View allAll Photos Tagged increase
More than 285,000 families throughout B.C. will see bigger payments in their bank accounts starting this month, thanks to the permanently increased BC Family Benefit. Learn more: news.gov.bc.ca/29226
The Pakistan Strategy Support Program (PSSP) held the conference, “Increasing Productivity and Unleashing Growth” at the Serena Hotel in Islamabad on May 26-27th, 2012. This conference also marked the final round of the Competitive Grants Program that was launched by PSSP in January 2012 for Pakistani PhD and graduate students studying locally and abroad on economic development issues of Pakistan. The finalists presented in front of the Research Advisory Committee, donor heads, professors and students from local universities. The event also consisted of plenary sessions on Pakistan’s various economic growth issues by renowned academics from all over the world, such as Dr. Jock Anderson, Dr. Regina Birner and Dr. David Spielman.
Increase your confidence in this head-turning gladiator heel! Featuring open toe, caged design on shaft with studs and buckle accent, stitching details, chunky platform, and stiletto heel. Finished with lightly padded insole and rear zipper closure for easy on/off.
~Material: Leatherette (man-made)
~Sole: Synthetic
Measurement
Heel Height: 5.75" w/ 2.5" Platform (approx)
Shaft Length: 18.75" (including heel)
Top Opening Circumference: 14" (approx)
Fitting Tips:
Foot Model is a true size 6, foot measures 8.9" from heel to toe, width measures 3.25".
Model's Review: True to size.
As the GDP increases and income gap widens; propaganda encourages peasants to try harder. While propaganda on the wall fades, battles have been long lost as the income gap widens and inflation increases daily.
The writing on the wall says "Everyone has responsibility to help avoiding discontinuing studying from students.?.
It?s difficult discouraging peasant children from joining low-paying factory workforces within the city, which create wealth for small corporate minorities; versus the countryside, where there is opportunity and wealth for none.
Most humans would do anything to escape poverty. Propaganda on the wall in this picture remains covered perhaps because its message is painfully obvious; what so many strive for everyday without reminder.
Most do not actually pay for luxury automobiles at the dealership; payment is made from those who read, pass and hate those signs within the countryside.
Nobody ever chooses to work in a factory willingly over education, just as not everyone at the dealership consciensciously chooses to limit educational opportunity for peasants while climbing their way up the social ladder on the backs of the majority of the human races? missed opportunities.
Instead of travelling into villages, extracting crops and posting propaganda stating the painfully obvious whilst exporting and exploiting resources; inhumanity of peasant hardships should be alternatively advertised on walls of luxury automobile dealerships.
Why does rural propaganda suggest that education, and the lack of is the result of individual irresponsibility; while ways to consume more are provided within urban privileged propaganda?
If improving humanity is the goal of propaganda, signs could ask "Do you really need this expensive luxury when the masses struggle to achieve basic luxuries which you take for granted?" within cities.
Do they add new rural signs daily; such as that pictured here, for each new luxury automobile sold in the city?
Increase in mine waste associated with lower ore grades (Mudd et al 2013).
For any form of publication, please include the link to this page:
This photo has been graciously provided to be used in the GRID-Arendal resources library by: GRID-Arendal
I'm working on a three storey version of the Kingsway local bank kit. A careful rearrangement of the printed sheets has allowed an extra floor to be added, although the kit can also be assembled without it.
The windows have been installed.
*Copyright © 2012 Lélia Valduga, all rights reserved.
According to scholars is 24,000 names for more than 3,000 varieties of wine grapes. Of these 150 are grown commercially in increased quantities.
Doing a little cleanup on the tug today, I ran across this 5 year old magazine with an advertisement for
Absolut Vodka on the back cover. The photo is of a point and shoot camera with a button that I am in desperate need of..........."Increase Mojo"
Do you want to increase your income? The reiki charged money matrix. Reiki is a natural form of energy healing, using varying frequencies of energy to heal at all levels.
Ecovolis program has proven successful in dramatically increasing bicycle use in Tirana, which, formerly, was a city without a developed bicycle culture. Ecovolis program is the first project in Albania that provides low-income adults with commuter bicycles as well as a donating program for children bicycles. The program recently completed two major steps, opening new bike stations in the city of Durrës and integrating Tourist Information Point Service to the bicycles stations' structure.
History
The Tirana Community Bicycle Albania project won financial support from the George Soros Open Society Foundation Albania (OSFA). An even larger contribution came from the US-based Pedal for Progress organization, which donated 450 bicycles. Sixty of these were used road bikes, which were modified and painted by local technicians to serve as public bikes in the Ecovolis scheme. Another portion was set aside to donate to children and to activists and volunteers at PASS. Still another portion were diverted to the project's Eco Bicycle Shop, a social enterprise which sells bikes for USD 50-150 and reinvests profits for the service and maintenance of Ecovolis bicycles. The main objective of the program was to introduce the community to an inexpensive, environmental friendly form of transport -- the bicycle; to sell used bikes at low prices; to donate bikes to the children of needy families and to PASS volunteers; to establish a bike sharing-scheme in the city (Ecovolis); and to employ financially disadvantaged people and young students to operate the bike-sharing scheme.
System
Each Ecovolis station is staffed by two employees in two shifts and contains 30 -- 60 bicycles. In order to use the bicycles it is required to provide a personal identification document (such as passport or ID card) or by subscribing to the Ecovolis membership Card.
The first black and red bicycles, (also the colors of the Albanian flag) were donated from US-organization Pedal for Progress, (which collect and donate used bicycles). As these bicycles were of different types, converting them for safe and comfortable public use took months of work. The price per bicycle varies from 60 US$ to 90 US$ each. The bicycle is equipped with a front bicycle basket, a behind carrier, a comfortable saddle and a public fender with the Ecovolis sign.
The bicycle stations also provide touristic information to the visitors and a list of the city attractions. Moreover, being a non-profit social enterprise, during particular days the program offers free bicycle service, cycling courses, donations of bicycles and helmets for children in need, bike tours and a bicycle recycle program.
Luminosity increased.
75 minutes (15x300s) of exposures with a Canon 1100D, with Astronomik CLS filter. I had to delete more then 30 minutes of capture because PHD freezed in the guiding.
Take a look also at my astronomy video channel.
All Saints, Fosdyke, Lincolnshire
And the rain fell steadily, increasing. It swept in from the west, and the roads were fast, busy and awful. We crossed the Welland and turned off the road into Fosdyke, once a lonely outpost serving the bridge and its little port, now a village of bungalows by the busy Kings Lynn to Boston road. Here was All Saints. The notice said the church was usually open - it wasn't, but there was a keyholder notice as well.
A vivid red brick construction of the 1870s by local architect Edward Browning, and very good. No expense was spared. The tower and spire are like a rocket and form the south porch. There is a gorgeous font, obviously recut but featuring angels in various poses. Under the bowl are naked girls and wild men, apparently original. The chancel is the star, a feast of Minton tiles and stained glass. The west end of the nave has recently been refloored, and the reason is obvious if you stand on the chancel steps looking west - the outer walls are sinking into the fen, and a long crack joins the west window to the floor. Perversely, they seem to like large west windows in this soft country, but it can never have been a good idea. The other problem here is that the nave and chancel were built on the site of an earlier church, and have foundations, but the vast tower and spire weren't and don't. The dipping curve in the line of the south aisle is alarming, and would not be the last we saw today. A six-figure project is in hand to restore the church to its late 19th Century glory.
