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From 19 to 21 August 2016 in the Sicilian town of Ali, there was the so-called "Great Feast" ("Festa Ranni" in Sicilian dialect) in honor of their patron Saint Agatha.
The feast, which lasts three days, it is called "Feast Ranni" (Great Feast) to emphasize the exceptional nature of the event, since it falls only once every ten years. Preparations officially begin early as a month before and are involved both the "ciliary" (ie families entrusted from time to time, which shall prepare at their own expense at the solemn celebration for Her Patron Saint), both the "Deputation of St. Agatha" collaborating with the parish priest, plays a role during the organizational phase.
The passage of the Holy Relics of the Martyr Agatha in the village of Ali (Messina) in their return to Catania, on the morning of August 17 of the year 1126, it was for this Sicilian center an extraordinary and grandiose event, that led to the building of the great Mother Church , which took place in the sixteenth century; then the celebration of the annual festival but especially the so-called "Great Feast", which recalls the three-day feasts taking place in the city of Catania.
We don't known the origins of this ancient feast, whose complex ritual was entrusted, almost to the present day only to the oral tradition; Father Seraphim of Ali (junior) speaks in 1754, in his book "Of story of Ali and his territory".
Long and laborious preparations are assigned to two groups each formed by twelve families belonging to two different districts of the country, they receive instructions to draw up each other's "Ciliium of Bread" and the other the "Cilium of Girls". These families are appointed by the Deputation of St. Agatha (Advisory body that exercises within the Church Mother, economic and organizational functions) and by the parish priest.
The names of the families of "ciliary", as they are called, are made known by the parish priest, after the morning Mass of the 5 February of the current year.
Traditionally the families of "Ciliium of Girls" traveling in neighboring countries (Fiumedinisi, Itala and Ali Terme) with the sound of the accordion and tambourine, to communicate the imminent date of the festivities and take offerings and gold jewelry in part borrowed, in part donated, to adorn the "Cilium of Girls".
Liturgical events are intertwined with the traditional folk feast. The Feast attracts many faithful and many emigrants who, for the occasion, return to their native village of Ali. The last day of celebration the two Ciliums and the float of St. Agatha are carried in procession through the city.
Postscript: This report is dedicated to the German family of Jewish origin, consisting of father, mother and two children, on a boat they decided to take his own life to escape their Nazi persecutors, by binding them all together, and weighted with stones, they threw themselves off the waters of Mazzaro (Taormina); they were later fished out by now without life, by local fishermen: in the "graveyard of foreigners" of Taormina, now for ever and ever close together, they rest in peace.
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Dal 19 al 21 Agosto 2016 nel paese Siciliano di Alì (Messina) si è svolta una caratteristica festa, della quale propongo un report fotografico.
La Festa , durata infatti tre giorni, è denominata "Festa Ranni" (Festa Grande) per porre in risalto l'eccezionalità del fenomeno e la grandiosità dell’evento, poiché essa ricade una sola volta ogni dieci anni. I preparativi iniziano ufficialmente già un mese prima e vedono coinvolti sia i “ciliari” (cioè le famiglie incaricate di volta in volta e scelte a rotazione, che provvedono a preparare a proprie spese la festa solenne per la Santa Patrona, con l’allestimento dei due “cilii” ovvero le due “vare” anche intese come “cerei”), sia la “Deputazione di S. Agata” che collaborando con il Parroco, svolge un ruolo durante la fase organizzativa.
Il passaggio delle Sacre Reliquie della Martire catanese dal paese di Ali (Messina) nel rientro loro verso Catania, la mattina del 17 agosto dell’anno 1126 , fu per questo centro Siciliano un evento straordinario e grandioso, che portarono alla edificazione della grande Chiesa Madre, avvenuta nel XVI secolo, quindi alla celebrazione della festa annuale ma soprattutto della così detta “Festa Ranni”, che ricorda i tre giorni di festa che avvengono nella città di Catania.
Oscure sono le origini e le antiche modalità di svolgimento di questa festa, il cui complesso rituale è stato affidato, fin quasi ai nostri giorni esclusivamente alla tradizione orale, Padre Serafino d’Alì (junior) ne parla nel 1754, nel suo libro “Della storia di Alì e suo territoro”.
Lunghi e laboriosi sono i preparativi affidati a due gruppi formati ciascuno da dodici famiglie appartenenti a due diversi quartieri del paese, che ricevono l’incarico di allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" e l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze". Queste famiglie vengono nominate dalla Deputazione di S. Agata (Organo consultivo che esercita all’interno della Chiesa Madre, funzioni economico-organizzative) e dal Parroco, e la loro scelta segue una rotazione tale che nel corso degli anni nessun nucleo familiare, e di conseguenza nessun quartiere, ne rimane escluso.
I nomi dei "Ciliari", così vengono denominati, vengono resi noti dal Parroco, al termine della messa mattutina del 5 Febbraio dell’anno prestabilito per la Festa.
Come già detto sopra, ogni gruppo provvede autonomamente ad allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze".
Per tradizione le 12 famiglie di “ciliari delle ragazze”, anche loro sempre accompagnate da un nutrito gruppo (soprattutto giovani), si recano nei paesi vicini (Fiumedinisi, Itala e Alì Terme) a suon di fisarmonica e tamburello, per comunicare l’imminente data dei festeggiamenti e per raccogliere offerte e monili d’oro in parte in prestito, in parte ceduti, per adornare il “cilio delle ragazze”.
Le manifestazioni liturgiche si intrecciano con quelle folkloristiche; la festa richiama numerosi fedeli e parecchi emigrati che, per l’occasione, fanno ritorno al paese natio di Alì. L’ultimo giorno di festa i due cilii ed il fercolo di S. Agata vengono portati in processione lungo le vie cittadine.
Post scriptum: questo report lo dedico alla famiglia tedesca di origine ebrea, composta da padre, madre e da due bambini, che su di una barca decise di togliersi la vita per sfuggire ai loro persecutori nazisti, essi legandosi tutti tra di loro, ed appesantiti con pietre, si gettarono al largo delle acque di Mazzarò (Taormina); essi vennero poi ripescati, oramai senza vita, dai pescatori locali: nel “cimitero degli stranieri” di Taormina riposano le loro spoglie mortali.
Embo is a village in the Highland Council Area in Scotland and the former postal county of Sutherland, about two miles (three kilometres) north-northeast of Dornoch.
On 16 July 1988, Embo declared itself independent from the rest of the United Kingdom for one day. The prime minister was Mr. Donald Ward. This was done to raise funds to convert the unused primary school in the village into a community centre.
Pier and Embo's harbour
The village issued its own currency, called the Cuddie. The rate of exchange was two Cuddies to the pound. Cuddies were accepted in the local public house, Grannies Heilan' Hame, in exchange for a measure of Clynelish Malt Whisky. The owners of the distillery, in nearby Brora, sponsored the bid for independence by issuing a commemorative label on 50 cases of Clynelish Malt Whisky – "The Spirit of Free Embo".
The Battle of Embo took place in 1245 between Scots and Vikings.
Bronze Age remains were excavated to the south of the village in 1956, other burials having previously been discovered in the area.
The school in Embo was designed by William Fowler in 1859.
Nancy Dorian's research of the local East Sutherland Gaelic dialect showed that in 1964, over 100 of the village's total population of fewer than 300 still actively spoke Gaelic, and that many more had a "smattering" or were perfect passive bilinguals. This percentage even briefly increased during the 1970s with "returners" to the village. Until the end of the 1970s at least, Embo was a bilingual Gaelic and English speaking community. Brora and Golspie had much smaller percentages of Gaelic speakers at that time.
As with the entire region of East Sutherland, the end of the 19th century and the collapse of the fishing industry coincided with the decline of Gaelic as the majority language of the people.
Embo is informally "twinned" with Kaunakakai on the island of Molokai in Hawaii.
Coul Links, an area of sand dunes protected as part of a Site of Special Scientific Interest (SSSI), lies to the north of the village. As of February 2019 a company led by American Todd Warnock is proposing to build a golf course on the links; the Scottish Government has referred the proposal to a planning inquiry, which will determine whether the development is to be permitted.
The nearest railway stations are at Tain and Golspie, both about 10 miles (16 kilometres) away.
The Highlands is a historical region of Scotland. Culturally, the Highlands and the Lowlands diverged from the Late Middle Ages into the modern period, when Lowland Scots language replaced Scottish Gaelic throughout most of the Lowlands. The term is also used for the area north and west of the Highland Boundary Fault, although the exact boundaries are not clearly defined, particularly to the east. The Great Glen divides the Grampian Mountains to the southeast from the Northwest Highlands. The Scottish Gaelic name of A' Ghàidhealtachd literally means "the place of the Gaels" and traditionally, from a Gaelic-speaking point of view, includes both the Western Isles and the Highlands.
The area is very sparsely populated, with many mountain ranges dominating the region, and includes the highest mountain in the British Isles, Ben Nevis. During the 18th and early 19th centuries the population of the Highlands rose to around 300,000, but from c. 1841 and for the next 160 years, the natural increase in population was exceeded by emigration (mostly to Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand, and migration to the industrial cities of Scotland and England.) and passim The area is now one of the most sparsely populated in Europe. At 9.1/km2 (24/sq mi) in 2012, the population density in the Highlands and Islands is less than one seventh of Scotland's as a whole.
The Highland Council is the administrative body for much of the Highlands, with its administrative centre at Inverness. However, the Highlands also includes parts of the council areas of Aberdeenshire, Angus, Argyll and Bute, Moray, North Ayrshire, Perth and Kinross, Stirling and West Dunbartonshire.
The Scottish Highlands is the only area in the British Isles to have the taiga biome as it features concentrated populations of Scots pine forest: see Caledonian Forest. It is the most mountainous part of the United Kingdom.
Between the 15th century and the mid-20th century, the area differed from most of the Lowlands in terms of language. In Scottish Gaelic, the region is known as the Gàidhealtachd, because it was traditionally the Gaelic-speaking part of Scotland, although the language is now largely confined to The Hebrides. The terms are sometimes used interchangeably but have different meanings in their respective languages. Scottish English (in its Highland form) is the predominant language of the area today, though Highland English has been influenced by Gaelic speech to a significant extent. Historically, the "Highland line" distinguished the two Scottish cultures. While the Highland line broadly followed the geography of the Grampians in the south, it continued in the north, cutting off the north-eastern areas, that is Eastern Caithness, Orkney and Shetland, from the more Gaelic Highlands and Hebrides.
Historically, the major social unit of the Highlands was the clan. Scottish kings, particularly James VI, saw clans as a challenge to their authority; the Highlands was seen by many as a lawless region. The Scots of the Lowlands viewed the Highlanders as backward and more "Irish". The Highlands were seen as the overspill of Gaelic Ireland. They made this distinction by separating Germanic "Scots" English and the Gaelic by renaming it "Erse" a play on Eire. Following the Union of the Crowns, James VI had the military strength to back up any attempts to impose some control. The result was, in 1609, the Statutes of Iona which started the process of integrating clan leaders into Scottish society. The gradual changes continued into the 19th century, as clan chiefs thought of themselves less as patriarchal leaders of their people and more as commercial landlords. The first effect on the clansmen who were their tenants was the change to rents being payable in money rather than in kind. Later, rents were increased as Highland landowners sought to increase their income. This was followed, mostly in the period 1760–1850, by agricultural improvement that often (particularly in the Western Highlands) involved clearance of the population to make way for large scale sheep farms. Displaced tenants were set up in crofting communities in the process. The crofts were intended not to provide all the needs of their occupiers; they were expected to work in other industries such as kelping and fishing. Crofters came to rely substantially on seasonal migrant work, particularly in the Lowlands. This gave impetus to the learning of English, which was seen by many rural Gaelic speakers to be the essential "language of work".
Older historiography attributes the collapse of the clan system to the aftermath of the Jacobite risings. This is now thought less influential by historians. Following the Jacobite rising of 1745 the British government enacted a series of laws to try to suppress the clan system, including bans on the bearing of arms and the wearing of tartan, and limitations on the activities of the Scottish Episcopal Church. Most of this legislation was repealed by the end of the 18th century as the Jacobite threat subsided. There was soon a rehabilitation of Highland culture. Tartan was adopted for Highland regiments in the British Army, which poor Highlanders joined in large numbers in the era of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1790–1815). Tartan had largely been abandoned by the ordinary people of the region, but in the 1820s, tartan and the kilt were adopted by members of the social elite, not just in Scotland, but across Europe. The international craze for tartan, and for idealising a romanticised Highlands, was set off by the Ossian cycle, and further popularised by the works of Walter Scott. His "staging" of the visit of King George IV to Scotland in 1822 and the king's wearing of tartan resulted in a massive upsurge in demand for kilts and tartans that could not be met by the Scottish woollen industry. Individual clan tartans were largely designated in this period and they became a major symbol of Scottish identity. This "Highlandism", by which all of Scotland was identified with the culture of the Highlands, was cemented by Queen Victoria's interest in the country, her adoption of Balmoral as a major royal retreat, and her interest in "tartenry".
Recurrent famine affected the Highlands for much of its history, with significant instances as late as 1817 in the Eastern Highlands and the early 1850s in the West. Over the 18th century, the region had developed a trade of black cattle into Lowland markets, and this was balanced by imports of meal into the area. There was a critical reliance on this trade to provide sufficient food, and it is seen as an essential prerequisite for the population growth that started in the 18th century. Most of the Highlands, particularly in the North and West was short of the arable land that was essential for the mixed, run rig based, communal farming that existed before agricultural improvement was introduced into the region.[a] Between the 1760s and the 1830s there was a substantial trade in unlicensed whisky that had been distilled in the Highlands. Lowland distillers (who were not able to avoid the heavy taxation of this product) complained that Highland whisky made up more than half the market. The development of the cattle trade is taken as evidence that the pre-improvement Highlands was not an immutable system, but did exploit the economic opportunities that came its way. The illicit whisky trade demonstrates the entrepreneurial ability of the peasant classes.
Agricultural improvement reached the Highlands mostly over the period 1760 to 1850. Agricultural advisors, factors, land surveyors and others educated in the thinking of Adam Smith were keen to put into practice the new ideas taught in Scottish universities. Highland landowners, many of whom were burdened with chronic debts, were generally receptive to the advice they offered and keen to increase the income from their land. In the East and South the resulting change was similar to that in the Lowlands, with the creation of larger farms with single tenants, enclosure of the old run rig fields, introduction of new crops (such as turnips), land drainage and, as a consequence of all this, eviction, as part of the Highland clearances, of many tenants and cottars. Some of those cleared found employment on the new, larger farms, others moved to the accessible towns of the Lowlands.
In the West and North, evicted tenants were usually given tenancies in newly created crofting communities, while their former holdings were converted into large sheep farms. Sheep farmers could pay substantially higher rents than the run rig farmers and were much less prone to falling into arrears. Each croft was limited in size so that the tenants would have to find work elsewhere. The major alternatives were fishing and the kelp industry. Landlords took control of the kelp shores, deducting the wages earned by their tenants from the rent due and retaining the large profits that could be earned at the high prices paid for the processed product during the Napoleonic wars.
When the Napoleonic wars finished in 1815, the Highland industries were affected by the return to a peacetime economy. The price of black cattle fell, nearly halving between 1810 and the 1830s. Kelp prices had peaked in 1810, but reduced from £9 a ton in 1823 to £3 13s 4d a ton in 1828. Wool prices were also badly affected. This worsened the financial problems of debt-encumbered landlords. Then, in 1846, potato blight arrived in the Highlands, wiping out the essential subsistence crop for the overcrowded crofting communities. As the famine struck, the government made clear to landlords that it was their responsibility to provide famine relief for their tenants. The result of the economic downturn had been that a large proportion of Highland estates were sold in the first half of the 19th century. T M Devine points out that in the region most affected by the potato famine, by 1846, 70 per cent of the landowners were new purchasers who had not owned Highland property before 1800. More landlords were obliged to sell due to the cost of famine relief. Those who were protected from the worst of the crisis were those with extensive rental income from sheep farms. Government loans were made available for drainage works, road building and other improvements and many crofters became temporary migrants – taking work in the Lowlands. When the potato famine ceased in 1856, this established a pattern of more extensive working away from the Highlands.
The unequal concentration of land ownership remained an emotional and controversial subject, of enormous importance to the Highland economy, and eventually became a cornerstone of liberal radicalism. The poor crofters were politically powerless, and many of them turned to religion. They embraced the popularly oriented, fervently evangelical Presbyterian revival after 1800. Most joined the breakaway "Free Church" after 1843. This evangelical movement was led by lay preachers who themselves came from the lower strata, and whose preaching was implicitly critical of the established order. The religious change energised the crofters and separated them from the landlords; it helped prepare them for their successful and violent challenge to the landlords in the 1880s through the Highland Land League. Violence erupted, starting on the Isle of Skye, when Highland landlords cleared their lands for sheep and deer parks. It was quietened when the government stepped in, passing the Crofters' Holdings (Scotland) Act, 1886 to reduce rents, guarantee fixity of tenure, and break up large estates to provide crofts for the homeless. This contrasted with the Irish Land War underway at the same time, where the Irish were intensely politicised through roots in Irish nationalism, while political dimensions were limited. In 1885 three Independent Crofter candidates were elected to Parliament, which listened to their pleas. The results included explicit security for the Scottish smallholders in the "crofting counties"; the legal right to bequeath tenancies to descendants; and the creation of a Crofting Commission. The Crofters as a political movement faded away by 1892, and the Liberal Party gained their votes.
Today, the Highlands are the largest of Scotland's whisky producing regions; the relevant area runs from Orkney to the Isle of Arran in the south and includes the northern isles and much of Inner and Outer Hebrides, Argyll, Stirlingshire, Arran, as well as sections of Perthshire and Aberdeenshire. (Other sources treat The Islands, except Islay, as a separate whisky producing region.) This massive area has over 30 distilleries, or 47 when the Islands sub-region is included in the count. According to one source, the top five are The Macallan, Glenfiddich, Aberlour, Glenfarclas and Balvenie. While Speyside is geographically within the Highlands, that region is specified as distinct in terms of whisky productions. Speyside single malt whiskies are produced by about 50 distilleries.
According to Visit Scotland, Highlands whisky is "fruity, sweet, spicy, malty". Another review states that Northern Highlands single malt is "sweet and full-bodied", the Eastern Highlands and Southern Highlands whiskies tend to be "lighter in texture" while the distilleries in the Western Highlands produce single malts with a "much peatier influence".
The Scottish Reformation achieved partial success in the Highlands. Roman Catholicism remained strong in some areas, owing to remote locations and the efforts of Franciscan missionaries from Ireland, who regularly came to celebrate Mass. There remain significant Catholic strongholds within the Highlands and Islands such as Moidart and Morar on the mainland and South Uist and Barra in the southern Outer Hebrides. The remoteness of the region and the lack of a Gaelic-speaking clergy undermined the missionary efforts of the established church. The later 18th century saw somewhat greater success, owing to the efforts of the SSPCK missionaries and to the disruption of traditional society after the Battle of Culloden in 1746. In the 19th century, the evangelical Free Churches, which were more accepting of Gaelic language and culture, grew rapidly, appealing much more strongly than did the established church.
For the most part, however, the Highlands are considered predominantly Protestant, belonging to the Church of Scotland. In contrast to the Catholic southern islands, the northern Outer Hebrides islands (Lewis, Harris and North Uist) have an exceptionally high proportion of their population belonging to the Protestant Free Church of Scotland or the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The Outer Hebrides have been described as the last bastion of Calvinism in Britain and the Sabbath remains widely observed. Inverness and the surrounding area has a majority Protestant population, with most locals belonging to either The Kirk or the Free Church of Scotland. The church maintains a noticeable presence within the area, with church attendance notably higher than in other parts of Scotland. Religion continues to play an important role in Highland culture, with Sabbath observance still widely practised, particularly in the Hebrides.
In traditional Scottish geography, the Highlands refers to that part of Scotland north-west of the Highland Boundary Fault, which crosses mainland Scotland in a near-straight line from Helensburgh to Stonehaven. However the flat coastal lands that occupy parts of the counties of Nairnshire, Morayshire, Banffshire and Aberdeenshire are often excluded as they do not share the distinctive geographical and cultural features of the rest of the Highlands. The north-east of Caithness, as well as Orkney and Shetland, are also often excluded from the Highlands, although the Hebrides are usually included. The Highland area, as so defined, differed from the Lowlands in language and tradition, having preserved Gaelic speech and customs centuries after the anglicisation of the latter; this led to a growing perception of a divide, with the cultural distinction between Highlander and Lowlander first noted towards the end of the 14th century. In Aberdeenshire, the boundary between the Highlands and the Lowlands is not well defined. There is a stone beside the A93 road near the village of Dinnet on Royal Deeside which states 'You are now in the Highlands', although there are areas of Highland character to the east of this point.
A much wider definition of the Highlands is that used by the Scotch whisky industry. Highland single malts are produced at distilleries north of an imaginary line between Dundee and Greenock, thus including all of Aberdeenshire and Angus.
Inverness is regarded as the Capital of the Highlands, although less so in the Highland parts of Aberdeenshire, Angus, Perthshire and Stirlingshire which look more to Aberdeen, Dundee, Perth, and Stirling as their commercial centres.
The Highland Council area, created as one of the local government regions of Scotland, has been a unitary council area since 1996. The council area excludes a large area of the southern and eastern Highlands, and the Western Isles, but includes Caithness. Highlands is sometimes used, however, as a name for the council area, as in the former Highlands and Islands Fire and Rescue Service. Northern is also used to refer to the area, as in the former Northern Constabulary. These former bodies both covered the Highland council area and the island council areas of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles.
Much of the Highlands area overlaps the Highlands and Islands area. An electoral region called Highlands and Islands is used in elections to the Scottish Parliament: this area includes Orkney and Shetland, as well as the Highland Council local government area, the Western Isles and most of the Argyll and Bute and Moray local government areas. Highlands and Islands has, however, different meanings in different contexts. It means Highland (the local government area), Orkney, Shetland, and the Western Isles in Highlands and Islands Fire and Rescue Service. Northern, as in Northern Constabulary, refers to the same area as that covered by the fire and rescue service.
There have been trackways from the Lowlands to the Highlands since prehistoric times. Many traverse the Mounth, a spur of mountainous land that extends from the higher inland range to the North Sea slightly north of Stonehaven. The most well-known and historically important trackways are the Causey Mounth, Elsick Mounth, Cryne Corse Mounth and Cairnamounth.
Although most of the Highlands is geographically on the British mainland, it is somewhat less accessible than the rest of Britain; thus most UK couriers categorise it separately, alongside Northern Ireland, the Isle of Man, and other offshore islands. They thus charge additional fees for delivery to the Highlands, or exclude the area entirely. While the physical remoteness from the largest population centres inevitably leads to higher transit cost, there is confusion and consternation over the scale of the fees charged and the effectiveness of their communication, and the use of the word Mainland in their justification. Since the charges are often based on postcode areas, many far less remote areas, including some which are traditionally considered part of the lowlands, are also subject to these charges. Royal Mail is the only delivery network bound by a Universal Service Obligation to charge a uniform tariff across the UK. This, however, applies only to mail items and not larger packages which are dealt with by its Parcelforce division.
The Highlands lie to the north and west of the Highland Boundary Fault, which runs from Arran to Stonehaven. This part of Scotland is largely composed of ancient rocks from the Cambrian and Precambrian periods which were uplifted during the later Caledonian Orogeny. Smaller formations of Lewisian gneiss in the northwest are up to 3 billion years old. The overlying rocks of the Torridon Sandstone form mountains in the Torridon Hills such as Liathach and Beinn Eighe in Wester Ross.
