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Blockchain is a shared, immutable record of peer-to-peer transactions built from linked transaction blocks and stored in a digital ledger. Blockchain technology presents numerous opportunities for health care
Niki's Oasis Restaurant & Jazz Bar 138 Bree Street Newtown Cultural Precinct Johannesburg South Africa with Simnikiwe Sondlo and Bushy Dubazana Jazz Band with the Immutable Themba Fassie with Siso
Great Food and Music Highly Recommended
Building a responsive design is easy. Making it performant takes more time and care. The biggest performance challenges lie with media. For many organizations, these challenges will force them to retool the way they handle images and video. In this session, we’ll look at the options for how to handle responsive image and video. We’ll talk about guidelines for implementing responsive media in your organization as well as the one immutable rule for responsive images.
The Akamai Edge Conference is an annual gathering of the industry revolutionaries who are committed to creating leading edge experiences, realizing the full potential of what is possible in a Faster Forward World.
Learn more at www.akamai.com/edge
Frédéric never leaves home and never sees anyone. He has a telecommuting work and when he needs something, it is delivered. His everyday life, immutable, seems written in stone... Until a mysterious girl burst into his life...
The play, between utopia and science fiction, is asking for the place of the other when the technology is building is own reality, between us and the world, when virtuality comes true.
The scenography was designed to show this omnipresence of the virtual, using video mapping, video, sounds and light interactivities to create the space, the flat of Frederic, where the action takes place. It's a living place, a sprawling matrix, stilfling, but probably also an illusion created by humans to rock his eternal solitude.
Written and staged by: Gildas Loupiac
Scenography: Barthélemy Antoine-Loeff and Alexandra Petracchi (iduun)
Sound design: Charles Dubois
Costumes: Marilyne Morel
With: Thomas Lequesne, Géraldine Szajman and Etienne Bodi
From the 7th of september to the 2nd of october (except monday and tuesday) at 20 PM.
FUNAMBULE MONTMARTRE
53 rue des Saules, 75018 Paris
Métro : Lamarck-Caulaincourt (12)
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (300mm)
ISO: 400
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/500"
F zenbakia / number F: 13
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Building a responsive design is easy. Making it performant takes more time and care. The biggest performance challenges lie with media. For many organizations, these challenges will force them to retool the way they handle images and video. In this session, we’ll look at the options for how to handle responsive image and video. We’ll talk about guidelines for implementing responsive media in your organization as well as the one immutable rule for responsive images.
The Akamai Edge Conference is an annual gathering of the industry revolutionaries who are committed to creating leading edge experiences, realizing the full potential of what is possible in a Faster Forward World.
Learn more at www.akamai.com/edge
Zion National Park Utah
All this is the music of waters, John Wesley Powell, 1895
Wrought by Water
The cliffs of Zion stand resolute, Immutable yet ever changing. They are a glowing presence in late day and a wild calm. Melodies of waters soothe desert parched ears, streams twinkle over stone, wren song cascades from red-rock cliffs, and cottonwood leaves jitter on the breeze. But when lightning flashes waterfalls erupt from dry cliffs, and floods flash down waterless canyons, exploding log jams, hurling boulders, croaking wild joyousness, and dancing stone and water and time.
Zion is alive with movement, a river of life always here and always changing.
Everything in Zion takes life from the Virgin River’s scarce desert waters. Water flows, and solid rock melts into cliffs and towers. Landscape changes as canyons deepen to create forested highlands and lowland deserts. A ribbon of green marks the river’s course as diverse plants and animals take shelter and thrive in this canyon oasis. From the beginning people sought this place, this sanctuary in the desert’s dry reaches. The very name Zion, a Hebrew word for refuge, evokes its significance.
More than the river’s music and the soaring heights alone, Zion’s nature multiplies with each slope, aspect, and soil type, with each minute change in precipitation or temperature. Add to these influences species from nearby ecosystems, and Zion becomes an assemblage of plants and thus of animals, found nowhere else exactly like this. Although the southwest desert may look homogeneous, each fold, wrinkle, bend, slope, mesa top, and canyon bottom creates its unique conditions. This unlikely desert harbors a mosaic of environments, each fine-tuned to place. Welcome to the one called Zion!
Niki's Oasis Restaurant & Jazz Bar 138 Bree Street Newtown Cultural Precinct Johannesburg South Africa with Simnikiwe Sondlo and Bushy Dubazana Jazz Band with the Immutable Themba Fassie with Siso
Great Food and Music Highly Recommended
"You and me
Meant to be
Immutable
Impossible
It's destiny
Pure lunacy
Incalculable
Insufferable
But for the last time
You're everything that I want and ask for
You're all that I'd dreamed"
The Smashing Pumpkins - Stand Inside Your Love
Te amo.
..we'll need to build museums to display its horrors to future generations. They'll wonder why poverty continued so long in human society - how a few people could live in luxury while billions dwelt in misery, deprivation and despair.”
Muhammad Yunus
No offense to Mr. Yunus, but this is exactly the kind of Utopian thinking that gets millions killed at a time.. And unfortunately - sadly - this the kind of thinking that is being taught now to your children.
I heard yesterday about the CEO of a credit card processing company who decided to pay all of his employees $70 thousand a year. He's cutting his million dollar salary to the same, and using profits to pay those salaries. The average salary before was $48 thousand, so everybody must be ecstatic, right?
Well, except for the people who got huge pay cuts, and who are now making the same amount as new hires, who have no experience and a lot less responsibility..
And people being people, in two years, those who are left will be demanding a raise, because after all, it's been two years, right? Surely they deserve a raise..
But they won't have any trouble hiring new faces, which is good, because all the best and brightest will be leaving as soon as they believe they deserve more than the booger-picking moron that just hired in.
If there is no reward - no incentive to work harder... people won't.
Have we learned NOTHING from the social experiments of Communism and Socialism in the Twentieth Century?? Apparently Mr. Yunus didn't..
The purpose of those living in luxury that Mr. Yunus hates is to inspire the rest of us. Maybe we'll never be billionaires, but I'd rather aim high and fall short, than aim low, and meet my expectations... And in the struggle, the lot of us all is raised.
Zion National Park Utah
All this is the music of waters, John Wesley Powell, 1895
Wrought by Water
The cliffs of Zion stand resolute, Immutable yet ever changing. They are a glowing presence in late day and a wild calm. Melodies of waters soothe desert parched ears, streams twinkle over stone, wren song cascades from red-rock cliffs, and cottonwood leaves jitter on the breeze. But when lightning flashes waterfalls erupt from dry cliffs, and floods flash down waterless canyons, exploding log jams, hurling boulders, croaking wild joyousness, and dancing stone and water and time.