By now the rain was softening, but the wind was still bitter. We headed on a few miles down narrow lanes, a vast castle of a church increasingly looming up before us, until we reached the centre the otherwise workaday village of Algarkirk and its vast cruciform church.
Future hopes on a number of different levels are pinned on so-called green technologies: on one hand, they could help reduce the rapidly increasing global demand for energy, or even offer alternatives to finite resources like oil and coal; on the other hand, as highly committed politicians and young start-up entrepreneurs have long insisted, they could be a driving force behind the revival of our sputtering economy. In this spirit, Ars Electronica is staging a “Repair Fair” to spotlight a small selection of outstanding ideas, concepts and best-practice models that point the way to a brighter future. Visitors can take an up-close-and-personal look at green transportation when they take one of a whole fleet of electrical vehicles out for a spin on the E-Mobility Parcours. Additional informational material will be available on site and in the Infolounge.
credit: rubra
Protesters prepare to push police back in the first clashes of the day in Parliament Square.
Over 20,000 students marched through London in protest on the day Parliament was due to vote on the increase in student University tuition fees. When the march reached Trafalgar Square, many protesters, finding Whitehall blocked by police, moved towards Parliament square via The Mall and Horse Guards. Lines of police behind crush barriers blocked access to Parliament.
Protesters brushed aside a weak line of police and then started to try and unsuccessfully break through the lines of police in front of Parliament. Parliament Green was occupied with the temporary fencing surrounding it being broken down, and used to attack police, or defend protesters against police. Fighting between police and protesters continued during the afternoon particularly, including mounted police charges, on Broad Sanctuary.
At about 5pm, the kettle on the north side of Whitehall was broken by protesters, with further lines of police, both mounted and on foot having to move the length of Whitehall to re-establish the kettle.
With the news, in the early evening, that the vote had been passed, there was an immediate increase in anger amongst the protesters. The Treasury in particular was attacked, with riot police being stationed inside the building.
Lines of Riot police using round and long shields eventually cleared Parliament Square. Over 1000 students were held in a kettle on Westminster Bridge until nearly midnight.
There were reports, many unsubstantiated as yet, of police attacking peaceful protesters trying to leave the kettle. Student Alfie Meadows was hit on the head by a truncheon, and had to have an emergency, life saving, operation to treat an intracranial bleed.
Smaller groups of protesters roamed streets nearby with shops, including Topshop in Oxford Street being attacked as well as a car containing Prince Charles and the Duchess of Cornwall.
Gangs and black block protesters from several mainland European countries attended the protest. The violence on the protesters side, even after the news of the vote result, was perpetrated by a small minority. The majority of students were sitting around waiting to exit the kettle, trying to keep warm, or dancing to music.
District of Columbia, Maryland
Listed 2/3/2015
Reference Number: 14001236
The Chesapeake and Ohio Canal National Historic Park Historic District is significant for its important associations with the history of transportation and engineering in the United States. In addition, the district reflects significant trends in local and statewide architectural, commercial, military, agricultural, industrial, community development, conservation, ethnic heritage, and recreational history. The district also contains several individually listed archeological sites of statewide and local significance that demonstrate important research potential for prehistoric and historic periods. As an extensive linear park, the district is uniquely situated geographically and culturally to provide archeological information on Paleolndian and Early Archaic occupations, Early and Middle Woodland deposits, Late Woodland studies, frontier settlers and squatters, canal period resources, and Civil War sites. The following statements of significance address the historic significance of above-ground resources followed by the archeological significance of the below-ground resources. This section ends with a note regarding Criterion Consideration E for Reconstructed Properties.
For the first time in 10 years, the daily rates for eligible income assistance clients living at registered or licensed residences are increasing.
Additionally, changes to the Community Care and Assisted Living Act will ensure that people living in supportive recovery homes throughout B.C. will be better protected and receive more personalized services and supports.
Learn more: news.gov.bc.ca/20451
To raise the bar for responsible business practices in the emirate, the Dubai Chamber of Commerce and Industry officially launched five task groups comprising of members from its Sustainability Network during a ceremony held at the Chamber premises on Thursday.
The Sustainability Network, which was initiated in December 2010 to enhance increased participation of businesses in CSR, sustainability and corporate governance, is a group of like-minded firms pursuing the common objectives of promoting best practices and building competitive advantages and business reputation.
The Network provides its members a connecting platform to share best practice and experiences, promote and support the development and implementation of corporate social responsibility in the workplace and the society.
The task groups comprise of members of the network collaborating on different joint initiatives to address sustainability challenges and to further support the mainstreaming of corporate social responsibility/sustainability and governance amongst businesses in the UAE.
The five task groups are collaborating on varying initiatives that include Workplace Wellness, Employee Volunteering, Community Engagement, Waste Management and Resource Efficiency and Integrating CSR into Business Strategy, which will strengthen efficiency to integrate CSR, sustainability and governance practices into their everyday business operations.
In his welcome address, H.E. Hisham Al Shirawi, 2nd Vice Chairman, Dubai Chamber, said that the launch of the Sustainability Network Task Groups will further reinforce Dubai Chamber's position as the CSR leader in the country and will help it promote the concept of sustainability in the emirate.
"Sustainability has definitely become a pre-requisite for any successful business. Every day, the significance of CSR, sustainability and corporate governance is fast-becoming an integral part of any company's agenda and something that we at Dubai Chamber actively support," he said.
The 2nd Vice Chairman of Dubai Chamber added that the network offers businesses in the UAE the opportunity to demonstrate CSR/sustainability and governance leadership, as well as to network and share experiences, while he called upon the new task groups to work jointly to achieve impactful results.
The speakers at the launch included Mr. Abdul Aziz Al Yaqout, Regional Managing Partner, DLA Piper, and Mr. Peter Walichnowski, CEO Majid Al Futtaim Properties, spoke on the importance of CSR and sustainability to manage business opportunities and creative competitive advantages to achieve Sustainable Business Performance.
Dr. Belaid Rettab, Senior Director, Economic Research and Sustainable Business Development Sector, Dubai Chamber, clarified the need and importance of forming a cutting edge networking group and facilitating the emerging multi-stakeholder dialogue about the changing role of business in the society.
Dr. Rettab expected the number of member companies participating in the sustainability network to rise from 19 in 2011 to 100 in 2015, as the network promotes responsible business practices amongst the UAEbusiness community by leading members to become innovative and sustainability driven.
On the benefits of joining the network, Dr. Rettab added that the Sustainability Network provides an opportunity for companies to network, collaborate and contribute towards the sustainability agenda of Dubai. In addition, positions these businesses as role models and leaders in CSR, sustainability and corporate governance.
The Sustainability Network consists of 29 high profile businesses, with a record of achievement in sustainable excellence, as well as a determination to lead the business community to the next level and be at the forefront of the importance of sustainability for the future.
The members include: Saeed & Mohammed Al Naboodah Holding LLC, Bank Sarasin Alpen, PepsiCo, Aramex, HSBC, National Bank of Abu Dhabi, Consolidated Contractors International Company S.A.L, TNT, Johnson and Johnson, ABB, Al Ahli Group, Standard Chartered, Majid Al Futtaim Properties, ZAFCO, Du, Axiom, DLA Piper, Henkel GCC, Summer Town, SamTech, Research In Motion, Al Gurair Group, Mashreq Bank, Siemens Middle East, Unilever, Puma, Freshfields, Alpen Capital and Landmark.