These foundations are interspersed with many igneous intrusions of a more recent age, the remnants of which have formed mountain massifs such as the Cairngorms and the Cuillin of Skye. A significant exception to the above are the fossil-bearing beds of Old Red Sandstone found principally along the Moray Firth coast and partially down the Highland Boundary Fault. The Jurassic beds found in isolated locations on Skye and Applecross reflect the complex underlying geology. They are the original source of much North Sea oil. The Great Glen is formed along a transform fault which divides the Grampian Mountains to the southeast from the Northwest Highlands.
The entire region was covered by ice sheets during the Pleistocene ice ages, save perhaps for a few nunataks. The complex geomorphology includes incised valleys and lochs carved by the action of mountain streams and ice, and a topography of irregularly distributed mountains whose summits have similar heights above sea-level, but whose bases depend upon the amount of denudation to which the plateau has been subjected in various places.
Climate
The region is much warmer than other areas at similar latitudes (such as Kamchatka in Russia, or Labrador in Canada) because of the Gulf Stream making it cool, damp and temperate. The Köppen climate classification is "Cfb" at low altitudes, then becoming "Cfc", "Dfc" and "ET" at higher altitudes.
Places of interest
An Teallach
Aonach Mòr (Nevis Range ski centre)
Arrochar Alps
Balmoral Castle
Balquhidder
Battlefield of Culloden
Beinn Alligin
Beinn Eighe
Ben Cruachan hydro-electric power station
Ben Lomond
Ben Macdui (second highest mountain in Scotland and UK)
Ben Nevis (highest mountain in Scotland and UK)
Cairngorms National Park
Cairngorm Ski centre near Aviemore
Cairngorm Mountains
Caledonian Canal
Cape Wrath
Carrick Castle
Castle Stalker
Castle Tioram
Chanonry Point
Conic Hill
Culloden Moor
Dunadd
Duart Castle
Durness
Eilean Donan
Fingal's Cave (Staffa)
Fort George
Glen Coe
Glen Etive
Glen Kinglas
Glen Lyon
Glen Orchy
Glenshee Ski Centre
Glen Shiel
Glen Spean
Glenfinnan (and its railway station and viaduct)
Grampian Mountains
Hebrides
Highland Folk Museum – The first open-air museum in the UK.
Highland Wildlife Park
Inveraray Castle
Inveraray Jail
Inverness Castle
Inverewe Garden
Iona Abbey
Isle of Staffa
Kilchurn Castle
Kilmartin Glen
Liathach
Lecht Ski Centre
Loch Alsh
Loch Ard
Loch Awe
Loch Assynt
Loch Earn
Loch Etive
Loch Fyne
Loch Goil
Loch Katrine
Loch Leven
Loch Linnhe
Loch Lochy
Loch Lomond
Loch Lomond and the Trossachs National Park
Loch Lubnaig
Loch Maree
Loch Morar
Loch Morlich
Loch Ness
Loch Nevis
Loch Rannoch
Loch Tay
Lochranza
Luss
Meall a' Bhuiridh (Glencoe Ski Centre)
Scottish Sea Life Sanctuary at Loch Creran
Rannoch Moor
Red Cuillin
Rest and Be Thankful stretch of A83
River Carron, Wester Ross
River Spey
River Tay
Ross and Cromarty
Smoo Cave
Stob Coire a' Chàirn
Stac Polly
Strathspey Railway
Sutherland
Tor Castle
Torridon Hills
Urquhart Castle
West Highland Line (scenic railway)
West Highland Way (Long-distance footpath)
Wester Ross
via
The latest encyclopedia entry looks at the island of New Guinea which is roughly the size of California and home to six million whom collectively speak over 800 distinct dialects or languages. Home to what many classify as more extreme body modifications, including the Chambri crocodile people and Kanigara tribe, New Guinea offers a fascinating array of tribal body art practices. Frequently echoing other island tattooing styles such as Polynesian, PNG is still highly unique. With the tolerance of pain throughout often held to protect the participant from future suffering, there remains an undeniable inherent transformative cultural power around the art
| ‘Festivals were and are an important part of life for many highland tribes of Papua New Guinea. Many tribes wore elaborate headdresses made of shells, bark, wood, fiber, feathers, hair, and bones for ceremonial purposes, as well as body paint, in order to placate spirits and ensure prosperity. The types of decorations and body paint demonstrated clan membership as well as rank, and at large gatherings such as the annual Mount Hagen Festival, serve to let other tribes know one’s tribal affiliation.
Papuan people also pierce their septums and their ears and men wear horns, bones, and tusks through the openings. The Kangi tribe wear bat bones and sweet potatoes in their noses, and other tribes favor pig tusks which make the men look fierce for warfare. Men and women also wear necklaces, armbands, and other types of jewelry as adornment and identification.
Some Papuan tribes also practice scarification as part of young men’s initiation ceremonies. Like so many other rites of passage into manhood, Papuan scarification, in which the chest, back, and buttocks are cut with sharpened bamboo, test a boy’s strength, courage, and self-discipline… | full article
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Muggia (Venetian, Triestine dialect: Muja; German: Mulgs; Friulian: Mugle; Slovene: Milje) is an Italian town and comune in the south-west of the Province of Trieste, in the region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia on the border with Slovenia. Lying on the eastern flank of the Gulf of Trieste in the northern Adriatic Sea, Muggia is the only Italian port town in Istria. The town's architecture is marked by its Venetian and Austrian history, and its harbour hosts a modern 500-berth marina for yachts (Porto San Rocco).
Muggia lies in northern Istria. Its territory, limited on the sea-side by a shoreline of more than 7 kilometres (4 mi) featuring a coastal road and on the border side by a hill system, Monti di Muggia, including Mt. Castellier, Mt. S. Michele, Mt. Zuc and Monte d'Oro, that dominate over a vast landscape of Triestinian and Istrian coast, is characterized by a rich sub-continental vegetation of both Karstic and Istrian type.
It has a border crossing, known as San Bartolomeo, with Slovenia and the extreme east of the comune at Lazaretto. The Slovenian border crossing is called Lazaret in the Municipality of Koper.
Muggia was attested in historical sources as Mugla in AD 933. The origin of the name Muggia is uncertain; it may have arisen from Latin mūtila 'cut short, mutilated', in reference to a short projection from the land or a cape (cf. the cape north of Zadar, attested in Latin as Muchla bona in AD 1250, now Croatian Oštri rat). Another possibility is derivation from Latin *mūcla 'milestone', and another hypothesis is that it comes from Vulgar Latin *Lamūc(l)a 'small swamp'. The Slovene name Milje was borrowed from Proto-Romance Mugla (developing via *Mygla > *Migla > Milje).
Muggia originated as a prehistoric fortified village (castelliere), around 8th-7th century BC. The territory was conquered in 178–177 BC by the Romans, who created here a settlement (Castrum Muglae). After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Muggia was under Ostrogoth, Lombard, Byzantine, Avar and Frank dominations, until, in 931, king Hugh of Italy donated it to the Patriarch of Aquileia.
Before the year 1000 a new settlement was built on the seashore. After the 13th century the new village, now grown to the status of city, pronounced itself a municipality and defined its territory as bordering with those of Trieste and Koper, but stayed still politically bound to the Patriarchy of Aquileia. From this period are the cathedral and the city hall, the latter having been rebuilt in the last century.[clarification needed] In 1420 it became part of the Republic of Venice.
After Venice's fall in 1797, Muggia became part of the Austrian Empire, under which it developed an important naval shipbuilding industry which flourished until after World War II. Throughout the Austro-Hungarian period it remained part of the Margravate of Istria, first within the Kingdom of Illyria and then, after 1861, within the Austrian Littoral. The municipality of Muggia historically extended further south than today, including several settlements that are now part of Slovenia: Ankaran, Hrvatini, Elerji, Škofije, and Plavje.
After World War I and the dissolution of Austria-Hungary, the town was annexed to the Kingdom of Italy and incorporated into the Province of Trieste. In the 1930s, the area developed a strong Communist underground activity against Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime. In 1945, it was occupied by the Yugoslav People's Army and from 1947 to 1954 it was part of the Free Territory of Trieste, a formally independent territory directly administered by the United Nations. The territory was internally divided into two zones ruled by military governors - Muggia ended up in the northern Zone A ruled by Anglo-Americans, while the southern Zone B was ruled by the Yugoslav army. In 1954 the two zones were handed over to Italian and Yugoslav civilian governments and de facto annexed by the two countries in an arrangement finally formalized in the 1975 Treaty of Osimo, which established the former borders between Zones as the new Italy-Yugoslavia international border. Following the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s it formed the border between Italy and the newly independent Slovenia. Following Slovenia's accession to the European Union in May 2004 and the passport-free Schengen Area in January 2008, all border controls have been removed, making the Italian-Slovenian border which runs just south and east of Muggia, practically invisible to travellers.
Muggia provides many evident traces of its Venetian traditions and origin, as showed by the dialect, the gastronomic traditions, the gothic-venetian style of some houses, the devious "calli", the loggias, the ogive arches, the ancient coats of arms on the façades but mostly the main square, a true Venetian "campiello".
Memories of its early ages include an important pre-historic "castelliere" on Mt. Castellier (S. Barbara) and Roman (Archaeological Park of Castrum Muglae) and medieval remains in Muggia Vecchia (Old Muggia), once one of the guarding castles that in the 10th century were built to defend the Istrian border against the invasion of the Hungars.
The Castle of Muggia, destroyed in 1353 by the Triestines, retains several remains of the previous period such as the ruins of the walls. A tower dating back to 1374 was due to the Patriarch of Aquileia Marquard of Muggia. Later in 1735, under the government of the Republic of Venice, it was restored, but it was totally abandoned during the following century. The Castle was restored by its current owners, the sculptor Villi Bossi and his wife Gabriella, and may be visited upon request.
The most important art attraction is the little basilica of Santa Maria Assunta (10th-13th century), housing frescoes from the 14th-15th centuries.
Zürich (/ˈzjʊərɪk/ ZURE-ik, German: [ˈtsyːrɪç;) is the largest city in Switzerland and the capital of the canton of Zürich. It is located in north-central Switzerland, at the northwestern tip of Lake Zürich. As of January 2023 the municipality had 443,037 inhabitants, the urban area 1.315 million (2009), and the Zürich metropolitan area 1.83 million (2011). Zürich is a hub for railways, roads, and air traffic. Both Zurich Airport and Zürich's main railway station are the largest and busiest in the country.
Permanently settled for over 2,000 years, Zürich was founded by the Romans, who called it Turicum. However, early settlements have been found dating back more than 6,400 years (although this only indicates human presence in the area and not the presence of a town that early). During the Middle Ages, Zürich gained the independent and privileged status of imperial immediacy and, in 1519, became a primary centre of the Protestant Reformation in Europe under the leadership of Huldrych Zwingli.
The official language of Zürich is German,[a] but the main spoken language is Zürich German, the local variant of the Alemannic Swiss German dialect.
Many museums and art galleries can be found in the city, including the Swiss National Museum and Kunsthaus. Schauspielhaus Zürich is generally considered to be one of the most important theatres in the German-speaking world.
As one of Switzerland's primary financial centres, Zürich is home to many financial institutions and banking companies.
History
Early history
Settlements of the Neolithic and Bronze Age were found around Lake Zürich. Traces of pre-Roman Celtic, La Tène settlements were discovered near the Lindenhof, a morainic hill dominating the SE - NW waterway constituted by Lake Zurich and the river Limmat. In Roman times, during the conquest of the alpine region in 15 BC, the Romans built a castellum on the Lindenhof. Later here was erected Turicum (a toponym of clear Celtic origin), a tax-collecting point for goods trafficked on the Limmat, which constituted part of the border between Gallia Belgica (from AD 90 Germania Superior) and Raetia: this customs point developed later into a vicus. After Emperor Constantine's reforms in AD 318, the border between Gaul and Italy (two of the four praetorian prefectures of the Roman Empire) was located east of Turicum, crossing the river Linth between Lake Walen and Lake Zürich, where a castle and garrison looked over Turicum's safety. The earliest written record of the town dates from the 2nd century, with a tombstone referring to it as the Statio Turicensis Quadragesima Galliarum ("Zürich post for collecting the 2.5% value tax of the Galliae"), discovered at the Lindenhof.
In the 5th century, the Germanic Alemanni tribe settled in the Swiss Plateau. The Roman castle remained standing until the 7th century. A Carolingian castle, built on the site of the Roman castle by the grandson of Charlemagne, Louis the German, is mentioned in 835 (in Castro Turicino iuxta fluvium Lindemaci). Louis also founded the Fraumünster abbey in 853 for his daughter Hildegard. He endowed the Benedictine convent with the lands of Zürich, Uri, and the Albis forest, and granted the convent immunity, placing it under his direct authority. In 1045, King Henry III granted the convent the right to hold markets, collect tolls, and mint coins, and thus effectively made the abbess the ruler of the city.
Zürich gained Imperial immediacy (Reichsunmittelbar, becoming an Imperial free city) in 1218 with the extinction of the main line of the Zähringer family and attained a status comparable to statehood. During the 1230s, a city wall was built, enclosing 38 hectares, when the earliest stone houses on the Rennweg were built as well. The Carolingian castle was used as a quarry, as it had started to fall into ruin.
Emperor Frederick II promoted the abbess of the Fraumünster to the rank of a duchess in 1234. The abbess nominated the mayor, and she frequently delegated the minting of coins to citizens of the city. The political power of the convent slowly waned in the 14th century, beginning with the establishment of the Zunftordnung (guild laws) in 1336 by Rudolf Brun, who also became the first independent mayor, i.e. not nominated by the abbess.
An important event in the early 14th century was the completion of the Manesse Codex, a key source of medieval German poetry. The famous illuminated manuscript – described as "the most beautifully illumined German manuscript in centuries;" – was commissioned by the Manesse family of Zürich, copied and illustrated in the city at some time between 1304 and 1340. Producing such a work was a highly expensive prestige project, requiring several years of work by highly skilled scribes and miniature painters, and it testifies to the increasing wealth and pride of Zürich citizens in this period. The work contains 6 songs by Süsskind von Trimberg, who may have been a Jew, since the work itself contains reflections on medieval Jewish life, though little is known about him.
The first mention of Jews in Zürich was in 1273. Sources show that there was a synagogue in Zürich in the 13th century, implying the existence of a Jewish community. With the rise of the Black Death in 1349, Zürich, like most other Swiss cities, responded by persecuting and burning the local Jews, marking the end of the first Jewish community there. The second Jewish community of Zürich formed towards the end of the 14th century, was short-lived, and Jews were expulsed and banned from the city from 1423 until the 19th century.
Archaeological findings
A woman who died in about 200 BC was found buried in a carved tree trunk during a construction project at the Kern school complex in March 2017 in Aussersihl. Archaeologists revealed that she was approximately 40 years old when she died and likely carried out little physical labor when she was alive. A sheepskin coat, a belt chain, a fancy wool dress, a scarf, and a pendant made of glass and amber beads were also discovered with the woman.
Old Swiss Confederacy
On 1 May 1351, the citizens of Zürich had to swear allegiance before representatives of the cantons of Lucerne, Schwyz, Uri and Unterwalden, the other members of the Swiss Confederacy. Thus, Zürich became the fifth member of the Confederacy, which was at that time a loose confederation of de facto independent states. Zürich was the presiding canton of the Diet from 1468 to 1519. This authority was the executive council and lawmaking body of the confederacy, from the Middle Ages until the establishment of the Swiss federal state in 1848. Zürich was temporarily expelled from the confederacy in 1440 due to a war with the other member states over the territory of Toggenburg (the Old Zürich War). Neither side had attained significant victory when peace was agreed upon in 1446, and Zürich was readmitted to the confederation in 1450.
Zwingli started the Swiss Reformation at the time when he was the main preacher at the Grossmünster in 1519. The Zürich Bible was printed by Christoph Froschauer in 1531. The Reformation resulted in major changes in state matters and civil life in Zürich, spreading also to several other cantons. Several cantons remained Catholic and became the basis of serious conflicts that eventually led to the outbreak of the Wars of Kappel.
During the 16th and 17th centuries, the Council of Zürich adopted an isolationist attitude, resulting in a second ring of imposing fortifications built in 1624. The Thirty Years' War which raged across Europe motivated the city to build these walls. The fortifications required a lot of resources, which were taken from subject territories without reaching any agreement. The following revolts were crushed brutally. In 1648, Zürich proclaimed itself a republic, shedding its former status of a free imperial city. In this time the political system of Zürich was an oligarchy (Patriziat): the dominant families of the city were the following ones: Bonstetten, Brun, Bürkli, Escher vom Glas, Escher vom Luchs, Hirzel, Jori (or von Jori), Kilchsperger, Landenberg, Manesse, Meiss, Meyer von Knonau, Mülner, von Orelli.
The Helvetic Revolution of 1798 saw the fall of the Ancien Régime. Zürich lost control of the land and its economic privileges, and the city and the canton separated their possessions between 1803 and 1805. In 1839, the city had to yield to the demands of its urban subjects, following the Züriputsch of 6 September. Most of the ramparts built in the 17th century were torn down, without ever having been besieged, to allay rural concerns over the city's hegemony. The Treaty of Zürich between Austria, France, and Sardinia was signed in 1859.
Modern history
Zürich was the Federal capital for 1839–40, and consequently, the victory of the Conservative party there in 1839 caused a great stir throughout Switzerland. But when in 1845 the Radicals regained power at Zürich, which was again the Federal capital for 1845–46, Zürich took the lead in opposing the Sonderbund cantons. Following the Sonderbund War and the formation of the Swiss Federal State, Zürich voted in favor of the Federal constitutions of 1848 and 1874. The enormous immigration from the country districts into the town from the 1830s onwards created an industrial class which, though "settled" in the town, did not possess the privileges of burghership, and consequently had no share in the municipal government. First of all in 1860 the town schools, hitherto open to "settlers" only on paying high fees, were made accessible to all, next in 1875 ten years' residence ipso facto conferred the right of burghership, and in 1893 the eleven outlying districts were incorporated within the town proper.
When Jews began to settle in Zürich following their equality in 1862, the Israelitische Cultusgemeinde Zürich was founded.
Extensive developments took place during the 19th century. From 1847, the Spanisch-Brötli-Bahn, the first railway on Swiss territory, connected Zürich with Baden, putting the Zürich Hauptbahnhof at the origin of the Swiss rail network. The present building of the Hauptbahnhof (the main railway station) dates to 1871. Zürich's Bahnhofstrasse (Station Street) was laid out in 1867, and the Zürich Stock Exchange was founded in 1877. Industrialisation led to migration into the cities and to rapid population growth, particularly in the suburbs of Zürich.
The Quaianlagen are an important milestone in the development of the modern city of Zürich, as the construction of the new lakefront transformed Zürich from a small medieval town on the rivers Limmat and Sihl to a modern city on the Zürichsee shore, under the guidance of the city engineer Arnold Bürkli.
In 1893, the twelve outlying districts were incorporated into Zürich, including Aussersihl, the workman's quarter on the left bank of the Sihl, and additional land was reclaimed from Lake Zürich.
In 1934, eight additional districts in the north and west of Zürich were incorporated.
Zürich was accidentally bombed during World War II. As persecuted Jews sought refuge in Switzerland, the SIG (Schweizerischer Israelitischer Gemeindebund, Israelite Community of Switzerland) raised financial resources. The Central Committee for Refugee Aid, created in 1933, was located in Zürich.
The canton of Zürich did not recognize the Jewish religious communities as legal entities (and therefore as equal to national churches) until 2005.
Geography
Zürich is situated at 408 m (1,339 ft) above sea level on the lower (northern) end of Lake Zürich (Zürichsee) about 30 km (19 mi) north of the Alps, nestling between the wooded hills on the west and east side. The Old Town stretches on both sides of the Limmat, which flows from the lake, running northwards at first and then gradually turning into a curve to the west. The geographic (and historic) centre of the city is the Lindenhof, a small natural hill on the west bank of the Limmat, about 700 m (2,300 ft) north of where the river issues from Lake Zürich. Today the incorporated city stretches somewhat beyond the natural confines of the hills and includes some districts to the northeast in the Glatt Valley (Glattal) and to the north in the Limmat Valley (Limmattal). The boundaries of the older city are easy to recognize by the Schanzengraben canal. This artificial watercourse has been used for the construction of the third fortress in the 17th and 18th centuries.
Quality of living
Zürich often performs very well in international rankings, some of which are mentioned below:
Monocle's 2012 "Quality of Life Survey" ranked Zürich first on a list of the top 25 cities in the world "to make a base within". In 2019 Zürich was ranked among the ten most liveable cities in the world by Mercer together with Geneva and Basel.
In fDi Magazine's "Global Cities of the Future 2021/22" report, Zürich placed 16th in the overall rankings (all categories). In the category "Mid-sized and small cities", Zürich was 2nd overall, behind Wroclaw, having also placed 2nd in the subcategory "Human capital and lifestyle" and 3rd under "Business friendliness". In the category "FDI strategy, overall" (relating to foreign direct investment), Zürich ranked 9th, behind such cities as New York, Montreal (1st and 2nd) and Dubai (at number 8).
Main sites
Most of Zürich's sites are located within the area on either side of the Limmat, between the Main railway station and Lake Zürich. The churches and houses of the old town are clustered here, as are the most expensive shops along the famous Bahnhofstrasse. The Lindenhof in the old town is the historical site of the Roman castle, and the later Carolingian Imperial Palace.
(Wikpedia)
Zürich (zürichdeutsch Züri [ˈt͡sʏ̞rɪ, ˈt͡sʏrɪ, ˈt͡sy̞rɪ],[6] französisch Zurich [zyʁik], italienisch Zurigo [tsuˈriːɡo, dzu-], Rumantsch Grischun Turitg) ist eine schweizerische Stadt, politische Gemeinde sowie Hauptort des gleichnamigen Kantons.
Die Stadt Zürich ist mit 427'721 Einwohnern (Stand 31. Dezember 2022) die grösste Stadt der Schweiz und weist eine Bevölkerungsdichte von 4655 Einwohnern pro Quadratkilometer auf. Das Umland ist dicht besiedelt, so dass in der Agglomeration Zürich etwa 1,3 Millionen und in der Metropolitanregion Zürich etwa 1,83 Millionen Menschen leben. Der Bezirk Zürich ist mit dem Stadtgebiet identisch.
Die Stadt liegt im östlichen Schweizer Mittelland, an der Limmat am Ausfluss des Zürichsees. Ihre Einwohner werden Zürcher genannt (bzw. Stadtzürcher zur Differenzierung von den übrigen Einwohnern des Kantons).
Das aus der römischen Siedlung Turicum entstandene Zürich wurde 1262 freie Reichsstadt und 1351 Mitglied der Eidgenossenschaft. Die Stadt des Reformators Huldrych Zwingli wurde 1519 zum zweitwichtigsten (nach Wittenberg) Zentrum der Reformation. Bis heute gilt sie als Ausgangspunkt der weltweiten reformierten Kirche und der Täufer. Die Stadt erlebte im Industriezeitalter ihren Aufstieg zur heutigen Wirtschaftsmetropole der Schweiz.
Mit ihrem Hauptbahnhof, dem grössten Bahnhof der Schweiz, und dem Flughafen (auf dem Gebiet der Gemeinde Kloten) ist die Stadt Zürich ein kontinentaler Verkehrsknotenpunkt. Aufgrund der ansässigen Grossbanken (u. a. UBS, der Zürcher Kantonalbank und Credit Suisse) und Versicherungen (Zurich Insurance Group und Swiss Re) ist sie ein internationaler Finanzplatz und der grösste Finanzplatz der Schweiz, gefolgt von Genf und Lugano. Daneben beherbergt die Stadt mit der Eidgenössischen Technischen Hochschule Zürich und der Universität Zürich die zwei grössten universitären Hochschulen der Schweiz. Trotz der vergleichsweise geringen Einwohnerzahl wird Zürich zu den Weltstädten gezählt. Zürich ist das wichtigste Zentrum der Schweizer Medien- und Kreativbranche. Mit seiner Lage am Zürichsee, seiner gut erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Altstadt und einem vielseitigen Kulturangebot und Nachtleben ist es zudem ein Zentrum des Tourismus.
