-DSF led JNUSU Protest demo during the BoS only unmasked their half-hearted commitment to the issue. Ninth,while raising drop out rate in the BA!MA shocked the JNU community,recently exposed · M. Phil drop-out.

is more shocking as it categorically exposes caste and class character in JNU. The silence and the ineffective struggle of AISA-DSF led JNUSU to stop such discrimination shows their class-caste character. Degeneration and Revisionism of Established Left:The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that th~y were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AISA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to the same mistakes and dirtytactics which were once critidsed by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML (Liberation).

entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers,.

mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, commWlal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the Bathani Tala massacre in 1996. .

. .

Turning to SFI, division, internal fighting, opportunism and lack of revolutionary vision has also fractured SFI into at .

least three camps in JNU. While during the last election SFI candidates made mockery of JNUSU election by suddenly.

appearing like a ghost, the DSF is the most confused organisation today. It has opposed its leadership on the candidature .

of "neo-liberal" Pranab Mukheijee and got expelled. But, it yet adopted the SFI's constitution as their own. How far is .

DSF different from the SFI? Do they defend CPMs continuous betrayal of people? For them, the JNUSU election is .

less the fight for the cause for students and more to settle scores "\-<lith its top leadership. It is a bizarre situation that .

while it upheld CPI-M's crime against farmers, workers and women in Nandigram and Singure, it suddenly became .

"critical" "autonomous:' and uindep~ndent" on Pranab episode. The faction in SFI is also due to the fact that it is a gang.

of opportunist, careensts, profess10nal comrades who are in the party for their petty interests in the garb of .

.

.

 

.

the murder of Rajkumar Bhul and rape and murder of Taposhi Malik in 2008. Who does not know the history of their private militia .

Harmad Vahini, who on the lines of Ranvir Sena, Black Cobra, Operation Green Hunt, molested, killed and raped thousands of women. After Gender Justice, communalism is their favorite subject on which they claim to have the intellectual supremacy., It was the. CPM who in the year 2000 insisted on passing POKA, the preventive detention act on the lines of BJP Govern.ment s.Prev~nt1on of .

Terrorism Act. The clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the perceived threat to the secunty and mteg~ty of the state necessitating such extraordinarily stringent Act. Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two Sides of a same coin. Buddhadeb and his company tried their level best to frame such an Act in 2002. Already in 2002 Buddhadeb roared against Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos from the BJP Government at the Centre. The CPM has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of policestations and forces in its 34 years rule in West Bengal. In fact Buddhadeb babu while laying the foundation stone of a new police.

station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need ''to shootn the people creating law and order problem. and we all know the definition of 'law and order problem' in India. TADA, POTA, GUJKOKA, MCOCA, UAPA, Sedition law etc. are nothing but the measures to curb the 'law and order problem'. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman Bose, raised the "terrorist" bogey echoing the Central Government and the US imperialists, and asked the people everywhere in .

West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. .

On the nationality struggles in Kashmir and North-East, CPM again echo the nationalist and integrationist tone of right wing'patriots'. In jts 12th Party Congress, CPM expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that "The entire north-eastern region is full of discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by "Reactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies." How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries, is pure and simple worship of the powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. The CPM dismissed the independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people and their right to self-determination. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enonnous presence of the military over years, the "disappearance.. of thousands of kashmiris. Both the BJP and the CPM prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan. CPM .

even welcomed the hanging of Afzal Guru. .

We appeal to the student community to be beware of the lies of SFI. You will find them voicing against Lyngdoh in the campus, bu1 .

for their parental party and for them as well, Lyngdoh is a revolutionary document. You will find them voicing for worker's rights, bul .

in reality they have flouted all labour laws in their rule. Don't believe their hypocrats. .

There is hardly any need to write any separate history of DSF, as they are only functionally out of SFI, but still uphold the .

constitution of SFI and CPM. .

CPI (ML)-LIBERATION & its Student Wing AISA: Liberation-AISA proudly shouts l the slogan naxalbari Ia/ salaam. but in reality.

they have actually been apologetic for having gone underground at any point of time in history. The entire proceedings of the 7th .

Congress of the CPI (ML) Liberation reaffirmed its 'supreme commitment' to its coming 'cover ground' in its fifth congress held in .

Kolkata in December 1992. In fact, to prove this commitment it announced publicly the list of not only its entire CC, but also its Polit .

Bureau -a method avoided by communist parties even in the .developed countries. In its mouthpiece, 'Liberation',lts General .

Secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya wrote an article in which he said that they were forced to go underground. A question must be .

asked them that if they are so apologetic for going underground, why do they shout this slogan. What does naxalbari mean for .

them? Can a laal salam be saluted to naxalbari by devoiding it from the theory of anned struggle? .

The degeneration and revisionism of AI SA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that they were .

floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AI SA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to .

the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML .

{Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, .

mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the .

Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. In fact AI SA's emergence was on the line of anti-mandai, anti-kamandal. .