Zion is alive with movement, a river of life always here and always changing.
Everything in Zion takes life from the Virgin River’s scarce desert waters. Water flows, and solid rock melts into cliffs and towers. Landscape changes as canyons deepen to create forested highlands and lowland deserts. A ribbon of green marks the river’s course as diverse plants and animals take shelter and thrive in this canyon oasis. From the beginning people sought this place, this sanctuary in the desert’s dry reaches. The very name Zion, a Hebrew word for refuge, evokes its significance.
More than the river’s music and the soaring heights alone, Zion’s nature multiplies with each slope, aspect, and soil type, with each minute change in precipitation or temperature. Add to these influences species from nearby ecosystems, and Zion becomes an assemblage of plants and thus of animals, found nowhere else exactly like this. Although the southwest desert may look homogeneous, each fold, wrinkle, bend, slope, mesa top, and canyon bottom creates its unique conditions. This unlikely desert harbors a mosaic of environments, each fine-tuned to place. Welcome to the one called Zion!
Το κάστρο της Μονεμβασιάς
Το 375 μ.Χ. μία σεισμική δόνηση απέκοψε τη χερσόνησο δημιουργώντας ένα βράχο που έμελλε να μείνει στη θάλασσα αγέρωχος και αναλλοίωτος στην αιωνιότητα, φυσικό φρούριο, προστάτης ψυχών, διακηρυγμένος πόθος των μεγαλύτερων αυτοκρατοριών που γνώρισε ο πλανήτης. Αυτός ο βράχος, κάποτε μονοπάτι του Μυκηναϊκού και του Μινωικού πολιτισμού, χάρη στη μία και μοναδική πρόσβαση (μόνη έμβαση) που τον ενώνει με την Πελοπόννησο ονομάστηκε Μονεμβάσια.
The castle of Monemvasia
In 375 AD an earthquake cut off the peninsula, creating a rock that was to remain at sea cocky and immutable in eternity, a natural fortress, professed desire of the largest empires the world has known. This rock, sometimes the path of the Mycenaean and Minoan culture, through a single access who joins the Peloponnesus, called Monemvasia.
Building a responsive design is easy. Making it performant takes more time and care. The biggest performance challenges lie with media. For many organizations, these challenges will force them to retool the way they handle images and video. In this session, we’ll look at the options for how to handle responsive image and video. We’ll talk about guidelines for implementing responsive media in your organization as well as the one immutable rule for responsive images.
The Akamai Edge Conference is an annual gathering of the industry revolutionaries who are committed to creating leading edge experiences, realizing the full potential of what is possible in a Faster Forward World.
Learn more at www.akamai.com/edge
Το κάστρο της Μονεμβασιάς
Το 375 μ.Χ. μία σεισμική δόνηση απέκοψε τη χερσόνησο δημιουργώντας ένα βράχο που έμελλε να μείνει στη θάλασσα αγέρωχος και αναλλοίωτος στην αιωνιότητα, φυσικό φρούριο, προστάτης ψυχών, διακηρυγμένος πόθος των μεγαλύτερων αυτοκρατοριών που γνώρισε ο πλανήτης. Αυτός ο βράχος, κάποτε μονοπάτι του Μυκηναϊκού και του Μινωικού πολιτισμού, χάρη στη μία και μοναδική πρόσβαση (μόνη έμβαση) που τον ενώνει με την Πελοπόννησο ονομάστηκε Μονεμβάσια.
The castle of Monemvasia
In 375 AD an earthquake cut off the peninsula, creating a rock that was to remain at sea cocky and immutable in eternity, a natural fortress, professed desire of the largest empires the world has known. This rock, sometimes the path of the Mycenaean and Minoan culture, through a single access who joins the Peloponnesus, called Monemvasia.
**Hoover Dam** - National Register of Historic Places Ref # 81000382, date listed 4/8/1981
E of Las Vegas on U.S. 93
Boulder City, NV (Clark County)
A National Historic Landmark (www.nps.gov/subjects/nationalhistoriclandmarks/list-of-nh...
Much of the sculpture is the work of Norwegian-born, naturalized American Oskar J.W. Hansen. Hansen's principal work at Hoover Dam is the monument of dedication on the Nevada side of the dam. Here, rising from a black, polished base, is a 142-foot flagpole flanked by two winged figures, which Hansen calls the Winged Figures of the Republic. They express "the immutable calm of intellectual resolution, and the enormous power of trained physical strength, equally enthroned in placid triumph of scientific accomplishment."
The winged figures are 30 feet high. Their shells are 5/8-inch thick, and contain more than 4 tons of statuary bronze. The figures were formed from sand molds weighing 492 tons. The bronze that forms the shells was heated to 2,500 degrees Fahrenheit, and poured into the molds in one continuous, molten stream.
The figures rest on a base of black diorite, an igneous rock. In order to place the blocks without marring their highly polished finish, they were centered on blocks of ice, and guided precisely into place as the ice melted. After the blocks were in place, the flagpole was dropped through a hole in the center block into a predrilled hole in the mountain.
Surrounding the base is a terrazzo floor, inlaid with a star chart, or celestial map. The chart preserves for future generations the date on which President Franklin D. Roosevelt dedicated Hoover Dam, September 30, 1935. (1)
References (1) Bureau of Reclamation www.usbr.gov/lc/hooverdam/history/essays/artwork.html
JAN WILLEM KUILENBURG
3/16/2012
N E W L I F E (note: the video has sound + voice over)
towards a Pruitt Igoe co-operative urban winery
We can look forward by looking back.
St. Louis is a damaged city. Spatial planning strategies have been impregnated with racial engineering, which led to exclusion, poverty, shrinkage and malfunction. Despite recent efforts to change this, the city is already dying for over five decades. It’s time to act and to define the Pruitt-Igoe plot as an example of local re-development, rooted in history.
The future of Pruitt-Igoe is defined by its surroundings of many abandoned, empty, urban plots.
Its future is embedded in the contrapositions of its original parameters:
1977 2012
mono functional.........................multi functional
private.......................................public
stone.........................................vegetation
zoned........................................open
top down...................................bottom up
post industrial............................post agricultural (pre natural)
discriminating............................social
excluded...................................mixed
abandoned................................attractive
radical.......................................realistic
urbanized..................................natural
regulated...................................developing
suburban...................................central
immutable.................................adaptable
contained..................................borderless
incorporated..............................productive
repetitive...................................unique
controlled..................................free
leaving generic rest space........making social space
the proposal
From 1847 Missouri has an impressive past of wine making with the third largest winery in the world and over 100 wineries until the prohibition of1920.