Seit Jahren wird Zürich neben Basel und Genf als eine der Städte mit der weltweit höchsten Lebensqualität und zugleich neben Genf mit den höchsten Lebenshaltungskosten weltweit gelistet. Zürich ist nach Monaco und Genf die Stadt mit der dritthöchsten Millionärsdichte weltweit.
Geografie
Zürich liegt auf 408 m ü. M. am unteren (nördlichen) Ende des Zürichsees im Tal der Limmat und im unteren Tal der Sihl, eingebettet zwischen den Höhen von Uetliberg im Westen und Zürichberg im Osten. Die Limmat entspringt dem See, während die westlich des Sees fliessende Sihl nördlich der Zürcher Altstadt beim Platzspitz in die Limmat mündet. Die Altstadt erstreckt sich beidseits der Limmat, die zunächst nordwärts fliesst und dann in einem Bogen allmählich nach Westen abbiegt.
Die einstige Stadt reichte nicht bis zur Sihl, sondern hatte als westliche Abgrenzung den im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert angelegten Schanzengraben. Damals wurde Wasser aus dem See abgeleitet und in einem Graben ausserhalb der Bastionen und Bollwerke zur Limmat geführt. Noch früher erstreckte sich die Stadt im Westen nur bis zum Fröschengraben, der ungefähr parallel zur Limmat verlief. Dieser Graben wurde 1864 zugeschüttet, um Raum für den Bau der Bahnhofstrasse zu schaffen, die vom heutigen Paradeplatz bis zum Rennweg dem Verlauf des einstigen Grabens folgt.
Geschichte
Frühgeschichte, Mittelalter und ältere Neuzeit
Im Unterschied zu den meisten anderen Schweizer Grossstädten stieg Zürich im Frühmittelalter in den Rang einer Stadt auf. In Turīcum gab es zwar bereits zur Römerzeit eine Zollstation, ein hadrianisches Heiligtum auf dem Grossen Hafner im untersten Seebecken beim Ausfluss der Limmat und ein Kastell, die zugehörige Siedlung kann aber noch nicht als Stadt bezeichnet werden. Das frühmittelalterliche, alemannische Zürich war eng verbunden mit dem Herzogtum Schwaben und zwei bedeutenden geistlichen Stiftungen der deutschen Könige, dem Grossmünster und dem Fraumünster, die dem Kult um die Stadtpatrone Felix und Regula geweiht waren. Nach dem Zerfall der zentralen Gewalt im Herzogtum Schwaben und dem Aussterben der Zähringer 1218 konnte sich Zürich den Status der Reichsunmittelbarkeit sichern; 1262 wurde auch die Reichsfreiheit der Bürgerschaft ausdrücklich bestätigt. Der Titel einer Reichsstadt bedeutete de facto die Unabhängigkeit der Stadt. De jure löste sich Zürich jedoch erst 1648 von der Oberhoheit des Kaisers des Heiligen Römischen Reiches.
Im Spätmittelalter erwarb und eroberte Zürich in seinem Umland bedeutende Territorien, die der Stadt bis 1798 politisch untergeordnet waren (siehe Territoriale Entwicklung Zürichs). Im Innern wurden die Geschicke Zürichs seit der Zunftrevolution durch Bürgermeister Rudolf Brun im Jahr 1336 durch den Stadtadel und die Handwerkervereinigungen (Zünfte) gemeinsam geleitet (Brunsche Zunftverfassung). Brun war auch verantwortlich für den Überfall von Rapperswil. 1351 schloss sich Zürich zur Sicherung seiner Unabhängigkeit gegen das aufstrebende süddeutsche Adelsgeschlecht der Habsburger der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft an und wurde zusammen mit Bern zum Vorort dieses Staatenbundes.
Der wohl bis heute wichtigste Beitrag Zürichs zur Weltgeschichte war die Reformation von Huldrych Zwingli. Unter seiner geistigen Führung wurde seit 1519 Zürich zum reformierten Rom an der Limmat. Die Zürcher Bibel, eine der ersten deutschen Bibelübersetzungen, entstand in der Prophezei unter Zwingli, Leo Jud und weiteren Mitarbeitern 1524 bis 1525 und wurde vom Zürcher Buchdrucker Christoph Froschauer zuerst in Teilen und später als ganze Bibel herausgegeben.
Die Täuferbewegung nahm ihren Ausgangspunkt ab 1523 in Zürich unter Führung von Konrad Grebel, Felix Manz, Jörg Blaurock, Balthasar Hubmaier und weiteren Personen, die sich von Zwingli trennten und kurz darauf verfolgt und gefangen genommen wurden. Im Januar 1527 wurde Felix Manz in der Limmat ertränkt, viele Täufer flüchteten nach Schaffhausen oder ins Zürcher Oberland.
Heinrich Bullinger 1531–1575 und Rudolf Gwalther 1575–1586 konsolidierten als Antistes und Nachfolger von Zwingli die Reformation in Zürich und pflegten zahlreiche Kontakte europaweit. Während ihrer Zeit wurden viele evangelische Flüchtlinge aus dem Tessin, Italien, Frankreich und England aufgenommen. Diese trugen in der Folge durch Handwerk, Produktion noch unbekannter Textilien und Handel wesentlich zum wirtschaftlichen Gedeihen Zürichs bei.[38][39][40]
Zur Zeit der Hexenverfolgungen wurden in Zürich von 1487 bis 1701 Hexenprozesse gegen 79 Personen geführt. Im Hexenprozess 1701 wurden acht Menschen aus Wasterkingen wegen angeblicher Hexerei verurteilt. Regierungspräsident Markus Notter und Kirchenratspräsident Ruedi Reich verurteilten 2001 diese Justizmorde.
18. und 19. Jahrhundert
Das Zürich des 18. Jahrhunderts galt als «das grösste Rätsel deutscher Geistesgeschichte». Trotz relativ geringer Bevölkerungszahl entwickelte sich rund um Johann Jakob Bodmer neben dem wissenschaftlichen auch ein literarisches Zürich mit entscheidenden Beiträgen zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte.
Mit dem Untergang der freien Republik der Stadt Zürich nach dem Einmarsch der Franzosen in die Schweiz ging die Stadt zusammen mit dem ehemaligen Untertanenland im neuen Kanton Zürich auf, dessen Hauptort sie wurde. Im beginnenden 19. Jahrhundert kam es zwar zu einer Restauration der städtischen Vorherrschaft im Kanton, die jedoch von kurzer Dauer war.
Der Aufstieg Zürichs zum wirtschaftlichen Zentrum der Schweiz begann bereits mit der Textilindustrie im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Unter der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Führung der Liberalen, insbesondere von Alfred Escher, wurde die führende Rolle Zürichs ab 1846 durch die Gründung von zahlreichen Banken und Versicherungen auch auf den Finanz- und Dienstleistungssektor ausgedehnt. Seit dem Niedergang der Zürcher Industrie in der Nachkriegszeit hat die Bedeutung dieses Sektors noch zugenommen.
In den Jahren 1855 und 1867 starben in der Stadt Zürich in Folge prekärer hygienischer Verhältnisse in vielen Wohnungen ca. 500 Menschen an Cholera. 1867 wurde mit dem Bau einer Kanalisation begonnen. 1884 brach Typhus aus.
In der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts begann ein bis in die 1970er Jahre andauernder Bauboom, der Zürich von einer Kleinstadt zur Grossstadt mit all ihren Problemen wachsen liess. Das stürmische Wachstum beschränkte sich zuerst auf einen Um- und Neubau des Zentrums und erfasste zunehmend die umliegenden ländlichen Gemeinden. In zwei Eingemeindungswellen wurden 1893 und 1934 20 Landgemeinden mit der alten Stadtgemeinde zusammengefasst. Die Errichtung eines «Millionenzürich» scheiterte jedoch bis heute. Während nämlich ursprünglich die Finanzstärke der Stadt bzw. die leeren Kassen der Vororte Motor der freiwilligen Stadterweiterungen waren, sind heute die verbleibenden Vororte finanziell eher besser gestellt als die Stadt. Dies schlägt sich insbesondere in den Steuersätzen nieder.
Zwei ausgeprägte Wachstumswellen in den Jahren 1888–1910 sowie 1950–1970 entstanden durch Zuzüger aus dem Ausland. Im Jahr 1912 waren die Bewohner Zürichs zu einem Drittel Ausländer, und Zürich war wie ein grosser Teil der Deutschschweiz im Vorfeld des Ersten Weltkriegs deutschfreundlich, wobei Hochdeutsch zu sprechen in gehobenen Kreisen zum guten Ton gehörte.
20. Jahrhundert
In der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts stand Zürich politisch im Bann der Arbeiterbewegung. Schon vor dem Landesstreik 1918 war in Zürich die Konfrontation zwischen Bürgertum und Arbeiterschaft besonders heftig ausgefallen, da Zürich grosse Industriebetriebe mit tausenden von Arbeitern aufwies und zugleich eine Hochburg des Grossbürgertums war. Als 1928 die Sozialdemokratische Partei unter der Führung von David Farbstein erstmals eine absolute Mehrheit in Stadtrat (Exekutive) und Gemeinderat (Legislative) erlangte, wurde in der Zwischenkriegszeit das Rote Zürich zu einem Aushängeschild für die Regierungsfähigkeit der Sozialdemokratie. Trotzdem wurde gerade in Zürich 1939 die als Landi bekannt gewordene Landesausstellung zu einem Symbol für den Zusammenhalt und den Widerstandswillen der Schweiz im Zeichen der Geistigen Landesverteidigung gegen Hitlerdeutschland. Schliesslich wurde 1943 der Zürcher Stadtpräsident Ernst Nobs als erster Sozialdemokrat in den Bundesrat gewählt. In der Nachkriegszeit blieb Zürich Sammelbecken und Bühne für Protestbewegungen, wie 1968 anlässlich der Globus-Krawalle und 1980 für die Jugendunruhen. Noch heute ist der 1. Mai in Zürich jährlich von Auseinandersetzungen des autonomen «Schwarzen Blockes» mit der Polizei gekennzeichnet.
Ein Problem der Stadt war lange auch die offene Drogenszene. In der Mitte der 1980er Jahre wurde der Platzspitz weltweit als Needlepark bekannt. Er wurde am 5. Februar 1992 zwangsgeräumt und abgeriegelt, daraufhin verschob sich die Drogenszene an den stillgelegten Bahnhof Letten.
Das Areal des stillgelegten Bahnhofs Letten bot ab 1992 die Kulisse für die grösste offene Drogenszene Europas. Mehrere tausend Drogenabhängige aus dem In- und Ausland lebten hier oder besorgten sich ihren Stoff. Hundertschaften von Polizisten nahmen des Öfteren in der Anwesenheit von Kamerateams Razzien vor und versuchten so den Markt auszutrocknen. Diese Versuche blieben erfolglos und so wurde der Letten am 14. Februar 1995 polizeilich geräumt. Auswärtige Drogenabhängige wurden grösstenteils an ihre Herkunftsgemeinden respektive Wohnortgemeinden zurückgeführt, ausländische Abhängige zwangsausgeschafft. Die Reste der Drogenszene verlagerten sich zunehmend ins Gebiet entlang der Langstrasse. Zur Entschärfung der Situation trug dabei sehr stark der Versuch der staatlichen Heroinabgabe bei, so dass sich nicht umgehend eine neue Szene bildete. Heute ist die staatliche, ärztlich kontrollierte Drogenabgabe gesetzlich verankert und vom Volk per Referendum abgesegnet.
Die Langstrasse ist ein Zentrum des Zürcher Nachtlebens. Seit der Auflösung der offenen Drogenszenen wurde das Viertel zur Jahrtausendwende hin zum Zentrum des Drogenhandels. Die Kriminalitätsrate im Langstrassenquartier ist zwar weiterhin verhältnismässig hoch, jedoch verbesserte sich die Situation aufgrund verschiedener Projekte der öffentlichen Hand. Heute hat sich die Situation stabilisiert und der Stadtteil ist zu einer festen Grösse im Kultur- und Nachtleben Zürichs geworden. Nach wie vor ist die Stadt Anziehungspunkt für Drogenkonsumenten aus den benachbarten Kantonen.
Gegenwart
In den 1980er Jahren war Zürich in einem Teufelskreis zwischen der Nachfrage nach mehr Bürofläche in der Innenstadt, der Stadtflucht und der drohenden Verslumung ganzer Stadtkreise wegen der Drogenprobleme gefangen. Massnahmen zur Attraktivitätssteigerung der Innenstadt wie die Verkehrsbefreiung des Niederdorfs konnten nicht verhindern, dass die Innenstadt Zürichs immer unattraktiver wurde. Veränderungen schienen unmöglich – 1986 brachte die damalige Baudirektorin Ursula Koch mit ihrem berühmtgewordenen Satz «Zürich ist gebaut» die Perspektivlosigkeit der Politik in Bezug auf die weitere Zukunft Zürichs zum Ausdruck. Erst Mitte der 1990er Jahre konnte die Blockade überwunden werden, zuerst durch eine neue Bau- und Zonenordnung 1996 und die Liberalisierung des Gastgewerbegesetzes 1997. Besonders letzteres wirkte enorm belebend auf das Nachtleben Zürichs und liess innerhalb kürzester Zeit unzählige neue und innovative Restaurants, Bars und Diskotheken aus dem Boden schiessen. 1998 konnte unter dem neuen Baudirektor Elmar Ledergerber (von 2002 bis April 2009 Stadtpräsident) die jahrelang nur langsam vorankommende Neugestaltung der Industriebrachen in Zürich-West und in Oerlikon beschleunigt werden, so dass sich bis heute an beiden Standorten trendige und moderne neue Stadtquartiere entwickeln konnten. Bis 2020 entsteht westlich des Hauptbahnhofs das neue Quartier Europaallee.
Im Tourismusbereich trat Zürich in den 2000er Jahren (bis 2011) mit dem Zusatz «Downtown Switzerland» auf.
Wirtschaft
Zürich gilt als das Wirtschaftszentrum der Schweiz. Der gesamte Wirtschaftsraum in und um Zürich wird auch als Greater Zurich Area bezeichnet. International zeichnet er sich insbesondere durch tiefe Steuersätze und eine hohe Lebensqualität aus, weshalb einige internationale Konzerne einen Sitz in Zürich haben. 2018 waren 5,4 % der Bevölkerung Millionäre (gerechnet in US-Dollar). Zürich ist damit, hinter Monaco und Genf, die Stadt mit der dritthöchsten Millionärsdichte weltweit. Aufgrund ihrer internationalen wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung wird die Stadt Zürich oft zu den Global- bzw. Weltstädten gezählt.
Die Wirtschaft ist sehr stark auf den Dienstleistungssektor ausgerichtet, in dem knapp 90 % der Zürcher Beschäftigten tätig sind. Im Industriesektor sind rund 10 % tätig und in der Landwirtschaft sind es heute weniger als 1 %. Bei einer erwerbstätigen Wohnbevölkerung von 200'110 (Stand: Volkszählung 2000) weist die Stadt 318'543 Arbeitsplätze vor. Die Mehrheit der Beschäftigten (56 %) waren Pendler aus anderen Gemeinden. Neben den rund 178'000 Zupendelnden gibt es rund 39'000 aus der Stadt Wegpendelnde.
Der wichtigste Wirtschaftszweig in Zürich ist der Finanzdienstleistungssektor, der am Paradeplatz sein Zentrum hat. Die beiden bis 2023 selbständigen Grossbanken UBS, die weltweit grösste Vermögensverwalterin, und Credit Suisse, die Schweizerische Nationalbank, die Zürcher Kantonalbank, die traditionsreiche Privatbank Julius Bär sowie etliche kleinere Bankinstitute haben ihren Sitz in der Stadt. Auch über 100 Auslandbanken sind in Zürich vertreten. Auf dem Bankenplatz Zürich sind rund 45'000 Personen beschäftigt, knapp die Hälfte aller Bankangestellten der Schweiz. Eine grosse Bedeutung hat das Privatkundengeschäft, da über 25 % der weltweit grenzüberschreitend angelegten Vermögenswerte in Zürich verwaltet werden (schweizweit sind es rund ein Drittel). Die schweizerische Post betrieb von 1920 bis 1996 in Zürich ein Rohrpostsystem, zu deren diskreten Kunden auch die Banken zählten. Auch die Börse SIX Swiss Exchange spielt international eine wesentliche Rolle und verstärkt die Bedeutung des Finanzplatzes Zürich. Sie gehört zu den technologisch führenden Börsen der Welt. Im Weiteren repräsentiert Zürich weltweit den drittgrössten Versicherungsmarkt. Swiss Re, eine der weltweit grössten Rückversicherungen, und Swiss Life, der grösste Lebensversicherungskonzern der Schweiz, haben ihre Hauptsitze in Zürich. Eine weitere Versicherungsgesellschaft von internationaler Bedeutung ist die Zurich Insurance Group. Der gesamte Finanzdienstleistungssektor generiert nahezu 50 % der Steuereinnahmen der Stadt Zürich.
Als zweitwichtigster Wirtschaftszweig folgen die unternehmensbezogenen Dienstleistungen wie Rechts- und Unternehmensberatung, Informatik oder Immobilienverwaltung. Zu erwähnen ist etwa das Unternehmen IBM Schweiz, das in Rüschlikon ein bedeutendes Forschungslabor betreibt. Seit 2004 betreibt zudem Google in Zürich das europäische Forschungszentrum. Auf dem ehemaligen Areal der Hürlimann AG wurde der zweitgrösste Standort des Unternehmens nach Mountain View eingerichtet.
Infolge des Strukturwandels hat die Bedeutung der produzierenden Industrie und der Bauwirtschaft abgenommen. Allerdings haben immer noch bedeutende Industriefirmen Niederlassungen in der Stadt Zürich, so zum Beispiel Siemens. Der Elektrotechnikkonzern ABB hat zudem seinen Hauptsitz in Zürich.
Aus den übrigen Wirtschaftszweigen sind insbesondere zu erwähnen: der grösste Schweizer Detailhandelskonzern Migros, der weltgrösste Schokoladenproduzent Barry Callebaut, die beiden grössten Automobilhändler AMAG-Gruppe und Emil Frey Gruppe, sowie der grösste Schweizer Reisekonzern Kuoni.
Nicht zuletzt dank der kulturellen Vielfalt in Zürich ist auch der Tourismus in den letzten Jahren ein bedeutender Wirtschaftsfaktor geworden. Jedes Jahr empfängt die Stadt Zürich rund neun Millionen Tagestouristen sowie zwei Millionen Übernachtungsgäste, von denen sich eine Mehrheit auch geschäftlich in Zürich aufhält.
Lebensqualität
Zürich galt bis zum Jahr 2008 siebenmal in Folge als Stadt mit der höchsten Lebensqualität weltweit. In der Studie «Worldwide Quality of Living Survey» («Studie zur weltweiten Lebensqualität») untersuchte die renommierte Beratungsfirma Mercer 215 Grossstädte anhand von 39 Kriterien, darunter Freizeit, Erholung, Sicherheit, Sauberkeit, politische und ökonomische Stabilität, sowie medizinische Versorgung. Seit 2009 rangiert Zürich neu an zweiter Stelle hinter Wien. Zudem wird Zürich als eine der Städte mit den weltweit höchsten Lebenshaltungskosten gelistet.
In einer Studie der Globalization and World Cities Research Group an der britischen Universität Loughborough landete Zürich in der Kategorie der Beta-Weltstädte auf dem ersten Rang, zusammen mit San Francisco, Sydney und Toronto.
Zürich besitzt die Auszeichnung Energiestadt Gold für eine nachhaltige Energiepolitik. Die offiziellen Gebäude im Eigentum der Stadt Zürich werden in der Regel nach Minergie gebaut.
Um die Lebensqualität für Geringverdiener im Hinblick auf den Wohnungsmarkt zu verbessern, hat die Stadt Zürich die Stiftungen Wohnungen für kinderreiche Familien und Alterswohnungen der Stadt Zürich gegründet.
Kunst, Kultur und Tourismus
Allgemeine Sehenswürdigkeiten
Die meisten Sehenswürdigkeiten Zürichs sind in und um die Altstadt gruppiert und deswegen am einfachsten zu Fuss oder mit kurzen Fahrten in Tram oder Bus erreichbar. Neben Gebäuden und Denkmälern ist auch die Lage Zürichs am Zürichsee einen Blick wert. Am Bellevue oder am Bürkliplatz bietet sich bei gutem Wetter ein schöner Blick auf den See und die Alpen. Beide Seeufer mit ihren Promenaden und Parkanlagen sind dann jeweils Anziehungspunkte für viele Einheimische und Touristen.
Der Zürcher Hausberg Uetliberg ist mit der Sihltal-Zürich-Uetliberg-Bahn (SZU) zu erreichen, die ab dem Hauptbahnhof verkehrt.
(Wikipedia)
Luzern - Männliturm
Lucerne (/luːˈsɜːrn/ loo-SURN, French: [lysɛʁn]; High Alemannic: Lozärn) or Luzern (Swiss Standard German: [luˈtsɛrn]) is a city in central Switzerland, in the German-speaking portion of the country. Lucerne is the capital of the canton of Lucerne and part of the district of the same name. With a population of approximately 82,000 people, Lucerne is the most populous city in Central Switzerland, and a nexus of economics, transportation, culture, and media in the region. The city's urban area consists of 19 municipalities and towns with an overall population of about 220,000 people.
Owing to its location on the shores of Lake Lucerne (German: Vierwaldstättersee) and its outflow, the river Reuss, within sight of the mounts Pilatus and Rigi in the Swiss Alps, Lucerne has long been a destination for tourists. One of the city's landmarks is the Chapel Bridge (German: Kapellbrücke), a wooden bridge first erected in the 14th century.
The official language of Lucerne is German, but the main spoken language is the local variant of the Alemannic Swiss German dialect, Lucerne German.
History
Early history and founding (750–1386)
After the fall of the Roman Empire beginning in the 6th century, Germanic Alemannic peoples increased their influence on this area of present-day Switzerland.
Around 750 the Benedictine Monastery of St. Leodegar was founded, which was later acquired by Murbach Abbey in Alsace in the middle of the 9th century, and by this time the area had become known as Luciaria.
The origin of the name is uncertain, it is possibly derived from the Latin name of the pike, lucius, thus designating a pike fishing spot in the river Reuss. Derivation from the theonym Lugus has been suggested but is phonetically implausible. In any case, the name was associated by popular etymology with Latin lucerna "lantern" from an early time.
In 1178 Lucerne acquired its independence from the jurisdiction of Murbach Abbey, and the founding of the city proper probably occurred that same year. The city gained importance as a strategically located gateway for the growing commerce from the Gotthard trade route.
By 1290, Lucerne had become a self-sufficient city of reasonable size with about 3000 inhabitants. About this time King Rudolph I von Habsburg gained authority over the Monastery of St. Leodegar and its lands, including Lucerne. The populace was not content with the increasing Habsburg influence, and Lucerne allied with neighboring towns to seek independence from their rule. Along with Lucerne, the three other forest cantons of Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden formed the "eternal" Swiss Confederacy, known as the Eidgenossenschaft, on November 7, 1332.
Later the cities of Zürich, Zug and Bern joined the alliance. With the help of these additions, the rule of Austria over the area came to an end. The issue was settled by Lucerne's victory over the Habsburgs in the Battle of Sempach in 1386. For Lucerne this victory ignited an era of expansion. The city shortly granted many rights to itself, rights which had been withheld by the Habsburgs until then. By this time the borders of Lucerne were approximately those of today.
From city to city-state (1386–1520)
In 1415 Lucerne gained Reichsfreiheit from Emperor Sigismund and became a strong member of the Swiss confederacy. The city developed its infrastructure, raised taxes, and appointed its own local officials. The city's population of 3000 dropped about 40% due to the Black Plague and several wars around 1350.
In 1419 town records show the first witch trial against a male person.