The CPI (ML) Constitution itself clearly states that it will uphold, not only the existing semi-feudal, semi-colonial system, but also the .

sovereignty, .unity. and integrity ~f India, thereby lending legitimacy to the jack-boots of the Indian rulers, that is crushing by brute .

force the nat1onaltty movements tn the country. Their 'nationalist' and 'integrationist' character was again exposed when they joined.

the Anna 'movement'. In fact AISA had organized a 'Tiranga' rally in Palamu district. How can 'naxalbari laal salam' be collided with .

'tiranga'. Tiranga is not only a flag, but a symbol of casteism, communalism and patriarchy? .

.

 

.

the murder o! ~ajkumar Bhul and rape and murder of Taposhi Malik in 2008. Who does not know the history of their private militia .

Harmad Vahmt, who on the lines of Ranvir Sena, Black Cobra, Operation Green Hunt, molested, killed and raped thousands of women. .

Ill'.

After .Gender Justice, communalism is their favorite subject on which they claim to have the intellectual supremacy. It was the CPM who tn the year 2000 insisted on passing POKA, the preventive detention act on the lines of BJP Government's Prevention of Terrorism Ac.t. ~he clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the perceived threat to the security and integrity of the state ne~essttattng such extraordinarily stringent Act. Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two sides of a sa~e cotn. Buddhadeb and his company tried their level best to frame such an Act in 2002. Already in 2002 Buddhadeb roared agatnst Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos from the BJP Government at the Centre. The CPM has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of police stations and forces in its 34 years rule in West Bengal. In fact Buddhadeb babu while laying the foundation stone of a new police station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need "to shoot" the people creating law and order problem. and we all know the definition of 'law and order problem' in India. TADA, POTA, GUJKOKA, MCOCA, UAPA, Sedition law .

law and order problem'. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman.

etc. are nothing but the measures to curb the '.

Bose, raised the "terrorist" bogey echoing the Central Government and the US imperialists, and asked the people everywhere in .

West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. .

.

On the nationality struggles in Kashmir and North-East, CPM again echo the nationalist and integrationist tone of right wing patriots'. In jts 12th Party Congress, CPM expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that 11 The entire north-eastern region is full of.

'.

discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by .

"Reactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies." How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are .

buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all .

leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries, is pure and simple worship of the .

powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. The CPM dismissed the .

independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people and their right to self-determination. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the .

massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enormous presence of the military over years, the .

.

"disappearance" of thousands of kashmiris. Both the BJP and the CPM prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan. CPM even welcomed the hanging of Afzal Guru. We appeal to the student community to be beware of the lies of SFI. You will find them voicing against Lyngdoh in the campus, but for their parental party and for them as well, Lyngdoh is a revolutionary document. You will find them voicing for worker's rights, but in reality they have flouted all labour laws in their rule. Don't believe their hypocrats. There is hardly any need to write any separate history of DSF, as they are only functionally out of SFI, but still uphold the .

constitution of SFI and CPM. CPI (ML)~LIBERATION & its Student Wing AJSA: Liberation-AISA proudly shoutsI the slogan naxafbari Ia/ salaam. but in reality they have actually been apologetic for having gone underground at any point of time in history. The entire proceedings of the 7th .

Congress of the CPI (ML) Liberation reaffirmed its 'supreme commitment' to its coming 'cover ground' in its fifth congress held in Kolkata in December 1992. In fact, to prove this commitment it announced publicly the list of not only its entire CC, but also its Polit Bureau -a method avoided by communist parties even in the . .

developed countries. In its mouthpiece, 'Liberation',lts General Secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya wrote an article in which he said that they were forced to go underground. A question must be asked them that if they are so apologetic for going underground, why do they shout this slog·an. What does naxalbari mean for them? Can a laal salam be saluted to naxalbari by devoiding it from the theory of armed struggle? The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML {Liberation) is because of the fact that they were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AI SA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML .

(Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, .

mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which ·engineered the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. In fact AISA's emergence was on the line of anti-mandai, anti-kamandal. The CPI (ML) Constitution itself clearly states that it will uphold, not only the existing semi-feudal, semi-colonial system, but also the .

sovereignty, unity and integrity of India, thereby lending legitimacy to the jack-boots of the Indian rulers, that is crushing by brute .

force the nationality movements in the country. Their 'nationalist' and 'integrationist' character was again exposed when they joined .

the Anna 'movement'. J.n fact AISA had organized a 'Tiranga' rally in Palamu district. How can 'naxalbari laal salam' be collided with .

'tiranga'. Tiranga is not only a flag, but a symbol of casteism, communalism and patriarchy? .

.

 

.

the murder of Rajkumar Bhul and rape and murder of Taposhi Malik in 2008. Who does not know the history of their private militia .

Harmad Vahini, who on the lines of Ranvir Sena, Black Cobra, Operation Green Hunt, molested, killed and raped thousands of .

women. .

After Gender Justice, communalism is their favorite subject on which they claim to have the intellectual supremacy. It was the CPM .