We propose a winery, organized as a co-operation of local citizens.
We propose a positive and productive use of the vacant plots. Available plots are gradually planted with wine plants.
During the first phase, the Pruitt-Igoe site will become a winery with a green, programmed perimeter, like a ‘hortus publicus’, with an open social space at its heart for the Borough.
The Pruitt-Igoe winery will grow along its perimeter. The perimeter has openings linking streets into its heart, an active and public park, open to all citizens. Later on, empty plots around the site will be planted with wine. The ‘figure and ground’ will be transformed from an urban desert with patches of green into a green landscape with spread buildings that will get a higher value. The boroughs that surround Pruitt-Igoe will benefit as well.
Pruitt Igoe Winery will:
-fit St. Louis climate and history,
-be organized by local citizens and give them pride,
-be productive and green,
-be able to grow and expand,
-have a social heart,
-deliver high quality bottled wines.
The air will be clean, the horizons will be green and the citizens will be responsible, productive and full of energy.
We hold the future in our hands.
green
natural . calming . refreshment . defensiveness . relaxation . fertility. masculinity . conservativeness . understanding . perserverance . wealth . perfomance-enhancing . possessiveness . lucky . unlucky . tranquility . expensiveness . healthy . jealousy . envy . spring . money . aggression . danger . greed . vigor. cleansing . enviromental . movement . unconditional love . autonomous . circular . safety .inexperience . death . sickness . generosity . youth . misfortune . technological . concentric . life . balance . meticulousness . harmonizing . retentiveness . humble . immutable . religious . compassion . revitalisation . persistance . moral . intelligence . infinity . decay . carefulness . sensitivity . security . peace . maturity . holistic . obstinance . restlessness . wisdom . intuitiveness . laziness . soothing . victory . tenacity . firmness
Agnolo di Cosimo di Mariano
known as Bronzino
Monticelli 1503 - Florence 1572
In 1539 Bronzino was involved in the decorations to celebrate the marriage of Duke Cosimo I de’Medici, first Grand Duke of Tuscany, and Eleonora of Toledo daughter of the Spanish Viceroy of Naples and member of the family of the Dukes of Alba, and at that point was appointed court painter to the Duke. Bronzino produced religious and mythological paintings but was particularly outstanding as a portraitist. Rather than depicting every detail of the sitter’s appearance, Bronzino focused on aspects such as social position, the elegance of the pose and the restraint and bearing of his models. In his portraits, elements such as the rich, brightly coloured materials, jewels, gleaming armour and complex hairstyles all acquire great importance through their decorative merit and ability to suggest power and wealth. Bronzino’s portraits are undoubtedly among his most important works. His most significant examples date from the 1540s onwards, but it was in the 1530s that he began to formulate their prototype. This involved a distant presentation of the sitter, a sense of immutability, and an elegant, stylised appearance.
Cosimo de Medici in Armour
ca. 1545
Oil on panel. 76.5 x 59 cm
Museo Nacional Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid
DSC02750
Millions of bitcoin are permanently lost from its immutable blockchain network because of cases like the loss of funds of Howells. A study done by Chainalysis, a blockchain-focused digital forensics company, found that 3.79 million BTC are potentially lost permanently and can no longer be re-obtained.
cryptoworld.news/2018/05/28/cryptocurrency-investor-lost-...
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS60D
Objetiboa / Lens: Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (196x1.5mm)
ISO: 800
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/250"
F zenbakia / number F: 13
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
2005-2007
Colored pencil, modeling paste on wood panel
Collection:
Crocker Art Museum
Hereafter is a transcription of the handwritten text above:
"The confessional panel of Myself was an attempt to eradicate puerile speculation, to simply state the who of me in terms of the what of me, my skin, my song. An acknowledgement of personal Isness. The facts of the maker, the failure, he who produced and produces the skin, the song, the myth. He who is disposable and deposed by history. The face and format encapsulated within the parentheses of linear time. The who of me. He who dies. My body, this solidity which is subject to all natural controls, carries within itself the inventor of all that is defined human—god, war, art, law, alphabets, religions, history, time, science, aesthetics, mathematics, Art—all identifying characteristics of specie umano. No laws control him, not gravity, not death, nothing linear what-so-ever. His being requires no boundaries for definition, no parameters of moral rectitude. He is chaos, an infinity of possibilities. He creates himself and the reality of contradiction in which he lives. The body which encloses him, that which conforms to natural laws, exists in a constant state of compromise and approximation, a bridge between the actual and the real, that which can be seen enclosing a sphere that cannot be seen or touched or entered. This duality must invent dimension upon dimension, layer upon layer of illusion to support a balance which cannot be supported solely by one entity. It must enter into alliances with other entities to confer a shared agreement on that which is real and that which is not. A compliance of conformity, an illusion of necessity. It is within this zone of safety called community that actuality performs its catalogue of repetition, ever watchful, ever fearful of contradiction. The inventor within is a constant threat to the community without, his body a purgatory of suspension. This I believe. Every body is a duality struggling to free Itself from itself. (As I have confessed my bipolarity and homosexuality, do I now profess my shizophrenia?) This to me is the myth of Marsyas. The liberation of the skin, the song, the inner anarchist from the entrapping body of linearity, community, dogma, and death. I see no horror in the myth of Marsyas, only the exhilaration of Art. Invention of inventions, transparency of the species, epiphany of epiphanies, destroyer of illusion, invention and inventor of truth. It has become ever more fascinating to me how the most primitive of human characteristics are the most actual, actualized to the point of immutability. Resistance to an evolving humanity is fierce and uncompromising. Tribal and religious prejudice and dogma cripple the flight of the inventor...and so it has always been. The insistence for projecting out that which is internal into an existence of actuality is the struggle of reality. To make actual that which is real. To externalize that which is internal. To fuse the duality. This process of destruction and creation is our identity. This humanity. This is our Isness. This is our evolution. The body of the artist, that mortal inconsequence struggles to create and shed his skin in a process worthy of the ordeal of Marsyas. The process of destroying answers and creating questions is his fulfillment, his pain and his ecstasy. An artist deserves neither praise nor pity. Both are insults to his process of becoming. To evolve as iconoclast without the arrogance of nihility is the song of Marsyas. To challenge the gods. To contest the incontestable. To embrace failure with the joy of inevitability. This is the consequence of mortality. This is the artist’s song and his fate. The death of the body and the liberation of its song, the history and the myth—"
How to make a file immutable on Linux
If you would like to use this photo, be sure to place a proper attribution linking to xmodulo.com
There's nothing in this crazy world immutable. Change is that smt come and smt gone. However it takes, u are mostly the reason.