Swiss-Catholic town (1520–1798)
Among the growing towns of the confederacy, Lucerne was especially popular in attracting new residents. Remaining predominantly Catholic, Lucerne hosted its own annual passion play from 1453 to 1616, a two-day-long play of 12 hours performance per day. As the confederacy broke up during the Reformation, after 1520, most nearby cities became Protestant, but Lucerne remained Catholic. After the victory of the Catholics over the Protestants in the Battle at Kappel in 1531, the Catholic towns dominated the confederacy. It was during this period that Jesuits first came to Lucerne in 1567, with their arrival given considerable backing by Cardinal Carlo Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan. The region, though, was destined to be dominated by Protestant cities such as Zürich, Bern and Basel, which defeated the Catholic forces in the 1712 Toggenburg War. The former prominent position of Lucerne in the confederacy was lost forever. In the 16th and 17th centuries, wars and epidemics became steadily less frequent and as a result the population of the country increased strongly.
Lucerne was besieged by a peasant army and quickly signed a peace treaty with the rebels in the Swiss peasant war of 1653.
Century of revolutions (1798–1914)
In 1798, nine years after the beginning of the French Revolution, the French army marched into Switzerland. The old confederacy collapsed and the government became democratic. The industrial revolution hit Lucerne rather late, and by 1860 only 1.7% of the population worked in industry, which was about a quarter of the national average at that time.[citation needed] Agriculture, which employed about 40% of the workers, was the main form of economic output in the canton. Nevertheless, industry was attracted to the city from areas around Lucerne. From 1850 to 1913, the population quadrupled and the flow of settlers increased. In 1856 trains first linked the city to Olten and Basel, then Zug and Zürich in 1864 and finally to the south in 1897.
The 1804 play William Tell by Friedrich Schiller did much to establish the reputation of Lucerne and its environs. Schiller himself had not been to Lucerne, but was inspired to write the play by his wife Lotte and his friend Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, who had both personally visited the city and its surrounding canton. Goethe had lodged in the Hirschenplatz on his route to Italy in 1779.
It was during the latter part of the 19th century that Lucerne became a popular destination for artists, royalty and others to escape to. The German composer Richard Wagner established a residence at Tribschen in 1866, where he lived and worked. The city was then boosted by a visit by Queen Victoria to the city in 1868, during which she went sightseeing at the Kapellbrücke and Lion Monument and relished speaking with local people in her native German. The American writer Mark Twain further popularised the city and its environs in his travel writings after visiting twice, in 1878 and 1897. In 1892 Swiss poet and future Nobel Prize laureate Carl Spitteler also established himself in Lucerne, living there until his death in 1924.
Lucerne's status as a fashionable destination led to it becoming one of the first centres of modern-style tourism. Some of the city's most recognisable buildings are hotels from this period, such as the Schweizerhof Hotel (1845), Grand Hotel National (1870), and Château Gütsch (1879). It was at the National that Swiss hotelier César Ritz would establish himself as manager between 1878 and 1888.
20th and 21st century
In August 1993, the Kapellbrücke in the centre of the city suffered from a great fire which destroyed two thirds of its interior paintings. The bridge was subsequently reconstructed and reopened to the public in April 1994, after a total of CHF 3.4 million was spent on its repair.
On June 17, 2007, voters of the city of Lucerne and the adjacent town of Littau agreed to a merger in a simultaneous referendum. This took effect on January 1, 2010. The new city, still called Lucerne, has a population of around 80,000 people, making it the seventh-largest city in Switzerland. The results of this referendum are expected to pave the way for negotiations with other nearby cities and towns in an effort to create a unified city-region, based on the results of a study.
Geography and climate
Topography
Lucerne is located at the outfall of Lake Lucerne into the river Reuss, which flows from south-east to north-west. The city occupies both banks of the river and the lowest reach of the lake, with the city centre straddling the river immediately downstream of the outfall. The city's suburbs climb the hills to the north-east and south-west, and stretch out along the river and lake banks, whilst the recently added area of Littau is to the north-west.
Besides this contiguous city area, the municipality also includes an exclave on the south shore of Lake Lucerne some 8 kilometres (5.0 mi) away, comprising the northern slopes of the Bürgenstock. This section of the municipality is entirely surrounded by the lake and by land of the canton of Nidwalden. It does not contain any significant settlements, but the summit of the Bürgenstock is the highest point of the municipality.
The municipality has an area of 29.1 square kilometers (11.2 sq mi). Of this area and as of 2009, 28.0% is used for agricultural purposes, while 22.3% is forested. Of the rest of the land, 47.6% is settled (buildings or roads) and the remainder (2.1%) is non-productive (rivers, glaciers or mountains).
Climate
Between 1961 and 1990 Lucerne had an average of 138.1 days of rain per year and on average received 1,171 mm (46.1 in) of precipitation. The wettest month was June during which time Lucerne received an average of 153 mm (6.0 in) of rainfall. During this month there was rainfall for an average of 14.2 days. The driest month of the year was February with an average of 61 mm (2.4 in) of precipitation over 10.2 days. Climate in this area has mild differences between highs and lows, and there is adequate rainfall year-round. The Köppen Climate Classification subtype for this climate is "Cfb" (Marine West Coast Climate/Oceanic climate).
Sights
Since the city straddles the Reuss where it drains the lake, it has a number of bridges. These include the Chapel Bridge (Kapellbrücke), a 204 m (669 ft) long wooden covered bridge originally built in 1333, the oldest covered bridge in Europe, although much of it had to be replaced after a fire on 18 August 1993, allegedly caused by a discarded cigarette. Partway across, the bridge runs by the octagonal Water Tower (Wasserturm), a fortification from the 13th century. Inside the bridge are a series of paintings from the 17th century depicting events from Lucerne's history.
Downriver, between the Kasernenplatz and the Mühlenplatz, the Spreuer Bridge (Spreuerbrücke or Mühlenbrücke, Mill Bridge) zigzags across the Reuss. Constructed in 1408, it features a series of medieval-style 17th century plague paintings by Kaspar Meglinger titled Dance of Death (Totentanzzyklus). The bridge has a small chapel in the middle that was added in 1568.
Old Town Lucerne is mainly located just north of the Reuss, and still has several fine half-timber structures with painted fronts. Remnants of the old town walls exist on the hill above Lucerne, complete with eight tall watch towers. An additional gated tower sits at the base of the hill on the banks of the Reuss.
The twin needle towers of the Church of St. Leodegar, which was named after the city's patron saint, sit on a small hill just above the lake front. Originally built in 735, the present structure was erected in 1633 in the late Renaissance style. However, the towers are surviving remnants of an earlier structure. The interior is richly decorated. The church is popularly called the Hofkirche (in German) and is known locally as the Hofchile (in Swiss-German).
Bertel Thorvaldsen's carving of a dying lion (the Lion Monument, or Löwendenkmal) is found in a small park just off the Löwenplatz. The carving commemorates the hundreds of Swiss Guards who were massacred in 1792 during the French Revolution, when an armed mob stormed the Tuileries Palace in Paris.
The Swiss Museum of Transport is a large and comprehensive museum exhibiting all forms of transport, including locomotives, automobiles, ships, and aircraft. It is to be found beside the lake in the northern-eastern section of the city.
The Culture and Convention Center (KKL) beside the lake in the center of the city was designed by Jean Nouvel. The center has one of the world's leading concert halls, with acoustics by Russell Johnson.
The Richard Wagner Museum is found on the lake at Tribschen and is dedicated to the composer Richard Wagner. Wagner lived in Lucerne from 1866 to 1872 and his former villa now hosts the museum dedicated to him.
Culture and events
Culture
Since plans for the new culture and convention centre arose in the late 1980s, Lucerne has found a balance between the so-called established culture and alternative culture. A consensus was reached that culminated in a culture compromise (Kulturkompromiss). The established culture comprises the Lucerne Culture and Congress Centre (KKL), the city theater (Luzerner Theater) and, in a broader sense, smaller establishments such as the Kleintheater, founded by comedian Emil Steinberger, a Lucerne native, or Stadtkeller, a music restaurant in the city's old town. KKL houses a concert hall as well as the Museum of Art Lucerne (Kunstmuseum Luzern).
Alternative culture took place mostly on the premises of a former tube factory, which became known as Boa. Other localities for alternative culture have since emerged in the same inner city area as Boa. Initially, Boa staged various plays, but concerts became more and more common; this new use of the building clashed with the development of apartment buildings on nearby lots of land. Due to possible noise pollution, Boa was closed and a replacement in a less heavily inhabited area is currently under construction. Critics claimed though that the new establishment would not meet the requirements for an alternative culture.
Südpol is a center for performing arts in Lucerne presenting music-, dance- and theatre-events. The house at the foot of Pilatus opened in November 2008.
Lucerne is home to the Luzerner Sinfonieorchester, a category A symphonic orchestra, and to the 21st Century Symphony Orchestra, and they both hold most of their performances in the Lucerne Culture and Congress Centre.
Lucerne is also home to Keramikkonzerte, a series of classical chamber music concerts held throughout each year, as well as Zaubersee, a festival dedicated to Russian classical music.
Events
Every year, towards the end of winter, Fasnacht (Carnival) breaks out in the streets, alleyways and squares of the old town. This is a glittering outdoor party, where chaos and merriness reign and nothing is as it normally is. Strange characters in fantastic masks and costumes make their way through the alleyways, while Guggenmusiken (carnival bands) blow their instruments in joyful cacophony and thousands of bizarrely clad people sing and dance away the winter. The Lucerner Fasnacht, based on religious, Catholic backgrounds, starts every year on the Thursday before Aschermittwoch (Ash Wednesday) with a big bang at 5am called Morgenwacht (Morning Watch). There are big parades in the afternoon on Schmotzige Donnerstag (literally: Lardy Thursday) and the following Monday, called Güdismontag (literally: Paunch Monday), which attract tens of thousands of people. Lucerne's Carnival ends with a crowning finish on Güdisdienstag (literally: Paunch Tuesday) evening with the Monstercorso, a tremendous parade of Guggenmusiken, lights and lanterns with even a larger audience. Rather recently a fourth Fasnacht day has been introduced on the Saturday between the others Fasnacht days, the Rüüdige Samstag while mainly several indoor balls take place. From dusk till dawn on the evenings of Schmotzige Donnerstag, Güdismontag, and after the Monstercorso many bands wander through the historical part of the city playing typical Fasnacht tunes. Until midnight, the historical part of the city usually is packed with people participating. A large part of the audience are also dressed up in costumes, even a majority in the evenings.
The city hosts various renowned festivals throughout the year. The Lucerne Festival for classical music takes place in the summer. Its orchestra, the Lucerne Festival Orchestra, is hand-picked from some of the finest instrumentalists in the world. In June yearly the pop music festival B-Sides takes place in Lucerne. It focuses on international acts in alternative music, indie rock, experimental rock and other cutting edge and left field artistic musical genres. In July, the Blue Balls Festival brings jazz, blues and punk music to the lake promenade and halls of the Culture and Convention Center. The Lucerne Blues Festival is another musical festival which usually takes place in November. Since spring 2004, Lucerne has hosted the Festival Rose d'Or for television entertainment. And in April, the well-established comics festival Fumetto attracts an international audience.
Being the cultural center of a rather rural region, Lucerne regularly holds different folklore festivals, such as Lucerne Cheese Festival, held annually. In 2004, Lucerne was the focus of Swiss Wrestling fans when it had hosted the Swiss Wrestling and Alpine festival (Eidgenössisches Schwing- und Älplerfest), which takes place every three years in a different location. A national music festival (Eidgenössiches Musikfest) attracted marching bands from all parts of Switzerland in 2006. In summer 2008, the yodelling festival (Eidgenössisches Jodlerfest) had a similar impact.
The 2021 Winter Universiade will be hosted by Lucerne.
(Wikipedia)
Luzern (luzerndeutsch Lozärn [loˈtsæːrn], französisch Lucerne, italienisch Lucerna, rätoromanisch Lucerna) ist eine Stadt, Einwohnergemeinde sowie Hauptort des gleichnamigen Schweizer Kantons. Sie bildet zugleich den Wahlkreis Luzern-Stadt. Die Stadt hat 82'620 Einwohner (Dez. 2020), mit Agglomeration rund 223'000.
Luzern ist das gesellschaftliche und kulturelle Zentrum der Zentralschweiz. Im Bildungsbereich ist es unter anderem Sitz der Universität Luzern, der Pädagogischen Hochschule Luzern und der Hochschule Luzern. Anlässe mit überregionaler Ausstrahlung sind beispielsweise die Luzerner Fasnacht und das Lucerne Festival. Luzern ist ein bedeutendes Tourismusziel in der Schweiz, einerseits wegen seiner Lage am Vierwaldstättersee und der Nähe zu den Alpen und anderseits dank Sehenswürdigkeiten wie der Kapellbrücke und dem Verkehrshaus der Schweiz.
Geographie
Die Stadt Luzern liegt am nordwestlichen Ufer des Vierwaldstättersees beim Ausfluss der Reuss. Die Reuss teilt die Stadt in die Altstadt und Neustadt. Die Kapellbrücke mit dem Wasserturm und die Spreuerbrücke verbinden die Alt- und Neustadt. Zu Luzern gehört auch die Exklave Bürgenstock. Die Lage zwischen See und den Bergen Pilatus und Rigi ist besonders malerisch und begünstigte die Entwicklung Luzerns als Fremdenstadt und frühe Hochburg des Tourismus ab 1840.
Der höchste Punkt der Gemeinde ist der Gipfel des Bürgenstocks in der Exklave Bürgenstock mit einer Höhe von 1127,8 m ü. M. Der tiefste Punkt ist am Rotsee auf 419 m ü. M.
Die Fläche des Stadtgebiets beträgt 29,1 km², davon sind 44,2 % Siedlungsfläche, 30,2 % Landwirtschaftszonen und 23,7 % Wald. 2,0 % sind unproduktive Fläche.
Klima
Für die Normalperiode 1991–2020 beträgt die Jahresmitteltemperatur 10,1 °C, wobei im Januar mit 1,1 °C die kältesten und im Juli mit 19,5 °C die wärmsten Monatsmitteltemperaturen gemessen werden. Im Mittel sind hier rund 78 Frosttage und 15 Eistage zu erwarten. Sommertage gibt es im Jahresmittel rund 50, während normalerweise 9 Hitzetage zu verzeichnen sind. Die Messstation von MeteoSchweiz liegt auf einer Höhe von 454 m ü. M.
Der Höchstwert der Durchschnittssonnenscheindauer des Monats Januar wurde 2020 mit 98,5 Std. erreicht. Damit wurde der bisherige Rekord von 1999 (86,7 Std.) gebrochen.
Geschichte
Ortsname
Die frühesten bekannten Nennungen des Ortes sind ad monasterium Lucernense beziehungsweise ad Lucernense monasterium (9. Jahrhundert; Abschrift um 1200), monasterium Luciaria (840) und in quodam loco, qui Lucerna ex antiquitate est dictus (853; Abschrift des 11. Jahrhunderts). Die Bedeutung ist unklar. Vorgeschlagene Herleitungen von lateinisch lucerna «Leuchte» (vergleiche bis heute «Leuchtenstadt Luzern»), vom keltischen Gott Lugus und vom männlichen Personennamen Luz oder Luzius sind nicht haltbar. Eine mögliche Grundlage bleibt jedoch lateinisch lūcǐus «Hecht», verbunden mit dem eine Verbreitung ausdrückenden Suffix -ārǐa. Die Bedeutung des Namens Luzern wäre damit «Ort, wo sich Hechte in grossen Mengen aufhalten».
Frühzeit und Stadtgründung (um 750–1386)
Nach dem Zerfall des Römischen Reiches nahmen germanische Alemannen ab dem 7. Jahrhundert immer grösseren Besitz von dieser Gegend. Die alemannische Sprache ersetzte allmählich die lateinische. Um 710 entstand durch eine karolingische Gründung das Benediktinerkloster St. Leodegar (dort heute St. Leodegar im Hof), das Mitte des 9. Jahrhunderts unter die Herrschaft der elsässischen Abtei Murbach gelangte. Zu dieser Zeit bzw. um 750 nannte man das Gebiet Luciaria. Die Vogtei über das Kloster Murbach und damit auch über Luzern hatte seit 1135 das Adelsgeschlecht der Habsburger inne. Die Gründung der Stadt erfolgte wahrscheinlich durch die Brüder von Eschenbach, die Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts die Abtwürde von Murbach und Luzern gleichzeitig besassen. Das genaue Jahr der Stadtgründung ist unbekannt, es muss aber zwischen 1180 und 1200 liegen. Die Stadt gewann immer mehr an Bedeutung als Schlüsselstelle im wachsenden Gotthardverkehr und als Verwaltungszentrum. 1250 erreichte Luzern bereits die Grösse, die es bis ins 19. Jahrhundert beibehielt. Luzern war im 13. Jahrhundert durch Parteikämpfe zwischen Anhängern des Kaisers und des Papstes geprägt und schien bereits eine städtische Selbstverwaltung mit Rat und Bürgerversammlung besessen zu haben. 1291 erwarb der deutsche König Rudolf I. von Habsburg die Herrschaftsrechte des Klosters Murbach über Luzern, nachdem er schon die umliegenden Gebiete systematisch aufgekauft hatte.
Die Streitigkeiten um den deutschen Königsthron 1314–1325 führten auch zu Feindseligkeiten in den Ländern um den Vierwaldstättersee. Zur Stabilisierung der Verhältnisse ging Luzern 1332 einen Bund mit den benachbarten drei Waldstätten Uri, Schwyz und Unterwalden ein. Dieser Bund richtete sich nicht speziell gegen die Habsburger: Luzern behielt sich seine Verpflichtungen gegenüber der Herrschaft Österreich ausdrücklich vor.
Insbesondere ab der zweiten Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts begann Luzern erfolgreich, seinen Einfluss in den umliegenden ländlichen Gebieten zu verstärken und Herrschaftsrechte an sich zu binden. Diese expansive Territorialpolitik, welche auch von anderen eidgenössischen Städten wie Zürich vorangetrieben wurde, führte zwangsläufig zu Konflikten mit der Herrschaft Österreich und gipfelte 1386 in der Schlacht bei Sempach. Der Sieg der eidgenössischen Parteien erlaubte Luzern eine Konsolidierung des Herrschaftsgebiets, das in seiner Ausdehnung bereits ungefähr dem heutigen Kanton Luzern entsprach.
Von der Stadt zum Stadtstaat (1386–1520)
1415 erhielt Luzern von König Sigismund die Reichsfreiheit und war damit bis zum Westfälischen Frieden 1648 eine Reichsstadt. Luzern bildete ein kräftiges Glied im eidgenössischen Bund. Die Stadt baute ihre Territorialherrschaft aus, erhob Steuern und setzte beamtete Vögte ein. Die Zahl der Stadtbevölkerung von 3000 ging um etwa 40 Prozent zurück. Schuld daran waren die Pest (um 1350, in mehreren Wellen) und etliche Kriege (so genannte Ennetbirgische Feldzüge). Nachdem sich Hexenverfolgungen zunächst vorwiegend im frankophonen Sprachraum ausgebreitet hatten, tauchte der Begriff «Hexereye» 1419 in einem Zaubereiprozess gegen einen Mann in Luzern auf und damit erstmals im deutschsprachigen Raum.
Vorort der katholischen Schweiz (um 1520–1798)
Im wachsenden Staatenbund der Eidgenossenschaft gehörte Luzern zu den einflussreichen Stadtorten. Als die Reformation nach 1520 die Eidgenossenschaft spaltete, wurden die meisten Städte reformiert, Luzern aber blieb katholisch. Nach dem Sieg der Katholiken über die Reformierten in der Schlacht bei Kappel 1531 dominierten die katholischen Orte die Eidgenossenschaft. Trotz des militärischen Sieges im Ersten Villmergerkrieg 1656 verschoben sich die Gewichte zu Gunsten der reformierten Städte wie Zürich, Bern und Basel, die im Zweiten Villmergerkrieg 1712 die Katholiken besiegten. Die führende Stellung Luzerns in der Eidgenossenschaft war damit vorbei. Im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert wurden die Kriege und Seuchen immer seltener, die Bevölkerung nahm vor allem auf dem Land kräftig zu, während die Stadt innerhalb der Mauern kaum wuchs.
Jahrhundert der Revolutionen (1798–1914)
1798, neun Jahre nach Beginn der Französischen Revolution, marschierte die französische Armee in der Schweiz ein. Die Alte Eidgenossenschaft zerfiel und die Herrschaft der Patrizier wurde in eine Demokratie umgeformt, es entstand die Helvetische Republik, deren Hauptstadt Luzern für kurze Zeit war.
Die industrielle Revolution trat in Luzern erst spät ein. 1860 waren nur 1,7 Prozent der Bevölkerung in der Heim- oder Fabrikarbeit tätig, dies waren nur ein Viertel so viel wie in der übrigen Schweiz. Die Landwirtschaft mit einem hohen Anteil von 40 Prozent der Erwerbstätigen im Bauernstand prägte den Kanton. Dennoch zog die Stadt etliche Industrien an, die sich aber in den Gemeinden um Luzern ansiedeln. Von 1850 bis 1913 vervierfachte sich die Zahl der Bevölkerung und ihre Siedlungsfläche wuchs. Ab dem Jahre 1856 folgten die Bahnen, zuerst jene nach Olten und Basel, 1864 nach Zug und Zürich und 1897 in den Süden.
Von 1910 bis 1912 verkehrte in Luzern mit der Ville de Lucerne ein Luftschiff für Passagierrundflüge. Der Landeplatz mit der Halle und einem Gaskraftwerk befand sich im Tribschenmoos.
Entwicklungsakzente im 20. Jahrhundert (1914–2000)
Im 20. Jahrhundert gewannen die Vororte immer mehr an Bedeutung. Die Bevölkerungszahl im umliegenden Grossraum verdoppelte sich, während die städtische Bevölkerung nur langsam zunahm. 1981 folgte der Anschluss an die Autobahn A2.
Entwicklung im 21. Jahrhundert (ab 2001)
Am 17. Juni 2007 stimmten die Einwohner von Luzern und Littau für eine Gemeindefusion von Littau mit Luzern. In Luzern stimmten 9869 der Stimmberechtigten für die Fusion, 8875 dagegen (53 % zu 47 %, Stimmbeteiligung 46,2 %). Die Littauer stimmten mit 2824 gegen 2343 (55 % zu 45 %, Stimmbeteiligung 60,4 %) für die Fusion. Die Fusion wurde am 1. Januar 2010 vollzogen. Die «neue» Stadt heisst weiterhin Luzern und wird das alte Stadtwappen beibehalten. Die Einwohnerzahl beträgt nun rund 75'000 Personen.
Der Luzerner Stadtrat sah darin aber nur den ersten Schritt für weitere Fusionen. Im November 2011 entschieden sich Ebikon, Adligenswil und Kriens gegen eine Fusion. Im März 2012 lehnten die Stimmberechtigten von Emmen in einer Volksabstimmung die Aufnahme von Fusionsverhandlungen mit der Stadt Luzern ab.
Kultur
Als Veranstaltungsort von Konzerten, insbesondere der klassischen Musik, spielt das KKL eine schweizweit bedeutende Rolle. Residenzorchester des KKL ist das Luzerner Sinfonieorchester. Luzern hat drei grössere Theater, es sind dies das Luzerner Theater, das Kleintheater Luzern und der Theaterpavillon. Das Luzerner Theater verfügt neben dem Hauptgebäude über einen zweiten Aufführungsort, das «UG» in der Winkelriedstrasse.