.

who in the year 2000 insisted on passing POKA, the preventive detention act on the lines of BJP Government's Prevention of .

Terrorism Act. The clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the perceived threat to the security and integrity of the .

state necessitating such extraordinarily stringent Act. Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two sides of a .

same coin. Buddhadeb and his company tried their level best to frame such an Act in 2002. Already in 2002 Buddhadeb roared .

against Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos .

from the BJP Government at the Centre. The CPM has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of police .

stations and forces in its 34 years rule in West Bengal. In fact Buddhadeb babu while laying the foundation stone of a new police .

station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need "to shoot" the people creating law and order .

problem. and we all know the definition of 'law and order problem' in India. TADA, POTA, GUJKOKA, MCOCA, UAPA, Sedition law .

.

law and order problem'. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman.

etc. are nothing but the measures to curb the '.

Bose, raised the 0 1erroristo bogey echoing the Central Government and the US imperialists, and asked the people everywhere in .

West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. .

On the nationality struggles in Kashmir and North-East, CPM again echo the nationalist and integrationist tone of right wing .

patriots'. In jts 12th Party Congress, CPM expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that "The entire north-eastern region is full of.

'.

.

discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by .

oReactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies." How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are .

buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all .

leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries, is pure and simple worship of the .

powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. The CPM dismissed the .

independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people and their right to self-determination. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the .

massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enormous presence of the military over years, the .

.

"disappearance" of thousands of kashmiris. Both the BJP and the CPM prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan. CPM even welcomed the hanging of Afzal Guru. We appeal to the student community to be beware of the lies of SFI. You will find them voicing against Lyngdoh in the campus, but for their parental party and for them as well, Lyngdoh is a revolutionary document. You will find them voicing for worker's rights, but in reality they have flouted all labour laws in their rule. Don't believe their hypocrats. There is hardly any need to write any separate history of DSF, as they are only functionally out of SFI, but still uphold the .

{'.

constitution of SFI and CPM. .

CPI (ML)-LIBERATION &its Student Wing AISA: Liberation-AISA proudly shouts the slogan naxalbari Ia! salaam. but in reality they have actually been apologetic for having gone underground at any point of time in history. The entire proceedings of the 7th Congress of the CPI (ML) Liberation reaffirmed its 'supreme commitment' to its coming 'cover ground' in its fifth congress held in Kolkata in December 1992. In fact, to prove this commitment it announced publicly the list of not only its entire CC, but also its Polit .

Bureau -a method avoided by communist parties even in the .developed countries. In its mouthpiece, 'Liberation', Its General .

Secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya wrote an article in which he said that they were forced to go underground. A question myst be asked them that if they are so apologetic for going underground, why do they shout this slog·an. What does naxalbari mean for them? Can a laal salam be saluted to naxalbari by devoiding it from the theory of armed struggle? The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that they were .

floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AI SA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML .

(Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, mosUy Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the .

Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. In fact AI SA's emergence was on the lineof anti-mandai, anti-kamandal. .

The CPI (ML) Constitution itself clearly states that it will uphold, not only the existing semi-feudal, semi-colonial system, but also the .

sovereignty, unity and integrity of India, thereby lending legitimacy to the jack-boots of the Indian rulers, that is crushing by brute .

force the nationality movements in the country. Their 'nationalist' and 'integrationist' character was again exposed when they joined Tiranga' rally in Palamu district. How can 'naxalbari laal salam' be collided with.

the Anna 'movement'. In fact AISA had organized a '.

. Tiranga is not only a flag, but a symbol of casteism, communalism and patriarchy?.

'tiranga'.

.

 

.

the murder of Rajkumar Bhul and rape and murder of Taposhi Malik in 2008. Who does not know the history of their private militia Harmad Vahini, who on the lines of Ranvir Sena, Black Cobra, Operation Green Hunt, molested, killed and raped thousands of .

women. .

After Gender Justice, communalism is their favorite subject on which they claim to have the intellectual supremacy. It was the CPM who in the year 2000 insisted on passing POKA, the preventive detention act on the lines of BJP Government's Prevention o1 Terrorism Act. The clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the perceived threat to the security and integrity of the .

state necessitating such extraordinarily stringent Act. Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two sides of a .

same coin. Buddhadeb and his company tried their level best to frame such an Act in 2002. Already in 2002 Buddhadeb roared against Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos from the BJP Government at the Centre. The CPM has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of police stations and forces in its 34 years rule in West Bengal. In fact Buddhadeb babu while laying the foundation stone of a new police .

station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need "to shoot" the people creating law and order problem. and we all know the definition of 'law and order problem' in India. TADA, POTA, GUJKOKA, MCOCA, UAPA, Sedition law etc. are nothing but the measures to curb the 'law and order problem'. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman Bose, raised the "terrorist" bogey echoing the Central Government and the US imperialists, and asked the people everywhere in West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. On the nationality struggles in Kashmir and North-East, CPM again echo the nationalist and integrationist tone of right wing .