According to a survey carried out by the Centre for Responsible Business at Dubai Chamber, only 24.2% of Dubai companies have a policy or strategy that provides guidance to their community engagement and philanthropic contributions.
The survey further informed that 60% of companies showed lack of awareness on CSR while 36% of companies support employee volunteering.
The Sustainability Network Task Groups:
The Workplace Wellness Task Group includes DLA Piper, Saeed & Mohammed Al Naboodah Holding LLC, PepsiCo, Aramex, National Bank of Abu Dhabi, Consolidated Contractors International Company S.A.L, TNT, ABB, Majid Al Futtaim Properties, ZAFCO, Du, Axiom, Landmark, Research In Motion and Mashreq Bank. This group is developing specific workplace wellness initiatives and will collect and publish best practices in a manual.
The Community Engagement Task Group includes DLA Piper, Saeed & Mohammed Al Naboodah Holding LLC, PepsiCo, Aramex, Consolidated Contractors International Company S.A.L, TNT, Johnson and Johnson, ABB, Henkel GCC, Research In Motion, Siemens Middle East and Mashreq Bank will publish a 'How to Guide' for strategic community investment and will organise a workshop in September on How to Develop a Community Strategy`.
The Waste Management and Resource Efficiency Task Group which includes Saeed & Mohammed Al Naboodah Holding LLC, PepsiCo, Aramex, Consolidated Contractors International Company S.A.L, ABB, Majid Al Futtaim Properties, Axiom, Henkel GCC, Landmark and Summer Town will launch a series of expert and learning session on resource efficiency, various building codes and waste management as well as a public document on the subject which will be taken forward with relevant governmental stakeholders.
The Integrating CSR into Business Strategy Task Group includes Aramex, National Bank of Abu Dhabi, Consolidated Contractors International Company S.A.L, TNT, ABB, Axiom, Henkel GCC and Summer Town. This group will document the process of implementing CSR/sustainability within an SME and big organisations based on the developed framework while organising awareness campaigns to communicate on the lessons leant.
The Employee Volunteering Task Group including DLA Piper, Saeed & Mohammed Al Naboodah Holding LLC, Pepsico, Aramex, Consolidated Contractors International Company S.A.L, National Bank of Abu Dhabi, TNT, ABB, Majid Al Futtaim Properties, ZAFCO, Du, Axiom, Research In Motion and Mashreq Bank plans to issue an employee volunteering guidebook and a tailored training workshop in October on how to develop and manage employee volunteering programme.
The Centre for Responsible Business, which was formed in 2004, is the longest standing center promoting business responsibility in the UAE. The Centre not only assists Dubai Chamber members to apply responsible business practices that enhance performance and competitiveness but also offers a variety of educational, professional training and consulting services that are designed to build individual companies' capacity to implement broad CSR programmes including business ethics, sustainability reporting and corporate governance.
Honor Flights to Washington, D.C.’s war memorials increased significantly after Labor Day, as D.C.'s fabled heat (theoretically) transitions to a more favorable fall climate. Groups from Arizona, Florida, Idaho and Chicago were some of the first to arrive in the nation’s capitol Sept. 7 after the federal holiday.
Honor Flight Chicago celebrated its 74th flight since its inception, with 108 participants including 18 World War II and 90 Korean War Vets, in addition to the required support staff of more than 125 dedicated volunteers.
Their day began much earlier than the 6:45 a.m. flight from Midway Airport-Chicago, to Dulles, Va. They boarded buses and drove to the Iwo Jima Memorial where they were met by police motorcycle escort which guided them first to the Air Force Memorial for a performance by the Air Force Drill Team, before crossing the Potomac to the National World War II Memorial.
The group toured the memorial until a color guard honored the Veterans with pomp and circumstance. Center of the group, Arthur Kapinus, 89, a WWII Navy Veteran, held the flag-case filled with veterans portraits dear to members of the Honor Flight Chicago family.
Art was accompanied to D.C. by his brother Bernie, an 81-year-old Army Vet who served in Korea during the mid-50’s. All told, eight Kapinus brothers have served in the military, mostly in the Army and Navy, since World War II. Their brother Joe, whose picture joined five others in the case, served with General Patton and was killed in Luxembourg in January 1945, at age 29.
John Ptak, president of Honor Flight Chicago is not a Veteran, but he has accompanied these flights since 2011, this his 20th trip.
“This is my grandfather, he was in the army in WWII. He passed about 20 years ago, so he didn’t get his Honor Flight,” you can hear emotion in his voice, as he gingerly touches the photo strung round his neck. “I didn’t get a chance to take my grandfather, so I take other people’s grandfathers”.
Some braved the humidity and heat in the 90’s and ventured off to the Korean War, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the Lincoln Memorial before heading back to Dulles Airport. There was time scheduled to visit the relatively new Udvar Hazy Air and Space Museum before boarding their flight back home with an ETA after 8pm.
More than 100 additional Honor Flights from around the nation are planned through December with the last for the year currently scheduled for Pearl Harbor Day.
Find out more about the Honor Flight Network, how you can become involved, donate, and meet Veterans as they tour D.C. here: www.honorflight.org/
(VA photos by Robert Turtil)
Little River Landcare group is undertaking a Machinery Conversion for Increased Soil Carbon project. This is a photo from a field day to four farms in the Cumnock area of central-west New South Wales.
This project is supported by the Little River Landcare Group Inc., through funding from the Australian Government's Caring for our Country.
You won't know about it, then see the image for an overview of it. If you want to know how to increase your sexual performance, then follow us for more details.
The Pakistan Strategy Support Program (PSSP) held the conference, “Increasing Productivity and Unleashing Growth” at the Serena Hotel in Islamabad on May 26-27th, 2012. This conference also marked the final round of the Competitive Grants Program that was launched by PSSP in January 2012 for Pakistani PhD and graduate students studying locally and abroad on economic development issues of Pakistan. The finalists presented in front of the Research Advisory Committee, donor heads, professors and students from local universities. The event also consisted of plenary sessions on Pakistan’s various economic growth issues by renowned academics from all over the world, such as Dr. Jock Anderson, Dr. Regina Birner and Dr. David Spielman.
Farmall A Row Crop Tractor (91939-47) Engine 1850cc International Harvester C113 4-cylinder in-line engine was used for early models, increased to an IH C123 with the A-1.
Production 117,522
Registration Number ETC 496 (Lancashire)
FARMALL TRACTORS ALBUM
www.flickr.com/photos/45676495@N05/albums/72157715813944136
McCORMICK ALBUM
www.flickr.com/photos/45676495@N05/albums/72157624326266288
Farmall was a model name and later a brand name for tractors manufactured by International Harvester (IH). The Farmall name was usually presented as McCormick-Deering Farmall and later McCormick Farmall
The Farmall A is a small one-plow row crop tractor, introduced in 1939 as a replacement for the Farmall F-14. Styled by Raymond Loewy, it was one of International Harvesters letter series Like the smaller Farmall Cub, the Farmall A features a distinctive offset engine, displaced to the left over wide-set front wheels, to allow vision straight ahead, and was branded as Cultivision. The Farmall A is equipped with the F-14's International Harvester C113 4-cylinder inline overhead valve engine, with a 113-cubic-inch (1,850-cubic-centimetre) displacement. The transmission contains five total gears in a sliding gear arrangement: four forward and one reverse
Diolch am 94,368,155 o olygfeydd anhygoel, mae pob un yn cael ei werthfawrogi'n fawr.