Für die Alternativkultur wird insbesondere das Neubad genutzt, welches aus einer Zwischennutzung des ehemaligen Hallenbads Luzerns entstanden ist. Seit 1981 existiert im ehemaligen Gefängnis Sedel das Musikzentrum Sedel, welches Veranstaltungen in den Bereichen Punk und Rock anbietet. Ein eher adoleszentes Publikum spricht das Treibhaus Luzern an. Mit dem Konzerthaus Schüür steht eine weitere Konzertbühne zur Verfügung. In der Jazzkantine Luzern spielen vorwiegend Studenten der lokalen Musikhochschule vor Publikum. Daneben finden im Musik-Restaurant Stadtkeller Konzerte vorwiegend von Schweizer Grössen statt. Die Stadt verfügt über 13 Kinosäle in fünf Kinos. Die Kornschütte befindet sich im Rathaus Luzern. Dort steht sechsmal im Jahr ein Raum für Ausstellungen aus dem Luzerner Kulturleben zur Verfügung. Häufig finden Kunstausstellungen statt.
Veranstaltungen
Die Luzerner Fasnacht dauert vom Schmutzigen Donnerstag bis Güdisdienstag. Sie ist der grösste jährlich stattfindende Anlass der Zentralschweiz.
Das Stadtfest Luzern ist ein im Frühsommer stattfindendes Fest in der Stadt. Von 2009 bis 2018 fand es unter dem Namen Luzerner Fest statt, zuvor gab es die beiden Feste Luzerner Altstadtfest und Luzerner Seenachtsfest.
Fumetto: Jährlich im Frühling stattfindendes Comic-Festival.
Lucerne Blues Festival: Eines der weltweit wichtigsten Bluesfestivals, seit 1995 in und von Luzernern ausgetragen und mit diversesten Preisen ausgezeichnet (2006 zum Beispiel mit dem «Keeping The Blues Alive»-Award, der erstmals in der Geschichte ausserhalb der Vereinigten Staaten ausgehändigt wird).
Lucerne Festival (früher Musikfestwochen): Eines der bedeutendsten europäischen Festivals für klassische und neue Musik, bekannt durch Gastkonzerte der weltbesten Sinfonieorchester im KKL.
Blue Balls Festival: Von 1992 bis 2019 fand dieses Musikfestivals mit ca. 100'000 Besuchern während neun Tagen im Juli statt. Angeboten wurden Open-Air-Konzerte ums Luzerner Seebecken sowie Konzerte im Kultur- und Kongresszentrum und im Hotel Schweizerhof Luzern. Das Festival umfasste die Sparten Blues, Jazz, Soul, Rock- und Pop sowie Singer-Songwriter.
Funk am See: Ein Gratis-Open-Air, das alle zwei Jahre, jeweils zu geraden Jahreszahlen, auf der Lido-Wiese vor dem Verkehrshaus in Luzern stattfindet. Neben Rock- und Pop-Acts sind auch immer Hip-Hop-Acts vor Ort.
Ruderwelt Luzern: Internationale Ruderregatta, die jährlich im Rahmen des Ruder-Weltcups ausgetragen wird und jeweils Anfang Juli auf dem Rotsee stattfindet.
Spitzenleichtathletik Luzern: Jährliches, internationales Leichtathletikmeeting.
Luzerner Stadtlauf: Alljährlicher Lauf-Event durch die Neu- und Altstadt.
Lucerne Marathon: Drittgrösster Marathon der Schweiz
LUGA (Luzerner Gewerbeausstellung): Messe auf der Luzerner Allmend
PinkPanorama: Filmfestival Luzern
Das grösste Festival der Fernsehunterhaltung Rose d’Or fand von 2004 bis 2012 jährlich in Luzern statt. Bei diesem in Montreux gegründeten Festival werden die besten internationalen Fernsehformate mit der «Goldenen Rose» ausgezeichnet. Seit 2014 findet die Preisverleihung in Berlin statt.
Spezialitäten
Aus Luzern kommen viele kulinarische Spezialitäten, wie zum Beispiel der Birnenweggen, Luzerner Lebkuchen, Luzerner Chügelipastete (Fleischpastete, auch Fritschipastete genannt). Lokale Pâtissiers kreieren neue Spezialitäten wie Lozärner Rägetröpfli (Schokoladen-Praline) oder die Lozärner Chatzestreckerli.
Historisches
Kapellbrücke mit Wasserturm
Da die Stadt durch die Reuss geteilt wird, besitzt sie mehrere Brücken, welche die Altstadt mit der Neustadt verbinden. Die bekannteste davon ist die Kapellbrücke von 1365. Sie ist die älteste noch erhaltene und mit 202 Metern die zweitlängste gedeckte Holzbrücke Europas. Im Jahre 1993 zerstörte ein Feuer einen Grossteil der Brücke. Da diese in den 1960er-Jahren umfassend renoviert und jedes einzelne hölzerne Bauteil registriert worden war, konnte sie nach dem Brand originalgetreu wieder aufgebaut werden. Von den dreieckigen Originalgemälden aus dem frühen 17. Jahrhundert, die auf ihrer ganzen Länge im Giebel der Brücke angebracht waren, wurden beim Brand jedoch 81 von 111 unrettbar zerstört. In der Mitte der Brücke befindet sich das Wahrzeichen von Luzern, der Wasserturm mit einem achteckigen Grundriss. Brücke wie Turm bildeten einen Teil der Stadtbefestigung. Deshalb sind auf der Seite des Wasserturms die Holzgeländer höher.
Altstadt
Rathaus (erbaut 1602–1604, Spätrenaissance)
Spreuerbrücke
Museggmauer und Museggtürme (erbaut 1350–1403 als nördlicher Befestigungswall)
Ritter’scher Palast, Renaissancepalais mit dreistöckigem Arkadeninnenhof, erbaut ab 1556 für den Luzerner Schultheiss Lux Ritter, von 1577 bis 1773 Sitz des Luzerner Jesuitenkollegiums, seit 1804 Hauptgebäude der Kantonsregierung. Im zweiten Obergeschoss des Arkadenhofes hängen sieben grossformatige Ölgemälde mit einem kunstvollen Totentanzzyklus. Er wurde in den Jahren 1610 bis 1615 von dem Luzerner Maler Jakob von Wyl (auch von Wil) geschaffen. Das heute als achtes Bild («Beinhauskonzert» im Hochformat) hinzugefügte Tafelgemälde gehörte wahrscheinlich zu einem verloren gegangenen Totentanz aus dem benachbarten Franziskanerkloster.
Löwendenkmal nach Bertel Thorvaldsen (1819)
Nadelwehr (1860)
Das Château Gütsch, ein 1888 im Stil des Historismus fertiggestelltes Hotel, gilt als eines der Wahrzeichen der Stadt. Eine bereits für 2012 geplante Generalrenovierung verzögerte sich mehrfach.
Fünf Raddampfer der SGV, die weltweit grösste aktive Dampferflotte auf einem See
Die Matthäuskirche ist ein bedeutender Zeuge der Neugotik.
Die Jesuitenkirche ist die älteste grosse Barockkirche der Schweiz.
Der Stiftsbezirk im Hof.
Die Hofkirche St. Leodegar im Hof ist der bedeutendste Kirchenbau der Renaissance der Schweiz.
Am Schweizerhofquai und dem Nationalquai entstanden in der Belle Époque der Kursaal (heute Grand Casino) und die Nobelhotels Schweizerhof, National und Palace Luzern.
Die Peterskapelle mit Innenausstattung im Nazarener Stil
Das Gotthardgebäude ist der repräsentativste Neurenaissancebau im Kanton Luzern.
Das Bourbaki-Panorama ist eines der wenigen erhaltenen Grosspanoramen.
Das Anderallmend-Haus als eines der baulichen Wahrzeichen der Stadt Luzern.
Das Kloster St. Anna auf dem Gerlisberg
Die Franziskanerkirche
Schloss Steinhof (erbaut 1759–1777 von Jakob Anton Thüring von Sonnenberg). Das barocke Schlossgebäude ist einer der bedeutendsten Profanbauten Luzerns.
Museen
Verkehrshaus der Schweiz: grösstes und meistbesuchtes Museum der Schweiz mit einer grossen Sammlung von Lokomotiven, Automobilen, Schiffen und Flugzeugen. Das Verkehrshaus beherbergt unter anderem das einzige IMAX-Kino und das einzige Grossplanetarium der Schweiz. Zudem befindet sich in ihm die Livemap Switzerland, eine 200 m² grosse begehbare Luftbildkarte.
Bourbaki-Panorama: eigens erbautes Panoramagebäude mit dem 112 × 10 m grossen Rundbild von Edouard Castres (1881)
Sammlung Rosengart: Werke von Pablo Picasso, Paul Klee und der Klassische Moderne, ehemals Picasso Museum
Richard-Wagner-Museum Tribschen, Räume Wagners und Sammlung klassischer Musikinstrumente. Das Landhaus an idyllischer Lage des Vierwaldstättersees führt immer wieder Musik- und Poesieabende durch.
Hans Erni Museum: Das Museum des bekannten Luzerner Malers Hans Erni im Verkehrshaus der Schweiz.
Kunstmuseum Luzern
Alpineum Luzern: 3D-Alpen-Panorama/-Diorama
Gletschergarten: Luzern während der Eiszeit vor 20'000 Jahren und im subtropischen Klima vor 20 Millionen Jahren, direkt neben dem Löwendenkmal
Historisches Museum: Im Depot kann die Geschichte lebendig und hautnah erlebt werden.
Naturmuseum Luzern: Die vielen Sonderausstellungen zeigen die Flora und Fauna der Zentralschweiz.
Sehenswürdigkeiten der Umgebung
Der Pilatus: Der ehemalige Pilatussee auf dem Hausberg von Luzern soll gemäss einer Sage die letzte Ruhestätte des Pontius Pilatus sein und die Besteigung war daher im Mittelalter strengstens verboten. Heute ist der Berg touristisch von beiden Seiten erschlossen: von der Alpnacher Seite mit der steilsten Zahnradbahn der Welt und auf der Luzerner Seite mit einer Panorama-Gondelbahn und einer Luftseilbahn.
Die Rigi: Sie wird die «Königin der Berge» genannt und besitzt die erste Bergbahn Europas.
Der Vierwaldstättersee hat mit fünf Raddampfern (Uri, Stadt Luzern, Unterwalden, Gallia und Schiller) die grösste Dampfschiffflotte der Schweiz.
(Wikipedia)
Der Männliturm ist einer von neun Türmen der Museggmauer in der Stadt Luzern. Er befindet sich zwischen dem Nölliturm und dem Luegislandturm. Der Turm ist nach dem «eisernen Männli» benannt, einer Halbfigur eines zwei Meter hohen geharnischten Kriegers mit Fähnchen und Schwert. Diese bildet die Spitze eines der beiden Erkertürmchens im Zinnenkranz.
Das Gebäude weist eine Höhe von 33 Metern auf und ist somit der dritthöchste Turm der Museggmauer. 125 Treppenstufen führen zur Aussichtsplattform auf ca. 30 Meter Höhe. Diese bietet eine Rundumsicht auf die Stadt Luzern den Vierwaldstättersee die Reuss sowie den Pilatus.
Geschichte
Der Turm wurde im 15. Jahrhundert erbaut. Ab 1847 wurde der Turm bis nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg für militärische Zwecke benutzt.
Seit 1978 ist der Turm für die Öffentlichkeit zugänglich.
(Wikipedia)
Dialectique de la pop
Agnès Gayraud, La Rue Musicale/Éditions La Découverte, 2018.
INFOS : www.editionsladecouverte.fr/catalogue/index-Dialectique_d...
Wikipedia : fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agn%C3%A8s_Gayraud
Tout le monde connaît la pop, la reconnaît, a un avis sur elle. Pourtant, sa singularité artistique et philosophique reste peu interrogée, comme si un tabou pesait sur cette forme musicale née au début du XXe siècle et dont le destin est lié à ses conditions techniques de production et de diffusion.
Son ancrage, essentiel, dans le monde de la phonographie, est généralement interprété comme le trait honteux d’une musique qui aurait cessé d’en être tout à fait une, jusqu’à s’identifier aux « sons du capitalisme » qui déguisent en sucreries auditives les grognements de la bête immonde.
L’enregistrement et ses conséquences auraient avant tout dégradé la musique, altéré ce qui la préservait — imagine-t-on — de la standardisation, jusqu’à produire à la chaîne une forme de musique consommable, accessible à tous, universellement médiocre. Des hits d’ABBA aux hymnes de Beyoncé, la pop serait structurellement inauthentique.
Dans cet ouvrage, Agnès Gayraud se penche sur la profondeur de cette musique longtemps qualifiée de « légère » et cantonnée à un statut d’objet de consommation. Elle y déploie tous ses paradoxes, au cœur des œuvres musicales elles-mêmes, pour révéler les ramifications esthétiques d’une richesse insoupçonnée de ce qui a peut-être été l’art musical le plus important du XXe siècle.
The Basel Town Hall (Rathaus Basel in German and Roothus in the local Swiss German dialect) is a 500-year-old building dominating the Marktplatz in Basel. The historic central portion of the building was erected in its current form in 1504-15. Basel joined the Swiss Confederation in 1501.
The Town Hall houses the meetings of the Cantonal Parliament as well as the Cantonal Government of the canton of Basel-Stadt. The Great Council Chamber at one time featured a series of frescoes painted in 1522 by Hans Holbein the Younger, which have been lost. Fragments of the work as well as some of the initial drawings are kept in the Kunstmuseum.
The German term "Rathaus" literally means "council house" while the local Basel German dialect term "Roothus" means both "council house" but also sounds like "red house," a pun with reference to the red sandstone façade of the building.
Information from: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basel_Town_Hall
Basel, also known as Bâle in French and Basilea in Italian, is a city in northwestern Switzerland on the Rhine. Basel is Switzerland's third-most-populous city (after Zürich and Geneva), with roughly 178,000 inhabitants within the city municipality limits in the 2020s. The official language of Basel is (the Swiss variety of Standard) German, and the main spoken language is the local Basel German dialect.
Basel is commonly considered to be the cultural capital of Switzerland and the city is famous for its many museums, including the first collection of art accessible to the public in the world (1661) and the largest museum of art in Switzerland. The University of Basel, Switzerland's oldest university (founded in 1460), and the city's centuries-long commitment to humanism, have made Basel a safe haven at times of political unrest in other parts of Europe for refugees and dissidents.
Information from: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basel
Nederland, The Netherlands, Holland, Pays-Bas, Holanda, Dordrecht Centrum, Latinos Americanos en Holanda, Arte en Dordrecht, Kunstenaar, Artista, Escultora, Yvonne Visser, Het Open Boek, El Libro Abierto, bronz, bronce, Sculpteur, Escultor,
ELOGE DE LA DIALECTIQUE
L’injustice aujourd’hui s’avance d’un pas sûr.
Les oppresseurs dressent leurs plans pour 10 000 ans.
La force affirme : les choses resteront ce qu’elles sont.
Pas une voix, hormis la voix de ceux qui règnent,
Et sur tous les marchés l’exploitation proclame : c’est maintenant que je commence.
Mais chez les opprimés, beaucoup disent maintenant:
Ce que nous voulons ne viendra jamais.
Celui qui vit encore ne doit pas dire: jamais.
Ce qui est assuré n’est pas sûr.
Les choses ne restent pas ce qu’elles sont.
Quand ceux qui règnent auront parlé,
Ceux sur qui ils régnaient parleront.
Qui donc osé dire: jamais?
De qui dépend que l’oppression demeure ? De nous.
De qui dépend qu’elle soit brisée ? De nous.
Celui qui s’écroule abattu, qu’il se dresse.
Celui qui est perdu : qu’il lutte!
Celui qui a compris pourquoi il en est là, comment le retenir?
Les vaincus d’aujourd’hui sont les vainqueurs de demain.
Et jamais devient : aujourd’hui.”
BERTOLT BRECHT
Short people got no reason
Short people got no reason
Short people got no reason
To live !!
They got little hands
And little eyes
And they walk around
Tellin' great big lies
They got little noses
And tiny little teeth
They wear platform shoes
On their nasty little feet
Well, I don't want no short people
Don't want no short people
Don't want no short people
'Round here !!!
Short people are just the same
As you and I
(A fool such as I)
All men are brothers
Until the day they die
(It's a wonderful world)
Short people got nobody
Short people got nobody
Short people got nobody
To love !!!
They got little baby legs
And they stand so low
You got to pick 'em up
Just to say…hello
They got little cars
That got beep beep beep
They got little voices
Goin’ beep, beep, beep
They got grubby little hands
And dirty little minds
They’re gonna get you every time
Well, I’dont want not short people
Don’t want no short people
Don’t want no short people
‘Round here !!!
RANDY NEWMAN.-
Short people.-
Album Little Criminals.-
1977.-
Alice au pays des Mervielles, Chapitre 1. Descente dans le terrier du lapin , LEWIS CARROLL,
Chapitre 1. Descente dans le terrier du lapin
Alice commençait à se sentir très lasse de rester assise à côté de sa sœur, sur le talus, et de n’avoir rien à faire : une fois ou deux, elle avait jeté un coup d’œil sur le livre que lisait sa sœur ; mais il ne contenait ni images ni dialogues : « Et, pensait Alice, à quoi peut bien servir un livre où il n’y a ni images ni dialogues ? »
Elle se demandait (dans la mesure où elle était capable de réfléchir, car elle se sentait tout endormie et toute stupide à cause de la chaleur) si le plaisir de tresser une guirlande de pâquerettes valait la peine de se lever et d’aller cueillir les pâquerettes, lorsque, brusquement, un Lapin Blanc aux yeux roses passa en courant tout près d’elle.
Ceci n’avait rien de particulièrement remarquable ; et Alice ne trouva pas non plus tellement bizarre d’entendre le Lapin se dire à mi-voix : « Oh, mon Dieu ! Oh, mon Dieu ! Je vais être en retard ! » (Lorsqu’elle y réfléchit par la suite, il lui vint à l’esprit qu’elle aurait dû s’en étonner, mais, sur le moment, cela lui sembla tout naturel) ; cependant, lorsque le Lapin tira bel et bien une montre de la poche de son gilet, regarda l’heure, et se mit à courir de plus belle, Alice se dressa d’un bond, car, tout à coup, l’idée lui était venue qu’elle n’avait jamais vu de lapin pourvu d’une poche de gilet, ni d’une montre à tirer de cette poche. Dévorée de curiosité, elle traversa le champ en courant à sa poursuite, et eut la chance d’arriver juste à temps pour le voir s’enfoncer comme une flèche dans un large terrier placé sous la haie.
Un instant plus tard, elle y pénétrait à son tour, sans se demander une seule fois comment diable elle pourrait bien en sortir.
Le terrier était d’abord creusé horizontalement comme un tunnel, puis il présentait une pente si brusque et si raide qu’Alice n’eut même pas le temps de songer à s’arrêter avant de se sentir tomber dans un puits apparemment très profond.
Soit que le puits fût très profond, soit que Alice tombât très lentement, elle s’aperçut qu’elle avait le temps, tout en descendant, de regarder autour d’elle et de se demander ce qui allait se passer. D’abord, elle essaya de regarder en bas pour voir où elle allait arriver, mais il faisait trop noir pour qu’elle pût rien distinguer. Ensuite, elle examina les parois du puits, et remarqua qu’elles étaient garnies de placards et d’étagères ; par endroits, des cartes de géographie et des tableaux se trouvaient accrochés à des pitons. En passant, elle prit un pot sur une étagère ; il portait une étiquette sur laquelle on lisait : MARMELADE D’ORANGES, mais, à la grande déception d’Alice, il était vide. Elle ne voulut pas le laisser tomber de peur de tuer quelqu’un et elle s’arrangea pour le poser dans un placard devant lequel elle passait, tout en tombant.
« Ma foi ! songea-t-elle, après une chute pareille, cela me sera bien égal, quand je serai à la maison, de dégringoler dans l’escalier ! Ce qu’on va me trouver courageuse ! Ma parole, même si je tombais du haut du toit, je n’en parlerais à personne ! » (Supposition des plus vraisemblables, en effet.)
Plus bas, encore plus bas, toujours plus bas. Est-ce que cette chute ne finirait jamais ? « Je me demande combien de kilomètres j’ai pu parcourir ? dit-elle à haute voix. Je ne dois pas être bien loin du centre de la terre. Voyons : cela ferait une chute de six à sept mille kilomètres, du moins je le crois… (car, voyez-vous, Alice avait appris en classe pas mal de choses de ce genre, et, quoique le moment fût mal choisi pour faire parade de ses connaissances puisqu’il n’y avait personne pour l’écouter, c’était pourtant un bon exercice que de répéter tout cela)… Oui, cela doit être la distance exacte… mais, par exemple, je me demande à quelle latitude et à quelle longitude je me trouve ? » (Alice n’avait pas la moindre idée de ce qu’était la latitude, pas plus d’ailleurs que la longitude, mais elle jugeait que c’étaient de très jolis mots, impressionnants à prononcer.)
Bientôt, elle recommença : « Je me demande si je vais traverser la terre d’un bout à l’autre ! Cela sera rudement drôle d’arriver au milieu de ces gens qui marchent la tête en bas ! On les appelle les Antipattes , je crois — (cette fois, elle fut tout heureuse de ce qu’il n’y eût personne pour écouter, car il lui sembla que ce n’était pas du tout le mot qu’il fallait) — mais, je serai alors obligée de leur demander quel est le nom du pays, bien sûr. S’il vous plaît, madame, suis-je en Nouvelle-Zélande ou en Australie ? (et elle essaya de faire la révérence tout en parlant — imaginez ce que peut être la révérence pendant qu’on tombe dans le vide ! Croyez-vous que vous en seriez capable ? ) Et la dame pensera que je suis une petite fille ignorante ! Non, il vaudra mieux ne rien demander ; peut-être que je verrai le nom écrit quelque part. »
Plus bas, encore plus bas, toujours plus bas. Comme il n’y avait rien d’autre à faire, Alice se remit bientôt à parler. « Je vais beaucoup manquer à Dinah ce soir, j’en ai bien peur ! (Dinah était sa chatte.) J’espère qu’on pensera à lui donner sa soucoupe de lait à l’heure du thé. Ma chère Dinah, comme je voudrais t’avoir ici avec moi ! Il n’y a pas de souris dans l’air, je le crains fort, mais tu pourrais attraper une chauve-souris, et cela, vois-tu, cela ressemble beaucoup à une souris. Mais est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? Je me le demande. » A ce moment, Alice commença à se sentir toute somnolente, et elle se mit à répéter, comme si elle rêvait : « Est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? Est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? » et parfois : « Est-ce que les chauves-souris mangent les chats ? » car, voyez-vous, comme elle était incapable de répondre à aucune des deux questions, peu importait qu’elle posât l’une ou l’autre. Elle sentit qu’elle s’endormait pour de bon, et elle venait de commencer à rêver qu’elle marchait avec Dinah, la main dans la patte, en lui demandant très sérieusement : « Allons, Dinah, dis-moi la vérité : as-tu jamais mangé une chauve-souris ? » quand, brusquement, patatras ! elle atterrit sur un tas de branchages et de feuilles mortes, et sa chute prit fin.
Alice ne s’était pas fait le moindre mal, et fut sur pied en un moment ; elle leva les yeux, mais tout était noir au-dessus de sa tête. Devant elle s’étendait un autre couloir où elle vit le Lapin Blanc en train de courir à toute vitesse. Il n’y avait pas un instant à perdre : voilà notre Alice partie, rapide comme le vent. Elle eut juste le temps d’entendre le Lapin dire, en tournant un coin : « Par mes oreilles et mes moustaches, comme il se fait tard ! » Elle tourna le coin à son tour, très peu de temps après lui, mais, quand elle l’eut tourné, le Lapin avait disparu. Elle se trouvait à présent dans une longue salle basse éclairée par une rangée de lampes accrochées au plafond.
Il y avait plusieurs portes autour de la salle, mais elles étaient toutes fermées à clé ; quand Alice eut marché d’abord dans un sens, puis dans l’autre, en essayant de les ouvrir une par une, elle s’en alla tristement vers le milieu de la pièce, en se demandant comment elle pourrait bien faire pour en sortir.