'patriots'. In jts 12th Party Congress, CPM expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that "The entire north-eastern region is full of .

discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by .

"Reactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies." How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are .

buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all .

leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries, is pure and simple worship of the .

powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. The CPM dismissed the .

independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people and their right to self-determination. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the .

massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enormous presence of the military over years, the .

.

"disappearance" of thousands of kashmiris. Both the BJP and the CPM prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan. CPM .

even welcomed the hanging of Afzal Guru. .

.

We appeal to the student community to be beware of the lies of SFI. You will find them voicing against Lyngdoh in the campus, but .

for their parental party and for them as well, Lvngdoh is a revolutionary document. You will find them voicing for worker's rights, but .

in reality they have flouted all labour laws in their rule. Don't believe their hypocrats. .

There is hardly any need to write any separate history of DSF, as they are only functionally out of SF!, but still uphold the .

.

constitution of SFI and CPM. .

CPI (ML)-LIBERATION & its Student Wing AISA: Liberation-AISA proudly shouts,., the slogan naxalbari Ia/ salaam. but in reality .

.

they have actually been apologetic for having gone underground at any point of time in history. The entire proceedings of the 7th .

Congress of the CPI (ML) Liberation reaffirmed its 'supreme commitment' to its coming 'cover ground' in its fifth congress held in .

Kolkata in December 1992. In fact, to prove this commitment it announced publicly the list of not only its entire CC, but also its Polil .

Bureau -a method avoided by communist parties even in the . .

developed countries. In its mouthpiece, 'Liberation',lts General .

Secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya wrote an article in which he said that they were forced to go underground. A question must be .

asked them that if they are so apologetic for going underground, why do they shout this slog·an. What does naxalbari mean for .

them? Can alaal salambe saluted to naxalbari by devoiding it from the theory of armed struggle? .

The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that they were .

floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AI SA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to .

the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML .

.

(Liberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, .

.

mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the .

Bathani Tala massacre in 1996. In fact AI SA's emergence was on the line of anti-mandai, anti-kamandal. .

The CPI (ML) Constitution itself clearly states that it will uphold, not only the existing semi-feudal, semi-colonial system, but also the .

.

sovereignty, unity and integrity of India, thereby lending legitimacy to the jack-boots of the Indian rulers, that is crushing by brute .

.

force the nationality movements in the country. Their 'nationalist' and 'integrationist' character was again exposed when they joined .

the Anna 'movement'. In fact AI SA had organized a 'Tiranga' rally in Palamu district. How can 'naxalbari laal salam' be collided with .

tiranga'. Tiranga is not only a flag, but a symbol of casteism, communalism and patriarchy?.

.

'.

.

.

 

.

Legacy ofn years nE .......-. .

~lish.

What are·our co.ncerns? .

1ese .

lenjLyngdoh:JNUSU Election 2013 is just a few days away. Current election-like the previous ones-is again going to be .

held under the Lyngdoh recommendations that are meant to deflate the radicalism of students' politics. We all know the .

draconian provisions of Lyngdoh. Even if Kashmir is burning and peoples in north-east are killed and raped by Indian .

list .

state, the Lyngdoh recommendations do not give any space to students to debate and discuss these crimes. For the .

Lyngdoh, the student activist/leader has to be an 'integrationist & conformist'. Other constraints include administrative .

1d .

In other words, the Lyngdoh commission is nothing but an imperialist, capitalist, statist, brahminical design to clip the j control of the student union, age bar, lack of opponunities to link the students' issues with the snuggling masses outside. j .

I~ .

wings of students' politics. We therefore, strongly believe that there is a need to intervene in the JNUSU election, given s .

the politics of betrayal practiced by opportunist, castiest and communal forces such as AISA, SFI, DSF, AISF, ABVP, .

"' .

community and take up those issues that cannot be addressed by the opportunist ''left" organisations because they fear YFE, NSUI..

Therefore, our presidential canclidature is to use the platform of JNUSU election to reach out to the student .

that their right-wing base might get eroded. We think that unless the Lyngdoh is rolled back, we will have a toothless .

student body. Such body is required for the elite because it will give a (false) impression that there is a "democratic" .

.

furthering the politics of struggle and resistance. This was the very reason that AISA-DSF Jed JNUSU this time has built .

participation of students in the decision making process at the university. But in rea1ity, it works as a constraint on .

upon it's earlier records of being the bootlickers of JNU administration. Thus, letting the students community down. .

Failure of AISA-DSF led JNUSU:First, OBC reservation has not been fully implemented year after year. Second, .

weightage of viva voce has not been reduced from 30 to 10, as was promised. As a result, SC/ST/OBC/women .

candidates continue to be discriminated against. Third, on the promise of building up new hostels, AISA-DSF led .

JNUSU failed to pressurise the administration. As a result, hundreds of students are deprived of their basic rights to .

accommodation and food for months even after the begining of the new semester. AISA-DSF led JNUSU did not even .