Música: Hans Zimmer - Music box
Si la nina de porcellana poguès triar,
potser sacrificaria de bon grat
la seva bellesa immutable
per un dia,
un sol dia de vida imaginada
en les petites mans d'una nena real.
La belleza inmutable
Si la muñeca de porcelana pudiese elegir,
tal vez sacrificaría gustosamente
su belleza inmutable
por un dia,
un solo dia de vida imaginada
en las pequeñas manos de una niña real.
The immutable beauty
If the porcelain doll could choose,
maybe she would gladly sacrifice
her immutable beauty
for one day,
just one day of imagined life
in the tiny hands of a real girl.
© david morris dtmphotography.co.uk
Llandrindod Wells is an amalgam of two very different settlements. Early Llandrindod in the
form of the old parish church and Llandrindod Hall occupies a spur sandwiched between
valleys that drop down towards the Ithon from the high ground to the east. One kilometre to
the north-west on lower ground which has been ridged and hollowed by several streams is the
Victorian and modern creation of Llandrindod Wells.
This brief report examines Llandrindod’s emergence and development up to 1750. For the
more recent history of the settlement, it will be necessary to look at other sources of
information and particularly at the origins and nature of the buildings within it.
The accompanying map is offered as an indicative guide to the historic settlement. The
continuous line defining the historic core offers a visual interpretation of the area within
which the settlement developed, based on our interpretation of the evidence currently to hand.
It is not an immutable boundary line, and may need to be modified as new discoveries are
made. The map does not show those areas or buildings that are statutorily designated, nor
does it pick out those sites or features that are specifically mentioned in the text.
We have not referenced the sources that have been examined to produce this report, but that
information will be available in the Historic Environment Record (HER) maintained by the
Clwyd-Powys Archaeological Trust. Numbers in brackets are primary record numbers used in
the HER to provide information that is specific to individual sites and features. These can be
accessed on-line through the Archwilio website (www.archwilio.org.uk).
History of development
The name refers to the 'Church of the Trinity', but the former name of the church and its
parish was Llandow in 1283 and Lando in 1291 meaning ‘church of God’. Llandynddod
appears only in 1535, but the change to the Trinity is one that can be recognised in several
other churches in Wales.
The earlier focus occupies a spur overlooking this area. Whether the church represents an
early medieval foundation is unclear. The 'llan' prefix might suggest this but there is no
corroborative evidence. Its later history, too, is uncharted. The occurrence of platforms
opposite the church hints at more than just an isolated church, but the evidence as yet is not
compelling.
Llandrindod Hall by the old church was converted into a large hotel in about 1749, but it
functioned for less than forty years and was demolished by its proprietor, reportedly because
of its unsavoury clientele. It was replaced in the 19th century by a farmstead.
Reportedly the origins of the spa town go back to the late 17th century. Cae-bach Chapel
(30000; Grade II listing) in Brookland Road was founded in 1715. Saline and sulphur springs
were discovered in the 1730s and these were noted in various publications in the following
twenty years. But the emergence of Llandrindod Wells is essentially a 19th-century
phenomenon and thus falls outside the scope of this report, although in expanding over
Llanerch Common, the town enveloped the Llanerch Inn, which has some 17th-century
features.
The heritage to 1750
The old parish church of Holy Trinity (16027) lies more than 1km south-east of the town and
was sited on the edge of an extensive tract of common upland. It originally had a single
chamber of 13th/14th-century build with a south porch and small west spire. It was completely
rebuilt in 1894, after the archdeacon of Llandrindod had removed the roof in order to
'encourage' townspeople to attend the new church in the town. The old church houses several
18th and 19th-century monuments but its 'sheel-na-gig' (5960) uncovered during building work
in 1894 and presumably of medieval origin, is now in the local museum.
The churchyard (16199) is irregular in design, its shape on the west and south dictated by the
natural topography. The Tithe map depicts a smaller enclosure around the church, a short
distance away from the road and no longer distinguishable at ground level, but may not be an
accurate representation. A holy well (81710) lay close to the churchyard, though the story
attached to it point to a healing well.
The spur on which the old church sits is naturally irregular with rock outcrops protruding.
North of the church on land that was common until the 19th century are several flat terraces
some of which are certainly artificial constructions that probably supported dwellings
(16094); there is at least one authentic platform and perhaps two others, together with
enclosure boundaries and a trackway. Further earthworks (16095), the most obvious a low
curvilinear bank of unknown function, are apparent just to the south-east of Llandrindod Hall
(30020).
Capel Maelog (2055) which was excavated between 1984 and 1987 lay off Cefnllys Lane less
than 1km east of the town centre. Its foundations have now been reconstructed near County
Hall.
Information can be found here
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Rogie Falls are a series of waterfalls on the Black Water, a river in Ross-shire in the Highlands of Scotland. The falls are about 2 kilometres (1.2 mi) northwest of the village of Contin, next to the A835 road. They are a popular tourist attraction, with several forest walks.
The bridge will support a maximum of five persons, with a narrow and sharp set of steps at its end. Access to the bridge requires limited ability with footpaths being well kept, however not wheelchair accessible by any stretch. Photography from the bridge is possible although best either at evening time when fewer people are around and using the bridge or in sunnier conditions when shorter exposure times are possible, due to the high degree of wobble.
The Black Water is a river in the Highlands of Scotland. It begins at the confluence of the Glascarnoch River with the Abhainn Srath a' Bhàthaich, near where it is crossed by the Black Bridge, carrying the A835 road. It flows in a south-easterly direction past the village of Garve, then passing through Loch Garve and Loch na Cròic, and around Eilean nan Daraich. It flows over Rogie Falls, then past Contin, around Contin Island, before flowing into the River Conon near Moy Bridge.
The Highlands is a historical region of Scotland. Culturally, the Highlands and the Lowlands diverged from the Late Middle Ages into the modern period, when Lowland Scots language replaced Scottish Gaelic throughout most of the Lowlands. The term is also used for the area north and west of the Highland Boundary Fault, although the exact boundaries are not clearly defined, particularly to the east. The Great Glen divides the Grampian Mountains to the southeast from the Northwest Highlands. The Scottish Gaelic name of A' Ghàidhealtachd literally means "the place of the Gaels" and traditionally, from a Gaelic-speaking point of view, includes both the Western Isles and the Highlands.