Thanks for 94,168,155 amazing views, every one is greatly appreciated.
Shot 28.05.2022 at Smallwood Steam Rally. Cheshire REF 160-168
Varosha - Maras is the southern quarter of the Famagusta, a de jure territory of Cyprus, currently under the control of Northern Cyprus. Varosha has a population of 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census. The area of Varosha is 6.19 km2 (2.39 sq mi).
The name of Varosha derives from the Turkish word varoş (Ottoman Turkish: واروش, 'suburb'). The place where Varosha is located now was empty fields in which animals grazed.
In the early 1970s, Famagusta was the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus. To cater to the increasing number of tourists, many new high-rise buildings and hotels were constructed. During its heyday, Varosha was not only the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus, but between 1970 and 1974, it was one of the most popular tourist destinations in the world and was a favorite destination of such celebrities as Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Raquel Welch, and Brigitte Bardot.
Before 1974, Varosha was the modern tourist area of the Famagusta city. Its Greek Cypriot inhabitants fled during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, when the city of Famagusta came under Turkish control, and it has remained abandoned ever since. In 1984 a U.N. resolution called for the handover of the city to UN control and said that only the original inhabitants, who were forced out, could resettle in the town.
Entry to part of Varosha was opened to civilians in 2017.
In August 1974, the Turkish Army advanced as far as the Green Line, a UN-patrolled demilitarized zone between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, and controlled and fenced Varosha. Just hours before the Greek Cypriot and Turkish armies met in combat on the streets of Famagusta, the entire Greek Cypriot population fled to Paralimni, Dherynia, and Larnaca, fearing a massacre. The evacuation was aided and orchestrated by the nearby British military base. Paralimni has since become the modern-day capital of the Famagusta province of Greek Cypriot-led Cyprus.
The Turkish Army has allowed the entry of only Turkish military and United Nations personnel since 2017.
One such settlement plan was the Annan Plan to reunify the island that provided for the return of Varosha to the original residents. But this was rejected by Greek Cypriots in a 2004 referendum. The UN Security Council Resolution 550 states that it "considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the United Nations".
The European Court of Human Rights awarded between €100,000 and €8,000,000 to eight Greek Cypriots for being deprived of their homes and properties as a result of the 1974 invasion. The case was filed jointly by businessman Constantinos Lordos and others, with the principal judgement in the Lordos case dating back to November 2010. The court ruled that, in the case of eight of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 1 of Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights on the right of peaceful enjoyment of one's possessions, and in the case of seven of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 8 on the right to respect for private and family life.
In the absence of human habitation and maintenance, buildings continue to decay. Over time, parts of the city have begun to be reclaimed by nature as metal corrodes, windows are broken, and plants work their roots into the walls and pavement and grow wild in old window boxes. In 2014, the BBC reported that sea turtles were observed nesting on the beaches in the city.
During the Cyprus Missile Crisis (1997–1998), the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, threatened to take over Varosha if the Cypriot government did not back down.
The main features of Varosha included John F. Kennedy Avenue, a street which ran from close to the port of Famagusta, through Varosha and parallel to Glossa beach. Along JFK Avenue, there were many well known high rise hotels including the King George Hotel, The Asterias Hotel, The Grecian Hotel, The Florida Hotel, and The Argo Hotel which was the favourite hotel of Elizabeth Taylor. The Argo Hotel is located near the end of JFK Avenue, looking towards Protaras and Fig Tree Bay. Another major street in Varosha was Leonidas (Greek: Λεωνίδας), a major street that came off JFK Avenue and headed west towards Vienna Corner. Leonidas was a major shopping and leisure street in Varosha, consisting of bars, restaurants, nightclubs, and a Toyota car dealership.
According to Greek Cypriots, 425 plots exist on the Varosha beach front, which extends from the Contandia hotel to the Golden Sands hotel. The complete number of plots in Varosha are 6082.
There are 281 cases of Greek Cypriots who filed to the Immovable Property Commission (IPC) of Northern Cyprus for compensation.
In 2020, Greek Cypriot Demetrios Hadjihambis filed a lawsuit seeking state compensation for financial losses.
The population of Varosha was 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census.
In 2017, Varosha's beach was opened for the exclusive use of Turks (both Turkish Cypriots and Turkish nationals).
In 2019, the Government of Northern Cyprus announced it would open Varosha to settlement. On 14 November 2019, Ersin Tatar, the prime minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that Northern Cyprus aims to open Varosha by the end of 2020.
On 25 July 2019, Varosha Inventory Commission of Northern Cyprus started its inventory analysis on the buildings and other infrastructure in Varosha.
On 9 December 2019, Ibrahim Benter, the Director-General of the Turkish Cypriot EVKAF religious foundation's administration, declared all of Maraş/Varosha to be the property of EVKAF. Benter said "EVKAF can sign renting contracts with Greek Cypriots if they accept that the fenced-off town belongs to the Evkaf."
In 2019–20, inventory studies of buildings by the Government of Northern Cyprus were concluded. On 15 February 2020, the Turkish Bar Association organised a round table meeting at the Sandy Beach Hotel in Varosha, which was attended by Turkish officials (Vice President Fuat Oktay and Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gül), Turkish Cypriot officials, representatives of the Turkish Cypriot religious foundation Evkaf, and Turkish and Turkish Cypriot lawyers.
On 22 February 2020, Cyprus declared it would veto European Union funds to Turkish Cypriots if Varosha were opened to settlement.
On 6 October 2020, Ersin Tatar, the Prime Minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that the beach area of Varosha would reopen to the public on 8 October 2020. Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said Turkey fully supported the decision. The move came ahead of the 2020 Northern Cypriot presidential election, in which Tatar was a candidate. Deputy Prime Minister Kudret Özersay, who had worked on the reopening previously, said that this was not a full reopening of the area, that this was just a unilateral election stunt by Tatar. His People's Party withdrew from the Tatar cabinet, leading to the collapse of the Turkish Cypriot government. The EU's diplomatic chief condemned the plan and described it as a "serious violation" of the U.N. ceasefire agreement. In addition, he asked Turkey to stop this activity. The U.N. Secretary-General expressed concern over Turkey's decision.
On 8 October 2020, some parts of Varosha were opened from the Officers' Club of Turkish and Turkish Cypriot Army to the Golden Sands Hotel.
In November 2020, the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Turkey's ambassador to Nicosia, visited Varosha. In addition, the main avenue in Varosha has been renamed after Semih Sancar, Chief of the General Staff of Turkey from 1973 to 1978, a period including the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
The European Parliament on 27 November, asked Turkey to reverse its decision to re-open part of Varosha and resume negotiations aimed at resolving the Cyprus problem on the basis of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation and called on the European Union to impose sanctions against Turkey, if things do not change. Turkey rejected the resolution, adding that Turkey will continue to protect both its own rights and those of Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus presidency also condemned the resolution.
On 20 July 2021, Tatar, the president of Northern Cyprus announced the start of the 2nd phase of the opening of Varosha. He encouraged Greek Cypriots to apply Immovable Property Commission of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to claim their properties back if they have any such rights.
Bilal Aga Mosque, constructed in 1821 and taken out of service in 1974, was re-opened on 23 July 2021.