.

diverted or rather misused by JNU administration as was pointed out by the CAG report. Founh, on their promise to intervene with force when the funds for the expansion of infrastructure in the wake of 27% OBC reservation were being .

lead a struggle to increase the MCM. AISA-DSF led JNUSU fooled the students community by sitting on a 'definite' .

indefinite hunger strike. Fifth, on the promise to lead a struggle against LCR during the last JNUSU elections and hold .

political will to fight against this Castisit-Communal-Fascist recommendation. AISA-DSF half-hearted fight against it only as an 'interim' measure, what has been done by AISA-DSF led JNUSU in regard to this exposes their lack of .

taken any concrete step in the fear of losing communal Hindutva forces within its organisation. In the eyes of AISA-Lyngdoh starts when the new academic session begins for a very short period to give an impression that they are real .

crusaders. Sixth, on its claim to champion the issue of social justice & minority rights, AlSA-DSF led JNUSU has not .

DSF, SC/ST/OBC/minority/women constitute just a vote-bank while most of its leadership in the past has comes from .

upper class/castes..

Degeneration and Revisionism of Established Left:The degeneration and revisionjsrn of AISA along with its tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML (Liberation) parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that they were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and .

opponunism of SFI and CPM. But AISA and CPI-ML (Liberation) very soon fell prey to the same mistakes and dirty mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, Turning to SFI, division, internal fighting, opportunism and lack of revolutionary vision has also fractured SFI into at least three camps in JNU. While during the last election SFI candidates made mockery of JNUSU election by suddenly .

engineered the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. .

appearing like a ghost, the DSF is the most confused organisation today. It has opposed ilS leadership on the candidature .

of "neo-liberal" Pranab Mukherjee and got expelled. But, it yet adopted the SFI's constitution as their own. How far is whlle it upheld CPI-M's crime against farmers, workers and women in Nancligram and Singure, it suddenly became DSF different from the SFJ? Do they defend CPM's continuous betrayal of people? For them, the JNUSU election is less the fight for the cause for students and more to settle scores with its top leadership. It is a bizarre situation that .

"critical" "autonomous" and "independent" on Pranab episode. The faction in SFI is also due to the fact that it is a gang .

of opportunist, careerists, professional comrades who are in the party for their peny interests in the garb of .

progressivism. .

As far as anot11er left organisation AISF the very reason for its shirking base is its revisionism and lack of will to take up .

their Parental party CPI's pendular and opportunist in supporting communal-fascist parties. .

issues of students. Most importantly, it has way back lost fajth in revolutionary politics. Further people also lost faith in .

.

"secular" garb have no issue and concern for the students. These organisations are divided houses as they have more .

While attacking official left, we must not forget that Hindu communal-fascist ABVP and equally dangerous NSUI with .

.

contenders for JNUSU than supporters. ABVP and NSUI activists have nothing to do with issues of the campus but they .

are here to enrich their CV. .

-.

____, .

.

 

Dr Richard Race (Roehampton University)presents his paper 'Educating for Britishness in the Twenty-First Century: integrationist and intercultural applications to citizenship and cohesion'

Dr Richard Race (Roehampton University)presents his paper 'Educating for Britishness in the Twenty-First Century: integrationist and intercultural applications to citizenship and cohesion'

Dr Richard Race (Roehampton University)presents his paper 'Educating for Britishness in the Twenty-First Century: integrationist and intercultural applications to citizenship and cohesion'

.

Harmad Vahini, who on the lines of Ranvir Sena, Black Cobra, Operation Green Hunt, molested, killed and raped thousands of.

the murder of Rajkumar Bhul and rape and murder of Taposhi Malik in 2008. Who does not know the history of their private militia .

women..

After Gender Justice, communalism is their favorite subject onwhich they claim to have the intellectual supremacy. It was the CPM .

who in the year 2000 insisted on passing POKA, the preventive detention act on the lines of BJP Government's Prevention of u .

Terrorism Act. The clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the percei,ved threat to the security and integrity of the .

state necessitating such extraordinarily stringent Act Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two sides of a ;,J .

same coin. Buddhadeb and his company tried their le\lel best to frame such an Act in 2002. Already in 2002 Buddhadeb roared t'\ .

against Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos u .

stations and forces in its 34 years rule in West Bengal. In fact Buddhadeb babu while laying the foundation stone of a new police .1.

.

from the BJP Government at the Centre. The CPM has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of police 1 station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need "to shoot" the people creating law and order ) problem. and we all know the definition of 'law and order problem' in India. TADA, POTA, GUJKOKA, MCOCA, UAPA, Sedition law etc. are nothing but the measures to curb the 'law and order problem'. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman > .

Bose, raised the !lterrorist" bogey echoing the Central Government and the US imperialists, and asked the people everywhere in : West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. .

On the nationality struggles in Kashmir and North-East, CPM again echo the nationalist and integrationist tone of right wing . 'patriots'. In jts 12th Party Congress, CPM expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that oThe entire north-eastern region is full of .

discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by .

Reactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies." How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries, is pure and simple worship of the powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. The CPM dismissed the independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people and their right to self-determination. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enormous presence of the military over years, the .

disappearance" of thousands of kashmiris. Both the BJP and the CPM prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan. CPM .

even welcomed the hanging of Afzal Guru. .

We appeal to the student community to be beware of the lies of SFI. You will find them voicing against Lyngdoh in the campus, but .

for their parental party and for them as well, Lyngdoh is a revolutionary document. You will find them voicing for worker's rights, but in reality they have flouted all labour laws in their rule. Don't believe their hypocrats. There is hardly any need to write any separate history of DSF, as they are only functionally out of SFI, but still uphold the .

.

constitutionof SFI and CPM. .. .

they have actually been apologetic for having gone underground at any point of time in history. The entire proceedings of the 7th.

CPI (ML)-LIBERATION & its Student Wing AISA: Liberation-AISA proudly shouts the slogan naxalbari Ia/ salaam. but in reality Congress of the CPI (ML) Liberation reaffirmed its 'supreme commitment' to its coming 'cover ground' in its fifth congress held in Kolkata in December 1992. In fact, to prove this commitment it announced publicly the list of not only its entire CC, but also its Polit .

Bureau -a method avoided by communist parties even in the .developed countries. In its mouthpiece, 'Liberation',Its General .

Secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya wrote an article in which he said that they were forced to go underground. A question must be asked them that if they are so apologetic for going underground, why do they shout this slog·an. What does naxalbari mean for .

them? Can a laal salam be saluted to naxalbari by devoiding it from the theory of armed struggle? .

The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its parental party CPI-ML (Uberation) is because of the fact that they were the same mistakes and dirty tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legitimacy and shrinking base, CPM-Ml.

floated with an aim to correct revisionism and opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AISA and CPI-ML {Liberation) very soon fell prey to (Uberation) entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers, I.

.

,mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which engineered the .

Bathani Tola massacre in 1996. In fact AISA's emergence was on the line of anti-mandai, anti-kamandal. .

The CPI {ML) Constitution itself clearly states that it will uphold, not only the existing semi-feudal, semi-colonial system, but also the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India, thereby lending legitimacy to the jack-boots of the Indian rulers, that is crushing by brute force the nationality movements in the country. Their 'nationalist' and 'integrationist' character was again exposed when they joined .

the Anna 'movement'. In fact AISA had organized a 'Tiranga' rally in Palamu district. How can 'naxalbari laal salam' be collided with .

'tiranga'. Tiranga is not only a flag, but a symbol of casteism, communalismand patriarchy? .

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~----!Jnrt menth~after ttLe~J~U_adrninistration has.

·--·-' -L---..1.. -,.J~,,.+;nnc .

What are our concerns?.

Lyngdoh:JNUSU Election 2013 is just a few days away. Current election--like the previous ones-is again going to be.

held under the Lyngdoh recommendations that are meant to deflate the radicalism of students' politics. We all kn9w thedraconian provisions of Lyngdoh. Even if Kashmir ~s burning and peoples in north-east are killed and raped by Indianstate, the Lyngdoh recommendations do not give any space to students to debate and discuss thesfl crimes. For theLyngdoh, the student activist/leader has to be an .

'integrationist & conformist'. Other constraints include administrativecontrol of the student union, age bar, lack of opportunities to link the students' issues with the struggling masses outside.In other words, the Lyngdoh commission is nothing but an imperialist, capitalist, statist, brahminical design to clip thewings of students' politics. We therefore, strongly believe that there is a need to intervene in the JNUSU election, giventhe politics of betrayal practiced by opportunist, castiest and communal forces such as AISA, SFI, DSF, AISF, ABVP,YFE, NSUI. Therefore, our presidential candidature is to use the platform of JNUSU election to reach out to the studentcommunity and take up those issues that cannot be addressed by the opportunist "left" organisations because they fearthat their right-wing base might get eroded. We think that unless the Lyngdoh is rolled back, we will have a toothlessstudent body. Such body is required for the elite because it will give a (false) impression that there is a "democratic".

participation of students in the decision making process at the university. But in reality, it works as a constraint onfurthering the politics of struggle and resistance. This was the very reason that AISA-DSF led JNUSU this time has builtupon it's earlier records of being the bootlickers of JNU administration. Thus, letting the students community down.Failure of AISA-DSF led JNUSU:First, OBC reseiYation has not been fully implemented year after year. Second,weightage of viva voce has not been reduced from 30 to 10, as was promised. As a result, SC/ST/OBC/womencandidates continue to be discriminated against. Third, on the promise of building up new hostels, AISA-DSF ledJNUSU failed to pressurise the administration. As a result, hundreds of students are deprived of th~ir basic rights to.

accommodation and food for months even after the begining of the new semester. AISA-DSF led JNUSU did not evenintervene with force when the funds for the expansion of infrastructure in the wake of 27% OBC reservation were beingdiverted or rather misused by JNU administration as was pointed out by the CAG report. Fourth, on theit promise tolead a struggle to increase the MCM. AISA-DSF led JNUSU fooled the students commtmity tiy sitting on a 'definite'.