The area is very sparsely populated, with many mountain ranges dominating the region, and includes the highest mountain in the British Isles, Ben Nevis. During the 18th and early 19th centuries the population of the Highlands rose to around 300,000, but from c. 1841 and for the next 160 years, the natural increase in population was exceeded by emigration (mostly to Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand, and migration to the industrial cities of Scotland and England.) and passim The area is now one of the most sparsely populated in Europe. At 9.1/km2 (24/sq mi) in 2012, the population density in the Highlands and Islands is less than one seventh of Scotland's as a whole.
The Highland Council is the administrative body for much of the Highlands, with its administrative centre at Inverness. However, the Highlands also includes parts of the council areas of Aberdeenshire, Angus, Argyll and Bute, Moray, North Ayrshire, Perth and Kinross, Stirling and West Dunbartonshire.
The Scottish Highlands is the only area in the British Isles to have the taiga biome as it features concentrated populations of Scots pine forest: see Caledonian Forest. It is the most mountainous part of the United Kingdom.
Between the 15th century and the mid-20th century, the area differed from most of the Lowlands in terms of language. In Scottish Gaelic, the region is known as the Gàidhealtachd, because it was traditionally the Gaelic-speaking part of Scotland, although the language is now largely confined to The Hebrides. The terms are sometimes used interchangeably but have different meanings in their respective languages. Scottish English (in its Highland form) is the predominant language of the area today, though Highland English has been influenced by Gaelic speech to a significant extent. Historically, the "Highland line" distinguished the two Scottish cultures. While the Highland line broadly followed the geography of the Grampians in the south, it continued in the north, cutting off the north-eastern areas, that is Eastern Caithness, Orkney and Shetland, from the more Gaelic Highlands and Hebrides.
Historically, the major social unit of the Highlands was the clan. Scottish kings, particularly James VI, saw clans as a challenge to their authority; the Highlands was seen by many as a lawless region. The Scots of the Lowlands viewed the Highlanders as backward and more "Irish". The Highlands were seen as the overspill of Gaelic Ireland. They made this distinction by separating Germanic "Scots" English and the Gaelic by renaming it "Erse" a play on Eire. Following the Union of the Crowns, James VI had the military strength to back up any attempts to impose some control. The result was, in 1609, the Statutes of Iona which started the process of integrating clan leaders into Scottish society. The gradual changes continued into the 19th century, as clan chiefs thought of themselves less as patriarchal leaders of their people and more as commercial landlords. The first effect on the clansmen who were their tenants was the change to rents being payable in money rather than in kind. Later, rents were increased as Highland landowners sought to increase their income. This was followed, mostly in the period 1760–1850, by agricultural improvement that often (particularly in the Western Highlands) involved clearance of the population to make way for large scale sheep farms. Displaced tenants were set up in crofting communities in the process. The crofts were intended not to provide all the needs of their occupiers; they were expected to work in other industries such as kelping and fishing. Crofters came to rely substantially on seasonal migrant work, particularly in the Lowlands. This gave impetus to the learning of English, which was seen by many rural Gaelic speakers to be the essential "language of work".
Older historiography attributes the collapse of the clan system to the aftermath of the Jacobite risings. This is now thought less influential by historians. Following the Jacobite rising of 1745 the British government enacted a series of laws to try to suppress the clan system, including bans on the bearing of arms and the wearing of tartan, and limitations on the activities of the Scottish Episcopal Church. Most of this legislation was repealed by the end of the 18th century as the Jacobite threat subsided. There was soon a rehabilitation of Highland culture. Tartan was adopted for Highland regiments in the British Army, which poor Highlanders joined in large numbers in the era of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1790–1815). Tartan had largely been abandoned by the ordinary people of the region, but in the 1820s, tartan and the kilt were adopted by members of the social elite, not just in Scotland, but across Europe. The international craze for tartan, and for idealising a romanticised Highlands, was set off by the Ossian cycle, and further popularised by the works of Walter Scott. His "staging" of the visit of King George IV to Scotland in 1822 and the king's wearing of tartan resulted in a massive upsurge in demand for kilts and tartans that could not be met by the Scottish woollen industry. Individual clan tartans were largely designated in this period and they became a major symbol of Scottish identity. This "Highlandism", by which all of Scotland was identified with the culture of the Highlands, was cemented by Queen Victoria's interest in the country, her adoption of Balmoral as a major royal retreat, and her interest in "tartenry".
Recurrent famine affected the Highlands for much of its history, with significant instances as late as 1817 in the Eastern Highlands and the early 1850s in the West. Over the 18th century, the region had developed a trade of black cattle into Lowland markets, and this was balanced by imports of meal into the area. There was a critical reliance on this trade to provide sufficient food, and it is seen as an essential prerequisite for the population growth that started in the 18th century. Most of the Highlands, particularly in the North and West was short of the arable land that was essential for the mixed, run rig based, communal farming that existed before agricultural improvement was introduced into the region.[a] Between the 1760s and the 1830s there was a substantial trade in unlicensed whisky that had been distilled in the Highlands. Lowland distillers (who were not able to avoid the heavy taxation of this product) complained that Highland whisky made up more than half the market. The development of the cattle trade is taken as evidence that the pre-improvement Highlands was not an immutable system, but did exploit the economic opportunities that came its way. The illicit whisky trade demonstrates the entrepreneurial ability of the peasant classes.
Agricultural improvement reached the Highlands mostly over the period 1760 to 1850. Agricultural advisors, factors, land surveyors and others educated in the thinking of Adam Smith were keen to put into practice the new ideas taught in Scottish universities. Highland landowners, many of whom were burdened with chronic debts, were generally receptive to the advice they offered and keen to increase the income from their land. In the East and South the resulting change was similar to that in the Lowlands, with the creation of larger farms with single tenants, enclosure of the old run rig fields, introduction of new crops (such as turnips), land drainage and, as a consequence of all this, eviction, as part of the Highland clearances, of many tenants and cottars. Some of those cleared found employment on the new, larger farms, others moved to the accessible towns of the Lowlands.
In the West and North, evicted tenants were usually given tenancies in newly created crofting communities, while their former holdings were converted into large sheep farms. Sheep farmers could pay substantially higher rents than the run rig farmers and were much less prone to falling into arrears. Each croft was limited in size so that the tenants would have to find work elsewhere. The major alternatives were fishing and the kelp industry. Landlords took control of the kelp shores, deducting the wages earned by their tenants from the rent due and retaining the large profits that could be earned at the high prices paid for the processed product during the Napoleonic wars.