In response to a decision by the government of Turkish Cyprus, the presidential statement of the United Nations Security Council dated on 23 July said that settling any part of the abandoned Cypriot suburb of Varosha, "by people other than its inhabitants, is 'inadmissible'." The same day, Turkey rejected the presidential statement of the UNSC on Maras (Varosha), and said that these statements were based on Greek-Greek Cypriot propaganda, were groundless and unfounded claims, and inconsistent with the realities on the Island. On 24 July 2021, the presidency of Northern Cyprus condemned the presidential statement of the UNSC dated on 23 July, and stated that "We see and condemn it as an attempt to create an obstacle for the property-rights-holders in Varosha to achieve their rights".
By 1 January 2022, nearly 400,000 people had visited Varosha since its opening to civilians on 6 October 2020.
On 19 May 2022, Northern Cyprus opened a 600m long X 400m wide stretch of beach on the Golden Sands beach (from the King George Hotel to the Oceania Building) in Varosha for commercial use. Sun beds and umbrellas were installed.
UNFICYP said it would raise the decision taken by Turkish Cypriot authorities to open that stretch of beach in Varosha with the Security Council, spokesperson for the peacekeeping force Aleem Siddique said on Friday. The UN announced its "position on Varosha is unchanged and we are monitoring the situation closely".
In October 2022, the Turkish Cypriots announced that public institutions will be opened in the city.
In April 2023, Cleo Hotel, the 7-floor Golden Seaside Hotel, and the 3-star Aegean Hotel were purchased by a Turkish Cypriot businessman (from their Greek Cypriot owners) who will operate them within 2025.
On 10 August 2023, the Government of Northern Cyprus decided to construct a marina and tourist facility in Varosha.
Varosha was analyzed by Alan Weisman in his book The World Without Us as an example of the unstoppable power of nature.
Filmmaker Greek Cypriot Michael Cacoyannis described the city and interviewed its exiled citizens in the film Attilas '74, produced in 1975.
In 2021, the Belarusian group Main-De-Gloire dedicated a song to this city that has become a ghostly place.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
Varosha - Maras is the southern quarter of the Famagusta, a de jure territory of Cyprus, currently under the control of Northern Cyprus. Varosha has a population of 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census. The area of Varosha is 6.19 km2 (2.39 sq mi).
The name of Varosha derives from the Turkish word varoş (Ottoman Turkish: واروش, 'suburb'). The place where Varosha is located now was empty fields in which animals grazed.
In the early 1970s, Famagusta was the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus. To cater to the increasing number of tourists, many new high-rise buildings and hotels were constructed. During its heyday, Varosha was not only the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus, but between 1970 and 1974, it was one of the most popular tourist destinations in the world and was a favorite destination of such celebrities as Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Raquel Welch, and Brigitte Bardot.
Before 1974, Varosha was the modern tourist area of the Famagusta city. Its Greek Cypriot inhabitants fled during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, when the city of Famagusta came under Turkish control, and it has remained abandoned ever since. In 1984 a U.N. resolution called for the handover of the city to UN control and said that only the original inhabitants, who were forced out, could resettle in the town.
Entry to part of Varosha was opened to civilians in 2017.
In August 1974, the Turkish Army advanced as far as the Green Line, a UN-patrolled demilitarized zone between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, and controlled and fenced Varosha. Just hours before the Greek Cypriot and Turkish armies met in combat on the streets of Famagusta, the entire Greek Cypriot population fled to Paralimni, Dherynia, and Larnaca, fearing a massacre. The evacuation was aided and orchestrated by the nearby British military base. Paralimni has since become the modern-day capital of the Famagusta province of Greek Cypriot-led Cyprus.
The Turkish Army has allowed the entry of only Turkish military and United Nations personnel since 2017.
One such settlement plan was the Annan Plan to reunify the island that provided for the return of Varosha to the original residents. But this was rejected by Greek Cypriots in a 2004 referendum. The UN Security Council Resolution 550 states that it "considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the United Nations".
The European Court of Human Rights awarded between €100,000 and €8,000,000 to eight Greek Cypriots for being deprived of their homes and properties as a result of the 1974 invasion. The case was filed jointly by businessman Constantinos Lordos and others, with the principal judgement in the Lordos case dating back to November 2010. The court ruled that, in the case of eight of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 1 of Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights on the right of peaceful enjoyment of one's possessions, and in the case of seven of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 8 on the right to respect for private and family life.
In the absence of human habitation and maintenance, buildings continue to decay. Over time, parts of the city have begun to be reclaimed by nature as metal corrodes, windows are broken, and plants work their roots into the walls and pavement and grow wild in old window boxes. In 2014, the BBC reported that sea turtles were observed nesting on the beaches in the city.
During the Cyprus Missile Crisis (1997–1998), the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, threatened to take over Varosha if the Cypriot government did not back down.
The main features of Varosha included John F. Kennedy Avenue, a street which ran from close to the port of Famagusta, through Varosha and parallel to Glossa beach. Along JFK Avenue, there were many well known high rise hotels including the King George Hotel, The Asterias Hotel, The Grecian Hotel, The Florida Hotel, and The Argo Hotel which was the favourite hotel of Elizabeth Taylor. The Argo Hotel is located near the end of JFK Avenue, looking towards Protaras and Fig Tree Bay. Another major street in Varosha was Leonidas (Greek: Λεωνίδας), a major street that came off JFK Avenue and headed west towards Vienna Corner. Leonidas was a major shopping and leisure street in Varosha, consisting of bars, restaurants, nightclubs, and a Toyota car dealership.
According to Greek Cypriots, 425 plots exist on the Varosha beach front, which extends from the Contandia hotel to the Golden Sands hotel. The complete number of plots in Varosha are 6082.
There are 281 cases of Greek Cypriots who filed to the Immovable Property Commission (IPC) of Northern Cyprus for compensation.
In 2020, Greek Cypriot Demetrios Hadjihambis filed a lawsuit seeking state compensation for financial losses.
The population of Varosha was 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census.
In 2017, Varosha's beach was opened for the exclusive use of Turks (both Turkish Cypriots and Turkish nationals).
In 2019, the Government of Northern Cyprus announced it would open Varosha to settlement. On 14 November 2019, Ersin Tatar, the prime minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that Northern Cyprus aims to open Varosha by the end of 2020.
On 25 July 2019, Varosha Inventory Commission of Northern Cyprus started its inventory analysis on the buildings and other infrastructure in Varosha.
On 9 December 2019, Ibrahim Benter, the Director-General of the Turkish Cypriot EVKAF religious foundation's administration, declared all of Maraş/Varosha to be the property of EVKAF. Benter said "EVKAF can sign renting contracts with Greek Cypriots if they accept that the fenced-off town belongs to the Evkaf."
In 2019–20, inventory studies of buildings by the Government of Northern Cyprus were concluded. On 15 February 2020, the Turkish Bar Association organised a round table meeting at the Sandy Beach Hotel in Varosha, which was attended by Turkish officials (Vice President Fuat Oktay and Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gül), Turkish Cypriot officials, representatives of the Turkish Cypriot religious foundation Evkaf, and Turkish and Turkish Cypriot lawyers.
On 22 February 2020, Cyprus declared it would veto European Union funds to Turkish Cypriots if Varosha were opened to settlement.