indefinite hunger strike. Fifth, on the promise to lead a strugsJ,e against LCR during the last JNUSU elections and holdit only as an 'interim' measure, what has been done by AISA-DSF led JNUSU in regard to this exposes their lack ofpolitical will to fight against this Castiest-Communal-FasG5t recommen.dation. AISA-DSF half-hearted fight againstLyngdoh starts when the new academic session begins for a very short period to give an impression that they are realcrusaders. Sixth, on its claim to champion the issue of social justice & minority rights, AISA-DSF led JNUSU has not.

taken any concrete step in the fear of losing communal Hindutva forces within its organisation. In the eyes of ATSA-.

DSF, SC/ST/OBC/minority/women constitute just a vote-bank while most of its leadership in the past has comes fromupper class/castes. Seventh, on the promise to ensure dep,ivation points for minorites, the AISA-DSF led JNUSU.

neither had a clear vision nor are they willing to call for a UGBM to get the students mandate, this blatantly expose their.

attempts to trivialise the fight for social justicies as these revolutionary parties even failed to acknowledge caste.

difference/discrimination pointed out in Sachar committee recommendations. Eight, on the promise to revoke the BA-.

MA de-linking, AISA-DSF led JNUSU only payed a lip service to our demands. While a full fledged struggle is the.

reqtU.rement AISA-DSF led JNUSU Protest demo during the BoS only unmasked their half-hearted commitment to the.

issue. Ninth,while raising drop out rate in the BNMAshocked the JNU community,recently exposed·M. Phil drop-out.

is more shocking as it categorically exposes caste and class character in JNU. The silence and the ineffective struggle of.

AISA-DSF led JNUSU to stop such discrimination shows their class-caste character..

Degeneration and Revisionism of Established Left:The degeneration and revisionism of AISA along with its.

parental party CPI-ML (Liberation) is because of the fact that th~y were floated with an aim to correct revisionism and.

opportunism of SFI and CPM. But AISA and CPI-ML (LibeTation) very soon fell prey to the same mistakes and dirty.

tactics which were once criticised by them. Under the crisis of legjtimacy and shrinking base, CPM-ML (Liberation).

entered into alliance with its enemy number 1 CPM during last Bihar election, while it betrayed landless labourers,.

mostly Dalits by working as a partner of castiest, communal and feudal military force, Ranvir Sena, in Bihar, which.

engineered the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996..

Thrning to SFI, division, internal fighting, opportunism and lack of revolutionary vision has also fractured SFI into at.

least tlrree camps in JNU. While during the last election SFI candidates made mockery of JNUSU election by suddenly.

appearing like a ghost, the DSF is the most confused organisation today. It has opposed its leadership on the candidature.

of uneo-liberal" Pranab Mukheljee and got expelled. But, it yet adopted the SFfs constitution as their own. How far is.

DSF different fro m the SFI? Do they defend CPMs continuous betrayal of people? For them, the JNUSU election is.

less the fight for the cause for students and more to settle scores with its top leadership. It is a bizarre situation that.

while it upheld CPI-M's crime against farmers, workers and women in Nandigram and Singure, it suddenly became.

"critit al" "autonomous" and "independent" on Pranab episode. The faction in SFI is also due to the fact that it is a gang.

of opportunist, careerists, professional comrades who are in the party for their petty interests in the garb of .

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Assault on Democratic Space in Campuses: Lyngdoh in fostering privatisation and promoting Brahmanism .

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t .

Once thete Bills become legislations, the aim ofthe Indian ruling classes to let the market have a free hand in .

the field ofeducation will be complete. However it ia equally important for the state to ensure that any dissent and retlttance to euch aggrasive privadsadon and promotion ofcertain ideologies, is strictly m onitored, .

of tht.> 11tatc haa been imposed into campus space~ with the mandate ofweakening protests and aggressively pushing controlled, and ifrequired, punished. Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations (LCR) as part of neoliberal policies through privatiaation. Teachers' a11d st:u?en~' uo~ons have been subject to increasing onslaughts lately. The crushing of .

the two year standoff between the Delhi Uruverstty Tea~her's Association (DUTA) and the administration is particularly .

re .

For two ye~OUT~fo~tagainst th~ forceful imposition of 'semester system'. Teachers of .

Delhi University potnted ?ut how tt would mevttably 1~to highly mechanized processes of teaching and learning in a .

instructive in thiJ c~. univenity as big as D U With ~ep teacher-students ra~o. All ~~~h,the university authorities showed complete disdain toward~ the rtWlJ~epre.sentanons ofthe teachers and unpose~ ~ateral~ecisions through manipulative and coercive .

' .

IN!ans. fhe administration even curbed down on the teachers nght to stoke and p.rotest invoking legality and in this way . .

est:~bhshed the anti-student 'semester system'. . .