When the Napoleonic wars finished in 1815, the Highland industries were affected by the return to a peacetime economy. The price of black cattle fell, nearly halving between 1810 and the 1830s. Kelp prices had peaked in 1810, but reduced from £9 a ton in 1823 to £3 13s 4d a ton in 1828. Wool prices were also badly affected. This worsened the financial problems of debt-encumbered landlords. Then, in 1846, potato blight arrived in the Highlands, wiping out the essential subsistence crop for the overcrowded crofting communities. As the famine struck, the government made clear to landlords that it was their responsibility to provide famine relief for their tenants. The result of the economic downturn had been that a large proportion of Highland estates were sold in the first half of the 19th century. T M Devine points out that in the region most affected by the potato famine, by 1846, 70 per cent of the landowners were new purchasers who had not owned Highland property before 1800. More landlords were obliged to sell due to the cost of famine relief. Those who were protected from the worst of the crisis were those with extensive rental income from sheep farms. Government loans were made available for drainage works, road building and other improvements and many crofters became temporary migrants – taking work in the Lowlands. When the potato famine ceased in 1856, this established a pattern of more extensive working away from the Highlands.
The unequal concentration of land ownership remained an emotional and controversial subject, of enormous importance to the Highland economy, and eventually became a cornerstone of liberal radicalism. The poor crofters were politically powerless, and many of them turned to religion. They embraced the popularly oriented, fervently evangelical Presbyterian revival after 1800. Most joined the breakaway "Free Church" after 1843. This evangelical movement was led by lay preachers who themselves came from the lower strata, and whose preaching was implicitly critical of the established order. The religious change energised the crofters and separated them from the landlords; it helped prepare them for their successful and violent challenge to the landlords in the 1880s through the Highland Land League. Violence erupted, starting on the Isle of Skye, when Highland landlords cleared their lands for sheep and deer parks. It was quietened when the government stepped in, passing the Crofters' Holdings (Scotland) Act, 1886 to reduce rents, guarantee fixity of tenure, and break up large estates to provide crofts for the homeless. This contrasted with the Irish Land War underway at the same time, where the Irish were intensely politicised through roots in Irish nationalism, while political dimensions were limited. In 1885 three Independent Crofter candidates were elected to Parliament, which listened to their pleas. The results included explicit security for the Scottish smallholders in the "crofting counties"; the legal right to bequeath tenancies to descendants; and the creation of a Crofting Commission. The Crofters as a political movement faded away by 1892, and the Liberal Party gained their votes.
Today, the Highlands are the largest of Scotland's whisky producing regions; the relevant area runs from Orkney to the Isle of Arran in the south and includes the northern isles and much of Inner and Outer Hebrides, Argyll, Stirlingshire, Arran, as well as sections of Perthshire and Aberdeenshire. (Other sources treat The Islands, except Islay, as a separate whisky producing region.) This massive area has over 30 distilleries, or 47 when the Islands sub-region is included in the count. According to one source, the top five are The Macallan, Glenfiddich, Aberlour, Glenfarclas and Balvenie. While Speyside is geographically within the Highlands, that region is specified as distinct in terms of whisky productions. Speyside single malt whiskies are produced by about 50 distilleries.
According to Visit Scotland, Highlands whisky is "fruity, sweet, spicy, malty". Another review states that Northern Highlands single malt is "sweet and full-bodied", the Eastern Highlands and Southern Highlands whiskies tend to be "lighter in texture" while the distilleries in the Western Highlands produce single malts with a "much peatier influence".
The Scottish Reformation achieved partial success in the Highlands. Roman Catholicism remained strong in some areas, owing to remote locations and the efforts of Franciscan missionaries from Ireland, who regularly came to celebrate Mass. There remain significant Catholic strongholds within the Highlands and Islands such as Moidart and Morar on the mainland and South Uist and Barra in the southern Outer Hebrides. The remoteness of the region and the lack of a Gaelic-speaking clergy undermined the missionary efforts of the established church. The later 18th century saw somewhat greater success, owing to the efforts of the SSPCK missionaries and to the disruption of traditional society after the Battle of Culloden in 1746. In the 19th century, the evangelical Free Churches, which were more accepting of Gaelic language and culture, grew rapidly, appealing much more strongly than did the established church.
For the most part, however, the Highlands are considered predominantly Protestant, belonging to the Church of Scotland. In contrast to the Catholic southern islands, the northern Outer Hebrides islands (Lewis, Harris and North Uist) have an exceptionally high proportion of their population belonging to the Protestant Free Church of Scotland or the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The Outer Hebrides have been described as the last bastion of Calvinism in Britain and the Sabbath remains widely observed. Inverness and the surrounding area has a majority Protestant population, with most locals belonging to either The Kirk or the Free Church of Scotland. The church maintains a noticeable presence within the area, with church attendance notably higher than in other parts of Scotland. Religion continues to play an important role in Highland culture, with Sabbath observance still widely practised, particularly in the Hebrides.
In traditional Scottish geography, the Highlands refers to that part of Scotland north-west of the Highland Boundary Fault, which crosses mainland Scotland in a near-straight line from Helensburgh to Stonehaven. However the flat coastal lands that occupy parts of the counties of Nairnshire, Morayshire, Banffshire and Aberdeenshire are often excluded as they do not share the distinctive geographical and cultural features of the rest of the Highlands. The north-east of Caithness, as well as Orkney and Shetland, are also often excluded from the Highlands, although the Hebrides are usually included. The Highland area, as so defined, differed from the Lowlands in language and tradition, having preserved Gaelic speech and customs centuries after the anglicisation of the latter; this led to a growing perception of a divide, with the cultural distinction between Highlander and Lowlander first noted towards the end of the 14th century. In Aberdeenshire, the boundary between the Highlands and the Lowlands is not well defined. There is a stone beside the A93 road near the village of Dinnet on Royal Deeside which states 'You are now in the Highlands', although there are areas of Highland character to the east of this point.
A much wider definition of the Highlands is that used by the Scotch whisky industry. Highland single malts are produced at distilleries north of an imaginary line between Dundee and Greenock, thus including all of Aberdeenshire and Angus.
Inverness is regarded as the Capital of the Highlands, although less so in the Highland parts of Aberdeenshire, Angus, Perthshire and Stirlingshire which look more to Aberdeen, Dundee, Perth, and Stirling as their commercial centres.