On 6 October 2020, Ersin Tatar, the Prime Minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that the beach area of Varosha would reopen to the public on 8 October 2020. Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said Turkey fully supported the decision. The move came ahead of the 2020 Northern Cypriot presidential election, in which Tatar was a candidate. Deputy Prime Minister Kudret Özersay, who had worked on the reopening previously, said that this was not a full reopening of the area, that this was just a unilateral election stunt by Tatar. His People's Party withdrew from the Tatar cabinet, leading to the collapse of the Turkish Cypriot government. The EU's diplomatic chief condemned the plan and described it as a "serious violation" of the U.N. ceasefire agreement. In addition, he asked Turkey to stop this activity. The U.N. Secretary-General expressed concern over Turkey's decision.
On 8 October 2020, some parts of Varosha were opened from the Officers' Club of Turkish and Turkish Cypriot Army to the Golden Sands Hotel.
In November 2020, the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Turkey's ambassador to Nicosia, visited Varosha. In addition, the main avenue in Varosha has been renamed after Semih Sancar, Chief of the General Staff of Turkey from 1973 to 1978, a period including the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
The European Parliament on 27 November, asked Turkey to reverse its decision to re-open part of Varosha and resume negotiations aimed at resolving the Cyprus problem on the basis of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation and called on the European Union to impose sanctions against Turkey, if things do not change. Turkey rejected the resolution, adding that Turkey will continue to protect both its own rights and those of Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus presidency also condemned the resolution.
On 20 July 2021, Tatar, the president of Northern Cyprus announced the start of the 2nd phase of the opening of Varosha. He encouraged Greek Cypriots to apply Immovable Property Commission of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to claim their properties back if they have any such rights.
Bilal Aga Mosque, constructed in 1821 and taken out of service in 1974, was re-opened on 23 July 2021.
In response to a decision by the government of Turkish Cyprus, the presidential statement of the United Nations Security Council dated on 23 July said that settling any part of the abandoned Cypriot suburb of Varosha, "by people other than its inhabitants, is 'inadmissible'." The same day, Turkey rejected the presidential statement of the UNSC on Maras (Varosha), and said that these statements were based on Greek-Greek Cypriot propaganda, were groundless and unfounded claims, and inconsistent with the realities on the Island. On 24 July 2021, the presidency of Northern Cyprus condemned the presidential statement of the UNSC dated on 23 July, and stated that "We see and condemn it as an attempt to create an obstacle for the property-rights-holders in Varosha to achieve their rights".
By 1 January 2022, nearly 400,000 people had visited Varosha since its opening to civilians on 6 October 2020.
On 19 May 2022, Northern Cyprus opened a 600m long X 400m wide stretch of beach on the Golden Sands beach (from the King George Hotel to the Oceania Building) in Varosha for commercial use. Sun beds and umbrellas were installed.
UNFICYP said it would raise the decision taken by Turkish Cypriot authorities to open that stretch of beach in Varosha with the Security Council, spokesperson for the peacekeeping force Aleem Siddique said on Friday. The UN announced its "position on Varosha is unchanged and we are monitoring the situation closely".
In October 2022, the Turkish Cypriots announced that public institutions will be opened in the city.
In April 2023, Cleo Hotel, the 7-floor Golden Seaside Hotel, and the 3-star Aegean Hotel were purchased by a Turkish Cypriot businessman (from their Greek Cypriot owners) who will operate them within 2025.
On 10 August 2023, the Government of Northern Cyprus decided to construct a marina and tourist facility in Varosha.
Varosha was analyzed by Alan Weisman in his book The World Without Us as an example of the unstoppable power of nature.
Filmmaker Greek Cypriot Michael Cacoyannis described the city and interviewed its exiled citizens in the film Attilas '74, produced in 1975.
In 2021, the Belarusian group Main-De-Gloire dedicated a song to this city that has become a ghostly place.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
To ensure that letters are distributed more efficiently most are now going to be left in pillar boxes overnight – adding another day to the delivery time … Hmm!
improve efficiency = save money
The Pakistan Strategy Support Program (PSSP) held the conference, “Increasing Productivity and Unleashing Growth” at the Serena Hotel in Islamabad on May 26-27th, 2012. This conference also marked the final round of the Competitive Grants Program that was launched by PSSP in January 2012 for Pakistani PhD and graduate students studying locally and abroad on economic development issues of Pakistan. The finalists presented in front of the Research Advisory Committee, donor heads, professors and students from local universities. The event also consisted of plenary sessions on Pakistan’s various economic growth issues by renowned academics from all over the world, such as Dr. Jock Anderson, Dr. Regina Birner and Dr. David Spielman.
On Friday 12 July 48 Year 9 students left Enfield Grammar School at 5.00am on the History trip to the First World War Battlefields near Ypres. Our numbers increased to 49 at the Eurotunnel: Remaine Newland finally arrived!! His alarm hadn't worked - Remaine's mum put her driving skills to the test and successfully pursued the coach to Folkestone.
The boys visited the Trench of Death, one of the longest preserved sections of trench in Belgium. This gave them an opportunity to see the strategic significance of the river Ijzer and the importance of defending it from the Germans. From there, the group went on to the museum at Zonnebeke for a tour and lunch.
The afternoon's visits included a tour of Polygon Woods Cemetery and Hill 60. The two cemeteries allowed the boys to compare the layout of a concentration cemetery with a battlefield cemetery. They paid their respects to the Australian soldiers buried at Polygon Woods. At Hill 60, the boys learnt about the different battles that were fought around Ypres and were told how the mine crater we visited was created. Many were shocked to learn that the explosion at Hill 60 was so loud it had been heard in London.
Despite the highly dramatic, but non-serious, head injury sustained by a member of the group, everyone managed to enjoy the visit to the Menin Gate and the town of Ypres. When looking at the Menin Gate, the boys not only saw names from Middlesex and Essex but India, Australia and Jamaica - further emphasising the fact it was a world war.
A final highlight for many was the visit to the chocolate shop where they stocked up on presents for their parents and snacks for themselves.
Today’s big gig at Lancashire County Cricket Club’s Old Trafford ground is taking – 27 May 2017 - place with increased security following Monday’s terrorist attack.
The gig features Blossoms, Cabbage and is headlined byThe Courteeners.
Superintendent Chris Hill, said: ‘Our thoughts remain with all those affected by the horrific events in Manchester on Monday.
‘We have been working closely with the staff and security team at Emirates Old Trafford, Trafford Council, and the event organisers, and coming together in partnership to ensure the smooth and safe running of this event.
‘A significant number of officers are at the concert, including some armed officers, who will be monitoring the streets around the venue, the Metrolink stations and the stadium itself. Lancashire Cricket Club have also increased the number of stewards for the concert to provide the utmost protection for fans.
‘There are additional security checks taking place. Everyone will be thoroughly searched before going into the venue and they have asked for people not to bring bags with them to avoid any delays.
‘I want to send out a clear message to everyone that we will not let these atrocities stop us from enjoying the things that mean the most to us. We must stand together, remain vigilant and live our lives as normal.
‘I would also like to ask the public for their support and vigilance and want to stress that if you see anything that causes you concern or raises your suspicions do not hesitate to call the Anti-Terrorist Hotline - 0800 789 321 - or in an emergency 999.
Report suspicious activity to the police by calling or visiting the Anti-Terrorist Hotline on 0800 789 321 or gov.uk/ACT
Report online terrorist and extremist material online by clicking on gov.uk/ACT
Remain alert at home, work and when out and about, so we can all play our part in defeating terrorism and keeping everyone safe.’
ITU has signs a new partnership initiative with the Telecommunications Regulatory Authority (TRA) of the United Arab Emirates aimed at providing a framework for increased cooperation to carry out joint projects in the area of ICT development in the Arab Region.