Brusquement, elle se trouva près d’une petite table à trois pieds, entièrement faite de verre massif, sur laquelle il y avait une minuscule clé d’or, et Alice pensa aussitôt que cette clé pouvait fort bien ouvrir l’une des portes de la salle. Hélas ! soit que les serrures fussent trop larges, soit que la clé fût trop petite, aucune porte ne voulut s’ouvrir. Néanmoins, la deuxième fois qu’Alice fit le tour de la pièce, elle découvrit un rideau bas qu’elle n’avait pas encore remarqué ; derrière ce rideau se trouvait une petite porte haute de quarante centimètres environ : elle essaya d’introduire la petite clé d’or dans la serrure, et elle fut ravie de constater qu’elle s’y adaptait parfaitement !
Alice ouvrit la porte, et vit qu’elle donnait sur un petit couloir guère plus grand qu’un trou à rat ; s’étant agenouillée, elle aperçut au bout du couloir le jardin le plus adorable qu’on puisse imaginer. Comme elle désirait sortir de cette pièce sombre, pour aller se promener au milieu des parterres de fleurs aux couleurs éclatantes et des fraîches fontaines ! Mais elle ne pourrait même pas faire passer sa tête par l’entrée ; « et même si ma tête pouvait passer, se disait la pauvre Alice, cela ne me servirait pas à grand-chose à cause de mes épaules. Oh ! que je voudrais pouvoir rentrer en moi-même comme une longue-vue ! Je crois que j’y arriverais si je savais seulement comment m’y prendre pour commencer. » Car, voyez-vous, il venait de se passer tant de choses bizarres, qu’elle en arrivait à penser que fort peu de choses étaient vraiment impossibles.
Il semblait inutile de rester à attendre près de la petite porte ; c’est pourquoi Alice revint vers la table, en espérant presque y trouver une autre clé, ou, du moins, un livre contenant une recette pour faire rentrer les gens en eux-mêmes, comme des longues-vues. Cette fois, elle y vit un petit flacon (« il n’y était sûrement pas tout à l’heure, dit-elle »,) portant autour du goulot une étiquette de papier sur laquelle étaient magnifiquement imprimés en grosses lettres ces deux mots : « BOIS MOI ».
C’était très joli de dire : « Bois-moi », mais notre prudente petite Alice n’allait pas se dépêcher d’obéir. « Non, je vais d’abord bien regarder, pensa-t-elle, pour voir s’il y a le mot : poison ; » car elle avait lu plusieurs petites histoires charmantes où il était question d’enfants brûlés, ou dévorés par des bêtes féroces, ou victimes de plusieurs autres mésaventures, tout cela uniquement parce qu’ils avaient refusé de se rappeler les simples règles de conduite que leurs amis leur avaient enseignées : par exemple, qu’un tisonnier chauffé au rouge vous brûle si vous le tenez trop longtemps, ou que, si vous vous faites au doigt une coupure très profonde avec un couteau, votre doigt, d’ordinaire, se met à saigner ; et Alice n’avait jamais oublié que si l’on boit une bonne partie du contenu d’une bouteille portant l’étiquette : poison, cela ne manque presque jamais, tôt ou tard, de vous causer des ennuis.
Cependant, ce flacon ne portant décidément pas l’étiquette : « poison », Alice se hasarda à en goûter le contenu ; comme il lui parut fort agréable (en fait, cela rappelait à la fois la tarte aux cerises, la crème renversée, l’ananas, la dinde rôtie, le caramel, et les rôties chaudes bien beurrées), elle l’avala séance tenante, jusqu’à la dernière goutte.
« Quelle sensation bizarre ! dit Alice. Je dois être en train de rentrer en moi-même, comme une longue-vue ! »
Et c’était bien exact : elle ne mesurait plus que vingt-cinq centimètres. Son visage s’éclaira à l’idée qu’elle avait maintenant exactement la taille qu’il fallait pour franchir la petite porte et pénétrer dans l’adorable jardin. Néanmoins elle attendit d’abord quelques minutes pour voir si elle allait diminuer encore : elle se sentait un peu inquiète à ce sujet ; « car, voyez-vous, pensait Alice, à la fin des fins je pourrais bien disparaître tout à fait, comme une bougie. En ce cas, je me demande à quoi je ressemblerais. » Et elle essaya d’imaginer à quoi ressemble la flamme d’une bougie une fois que la bougie est éteinte, car elle n’arrivait pas à se rappeler avoir jamais vu chose pareille.
Au bout d’un moment, comme rien de nouveau ne s’était produit, elle décida d’aller immédiatement dans le jardin. Hélas ! pauvre Alice ! dès qu’elle fut arrivée à la porte, elle s’aperçut qu’elle avait oublié la petite clé d’or, et, quand elle revint à la table pour s’en saisir, elle s’aperçut qu’il lui était impossible de l’atteindre, quoiqu’elle pût la voir très nettement à travers le verre. Elle essaya tant qu’elle put d’escalader un des pieds de la table, mais il était trop glissant ; aussi, après s’être épuisée en efforts inutiles, la pauvre petite s’assit et fondit en larmes.
« Allons ! cela ne sert à rien de pleurer comme cela ! » se dit-elle d’un ton sévère. « Je te conseille de t’arrêter à l’instant ! » Elle avait coutume de se donner de très bons conseils (quoiqu’elle ne les suivît guère), et, parfois, elle se réprimandait si vertement que les larmes lui venaient aux yeux. Elle se rappelait qu’un jour elle avait essayé de se gifler pour avoir triché au cours d’une partie de croquet qu’elle jouait contre elle-même, car cette étrange enfant aimait beaucoup faire semblant d’être deux personnes différentes. « Mais c’est bien inutile à présent, pensa la pauvre Alice, de faire semblant d’être deux ! C’est tout juste s’il reste assez de moi pour former une seule personne digne de ce nom ! »
Bientôt son regard tomba sur une petite boîte de verre placée sous la table ; elle l’ouvrit et y trouva un tout petit gâteau sur lequel les mots : « MANGE-MOI » étaient très joliment tracés avec des raisins de Corinthe. « Ma foi, je vais le manger, dit Alice ; s’il me fait grandir, je pourrai atteindre la clé ; s’il me fait rapetisser, je pourrai me glisser sous la porte ; d’une façon comme de l’autre j’irai dans le jardin, et, ensuite, advienne que pourra. »
Elle mangea un petit bout de gâteau, et se dit avec anxiété : « Vers le haut ou vers le bas ? » en tenant sa main sur sa tête pour sentir si elle allait monter ou descendre. Or, elle fut toute surprise de constater qu’elle gardait toujours la même taille : bien sûr, c’est généralement ce qui arrive quand on mange des gâteaux, mais Alice avait tellement pris l’habitude de s’attendre à des choses extravagantes, qu’il lui paraissait ennuyeux et stupide de voir la vie continuer de façon normale.
C’est pourquoi elle se mit pour de bon à la besogne et eut bientôt fini le gâteau jusqu’à la dernière miette
"Of the breast of Osaka people". Author: Masuda Miri
"Guy is stupid wonder not jump into someone." Osaka people that would jump into the Dotonbori River in response to expectations. "Taste is not evil, but bad isolation". "It is not good." Aunt who amiable first than taste. "Well, to cut". Osaka dialect etc lover specifications breast is to Kyun. Ten years to Tokyo. And out of the chest of Osaka person who understands precisely because the author is from Osaka? 3rd popular illustration essay.
Zürich (/ˈzjʊərɪk/ ZURE-ik, German: [ˈtsyːrɪç;) is the largest city in Switzerland and the capital of the canton of Zürich. It is located in north-central Switzerland, at the northwestern tip of Lake Zürich. As of January 2023 the municipality had 443,037 inhabitants, the urban area 1.315 million (2009), and the Zürich metropolitan area 1.83 million (2011). Zürich is a hub for railways, roads, and air traffic. Both Zurich Airport and Zürich's main railway station are the largest and busiest in the country.
Permanently settled for over 2,000 years, Zürich was founded by the Romans, who called it Turicum. However, early settlements have been found dating back more than 6,400 years (although this only indicates human presence in the area and not the presence of a town that early). During the Middle Ages, Zürich gained the independent and privileged status of imperial immediacy and, in 1519, became a primary centre of the Protestant Reformation in Europe under the leadership of Huldrych Zwingli.
The official language of Zürich is German,[a] but the main spoken language is Zürich German, the local variant of the Alemannic Swiss German dialect.
Many museums and art galleries can be found in the city, including the Swiss National Museum and Kunsthaus. Schauspielhaus Zürich is generally considered to be one of the most important theatres in the German-speaking world.
As one of Switzerland's primary financial centres, Zürich is home to many financial institutions and banking companies.
History
Early history
Settlements of the Neolithic and Bronze Age were found around Lake Zürich. Traces of pre-Roman Celtic, La Tène settlements were discovered near the Lindenhof, a morainic hill dominating the SE - NW waterway constituted by Lake Zurich and the river Limmat. In Roman times, during the conquest of the alpine region in 15 BC, the Romans built a castellum on the Lindenhof. Later here was erected Turicum (a toponym of clear Celtic origin), a tax-collecting point for goods trafficked on the Limmat, which constituted part of the border between Gallia Belgica (from AD 90 Germania Superior) and Raetia: this customs point developed later into a vicus. After Emperor Constantine's reforms in AD 318, the border between Gaul and Italy (two of the four praetorian prefectures of the Roman Empire) was located east of Turicum, crossing the river Linth between Lake Walen and Lake Zürich, where a castle and garrison looked over Turicum's safety. The earliest written record of the town dates from the 2nd century, with a tombstone referring to it as the Statio Turicensis Quadragesima Galliarum ("Zürich post for collecting the 2.5% value tax of the Galliae"), discovered at the Lindenhof.
In the 5th century, the Germanic Alemanni tribe settled in the Swiss Plateau. The Roman castle remained standing until the 7th century. A Carolingian castle, built on the site of the Roman castle by the grandson of Charlemagne, Louis the German, is mentioned in 835 (in Castro Turicino iuxta fluvium Lindemaci). Louis also founded the Fraumünster abbey in 853 for his daughter Hildegard. He endowed the Benedictine convent with the lands of Zürich, Uri, and the Albis forest, and granted the convent immunity, placing it under his direct authority. In 1045, King Henry III granted the convent the right to hold markets, collect tolls, and mint coins, and thus effectively made the abbess the ruler of the city.
Zürich gained Imperial immediacy (Reichsunmittelbar, becoming an Imperial free city) in 1218 with the extinction of the main line of the Zähringer family and attained a status comparable to statehood. During the 1230s, a city wall was built, enclosing 38 hectares, when the earliest stone houses on the Rennweg were built as well. The Carolingian castle was used as a quarry, as it had started to fall into ruin.
Emperor Frederick II promoted the abbess of the Fraumünster to the rank of a duchess in 1234. The abbess nominated the mayor, and she frequently delegated the minting of coins to citizens of the city. The political power of the convent slowly waned in the 14th century, beginning with the establishment of the Zunftordnung (guild laws) in 1336 by Rudolf Brun, who also became the first independent mayor, i.e. not nominated by the abbess.
An important event in the early 14th century was the completion of the Manesse Codex, a key source of medieval German poetry. The famous illuminated manuscript – described as "the most beautifully illumined German manuscript in centuries;" – was commissioned by the Manesse family of Zürich, copied and illustrated in the city at some time between 1304 and 1340. Producing such a work was a highly expensive prestige project, requiring several years of work by highly skilled scribes and miniature painters, and it testifies to the increasing wealth and pride of Zürich citizens in this period. The work contains 6 songs by Süsskind von Trimberg, who may have been a Jew, since the work itself contains reflections on medieval Jewish life, though little is known about him.
The first mention of Jews in Zürich was in 1273. Sources show that there was a synagogue in Zürich in the 13th century, implying the existence of a Jewish community. With the rise of the Black Death in 1349, Zürich, like most other Swiss cities, responded by persecuting and burning the local Jews, marking the end of the first Jewish community there. The second Jewish community of Zürich formed towards the end of the 14th century, was short-lived, and Jews were expulsed and banned from the city from 1423 until the 19th century.
Archaeological findings
A woman who died in about 200 BC was found buried in a carved tree trunk during a construction project at the Kern school complex in March 2017 in Aussersihl. Archaeologists revealed that she was approximately 40 years old when she died and likely carried out little physical labor when she was alive. A sheepskin coat, a belt chain, a fancy wool dress, a scarf, and a pendant made of glass and amber beads were also discovered with the woman.
Old Swiss Confederacy
On 1 May 1351, the citizens of Zürich had to swear allegiance before representatives of the cantons of Lucerne, Schwyz, Uri and Unterwalden, the other members of the Swiss Confederacy. Thus, Zürich became the fifth member of the Confederacy, which was at that time a loose confederation of de facto independent states. Zürich was the presiding canton of the Diet from 1468 to 1519. This authority was the executive council and lawmaking body of the confederacy, from the Middle Ages until the establishment of the Swiss federal state in 1848. Zürich was temporarily expelled from the confederacy in 1440 due to a war with the other member states over the territory of Toggenburg (the Old Zürich War). Neither side had attained significant victory when peace was agreed upon in 1446, and Zürich was readmitted to the confederation in 1450.
Zwingli started the Swiss Reformation at the time when he was the main preacher at the Grossmünster in 1519. The Zürich Bible was printed by Christoph Froschauer in 1531. The Reformation resulted in major changes in state matters and civil life in Zürich, spreading also to several other cantons. Several cantons remained Catholic and became the basis of serious conflicts that eventually led to the outbreak of the Wars of Kappel.
During the 16th and 17th centuries, the Council of Zürich adopted an isolationist attitude, resulting in a second ring of imposing fortifications built in 1624. The Thirty Years' War which raged across Europe motivated the city to build these walls. The fortifications required a lot of resources, which were taken from subject territories without reaching any agreement. The following revolts were crushed brutally. In 1648, Zürich proclaimed itself a republic, shedding its former status of a free imperial city. In this time the political system of Zürich was an oligarchy (Patriziat): the dominant families of the city were the following ones: Bonstetten, Brun, Bürkli, Escher vom Glas, Escher vom Luchs, Hirzel, Jori (or von Jori), Kilchsperger, Landenberg, Manesse, Meiss, Meyer von Knonau, Mülner, von Orelli.
The Helvetic Revolution of 1798 saw the fall of the Ancien Régime. Zürich lost control of the land and its economic privileges, and the city and the canton separated their possessions between 1803 and 1805. In 1839, the city had to yield to the demands of its urban subjects, following the Züriputsch of 6 September. Most of the ramparts built in the 17th century were torn down, without ever having been besieged, to allay rural concerns over the city's hegemony. The Treaty of Zürich between Austria, France, and Sardinia was signed in 1859.
Modern history
Zürich was the Federal capital for 1839–40, and consequently, the victory of the Conservative party there in 1839 caused a great stir throughout Switzerland. But when in 1845 the Radicals regained power at Zürich, which was again the Federal capital for 1845–46, Zürich took the lead in opposing the Sonderbund cantons. Following the Sonderbund War and the formation of the Swiss Federal State, Zürich voted in favor of the Federal constitutions of 1848 and 1874. The enormous immigration from the country districts into the town from the 1830s onwards created an industrial class which, though "settled" in the town, did not possess the privileges of burghership, and consequently had no share in the municipal government. First of all in 1860 the town schools, hitherto open to "settlers" only on paying high fees, were made accessible to all, next in 1875 ten years' residence ipso facto conferred the right of burghership, and in 1893 the eleven outlying districts were incorporated within the town proper.
When Jews began to settle in Zürich following their equality in 1862, the Israelitische Cultusgemeinde Zürich was founded.
Extensive developments took place during the 19th century. From 1847, the Spanisch-Brötli-Bahn, the first railway on Swiss territory, connected Zürich with Baden, putting the Zürich Hauptbahnhof at the origin of the Swiss rail network. The present building of the Hauptbahnhof (the main railway station) dates to 1871. Zürich's Bahnhofstrasse (Station Street) was laid out in 1867, and the Zürich Stock Exchange was founded in 1877. Industrialisation led to migration into the cities and to rapid population growth, particularly in the suburbs of Zürich.
The Quaianlagen are an important milestone in the development of the modern city of Zürich, as the construction of the new lakefront transformed Zürich from a small medieval town on the rivers Limmat and Sihl to a modern city on the Zürichsee shore, under the guidance of the city engineer Arnold Bürkli.
In 1893, the twelve outlying districts were incorporated into Zürich, including Aussersihl, the workman's quarter on the left bank of the Sihl, and additional land was reclaimed from Lake Zürich.
In 1934, eight additional districts in the north and west of Zürich were incorporated.
Zürich was accidentally bombed during World War II. As persecuted Jews sought refuge in Switzerland, the SIG (Schweizerischer Israelitischer Gemeindebund, Israelite Community of Switzerland) raised financial resources. The Central Committee for Refugee Aid, created in 1933, was located in Zürich.
The canton of Zürich did not recognize the Jewish religious communities as legal entities (and therefore as equal to national churches) until 2005.
Geography
Zürich is situated at 408 m (1,339 ft) above sea level on the lower (northern) end of Lake Zürich (Zürichsee) about 30 km (19 mi) north of the Alps, nestling between the wooded hills on the west and east side. The Old Town stretches on both sides of the Limmat, which flows from the lake, running northwards at first and then gradually turning into a curve to the west. The geographic (and historic) centre of the city is the Lindenhof, a small natural hill on the west bank of the Limmat, about 700 m (2,300 ft) north of where the river issues from Lake Zürich. Today the incorporated city stretches somewhat beyond the natural confines of the hills and includes some districts to the northeast in the Glatt Valley (Glattal) and to the north in the Limmat Valley (Limmattal). The boundaries of the older city are easy to recognize by the Schanzengraben canal. This artificial watercourse has been used for the construction of the third fortress in the 17th and 18th centuries.
Quality of living
Zürich often performs very well in international rankings, some of which are mentioned below:
Monocle's 2012 "Quality of Life Survey" ranked Zürich first on a list of the top 25 cities in the world "to make a base within". In 2019 Zürich was ranked among the ten most liveable cities in the world by Mercer together with Geneva and Basel.
In fDi Magazine's "Global Cities of the Future 2021/22" report, Zürich placed 16th in the overall rankings (all categories). In the category "Mid-sized and small cities", Zürich was 2nd overall, behind Wroclaw, having also placed 2nd in the subcategory "Human capital and lifestyle" and 3rd under "Business friendliness". In the category "FDI strategy, overall" (relating to foreign direct investment), Zürich ranked 9th, behind such cities as New York, Montreal (1st and 2nd) and Dubai (at number 8).
Main sites
Most of Zürich's sites are located within the area on either side of the Limmat, between the Main railway station and Lake Zürich. The churches and houses of the old town are clustered here, as are the most expensive shops along the famous Bahnhofstrasse. The Lindenhof in the old town is the historical site of the Roman castle, and the later Carolingian Imperial Palace.
(Wikpedia)
Zürich (zürichdeutsch Züri [ˈt͡sʏ̞rɪ, ˈt͡sʏrɪ, ˈt͡sy̞rɪ],[6] französisch Zurich [zyʁik], italienisch Zurigo [tsuˈriːɡo, dzu-], Rumantsch Grischun Turitg) ist eine schweizerische Stadt, politische Gemeinde sowie Hauptort des gleichnamigen Kantons.
Die Stadt Zürich ist mit 427'721 Einwohnern (Stand 31. Dezember 2022) die grösste Stadt der Schweiz und weist eine Bevölkerungsdichte von 4655 Einwohnern pro Quadratkilometer auf. Das Umland ist dicht besiedelt, so dass in der Agglomeration Zürich etwa 1,3 Millionen und in der Metropolitanregion Zürich etwa 1,83 Millionen Menschen leben. Der Bezirk Zürich ist mit dem Stadtgebiet identisch.
Die Stadt liegt im östlichen Schweizer Mittelland, an der Limmat am Ausfluss des Zürichsees. Ihre Einwohner werden Zürcher genannt (bzw. Stadtzürcher zur Differenzierung von den übrigen Einwohnern des Kantons).
Das aus der römischen Siedlung Turicum entstandene Zürich wurde 1262 freie Reichsstadt und 1351 Mitglied der Eidgenossenschaft. Die Stadt des Reformators Huldrych Zwingli wurde 1519 zum zweitwichtigsten (nach Wittenberg) Zentrum der Reformation. Bis heute gilt sie als Ausgangspunkt der weltweiten reformierten Kirche und der Täufer. Die Stadt erlebte im Industriezeitalter ihren Aufstieg zur heutigen Wirtschaftsmetropole der Schweiz.
Mit ihrem Hauptbahnhof, dem grössten Bahnhof der Schweiz, und dem Flughafen (auf dem Gebiet der Gemeinde Kloten) ist die Stadt Zürich ein kontinentaler Verkehrsknotenpunkt. Aufgrund der ansässigen Grossbanken (u. a. UBS, der Zürcher Kantonalbank und Credit Suisse) und Versicherungen (Zurich Insurance Group und Swiss Re) ist sie ein internationaler Finanzplatz und der grösste Finanzplatz der Schweiz, gefolgt von Genf und Lugano. Daneben beherbergt die Stadt mit der Eidgenössischen Technischen Hochschule Zürich und der Universität Zürich die zwei grössten universitären Hochschulen der Schweiz. Trotz der vergleichsweise geringen Einwohnerzahl wird Zürich zu den Weltstädten gezählt. Zürich ist das wichtigste Zentrum der Schweizer Medien- und Kreativbranche. Mit seiner Lage am Zürichsee, seiner gut erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Altstadt und einem vielseitigen Kulturangebot und Nachtleben ist es zudem ein Zentrum des Tourismus.
Seit Jahren wird Zürich neben Basel und Genf als eine der Städte mit der weltweit höchsten Lebensqualität und zugleich neben Genf mit den höchsten Lebenshaltungskosten weltweit gelistet. Zürich ist nach Monaco und Genf die Stadt mit der dritthöchsten Millionärsdichte weltweit.
Geografie
Zürich liegt auf 408 m ü. M. am unteren (nördlichen) Ende des Zürichsees im Tal der Limmat und im unteren Tal der Sihl, eingebettet zwischen den Höhen von Uetliberg im Westen und Zürichberg im Osten. Die Limmat entspringt dem See, während die westlich des Sees fliessende Sihl nördlich der Zürcher Altstadt beim Platzspitz in die Limmat mündet. Die Altstadt erstreckt sich beidseits der Limmat, die zunächst nordwärts fliesst und dann in einem Bogen allmählich nach Westen abbiegt.
Die einstige Stadt reichte nicht bis zur Sihl, sondern hatte als westliche Abgrenzung den im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert angelegten Schanzengraben. Damals wurde Wasser aus dem See abgeleitet und in einem Graben ausserhalb der Bastionen und Bollwerke zur Limmat geführt. Noch früher erstreckte sich die Stadt im Westen nur bis zum Fröschengraben, der ungefähr parallel zur Limmat verlief. Dieser Graben wurde 1864 zugeschüttet, um Raum für den Bau der Bahnhofstrasse zu schaffen, die vom heutigen Paradeplatz bis zum Rennweg dem Verlauf des einstigen Grabens folgt.
Geschichte
Frühgeschichte, Mittelalter und ältere Neuzeit
Im Unterschied zu den meisten anderen Schweizer Grossstädten stieg Zürich im Frühmittelalter in den Rang einer Stadt auf. In Turīcum gab es zwar bereits zur Römerzeit eine Zollstation, ein hadrianisches Heiligtum auf dem Grossen Hafner im untersten Seebecken beim Ausfluss der Limmat und ein Kastell, die zugehörige Siedlung kann aber noch nicht als Stadt bezeichnet werden. Das frühmittelalterliche, alemannische Zürich war eng verbunden mit dem Herzogtum Schwaben und zwei bedeutenden geistlichen Stiftungen der deutschen Könige, dem Grossmünster und dem Fraumünster, die dem Kult um die Stadtpatrone Felix und Regula geweiht waren. Nach dem Zerfall der zentralen Gewalt im Herzogtum Schwaben und dem Aussterben der Zähringer 1218 konnte sich Zürich den Status der Reichsunmittelbarkeit sichern; 1262 wurde auch die Reichsfreiheit der Bürgerschaft ausdrücklich bestätigt. Der Titel einer Reichsstadt bedeutete de facto die Unabhängigkeit der Stadt. De jure löste sich Zürich jedoch erst 1648 von der Oberhoheit des Kaisers des Heiligen Römischen Reiches.