The Highland Council area, created as one of the local government regions of Scotland, has been a unitary council area since 1996. The council area excludes a large area of the southern and eastern Highlands, and the Western Isles, but includes Caithness. Highlands is sometimes used, however, as a name for the council area, as in the former Highlands and Islands Fire and Rescue Service. Northern is also used to refer to the area, as in the former Northern Constabulary. These former bodies both covered the Highland council area and the island council areas of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles.
Much of the Highlands area overlaps the Highlands and Islands area. An electoral region called Highlands and Islands is used in elections to the Scottish Parliament: this area includes Orkney and Shetland, as well as the Highland Council local government area, the Western Isles and most of the Argyll and Bute and Moray local government areas. Highlands and Islands has, however, different meanings in different contexts. It means Highland (the local government area), Orkney, Shetland, and the Western Isles in Highlands and Islands Fire and Rescue Service. Northern, as in Northern Constabulary, refers to the same area as that covered by the fire and rescue service.
There have been trackways from the Lowlands to the Highlands since prehistoric times. Many traverse the Mounth, a spur of mountainous land that extends from the higher inland range to the North Sea slightly north of Stonehaven. The most well-known and historically important trackways are the Causey Mounth, Elsick Mounth, Cryne Corse Mounth and Cairnamounth.
Although most of the Highlands is geographically on the British mainland, it is somewhat less accessible than the rest of Britain; thus most UK couriers categorise it separately, alongside Northern Ireland, the Isle of Man, and other offshore islands. They thus charge additional fees for delivery to the Highlands, or exclude the area entirely. While the physical remoteness from the largest population centres inevitably leads to higher transit cost, there is confusion and consternation over the scale of the fees charged and the effectiveness of their communication, and the use of the word Mainland in their justification. Since the charges are often based on postcode areas, many far less remote areas, including some which are traditionally considered part of the lowlands, are also subject to these charges. Royal Mail is the only delivery network bound by a Universal Service Obligation to charge a uniform tariff across the UK. This, however, applies only to mail items and not larger packages which are dealt with by its Parcelforce division.
The Highlands lie to the north and west of the Highland Boundary Fault, which runs from Arran to Stonehaven. This part of Scotland is largely composed of ancient rocks from the Cambrian and Precambrian periods which were uplifted during the later Caledonian Orogeny. Smaller formations of Lewisian gneiss in the northwest are up to 3 billion years old. The overlying rocks of the Torridon Sandstone form mountains in the Torridon Hills such as Liathach and Beinn Eighe in Wester Ross.
These foundations are interspersed with many igneous intrusions of a more recent age, the remnants of which have formed mountain massifs such as the Cairngorms and the Cuillin of Skye. A significant exception to the above are the fossil-bearing beds of Old Red Sandstone found principally along the Moray Firth coast and partially down the Highland Boundary Fault. The Jurassic beds found in isolated locations on Skye and Applecross reflect the complex underlying geology. They are the original source of much North Sea oil. The Great Glen is formed along a transform fault which divides the Grampian Mountains to the southeast from the Northwest Highlands.
The entire region was covered by ice sheets during the Pleistocene ice ages, save perhaps for a few nunataks. The complex geomorphology includes incised valleys and lochs carved by the action of mountain streams and ice, and a topography of irregularly distributed mountains whose summits have similar heights above sea-level, but whose bases depend upon the amount of denudation to which the plateau has been subjected in various places.
Climate
The region is much warmer than other areas at similar latitudes (such as Kamchatka in Russia, or Labrador in Canada) because of the Gulf Stream making it cool, damp and temperate. The Köppen climate classification is "Cfb" at low altitudes, then becoming "Cfc", "Dfc" and "ET" at higher altitudes.
Places of interest
An Teallach
Aonach Mòr (Nevis Range ski centre)
Arrochar Alps
Balmoral Castle
Balquhidder
Battlefield of Culloden
Beinn Alligin
Beinn Eighe
Ben Cruachan hydro-electric power station
Ben Lomond
Ben Macdui (second highest mountain in Scotland and UK)
Ben Nevis (highest mountain in Scotland and UK)
Cairngorms National Park
Cairngorm Ski centre near Aviemore
Cairngorm Mountains
Caledonian Canal
Cape Wrath
Carrick Castle
Castle Stalker
Castle Tioram
Chanonry Point
Conic Hill
Culloden Moor
Dunadd
Duart Castle
Durness
Eilean Donan
Fingal's Cave (Staffa)
Fort George
Glen Coe
Glen Etive
Glen Kinglas
Glen Lyon
Glen Orchy
Glenshee Ski Centre
Glen Shiel
Glen Spean
Glenfinnan (and its railway station and viaduct)
Grampian Mountains
Hebrides
Highland Folk Museum – The first open-air museum in the UK.
Highland Wildlife Park
Inveraray Castle
Inveraray Jail
Inverness Castle
Inverewe Garden
Iona Abbey
Isle of Staffa
Kilchurn Castle
Kilmartin Glen
Liathach
Lecht Ski Centre
Loch Alsh
Loch Ard
Loch Awe
Loch Assynt
Loch Earn
Loch Etive
Loch Fyne
Loch Goil
Loch Katrine
Loch Leven
Loch Linnhe
Loch Lochy
Loch Lomond
Loch Lomond and the Trossachs National Park
Loch Lubnaig
Loch Maree
Loch Morar
Loch Morlich
Loch Ness
Loch Nevis
Loch Rannoch
Loch Tay
Lochranza
Luss
Meall a' Bhuiridh (Glencoe Ski Centre)
Scottish Sea Life Sanctuary at Loch Creran
Rannoch Moor
Red Cuillin
Rest and Be Thankful stretch of A83
River Carron, Wester Ross
River Spey
River Tay
Ross and Cromarty
Smoo Cave
Stob Coire a' Chàirn
Stac Polly
Strathspey Railway
Sutherland
Tor Castle
Torridon Hills
Urquhart Castle
West Highland Line (scenic railway)
West Highland Way (Long-distance footpath)
Wester Ross
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (257mm)
ISO: 800
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/2500"
F zenbakia / number F: 7.1
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: TAMRON SP 24-70mm F/2.8 Di VC USD (24mm)
ISO: 400
Programa / Program: P (Program)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/400"
F zenbakia / number F: 10
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: TAMRON SP 24-70mm F/2.8 Di VC USD (70mm)
ISO: 50
Programa / Program: P (Program)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/50"
F zenbakia / number F: 16
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (70mm)
ISO: 800
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/400"
F zenbakia / number F: 7.1
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Immutable Cloud storage is remote storage on the Internet that once uploaded cannot be deleted nor changed. It can be used for instance to prevent ransomeware attacks, since precious data in immutable cloud storage cannot be changed, nor deleted let alone encrypted. Phew.