© ITU / D. Woldu
Climate Rush: Stop the Rail Fare Hikes protest, Waterloo Station. 16.08.2011
Protesters from eco-campaign group Climate Rush, the Campaign for Better Transport (CBT), the Rail & Maritime Union (RMT) and the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) held a morning rush-hour protest outside London's Waterloo Station in response to the British Government's plan to allow train operators to massively increase rail fares by up to 28% by 2015 - applying increases of 3% over Retail Price Inflation - which will cause massive hardship to hundreds of thousands of already hard-pressed commuters who, already struggling with the rapidly increasiing cost of living and frozen wages, are faced with three choices: Pay the extortionate increase which for many will cost over £500 per year, be driven off the railways and back into their cars or either move closer to London or leave their jobs and try and find jobs closer to home.
A representative from Passenger Focus pointed out that train operators already had the option to increase some fares by as much as 5% above the average, meaning that passengers using certain types of tickets could be hit with a whopping 13% increase in 2012 alone. Already the cost of getting to work is the biggest single item in the monthly budget - bigger than mortgage payments and bigger than rent, as fares are set to increase four times faster than wages in the next year.
Aside from the harsh economic effects this will bring, Climate Rush is especially concerned that many will be driven back onto the already overburdened road networks, increasing congestion and air pollution, and also making a mockery of the notion of cheap and affordable mass transit. Financially, gridlocked roads and lost productivity costs the London economy in excess of £1.6 billion per annum, and the long-term health costs due to traffic pollution also runs into the billions - a direct burden not only on the Public Purse, but also on those directly affected by the massive increase in childhood asthma, and those who become unable to work (or have died) due to cardiovascular and respiratory diseases.
After many years now of privately operated rail companies milking the subsidy system for billions of pounds of taxpayer's money and paying massive amounts to themselves and their already-bloated shareholders, the train operating companies have embarked on a dishonest hand-wringing campaign to justify these increases, claiming they need this extra money to pay for all the new rolling stock and network improvements that they were supposed to have been doing for all these years instead of shovelling all that public money offshore. Now the network is under severe stress, and they want to extort more and more money from the travelling public. The money must come from fare increases, they say, to lower the general burden on The Taxpayer - leaving us to ask the question 'If the rail infrastructure is in such a bad state now, what have you done with all our money, and who's going to be prosecuted first for looting?'. (That last bit was a joke, of course, because as we all know if you blatantly steal in the millions or billions the government will protect you at all costs, but if you're poor and angry and you steal a fucking donut during a riot you'll get 16 months in prison and have your entire future blighted by a criminal record... Oops! There I go again...)
Speakers at the protest were Maria Eagle - Labour shadow spokeswoman for Transport and Stephen Joseph, chief executive of the Campaign for Better Transport (CBT).
For more information please visit: Climate Rush, Fair Fares Now, Passenger Focus and Campaign for Better Transport.
On Twitter: @climaterush @FairFaresNow
All photos © 2011 Pete Riches
Do not reproduce, alter or reblog my images without my permission.
Hi-Res versions of these files are available on application
With shelter needs increasing by the day, IOM together with the government, partner agencies and local organizations continue to expand emergency operations including the distribution of much-needed non-food items like plastic sheets, jerry cans and blankets to flood victims in Pakistan. © Asim Hafeez/OnAsia/IOM 2010
Lässt das weibliche Herz höher schlagen..... This little neckless costs more than 35.000 Euros.... Diese niedliche kleine Halskette kostet mehr als 35.000 Euro..... Man könnte sich dafür auch einen guten Mittelklassewagen kaufen..... For the same money one could also buy a good middle-class car....
The first mechanical change to the Rolls-Royce Silver Ghost came in 1909, when an increase in stroke brought displacement to 7.4 lirers and the original four-speed transmission was replaced by a three-speed unit. By 1911, when Rolls-Royce prepared a car for the London-Edinburgh run, compression was 3.5:1 and carburetion increases had brought horsepower to 58. The Ghost reverted to a four-speed transmission in 1913, when cantilever rear suspension was adopted. That was the year when Rolls-Royce was able to claim an honest 80 mph for the light, open-bodied Ghosts built for the Austrian Alpine Trials, where they finished ahead of all other rivals. Incidentally, the beautiful London-Edinburgh tourer survives, and recently changed hands at a Florida auction for $1,3000,000 -- a bargain compared to two other, less distinguished examples which sold for $2,005,000 and $2,600,000. Limited production continued during the Great War, when many new and some old Ghosts were fitted with armuored bodywork for running battles against the Turks in the Middle East, under such commanders as Allenby and Lawrence of Arabia. Others were used as staff cars and ambulances. Inflation saw the chassis price rise to £2,100 ($10,165) after the war, although this now included a chain-driven self-starter and four-wheel brakes with a servo assist. Brake horsepower of the 1919 and later models rose to 70.
In 1920, Rolls-Royce of America, Incorporated, was founded at Springfield, Massachusetts, in a plant purchased from the American Wire Wheel Company. The object was to build cars for the American market while avoiding high import tariffs, and the subsidiary enjoyed good success until the Depression closed it down in 1931. Silver Ghosts were built at Springfield beginning in 1921.Retaining their English right-hand drive, they offered the 7.4-liter engine rated at 80 bhp. In 1925, Springfield finally switched to left-hand drive, by which time the cars were developing 85 bhp at 2,300 rpm and could do 70-plus mph with the high-speed (3.25:1) rear axle ratio. Two huge wheelbases, of 144 and 150 1/2inches, were available, and bodies were supplied by the cream of American coach builders, chiefly Brewster. Of the 2,944 Springfield Rolls-Royces built over 11 years, 1,703 were Silver Ghosts. Paul Woudenberg, in his Illustrated Rolls-Royce and Bentley Buyer's Guide (1984), writes that the American Rolls had "no glaring weaknesses and, given regular maintenance and lubrication, has nearly unlimited life. The American Ghost has been given much attention in the Flying Lady, publication of the Rolls-Royce Owners Club, especially in the years after 1952, and owners will find back issues of this magazine (still available) a valuable guide in maintenance and troubleshooting." He adds that while the domestic version lacked the four-wheel brakes of the later British cars, it did feature valve covers, an important improvement over the exposed valves of the English models. The domestics can be recognized at a glance by their drum headlamps, tubular bumpers, and American componentry such as electrics, as well as left-hand drive after 1925. Finally, since Brewster built the vast majority of American bodies (and was itself bought by Rolls-Royce of America in 1923), the Springfield cars carry a far more uniform line of bodywork. The Silver Ghost was superseded in Britain by the Phantom I in 1925, after a long and distinguished career. UK production since 1906 amounted to 6,173 chassis, making 7,876 altogether.
Budget 2022 is making life better for more early childhood educators (ECEs) in British Columbia by expanding the wage enhancement to include all ECEs directly employed by child care facilities, including those in administrative positions.
Learn more:
While increased flows at the Big Bar landslide site caused some delays to operations in 2021, salmon were able to navigate these higher flows and move past the barrier on their own.
Learn more:
www.pac.dfo-mpo.gc.ca/pacific-smon-pacifique/big-bar-land...
www2.gov.bc.ca/gov/content?id=636BAFFB10A1492C964B5FE1E90...