Im Spätmittelalter erwarb und eroberte Zürich in seinem Umland bedeutende Territorien, die der Stadt bis 1798 politisch untergeordnet waren (siehe Territoriale Entwicklung Zürichs). Im Innern wurden die Geschicke Zürichs seit der Zunftrevolution durch Bürgermeister Rudolf Brun im Jahr 1336 durch den Stadtadel und die Handwerkervereinigungen (Zünfte) gemeinsam geleitet (Brunsche Zunftverfassung). Brun war auch verantwortlich für den Überfall von Rapperswil. 1351 schloss sich Zürich zur Sicherung seiner Unabhängigkeit gegen das aufstrebende süddeutsche Adelsgeschlecht der Habsburger der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft an und wurde zusammen mit Bern zum Vorort dieses Staatenbundes.
Der wohl bis heute wichtigste Beitrag Zürichs zur Weltgeschichte war die Reformation von Huldrych Zwingli. Unter seiner geistigen Führung wurde seit 1519 Zürich zum reformierten Rom an der Limmat. Die Zürcher Bibel, eine der ersten deutschen Bibelübersetzungen, entstand in der Prophezei unter Zwingli, Leo Jud und weiteren Mitarbeitern 1524 bis 1525 und wurde vom Zürcher Buchdrucker Christoph Froschauer zuerst in Teilen und später als ganze Bibel herausgegeben.
Die Täuferbewegung nahm ihren Ausgangspunkt ab 1523 in Zürich unter Führung von Konrad Grebel, Felix Manz, Jörg Blaurock, Balthasar Hubmaier und weiteren Personen, die sich von Zwingli trennten und kurz darauf verfolgt und gefangen genommen wurden. Im Januar 1527 wurde Felix Manz in der Limmat ertränkt, viele Täufer flüchteten nach Schaffhausen oder ins Zürcher Oberland.
Heinrich Bullinger 1531–1575 und Rudolf Gwalther 1575–1586 konsolidierten als Antistes und Nachfolger von Zwingli die Reformation in Zürich und pflegten zahlreiche Kontakte europaweit. Während ihrer Zeit wurden viele evangelische Flüchtlinge aus dem Tessin, Italien, Frankreich und England aufgenommen. Diese trugen in der Folge durch Handwerk, Produktion noch unbekannter Textilien und Handel wesentlich zum wirtschaftlichen Gedeihen Zürichs bei.[38][39][40]
Zur Zeit der Hexenverfolgungen wurden in Zürich von 1487 bis 1701 Hexenprozesse gegen 79 Personen geführt. Im Hexenprozess 1701 wurden acht Menschen aus Wasterkingen wegen angeblicher Hexerei verurteilt. Regierungspräsident Markus Notter und Kirchenratspräsident Ruedi Reich verurteilten 2001 diese Justizmorde.
18. und 19. Jahrhundert
Das Zürich des 18. Jahrhunderts galt als «das grösste Rätsel deutscher Geistesgeschichte». Trotz relativ geringer Bevölkerungszahl entwickelte sich rund um Johann Jakob Bodmer neben dem wissenschaftlichen auch ein literarisches Zürich mit entscheidenden Beiträgen zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte.
Mit dem Untergang der freien Republik der Stadt Zürich nach dem Einmarsch der Franzosen in die Schweiz ging die Stadt zusammen mit dem ehemaligen Untertanenland im neuen Kanton Zürich auf, dessen Hauptort sie wurde. Im beginnenden 19. Jahrhundert kam es zwar zu einer Restauration der städtischen Vorherrschaft im Kanton, die jedoch von kurzer Dauer war.
Der Aufstieg Zürichs zum wirtschaftlichen Zentrum der Schweiz begann bereits mit der Textilindustrie im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Unter der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Führung der Liberalen, insbesondere von Alfred Escher, wurde die führende Rolle Zürichs ab 1846 durch die Gründung von zahlreichen Banken und Versicherungen auch auf den Finanz- und Dienstleistungssektor ausgedehnt. Seit dem Niedergang der Zürcher Industrie in der Nachkriegszeit hat die Bedeutung dieses Sektors noch zugenommen.
In den Jahren 1855 und 1867 starben in der Stadt Zürich in Folge prekärer hygienischer Verhältnisse in vielen Wohnungen ca. 500 Menschen an Cholera. 1867 wurde mit dem Bau einer Kanalisation begonnen. 1884 brach Typhus aus.
In der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts begann ein bis in die 1970er Jahre andauernder Bauboom, der Zürich von einer Kleinstadt zur Grossstadt mit all ihren Problemen wachsen liess. Das stürmische Wachstum beschränkte sich zuerst auf einen Um- und Neubau des Zentrums und erfasste zunehmend die umliegenden ländlichen Gemeinden. In zwei Eingemeindungswellen wurden 1893 und 1934 20 Landgemeinden mit der alten Stadtgemeinde zusammengefasst. Die Errichtung eines «Millionenzürich» scheiterte jedoch bis heute. Während nämlich ursprünglich die Finanzstärke der Stadt bzw. die leeren Kassen der Vororte Motor der freiwilligen Stadterweiterungen waren, sind heute die verbleibenden Vororte finanziell eher besser gestellt als die Stadt. Dies schlägt sich insbesondere in den Steuersätzen nieder.
Zwei ausgeprägte Wachstumswellen in den Jahren 1888–1910 sowie 1950–1970 entstanden durch Zuzüger aus dem Ausland. Im Jahr 1912 waren die Bewohner Zürichs zu einem Drittel Ausländer, und Zürich war wie ein grosser Teil der Deutschschweiz im Vorfeld des Ersten Weltkriegs deutschfreundlich, wobei Hochdeutsch zu sprechen in gehobenen Kreisen zum guten Ton gehörte.
20. Jahrhundert
In der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts stand Zürich politisch im Bann der Arbeiterbewegung. Schon vor dem Landesstreik 1918 war in Zürich die Konfrontation zwischen Bürgertum und Arbeiterschaft besonders heftig ausgefallen, da Zürich grosse Industriebetriebe mit tausenden von Arbeitern aufwies und zugleich eine Hochburg des Grossbürgertums war. Als 1928 die Sozialdemokratische Partei unter der Führung von David Farbstein erstmals eine absolute Mehrheit in Stadtrat (Exekutive) und Gemeinderat (Legislative) erlangte, wurde in der Zwischenkriegszeit das Rote Zürich zu einem Aushängeschild für die Regierungsfähigkeit der Sozialdemokratie. Trotzdem wurde gerade in Zürich 1939 die als Landi bekannt gewordene Landesausstellung zu einem Symbol für den Zusammenhalt und den Widerstandswillen der Schweiz im Zeichen der Geistigen Landesverteidigung gegen Hitlerdeutschland. Schliesslich wurde 1943 der Zürcher Stadtpräsident Ernst Nobs als erster Sozialdemokrat in den Bundesrat gewählt. In der Nachkriegszeit blieb Zürich Sammelbecken und Bühne für Protestbewegungen, wie 1968 anlässlich der Globus-Krawalle und 1980 für die Jugendunruhen. Noch heute ist der 1. Mai in Zürich jährlich von Auseinandersetzungen des autonomen «Schwarzen Blockes» mit der Polizei gekennzeichnet.
Ein Problem der Stadt war lange auch die offene Drogenszene. In der Mitte der 1980er Jahre wurde der Platzspitz weltweit als Needlepark bekannt. Er wurde am 5. Februar 1992 zwangsgeräumt und abgeriegelt, daraufhin verschob sich die Drogenszene an den stillgelegten Bahnhof Letten.
Das Areal des stillgelegten Bahnhofs Letten bot ab 1992 die Kulisse für die grösste offene Drogenszene Europas. Mehrere tausend Drogenabhängige aus dem In- und Ausland lebten hier oder besorgten sich ihren Stoff. Hundertschaften von Polizisten nahmen des Öfteren in der Anwesenheit von Kamerateams Razzien vor und versuchten so den Markt auszutrocknen. Diese Versuche blieben erfolglos und so wurde der Letten am 14. Februar 1995 polizeilich geräumt. Auswärtige Drogenabhängige wurden grösstenteils an ihre Herkunftsgemeinden respektive Wohnortgemeinden zurückgeführt, ausländische Abhängige zwangsausgeschafft. Die Reste der Drogenszene verlagerten sich zunehmend ins Gebiet entlang der Langstrasse. Zur Entschärfung der Situation trug dabei sehr stark der Versuch der staatlichen Heroinabgabe bei, so dass sich nicht umgehend eine neue Szene bildete. Heute ist die staatliche, ärztlich kontrollierte Drogenabgabe gesetzlich verankert und vom Volk per Referendum abgesegnet.
Die Langstrasse ist ein Zentrum des Zürcher Nachtlebens. Seit der Auflösung der offenen Drogenszenen wurde das Viertel zur Jahrtausendwende hin zum Zentrum des Drogenhandels. Die Kriminalitätsrate im Langstrassenquartier ist zwar weiterhin verhältnismässig hoch, jedoch verbesserte sich die Situation aufgrund verschiedener Projekte der öffentlichen Hand. Heute hat sich die Situation stabilisiert und der Stadtteil ist zu einer festen Grösse im Kultur- und Nachtleben Zürichs geworden. Nach wie vor ist die Stadt Anziehungspunkt für Drogenkonsumenten aus den benachbarten Kantonen.
Gegenwart
In den 1980er Jahren war Zürich in einem Teufelskreis zwischen der Nachfrage nach mehr Bürofläche in der Innenstadt, der Stadtflucht und der drohenden Verslumung ganzer Stadtkreise wegen der Drogenprobleme gefangen. Massnahmen zur Attraktivitätssteigerung der Innenstadt wie die Verkehrsbefreiung des Niederdorfs konnten nicht verhindern, dass die Innenstadt Zürichs immer unattraktiver wurde. Veränderungen schienen unmöglich – 1986 brachte die damalige Baudirektorin Ursula Koch mit ihrem berühmtgewordenen Satz «Zürich ist gebaut» die Perspektivlosigkeit der Politik in Bezug auf die weitere Zukunft Zürichs zum Ausdruck. Erst Mitte der 1990er Jahre konnte die Blockade überwunden werden, zuerst durch eine neue Bau- und Zonenordnung 1996 und die Liberalisierung des Gastgewerbegesetzes 1997. Besonders letzteres wirkte enorm belebend auf das Nachtleben Zürichs und liess innerhalb kürzester Zeit unzählige neue und innovative Restaurants, Bars und Diskotheken aus dem Boden schiessen. 1998 konnte unter dem neuen Baudirektor Elmar Ledergerber (von 2002 bis April 2009 Stadtpräsident) die jahrelang nur langsam vorankommende Neugestaltung der Industriebrachen in Zürich-West und in Oerlikon beschleunigt werden, so dass sich bis heute an beiden Standorten trendige und moderne neue Stadtquartiere entwickeln konnten. Bis 2020 entsteht westlich des Hauptbahnhofs das neue Quartier Europaallee.
Im Tourismusbereich trat Zürich in den 2000er Jahren (bis 2011) mit dem Zusatz «Downtown Switzerland» auf.
Wirtschaft
Zürich gilt als das Wirtschaftszentrum der Schweiz. Der gesamte Wirtschaftsraum in und um Zürich wird auch als Greater Zurich Area bezeichnet. International zeichnet er sich insbesondere durch tiefe Steuersätze und eine hohe Lebensqualität aus, weshalb einige internationale Konzerne einen Sitz in Zürich haben. 2018 waren 5,4 % der Bevölkerung Millionäre (gerechnet in US-Dollar). Zürich ist damit, hinter Monaco und Genf, die Stadt mit der dritthöchsten Millionärsdichte weltweit. Aufgrund ihrer internationalen wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung wird die Stadt Zürich oft zu den Global- bzw. Weltstädten gezählt.
Die Wirtschaft ist sehr stark auf den Dienstleistungssektor ausgerichtet, in dem knapp 90 % der Zürcher Beschäftigten tätig sind. Im Industriesektor sind rund 10 % tätig und in der Landwirtschaft sind es heute weniger als 1 %. Bei einer erwerbstätigen Wohnbevölkerung von 200'110 (Stand: Volkszählung 2000) weist die Stadt 318'543 Arbeitsplätze vor. Die Mehrheit der Beschäftigten (56 %) waren Pendler aus anderen Gemeinden. Neben den rund 178'000 Zupendelnden gibt es rund 39'000 aus der Stadt Wegpendelnde.
Der wichtigste Wirtschaftszweig in Zürich ist der Finanzdienstleistungssektor, der am Paradeplatz sein Zentrum hat. Die beiden bis 2023 selbständigen Grossbanken UBS, die weltweit grösste Vermögensverwalterin, und Credit Suisse, die Schweizerische Nationalbank, die Zürcher Kantonalbank, die traditionsreiche Privatbank Julius Bär sowie etliche kleinere Bankinstitute haben ihren Sitz in der Stadt. Auch über 100 Auslandbanken sind in Zürich vertreten. Auf dem Bankenplatz Zürich sind rund 45'000 Personen beschäftigt, knapp die Hälfte aller Bankangestellten der Schweiz. Eine grosse Bedeutung hat das Privatkundengeschäft, da über 25 % der weltweit grenzüberschreitend angelegten Vermögenswerte in Zürich verwaltet werden (schweizweit sind es rund ein Drittel). Die schweizerische Post betrieb von 1920 bis 1996 in Zürich ein Rohrpostsystem, zu deren diskreten Kunden auch die Banken zählten. Auch die Börse SIX Swiss Exchange spielt international eine wesentliche Rolle und verstärkt die Bedeutung des Finanzplatzes Zürich. Sie gehört zu den technologisch führenden Börsen der Welt. Im Weiteren repräsentiert Zürich weltweit den drittgrössten Versicherungsmarkt. Swiss Re, eine der weltweit grössten Rückversicherungen, und Swiss Life, der grösste Lebensversicherungskonzern der Schweiz, haben ihre Hauptsitze in Zürich. Eine weitere Versicherungsgesellschaft von internationaler Bedeutung ist die Zurich Insurance Group. Der gesamte Finanzdienstleistungssektor generiert nahezu 50 % der Steuereinnahmen der Stadt Zürich.
Als zweitwichtigster Wirtschaftszweig folgen die unternehmensbezogenen Dienstleistungen wie Rechts- und Unternehmensberatung, Informatik oder Immobilienverwaltung. Zu erwähnen ist etwa das Unternehmen IBM Schweiz, das in Rüschlikon ein bedeutendes Forschungslabor betreibt. Seit 2004 betreibt zudem Google in Zürich das europäische Forschungszentrum. Auf dem ehemaligen Areal der Hürlimann AG wurde der zweitgrösste Standort des Unternehmens nach Mountain View eingerichtet.
Infolge des Strukturwandels hat die Bedeutung der produzierenden Industrie und der Bauwirtschaft abgenommen. Allerdings haben immer noch bedeutende Industriefirmen Niederlassungen in der Stadt Zürich, so zum Beispiel Siemens. Der Elektrotechnikkonzern ABB hat zudem seinen Hauptsitz in Zürich.
Aus den übrigen Wirtschaftszweigen sind insbesondere zu erwähnen: der grösste Schweizer Detailhandelskonzern Migros, der weltgrösste Schokoladenproduzent Barry Callebaut, die beiden grössten Automobilhändler AMAG-Gruppe und Emil Frey Gruppe, sowie der grösste Schweizer Reisekonzern Kuoni.
Nicht zuletzt dank der kulturellen Vielfalt in Zürich ist auch der Tourismus in den letzten Jahren ein bedeutender Wirtschaftsfaktor geworden. Jedes Jahr empfängt die Stadt Zürich rund neun Millionen Tagestouristen sowie zwei Millionen Übernachtungsgäste, von denen sich eine Mehrheit auch geschäftlich in Zürich aufhält.
Lebensqualität
Zürich galt bis zum Jahr 2008 siebenmal in Folge als Stadt mit der höchsten Lebensqualität weltweit. In der Studie «Worldwide Quality of Living Survey» («Studie zur weltweiten Lebensqualität») untersuchte die renommierte Beratungsfirma Mercer 215 Grossstädte anhand von 39 Kriterien, darunter Freizeit, Erholung, Sicherheit, Sauberkeit, politische und ökonomische Stabilität, sowie medizinische Versorgung. Seit 2009 rangiert Zürich neu an zweiter Stelle hinter Wien. Zudem wird Zürich als eine der Städte mit den weltweit höchsten Lebenshaltungskosten gelistet.
In einer Studie der Globalization and World Cities Research Group an der britischen Universität Loughborough landete Zürich in der Kategorie der Beta-Weltstädte auf dem ersten Rang, zusammen mit San Francisco, Sydney und Toronto.
Zürich besitzt die Auszeichnung Energiestadt Gold für eine nachhaltige Energiepolitik. Die offiziellen Gebäude im Eigentum der Stadt Zürich werden in der Regel nach Minergie gebaut.
Um die Lebensqualität für Geringverdiener im Hinblick auf den Wohnungsmarkt zu verbessern, hat die Stadt Zürich die Stiftungen Wohnungen für kinderreiche Familien und Alterswohnungen der Stadt Zürich gegründet.
Kunst, Kultur und Tourismus
Allgemeine Sehenswürdigkeiten
Die meisten Sehenswürdigkeiten Zürichs sind in und um die Altstadt gruppiert und deswegen am einfachsten zu Fuss oder mit kurzen Fahrten in Tram oder Bus erreichbar. Neben Gebäuden und Denkmälern ist auch die Lage Zürichs am Zürichsee einen Blick wert. Am Bellevue oder am Bürkliplatz bietet sich bei gutem Wetter ein schöner Blick auf den See und die Alpen. Beide Seeufer mit ihren Promenaden und Parkanlagen sind dann jeweils Anziehungspunkte für viele Einheimische und Touristen.
Der Zürcher Hausberg Uetliberg ist mit der Sihltal-Zürich-Uetliberg-Bahn (SZU) zu erreichen, die ab dem Hauptbahnhof verkehrt.
(Wikipedia)
Muggia (Venetian, Triestine dialect: Muja; German: Mulgs; Friulian: Mugle; Slovene: Milje) is an Italian town and comune in the south-west of the Province of Trieste, in the region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia on the border with Slovenia. Lying on the eastern flank of the Gulf of Trieste in the northern Adriatic Sea, Muggia is the only Italian port town in Istria. The town's architecture is marked by its Venetian and Austrian history, and its harbour hosts a modern 500-berth marina for yachts (Porto San Rocco).
Muggia lies in northern Istria. Its territory, limited on the sea-side by a shoreline of more than 7 kilometres (4 mi) featuring a coastal road and on the border side by a hill system, Monti di Muggia, including Mt. Castellier, Mt. S. Michele, Mt. Zuc and Monte d'Oro, that dominate over a vast landscape of Triestinian and Istrian coast, is characterized by a rich sub-continental vegetation of both Karstic and Istrian type.
It has a border crossing, known as San Bartolomeo, with Slovenia and the extreme east of the comune at Lazaretto. The Slovenian border crossing is called Lazaret in the Municipality of Koper.
Muggia was attested in historical sources as Mugla in AD 933. The origin of the name Muggia is uncertain; it may have arisen from Latin mūtila 'cut short, mutilated', in reference to a short projection from the land or a cape (cf. the cape north of Zadar, attested in Latin as Muchla bona in AD 1250, now Croatian Oštri rat). Another possibility is derivation from Latin *mūcla 'milestone', and another hypothesis is that it comes from Vulgar Latin *Lamūc(l)a 'small swamp'. The Slovene name Milje was borrowed from Proto-Romance Mugla (developing via *Mygla > *Migla > Milje).
Muggia originated as a prehistoric fortified village (castelliere), around 8th-7th century BC. The territory was conquered in 178–177 BC by the Romans, who created here a settlement (Castrum Muglae). After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Muggia was under Ostrogoth, Lombard, Byzantine, Avar and Frank dominations, until, in 931, king Hugh of Italy donated it to the Patriarch of Aquileia.
Before the year 1000 a new settlement was built on the seashore. After the 13th century the new village, now grown to the status of city, pronounced itself a municipality and defined its territory as bordering with those of Trieste and Koper, but stayed still politically bound to the Patriarchy of Aquileia. From this period are the cathedral and the city hall, the latter having been rebuilt in the last century.[clarification needed] In 1420 it became part of the Republic of Venice.
After Venice's fall in 1797, Muggia became part of the Austrian Empire, under which it developed an important naval shipbuilding industry which flourished until after World War II. Throughout the Austro-Hungarian period it remained part of the Margravate of Istria, first within the Kingdom of Illyria and then, after 1861, within the Austrian Littoral. The municipality of Muggia historically extended further south than today, including several settlements that are now part of Slovenia: Ankaran, Hrvatini, Elerji, Škofije, and Plavje.
After World War I and the dissolution of Austria-Hungary, the town was annexed to the Kingdom of Italy and incorporated into the Province of Trieste. In the 1930s, the area developed a strong Communist underground activity against Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime. In 1945, it was occupied by the Yugoslav People's Army and from 1947 to 1954 it was part of the Free Territory of Trieste, a formally independent territory directly administered by the United Nations. The territory was internally divided into two zones ruled by military governors - Muggia ended up in the northern Zone A ruled by Anglo-Americans, while the southern Zone B was ruled by the Yugoslav army. In 1954 the two zones were handed over to Italian and Yugoslav civilian governments and de facto annexed by the two countries in an arrangement finally formalized in the 1975 Treaty of Osimo, which established the former borders between Zones as the new Italy-Yugoslavia international border. Following the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s it formed the border between Italy and the newly independent Slovenia. Following Slovenia's accession to the European Union in May 2004 and the passport-free Schengen Area in January 2008, all border controls have been removed, making the Italian-Slovenian border which runs just south and east of Muggia, practically invisible to travellers.
Muggia provides many evident traces of its Venetian traditions and origin, as showed by the dialect, the gastronomic traditions, the gothic-venetian style of some houses, the devious "calli", the loggias, the ogive arches, the ancient coats of arms on the façades but mostly the main square, a true Venetian "campiello".
Memories of its early ages include an important pre-historic "castelliere" on Mt. Castellier (S. Barbara) and Roman (Archaeological Park of Castrum Muglae) and medieval remains in Muggia Vecchia (Old Muggia), once one of the guarding castles that in the 10th century were built to defend the Istrian border against the invasion of the Hungars.
The Castle of Muggia, destroyed in 1353 by the Triestines, retains several remains of the previous period such as the ruins of the walls. A tower dating back to 1374 was due to the Patriarch of Aquileia Marquard of Muggia. Later in 1735, under the government of the Republic of Venice, it was restored, but it was totally abandoned during the following century. The Castle was restored by its current owners, the sculptor Villi Bossi and his wife Gabriella, and may be visited upon request.
The most important art attraction is the little basilica of Santa Maria Assunta (10th-13th century), housing frescoes from the 14th-15th centuries.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Deventer (Nedersaksisch: Dèv'nter of Daeventer, in lokaal dialect: Dèmpter) is een Nederlandse stad in de provincie Overijssel. De stad is gelegen aan de rivier de IJssel. Deventer maakte in de middeleeuwen deel uit van het Hanzeverbond, een belangrijk Noord-Duits handelsnetwerk.