The image was created by BIng and Dall-e AI.
Moët & Chandon announced a new international advertising campaign featuring Scarlett Johansson, celebrity ambassador for the brand since March 2009.
“Moët & Chandon, the most loved champagne since 1743, is a universal symbol of joie de vivre and success. This new campaign highlights a return to the immutable elegance and glamour that are inherent to both Moët and Scarlett” stated Moët & Chandon President & CEO Daniel Lalonde.
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Details
Épernay - Moët & Chandon
Moët & Chandon - a French fine winery and co-owner of the LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton SE. One of the world's largest champagne producers and a prominent champagne house. Established in 1743 by Claude Moët, and owns 1,190 hectares (2,900 acres) of vineyards with an anual production of 28 million bottles of champagne.
Dom Pérignon is the most prestigious Champagne, named after Dom Pérignon, a Benedictine monk who was an important quality pioneer for Champagne wine but who, contrary to popular myths, did not discover the Champagne method for making sparkling wines. Mercier owned the original rights to the name Dom Pérignon but gave the brand to Moët et Chandon in 1927.
Info: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moët_et_Chandon.
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Richard Poppelaars
About Pixels Photography: #media #Moët #Épernay #FR
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (75mm)
ISO: 400
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/400"
F zenbakia / number F: 11
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
1999-present
24K gold and albums
Collection of the Artist
To create The Everchanging Ring, Jana Brevick’s reworks
the same chunk of gold over and over again, creating new
iterations as commentary on the immutability of gold and its
reuse possibilities. She explains, “The owner wears The
Everchanging Ring for a time determined by the wearer and
events in his or her life. Once the time is right for change, the
ingot is returned to me to be melted and then worked into a
new ring. . . The Everchanging Ring is about metal. It is about
pure gold and its ability to recycle 100% without losing its
properties. Pure gold urges me to work with metal—the
combination of treasure and lust, the beauty of working and reworking a metal so pliable while so strong; filled with history
and awe.”
Photo: Adrian Busse
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (269mm)
ISO: 2000
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/500"
F zenbakia / number F: 7.1
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
A monarchy is a form of government conceptual representations,Visible connexion one of constitutional monarchy,the Immutability of Divine,that any supernatural being worshipped as controlling some part of the world presents two primary means whereby may be safely and confidently,greatest philosophers in Europe inclusion of solidity the abolishment of the monarchy.
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (300mm)
ISO: 400
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/500"
F zenbakia / number F: 14
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (75mm)
ISO: 400
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/500"
F zenbakia / number F: 9
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Nadie realmente conoce donde la vida le llevará, aunque lo planee o lo imagine, aunque trace caminos que piense inmutables. Ya que todo camino se moldea por variables que no controlamos, que se escapan de nuestras manos. Y lo único que podemos hacer es dejarnos llevar y compartir ese viaje, con la persona con la que mas disfrutemos, al caminar.
Nobody really knows where the life will take, although they plane or imagine it, although they trace paths they think that it is immutable. Because all the roads are molded with variables, that scape from our hands. And all we can do is let go and share that journey with the person you most enjoy, walking more.
I took this photo to illustrate a sad state of affairs illustrated by Election 2020; the Jan. 6, 2021 assault on the U.S. Capitol; and the deployment of 25,000 National Guard for Inauguration of the 46th President of the United States: Citizens see things as black and white—meaning right and wrong where one person’s right is another’s wrong and visa versa.
We sadly live in a nation where, currently, irreconcilable differences about culture, education, economy, politics, and religion separate Conservative and Liberal values, resulting in immutable intolerance for one another.
Building a responsive design is easy. Making it performant takes more time and care. The biggest performance challenges lie with media. For many organizations, these challenges will force them to retool the way they handle images and video. In this session, we’ll look at the options for how to handle responsive image and video. We’ll talk about guidelines for implementing responsive media in your organization as well as the one immutable rule for responsive images.
The Akamai Edge Conference is an annual gathering of the industry revolutionaries who are committed to creating leading edge experiences, realizing the full potential of what is possible in a Faster Forward World.
Learn more at www.akamai.com/edge
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (83mm)
ISO: 400
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/500"
F zenbakia / number F: 16
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.
Non / Where: Muskildi, (Zuberoa) (Basque Country)
Noiz / When: 2016/01/24
Kamara / Camera: CANON EOS5D MKIII
Objetiboa / Lens: COSINA 70-300 F[4.5-5.6] (AF) (179mm)
ISO: 2000
Programa / Program: Tv (Abiadurari lehentasuna / Speed priority)
Exposizioa / Exposition time: 1/500"
F zenbakia / number F: 5.6
Software: Photoshop
MASKARADAK: PROBABLY THE OLDEST CARNIVAL IN EUROPE
The maskarada [mas̺ˈkaɾada] is a popular set of traditional, theatrical performances that take place annually during the time of carnival in the Basque region of Soule, Basque Country (Zuberoa in the Basque language). It is generally referred to in the plural (maskaradak) as it is repeated across the region on the streets of villages (one day per village) over the span of a month or two in late winter through spring. The plays are performed by the villages' (usually younger) inhabitants, and the arrangements for each maskarada are the responsibility of each participating village. Sometimes, when two villages are very small, they will share the duties together.
Though naturally the actors change from year to year, a friendly air of informality, formed of deep familiarity pervades throughout. The Maskaradak follow variations on very traditional themes that make use of time-honoured sets and age-old, immutable characters. A motley parade of musicians (atabal, ttun-ttun and xirula players), traditional dancers and assorted actors, villagers and visitors walk merrily along a route that meanders up and down the village's streets.
At particular points of the parade, the barrikadak take place, where the marchers stop in front of a stall put there by the villagers, and bestow on them a dance, sometimes even a song, this in exchange for snacks (biscuits, crisps, and the like), and refreshments (wine and liquor), which is then shared with bystanders. The process is repeated over and over, perhaps lasting all day, from early in the morning till afternoon (with a popular lunch somewhere in the middle), until the end of the final performance at the parade terminus - usually the village market place or Basque pelota court.
Maskaradas represent a genuine example of traditional popular carnival theatre struggling to survive, much in step with the modest revival of the Basque language. It's connected to pastoral in many aspects, such as recurrent fixed characters, a marked distinction in the group (e.g. the reds stand for the good, while the blacks represent the evil) or a rigid structuring and development. The language used by the actors remains bilingual Zuberoan Basque, for the most part, and Bearnais, despite some difficulties to hand either language over to new generations.