LCR which JNU bas been battling since 2008 is an instrument in the hands ofthe state to control and regulate .

case Wlth all anti-people pohdes and laws in this country --be it SEZs under the LPG paradigm or AFPSA for 'national ditaent and protest among students. LCR comes with a mask ofensuring election as pee certain guidelines as is the .

security'. Under the garb ofridding the student politics ofcriminal elements what it actually does is to draw the lines .

beyond which students are not supposed to tread. The criterion ofnot having any 'criminal' record, 'charge-sheet' or .

know 111 th!! country not everybody who is charged or brought under the lawis 'criminal'. Often the voices which dare to .

d i$cipli.nacy action as requirements for contesting elections is a clause that can put any draconian law to shame. We all TI quesuon exploit2tion endemic to this sysr:em and stand in solidarity with people demanding democratisation, inclusive .

ea poucica and JJfe ofdignity are the ones that are criminalised. In campuses like JNU, where historically students have been .

of the state and JNU administration. Ofcourse for the state or any university authority right-wing goons intimidating or d..

ill uphoWing all such dcmo~ratic demands and movements, it is anybody's guess as to who would be a 'criminal' in the eyes .

threatening against .6lm screening for being 'anti-India' will never be considered 'criminal'. LCRgives these forces .

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complete cushion through its observation that students must be 'nationalist' and 'integrationist'. However ifyou protest .

S .

UI .

agaut6t fee hike, non-implementation ofreservations, renting out PSR ordare to question what is unfolding in North-.

Ea5t, KashmU;. Gujarat or Khaidanji, you ace bound to be charged by the administration, and ifnecessary, with 'law'. .

ru .

These arc, as the principal of Symbiosis putit, 'matters ofpassionate political opinions' having nothing to do with .

pc.

E, .

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educauon and d1e lives ofstudents. And for the students who refuse to comply, LCR gives all forms ofpunitive .

p< measures in the hands ofadministrations. The most dangerous clause ofLCR-the Grievance Redressal Cell to be beaded .

.

by the Dean has the power to cancel anyone's candidature for dections and eve.n dissolve an elected students' union .

S\..1 · .

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th elected by students. .

LCR is not only here to push privadaatioo but also to safeguard hegemonisation of knowledge production by .

In.

w emall minority ofexploitingcastes-classes. For example, LCRdeclares that a student needs to have a certain .

.

pcrct'ntage of marks and attendance or 'good conduct' report by his/her supervisor or a faculty member to contest in .

re .

fit .

.

heann~. But as ithas been seen time and again that students from socially and educationally deprived backgrounds are clec~J{Jns. P~functorilyit seems there is nothing wrong with this clause as it only argues for students concentrating on .

gc thet~ acadenu.cs along with contesting in elections. 'This has indeed also been the logic ofSupreme Court in recent ' Bi wtllfully poorly graded This bas also been amply reflected in the admission policy followed by theJNU administration 6( wlwn· because ofthe high weightage given to the MPhil interview, students from SC/ST or OBC categories, get ~ any form.

'A d1~proportionatelylower marks in their interviews as compared to their written paper. In a system where casteist .biases ~ .

ampant, Buch clauses instead ofensuring academic standard precisely aims at restricting representation of students .

frtJm margifl:~groups in student bodies for voicing their grievances. By such silencing, LCR targe~s to ~st.

pt .

of democrattsatton of campus spaces. By~marks and supervisor's good conduct .recommendation a cotena, what .

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that such sttJC!ents. .

L<;R W211ts to subtly bring in is the logic of mentocracy to protect brahmiaical hegemony in education. For students who .

gl ..

nught have joined education late?ue to several constraints, the age-criterion in LCR sees to the fa~t.

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will ru:vt·r be able to contest elections or join students, politics. Thus LCR ensures that student pqlittcs and the uruverstty r~ 6ite as a sp~oflearning becomes predominantly the domain ofstudents &om dominant castes/ classes, the.re~y ~er .

VI .

strengtherung and perpetuating the highly undemocratic and elitist higher education system that has been established tn ..

N .

tha country..

h domi~ant caste/class.interests and for foreign and domestic business, LCR is an ideal 'guidelin~' as it.stultifies cnocality .

LCR which is inherently anti-democratic and anti-student needs to be completely rejected and d~feat~..Fo~ .

V1 and sufles ~~~t voiCe~. The unfortunate capitulation of the Joint StnJggle Committee, constrtuted m.2D08 to fight. .

legally and poliucally ag;unst Lyo~oh is a setback for the student movement of]NU· But the fi~t ~st Lyngdoh ts I 1he Struggle Committee calls upon the students to inteiVene in all possible spaces and utilize all available means .

anytlung but over and the Struggle Committee against Lyngdoh, Privatisation and Brahmanism 1s c?.mautted ~o carry on ~.

a .

to re11st Lyngdoh and its larger agenda -privatization and brahmanismin education. Struggle Committee Against Lyngdoh, Privatisation and Brahmanism.

the fi~t. .

~I .

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