Photo: Peter Kiewit and Sons (ULC), July 5, 2021
The National Constitution Center, at 525 Arch Street in Independence Mall, an independent, non-partisan, and non-profit organization dedicated to increasing public understanding of, and appreciation for, the Constitution, its history, and its contemporary relevance, through an interactive, interpretive facility. Created by the the Constitution Heritage Act in 1988, the museum opened on July 4, 2004, and was designed by American architect Henry N. Cobb and Pei Cobb Freed & Partners, with museum design firm Ralph Appelbaum Associates.
A visit to the National Constitution Center begins with a live, multimedia, theatre presentation called Freedom Rising. The presentation features a live actor and multimedia elements explaining the history of the Constitution, and how the definition of "we the people" has expanded over time.
The main exhibit hall is circular and presents three concentric rings of exhibts: the outermost a chronology of Constitutional history featuring artifacts and original documents, the second ring of interactive exhibits based on the preamble to the Constitution, and the inner ring featuring "talk backs" and ways to participate in the Constitutional dialogue.
Visitors can take the presidential oath of office, decide a supreme court case, vote for their favorite president, and view biographies of important figures in our history.
One interactive exhibit asks the visitor simple questions in order to determine if he or she would have had the right to vote during a particular historical period. Another set of stations presents divisive issues such as intelligent design or the death penalty and asks visitors to write short opinions on Post-It notes which are stuck on the wall.
A visit ends with Signers' Hall, a room featuring life-sized, cast bronze sculptures of the 39 signers of the Constitution and the three dissenters. Visitors can wander among the statues, taking photographs with famous signers like George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, James Madison, and others. It is the only area in the museum that allows photography.
SeriousHP Horsepower Performance Ferrari 360 modena "bolt on" turbo system Tuning results show a considerable increase in horsepower over stock while keeping the vehicle within reasonable parameters in regard to reliability and drivability ( ProEFI Engine Management System and SHP Engine Tuning )
880 bhp / 650 whp / 10 pounds of boost / 93 octane
SeriousHP Horsepower Performance
5858 Cunningham Road - Houston TX 77041
713.937.3099 - mail@serioushp.com
Liu Xianbin, like an increasing number of Chinese rights activists, wrote and published an account of this interrogation by Public Security. In this March 2010 meeting, the police asked him about some articles critical of the Communist Pary he had released on a foreign website. Liu, who has been deprived of political rights due to his previous conviction for subversion, answered that since I am not allowed to express my views within China I have no alternative but to express them on foreign websites. Liu noted that the interrogators were courteous. They gave him this acknowledgement of the interrogation. Liu concludes writing that before the interrogation he thought he was being called in because of the annual meetings underway then in March of the National People's Congress and of the Chinese People's Consultative Congress. From the questions he asked, he realized, he wrote, that the police were building a case against him based on articles he had published on overseas websites. The names of the articles he was asked about:
1.刘晓波遭重判之后的民间道路选择 www.boxun.com/hero/201001/lxb/106_1.shtml
2.宪政民主：走出东方专制主义藩篱 www.chinesepen.org/Article/sxsy/201001/Article_2010011003...
3.从“人民当家做主”说起 www.chinesepen.org/Article/sxsy/201001/Article_2010012205...
4.遥思兄弟登高处，凤凰山上少一人——达州“元九”登高忆王森兄 www.chinesepen.org/Article/sxsy/201003/Article_2010030119...
这四篇文章分别是：《刘晓波遭重判之后的民间道路选择》、《宪政民主：走出东方专制主义藩篱》、《从“人民当家做主”说起》和《遥思兄弟登高处，凤凰山上少一人——达州“元九”登高忆王森兄》 Liu was also asked if had been receiving money from outside China.
Liu Xianbin is now imprisoned in Suining awaiting indictment, likely on subversion charges. Following is the article Liu wrote about his interrogation.
Liu Xianbin's article about his March 2010 interrogation is copied below.
谈被传唤的经历
刘贤斌
被传唤经历之一：今天上午8点45分，四川遂宁国保阳毅打电话通知我到市局，我叫他们开车来接我。阳毅说不行，让我乘公交车。我说不来接我，我就不去。阳毅说他们已经开好了传唤证，如果不去，他们就对我进行拘传。
被传唤经历之二：我没有理会阳毅的话，就离家到河边散步，阳毅打来电话，问我在哪里？我说我在散步。大约过了一个多小时，他们都没有找我，后来我才发现我的手机没有话费了，于是我又去充了话费。
被传唤经历之三：接下来我就一个人到“凌江阁”喝茶，这时李宇发来短信问我的情况，并希望我冷静对待此事，我回信说：“该勃起的时候要勃起”，又让他上推说：“两会期间，刘贤斌不仅被代表，而且被强奸。”稍后陈卫也来到“凌江阁”，我们一起吃了午饭，然后又找了一个朋友来一起斗地主。下午2点20分，遂宁国保的张全打来电话，问我在哪里，并说过十分钟开车过来接我。于是我就跟他到了市局。
被传唤经历之四：二十分钟后张全把我带到了遂宁国保支队的办公室里，由阳毅对我进行询问。阳毅首先出示了警官证，然后又让我看了《犯罪嫌疑人诉讼权利义务告知书》，并将传唤证递给我看，让我在上面签了字。
被传唤经历之五：阳毅首先问我是否最近在什么网站上发表了文章，我说记不清楚了。阳毅就递给我一叠资料，我一看，原来是我这两个月在《民主中国》和《议报》上面发表的四篇文章。
被传唤经历之六：这四篇文章分别是：《刘晓波遭重判之后的民间道路选择》、《宪政民主：走出东方专制主义藩篱》、《从“人民当家做主”说起》和《遥思兄弟登高处，凤凰山上少一人——达州“元九”登高忆王森兄》
被传唤经历之七：阳毅问这四篇文章是不是我写的，我说是。他又问有什么目的，我说只是表达自己的思想感情。他又说这违反了“剥权期”的规定，我说我在国内发表言论受到限制，我就只好到国外发表。
被传唤经历之八：阳毅又问我文章怎么发出去的，对此我拒绝回答。又问我收到稿费没有，我说没有。他又问我胡平的情况，我说我不清楚，只是朋友。他又问我收到过境外的钱没有，对此我拒绝回答。
被传唤经历之九：阳毅又问我最近参加什么签名活动没有，并且又拿出一份资料给我，原来也是从网上下载的两份公开信，一份是西南地区部分人士对刘晓波受到重判的抗议信，一份是四川朋友的拜年信。
被传唤经历之十：阳毅问我是否参加了这两次签名，我说我当时同意了签上我的名字。阳毅问是不是我起草的，我说不是。他又问是谁起草和组织的，我对此拒绝回答。
被传唤经历之十一：阳毅又问我最近是否去过达州，我说去过，文章中已经进行了详细描述。他又问向主管派出所请假没有，我说没有。于是他又将“剥权期”的八条规定向我宣读了一遍，以前每次传唤都这样。
被传唤经历之十二：大概在下午4点，整个传唤正式结束，我在询问记录上面签上了自己的名字，并在每份资料上签字并按上手印。之后张全又进来与我很客气地聊了一会儿，接着就由他把我送回了家。
被传唤经历之十三：我原以为这次传唤是因为两会，结果他们根本没有提到两会的事情。在传唤之前，我已经做好了被他们处以行政拘留的准备，但他们还是没有这样做，不过我也清楚这是早晚的事情。
2010年3月4日
[The Chinese Independent Pen Center has a collection of Liu Xianbin's writings at boxun.com/hero/201003/lxb/3_1.shtml ]