Deventer is een van de oudste steden van Nederland. De plaats staat al in 9e-eeuwse bronnen van het bisdom Utrecht vermeld. In een oorkonde uit 877 wordt gesproken over zeven hoeven in Daventre portu (de haven Deventer). In 952 wordt Deventer in een schenkingsoorkonde van koning Otto I als stad vermeld. Nadat de plaats in de loop der tijd steeds meer rechten en privileges had verworven, ontving ze in 1123 van keizer Hendrik V de beschikking over de gemeentelijke gronden. Dit wordt door historici beschouwd als het moment van verkrijgen van stadsrechten door de inwoners.
The basilica of Sant'Ambrogio (basilega de Sant Ambroeus in the Milanese dialect) is one of the oldest churches in Milan.
Built between 379 and 386 in the late imperial Roman period at the behest of the bishop of Milan Ambrose, at the time when the Roman city of Mediolanum (modern Milan) was the capital of the Western Roman Empire (a role it held since 286 to 402), was almost totally rebuilt, assuming its final appearance between 1088 and 1099.
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La basilica di Sant'Ambrogio (basilega de Sant Ambroeus in dialetto milanese), il cui nome completo è basilica romana minore collegiata abbaziale prepositurale di Sant'Ambrogio è una delle più antiche chiese di Milano.
Edificata tra il 379 e il 386 in epoca romana tardo-imperiale per volere del vescovo di Milano Ambrogio, nell'epoca in cui la città romana di Mediolanum (la moderna Milano) fu capitale dell'Impero romano d'Occidente (ruolo che ricoprì dal 286 al 402), venne quasi totalmente ricostruita assumendo l'aspetto definitivo tra il 1088 e il 1099.
El Cairo (en árabe, القاهرة Al-Qāhira 'la fuerte', 'la victoriosa') es la capital de Egipto y de su gobernación (muhafazah o provincia). Es la mayor ciudad del mundo árabe, de Oriente Próximo y de África, y los egipcios la denominan a menudo sencillamente con el nombre del país, مصر, pronunciado en árabe culto Misr y dialecto egipcio Masr.
Su área metropolitana incluye una población aproximada de unos 18 millones de habitantes,1 convirtiendo a El Cairo en la undécima urbe más poblada del mundo. Es, también, el área metropolitana más poblada de todo el continente africano.2 Es conocida por los egipcios como la "madre de todas ciudades" y la "ciudad de los mil minaretes".3
Fue fundada en el año 116 a. C., en lo que hoy en día se conoce como Viejo Cairo, cuando los romanos reconstruyeron una antigua fortaleza persa junto al río Nilo. Antes de su fundación, Menfis u otras ciudades eran la capital del imperio faraónico. El nombre actual se debe a los fatimíes, que bautizaron la ciudad con el nombre, Al-Qahira. Tras diversas invasiones como la de los mamelucos, otomanos, Napoleón y los británicos, El Cairo se convirtió en capital soberana en 1952.3
Está ubicada en las riberas e islas del río Nilo, al sur del delta (30°3′0″N 31°15′40″E). Hacia el sudoeste se encuentra la ciudad de Guiza y la antigua necrópolis de Menfis, con la meseta de Guiza y sus monumentales pirámides, como la Gran Pirámide. Al sur se encuentra el lugar donde se edificó la antigua ciudad de Menfis.
Cairo ( /ˈkaɪroʊ/ kye-roh; Arabic: القاهرة al-Qāhira, literally "the Vanquisher" or "the Conqueror"), is the capital of Egypt and the largest city in the Arab world and Africa, and its metropolitan area is the 16th largest in the world. Located near the Nile Delta,[1][2] it was founded in 969 AD. Nicknamed "the city of a thousand minarets" for its preponderance of Islamic architecture, Cairo has long been a centre of the region's political and cultural life. Cairo was founded by the Fatimid dynasty in the 10th century AD, but the land composing the present-day city was the site of national capitals whose remnants remain visible in parts of Old Cairo. Cairo is also associated with Ancient Egypt due to its proximity to the ancient cities of Memphis, Giza and Fustat which are nearby to the Great Sphinx and the pyramids of Giza.
Egyptians today often refer to Cairo as Maṣr (Arabic: مصر), the Arabic pronunciation of the name for Egypt itself, emphasizing the city's continued role in Egyptian influence.[3][4] Cairo has the oldest and largest film and music industries in the Arab world, as well as the world's second-oldest institution of higher learning, al-Azhar University. Many international media, businesses, and organizations have regional headquarters in the city; the Arab League has had its headquarters in Cairo for most of its existence.
With a population of 6.76 million[5] spread over 453 square kilometers (175 sq mi), Cairo is by far the largest city in Egypt. With an additional ten million inhabitants just outside the city, Cairo resides at the centre of the largest metropolitan area in Africa and the Arab World as well as the tenth-largest urban area in the world.[6] Cairo, like many other mega-cities, suffers from high levels of pollution and traffic, but its metro — one of only two metros on the African continent (the other one being the Algiers Metro) — also ranks among the fifteen busiest in the world,[7] with over 1,000 million[8] annual passenger rides. The economy of Cairo was ranked first in the Middle East,[9] and 43rd globally by Foreign Policy's 2010 Global Cities Index.[10]
Il Cairo (arabo: القاهرة, al-Qāhira) è la capitale e la città più popolosa dell'Egitto con circa 6 milioni di abitanti e oltre 15 milioni dell'area metropolitana e del governatorato omonimo. La città è stata fondata sul Nilo.
Nonostante al-Qāhira sia il nome ufficiale della città, Il Cairo viene chiamata semplicemente con il nome Egitto, Miṣr (arabo: مصر) pronunciato Masr in dialetto locale. Il Cairo si trova sulla riva e sulle isole del Nilo, nel nord dell'Egitto, immediatamente a sud del punto in cui il fiume abbandona il corso del deserto e si rompe in tre rami che formano la regione del delta del Nilo. Complessivamente la città ricopre un'area di 214 chilometri quadri ed è situata a un'altezza media di 68 metri sopra il livello del mare. Il territorio cittadino comprende anche le due isole di Gezīra (الجزيرة) con il quartiere di Zamalek e Roda (الروضة) e si estende fino a Giza.
La parte più antica della città è sorta a est del Nilo, successivamente si è sviluppata verso ovest, incorporando i terreni agricoli vicino al fiume. Questa parte occidentale della città è stata costruita sul modello di Parigi dal Khedivè Ismāʿīl a metà del XIX secolo, ed è caratterizzata da ampi viali, giardini pubblici e spazi aperti.
La zona orientale più antica è invece molto differente: è cresciuta in maniera disordinata nei secoli e presenta piccole viuzze affollate. Mentre la parte occidentale del Cairo ospita palazzi governativi ed è contraddistinta da architetture moderne, quella orientale è disseminata di centinaia di antiche moschee di maggiore o minor grandezza.
Alcuni ponti collegano le isole sul Nilo di Gezira e Roda, dove vi sono molti uffici e palazzi governativi. Altri ponti attraversano completamente il Nilo collegando la periferia di Giza (al-Jīza) con il resto della città.
La città con il suo agglomerato urbano comprende inoltre tre centri minori: Imbaba, Eliopoli e Giza. La zona ovest di Giza, oltre il deserto, è parte dell'antica necropoli di Menfi dove sono situate le piramidi egiziane più famose, tra cui la grande Piramide di Cheope (l'unica sopravvissuta delle antiche sette meraviglie del mondo). Circa 18 km a sud della città moderna, si trova la città di Menfi e, poco distante, la necropoli di Saqqāra. Queste ultime due sono le città predecessori dell'antica Cairo.
La città ospita anche il più importante Museo Egizio del mondo.
Sunset, also called sundown in some American English dialects, is the time at which the sun disappears below the horizon in the west. It should not be confused with dusk, which is the point at which darkness falls, some time after the beginning of twilight when the sun itself sets.
The sunset is often more brightly colored than the sunrise, with the shades of red and orange being more vibrant. The atmosphere responds in a number of ways to exposure to the sun during daylight hours. In particular, there tends to be more dust in the lower atmosphere at the end of the day than at the beginning. During the day, the sun heats the surface of the Earth, lowering the relative humidity and increasing wind speed and turbulence, which serves to lift dust into the air. However, differences between sunrise and sunset may in some cases depend more on the geographical particulars of the location from which they are viewed. For example, on a west-facing coastline, sunset occurs over water while sunrise occurs over land.
The timing of sunset varies with the time of year and the latitude of the location from which it is viewed. The timing also varies in local time within a given time zone, determined by each location's precise longitude. Changes in timing of sunset are driven by the axial tilt of Earth, the spherical shape of the Earth, and the planet's movement in its annual orbit around the sun. Some apparent anomalies exist however. In the Northern Hemisphere, the earliest sunset does not fall on the winter solstice around December 21, but instead it occurs earlier in December. Likewise, the latest sunset does not fall on the summer solstice around June 21, but instead it happens later in June or in early July, depending on your latitude. The same phenomenon exists in the Southern Hemisphere except with the dates swapped. For one or two weeks surrounding both solstices, both sunrise and sunset get slightly later or earlier each day. Even on the equator, sunrise and sunset shift several minutes back and forth through the year, along with solar noon. This effect is plotted by an analemma.
Due to Earth's axial tilt, the direction of sunset in the northern hemisphere is always to the northwest from the March equinox to the September equinox, and to the southwest from the September equinox to the March equinox. Sunsets occur precisely due west on the March and September equinoxes, and the duration of day and night are precisely 12 hours on the Equinoxes for all viewers on Earth.
As sunrise and sunset are calculated from the leading and trailing edges of the sun, and not the centre, this slightly increases the duration of "day" relative to "night". Further, because the light from the sun is bent by the atmospheric refraction, the sun is still seen after it is below the horizon. This effect is a daily illusion along with sunrise. The sun also appears larger on the horizon, which is another optical illusion, similar to the moon illusion.
As a visual motif, sunset is often associated with summer, and (particularly when paired with a coconut palm) beach living and surfing culture. This may be due in the first instance to people spending more time outdoors in the evening during summer than during winter, and also because pictures of sunsets over the sea are often more spectacular than daytime beach scenes (see images below). Sunset is also a symbol of west, old age, ending, and closure.
Technical detail
The red hues of the sky at sunset and sunrise are caused by Mie Scattering[citation needed], not Rayleigh Scattering. The colors of the sky throughout the day and at sunrise and sunset, are explained by the phenomena of both Rayleigh Scattering and Mie Scattering. The colour of the sky described by Rayleigh Scattering applies to the hues of blue, violet and green, not to the reds, oranges, peaches and purples of sunrise and sunset. Rayleigh Scattering is scattering of shorter wavelength light (e.g. blue & violet) by air atoms and molecules (not statistical variations in density of the Earth's atmosphere). The magnitude or strength of Rayleigh Scattering varies by the reciprocal of the wavelength raised to the fourth power, and hence does not explain the beautiful variations of reds, purples, oranges and peachy colors. The latter colors arise from Mie Scattering, low angle scattering of light off dust, soot, smoke and (ash) particles. Mie Scattering (producing the colors of sunset and sunrise) is beautifully recognizable down-wind of and after dust storms, forest fires and volcanic eruptions that inject large quantities of fine particulate matter into the atmosphere. A number of eruptions in recent times, such as those of Mount Pinatubo in 1991 and Krakatoa in 1883, have been sufficiently large to produce remarkable sunsets and sunrises all over the world. Sometimes just before sunrise or after sunset a green flash can be seen.
Source: wikipedi.org
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From 19 to 21 August 2016 in the Sicilian town of Ali, there was the so-called "Great Feast" ("Festa Ranni" in Sicilian dialect) in honor of their patron Saint Agatha.
The feast, which lasts three days, it is called "Feast Ranni" (Great Feast) to emphasize the exceptional nature of the event, since it falls only once every ten years. Preparations officially begin early as a month before and are involved both the "ciliary" (ie families entrusted from time to time, which shall prepare at their own expense at the solemn celebration for Her Patron Saint), both the "Deputation of St. Agatha" collaborating with the parish priest, plays a role during the organizational phase.
The passage of the Holy Relics of the Martyr Agatha in the village of Ali (Messina) in their return to Catania, on the morning of August 17 of the year 1126, it was for this Sicilian center an extraordinary and grandiose event, that led to the building of the great Mother Church , which took place in the sixteenth century; then the celebration of the annual festival but especially the so-called "Great Feast", which recalls the three-day feasts taking place in the city of Catania.
We don't known the origins of this ancient feast, whose complex ritual was entrusted, almost to the present day only to the oral tradition; Father Seraphim of Ali (junior) speaks in 1754, in his book "Of story of Ali and his territory".
Long and laborious preparations are assigned to two groups each formed by twelve families belonging to two different districts of the country, they receive instructions to draw up each other's "Ciliium of Bread" and the other the "Cilium of Girls". These families are appointed by the Deputation of St. Agatha (Advisory body that exercises within the Church Mother, economic and organizational functions) and by the parish priest.
The names of the families of "ciliary", as they are called, are made known by the parish priest, after the morning Mass of the 5 February of the current year.
Traditionally the families of "Ciliium of Girls" traveling in neighboring countries (Fiumedinisi, Itala and Ali Terme) with the sound of the accordion and tambourine, to communicate the imminent date of the festivities and take offerings and gold jewelry in part borrowed, in part donated, to adorn the "Cilium of Girls".
Liturgical events are intertwined with the traditional folk feast. The Feast attracts many faithful and many emigrants who, for the occasion, return to their native village of Ali. The last day of celebration the two Ciliums and the float of St. Agatha are carried in procession through the city.
Postscript: This report is dedicated to the German family of Jewish origin, consisting of father, mother and two children, on a boat they decided to take his own life to escape their Nazi persecutors, by binding them all together, and weighted with stones, they threw themselves off the waters of Mazzaro (Taormina); they were later fished out by now without life, by local fishermen: in the "graveyard of foreigners" of Taormina, now for ever and ever close together, they rest in peace.
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Dal 19 al 21 Agosto 2016 nel paese Siciliano di Alì (Messina) si è svolta una caratteristica festa, della quale propongo un report fotografico.
La Festa , durata infatti tre giorni, è denominata "Festa Ranni" (Festa Grande) per porre in risalto l'eccezionalità del fenomeno e la grandiosità dell’evento, poiché essa ricade una sola volta ogni dieci anni. I preparativi iniziano ufficialmente già un mese prima e vedono coinvolti sia i “ciliari” (cioè le famiglie incaricate di volta in volta e scelte a rotazione, che provvedono a preparare a proprie spese la festa solenne per la Santa Patrona, con l’allestimento dei due “cilii” ovvero le due “vare” anche intese come “cerei”), sia la “Deputazione di S. Agata” che collaborando con il Parroco, svolge un ruolo durante la fase organizzativa.
Il passaggio delle Sacre Reliquie della Martire catanese dal paese di Ali (Messina) nel rientro loro verso Catania, la mattina del 17 agosto dell’anno 1126 , fu per questo centro Siciliano un evento straordinario e grandioso, che portarono alla edificazione della grande Chiesa Madre, avvenuta nel XVI secolo, quindi alla celebrazione della festa annuale ma soprattutto della così detta “Festa Ranni”, che ricorda i tre giorni di festa che avvengono nella città di Catania.
Oscure sono le origini e le antiche modalità di svolgimento di questa festa, il cui complesso rituale è stato affidato, fin quasi ai nostri giorni esclusivamente alla tradizione orale, Padre Serafino d’Alì (junior) ne parla nel 1754, nel suo libro “Della storia di Alì e suo territoro”.
Lunghi e laboriosi sono i preparativi affidati a due gruppi formati ciascuno da dodici famiglie appartenenti a due diversi quartieri del paese, che ricevono l’incarico di allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" e l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze". Queste famiglie vengono nominate dalla Deputazione di S. Agata (Organo consultivo che esercita all’interno della Chiesa Madre, funzioni economico-organizzative) e dal Parroco, e la loro scelta segue una rotazione tale che nel corso degli anni nessun nucleo familiare, e di conseguenza nessun quartiere, ne rimane escluso.
I nomi dei "Ciliari", così vengono denominati, vengono resi noti dal Parroco, al termine della messa mattutina del 5 Febbraio dell’anno prestabilito per la Festa.
Come già detto sopra, ogni gruppo provvede autonomamente ad allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze".
Per tradizione le 12 famiglie di “ciliari delle ragazze”, anche loro sempre accompagnate da un nutrito gruppo (soprattutto giovani), si recano nei paesi vicini (Fiumedinisi, Itala e Alì Terme) a suon di fisarmonica e tamburello, per comunicare l’imminente data dei festeggiamenti e per raccogliere offerte e monili d’oro in parte in prestito, in parte ceduti, per adornare il “cilio delle ragazze”.
Le manifestazioni liturgiche si intrecciano con quelle folkloristiche; la festa richiama numerosi fedeli e parecchi emigrati che, per l’occasione, fanno ritorno al paese natio di Alì. L’ultimo giorno di festa i due cilii ed il fercolo di S. Agata vengono portati in processione lungo le vie cittadine.
Post scriptum: questo report lo dedico alla famiglia tedesca di origine ebrea, composta da padre, madre e da due bambini, che su di una barca decise di togliersi la vita per sfuggire ai loro persecutori nazisti, essi legandosi tutti tra di loro, ed appesantiti con pietre, si gettarono al largo delle acque di Mazzarò (Taormina); essi vennero poi ripescati, oramai senza vita, dai pescatori locali: nel “cimitero degli stranieri” di Taormina riposano le loro spoglie mortali.
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ELOGE DE LA DIALECTIQUE
L’injustice aujourd’hui s’avance d’un pas sûr.
Les oppresseurs dressent leurs plans pour 10 000 ans.
La force affirme : les choses resteront ce qu’elles sont.
Pas une voix, hormis la voix de ceux qui règnent,
Et sur tous les marchés l’exploitation proclame : c’est maintenant que je commence.
Mais chez les opprimés, beaucoup disent maintenant:
Ce que nous voulons ne viendra jamais.
Celui qui vit encore ne doit pas dire: jamais.
Ce qui est assuré n’est pas sûr.
Les choses ne restent pas ce qu’elles sont.
Quand ceux qui règnent auront parlé,
Ceux sur qui ils régnaient parleront.
Qui donc osé dire: jamais?
De qui dépend que l’oppression demeure ? De nous.
De qui dépend qu’elle soit brisée ? De nous.
Celui qui s’écroule abattu, qu’il se dresse.
Celui qui est perdu : qu’il lutte!
Celui qui a compris pourquoi il en est là, comment le retenir?
Les vaincus d’aujourd’hui sont les vainqueurs de demain.
Et jamais devient : aujourd’hui.”
BERTOLT BRECHT
Short people got no reason
Short people got no reason
Short people got no reason
To live !!
They got little hands
And little eyes
And they walk around
Tellin' great big lies
They got little noses
And tiny little teeth
They wear platform shoes
On their nasty little feet
Well, I don't want no short people
Don't want no short people
Don't want no short people
'Round here !!!
Short people are just the same
As you and I
(A fool such as I)
All men are brothers
Until the day they die
(It's a wonderful world)
Short people got nobody
Short people got nobody
Short people got nobody
To love !!!
They got little baby legs
And they stand so low
You got to pick 'em up
Just to say…hello
They got little cars
That got beep beep beep
They got little voices
Goin’ beep, beep, beep
They got grubby little hands
And dirty little minds
They’re gonna get you every time
Well, I’dont want not short people
Don’t want no short people
Don’t want no short people
‘Round here !!!
RANDY NEWMAN.-
Short people.-
Album Little Criminals.-
1977.-
Alice au pays des Mervielles, Chapitre 1. Descente dans le terrier du lapin , LEWIS CARROLL,
Chapitre 1. Descente dans le terrier du lapin
Alice commençait à se sentir très lasse de rester assise à côté de sa sœur, sur le talus, et de n’avoir rien à faire : une fois ou deux, elle avait jeté un coup d’œil sur le livre que lisait sa sœur ; mais il ne contenait ni images ni dialogues : « Et, pensait Alice, à quoi peut bien servir un livre où il n’y a ni images ni dialogues ? »
Elle se demandait (dans la mesure où elle était capable de réfléchir, car elle se sentait tout endormie et toute stupide à cause de la chaleur) si le plaisir de tresser une guirlande de pâquerettes valait la peine de se lever et d’aller cueillir les pâquerettes, lorsque, brusquement, un Lapin Blanc aux yeux roses passa en courant tout près d’elle.
Ceci n’avait rien de particulièrement remarquable ; et Alice ne trouva pas non plus tellement bizarre d’entendre le Lapin se dire à mi-voix : « Oh, mon Dieu ! Oh, mon Dieu ! Je vais être en retard ! » (Lorsqu’elle y réfléchit par la suite, il lui vint à l’esprit qu’elle aurait dû s’en étonner, mais, sur le moment, cela lui sembla tout naturel) ; cependant, lorsque le Lapin tira bel et bien une montre de la poche de son gilet, regarda l’heure, et se mit à courir de plus belle, Alice se dressa d’un bond, car, tout à coup, l’idée lui était venue qu’elle n’avait jamais vu de lapin pourvu d’une poche de gilet, ni d’une montre à tirer de cette poche. Dévorée de curiosité, elle traversa le champ en courant à sa poursuite, et eut la chance d’arriver juste à temps pour le voir s’enfoncer comme une flèche dans un large terrier placé sous la haie.
Un instant plus tard, elle y pénétrait à son tour, sans se demander une seule fois comment diable elle pourrait bien en sortir.
Le terrier était d’abord creusé horizontalement comme un tunnel, puis il présentait une pente si brusque et si raide qu’Alice n’eut même pas le temps de songer à s’arrêter avant de se sentir tomber dans un puits apparemment très profond.
Soit que le puits fût très profond, soit que Alice tombât très lentement, elle s’aperçut qu’elle avait le temps, tout en descendant, de regarder autour d’elle et de se demander ce qui allait se passer. D’abord, elle essaya de regarder en bas pour voir où elle allait arriver, mais il faisait trop noir pour qu’elle pût rien distinguer. Ensuite, elle examina les parois du puits, et remarqua qu’elles étaient garnies de placards et d’étagères ; par endroits, des cartes de géographie et des tableaux se trouvaient accrochés à des pitons. En passant, elle prit un pot sur une étagère ; il portait une étiquette sur laquelle on lisait : MARMELADE D’ORANGES, mais, à la grande déception d’Alice, il était vide. Elle ne voulut pas le laisser tomber de peur de tuer quelqu’un et elle s’arrangea pour le poser dans un placard devant lequel elle passait, tout en tombant.
« Ma foi ! songea-t-elle, après une chute pareille, cela me sera bien égal, quand je serai à la maison, de dégringoler dans l’escalier ! Ce qu’on va me trouver courageuse ! Ma parole, même si je tombais du haut du toit, je n’en parlerais à personne ! » (Supposition des plus vraisemblables, en effet.)
Plus bas, encore plus bas, toujours plus bas. Est-ce que cette chute ne finirait jamais ? « Je me demande combien de kilomètres j’ai pu parcourir ? dit-elle à haute voix. Je ne dois pas être bien loin du centre de la terre. Voyons : cela ferait une chute de six à sept mille kilomètres, du moins je le crois… (car, voyez-vous, Alice avait appris en classe pas mal de choses de ce genre, et, quoique le moment fût mal choisi pour faire parade de ses connaissances puisqu’il n’y avait personne pour l’écouter, c’était pourtant un bon exercice que de répéter tout cela)… Oui, cela doit être la distance exacte… mais, par exemple, je me demande à quelle latitude et à quelle longitude je me trouve ? » (Alice n’avait pas la moindre idée de ce qu’était la latitude, pas plus d’ailleurs que la longitude, mais elle jugeait que c’étaient de très jolis mots, impressionnants à prononcer.)
Bientôt, elle recommença : « Je me demande si je vais traverser la terre d’un bout à l’autre ! Cela sera rudement drôle d’arriver au milieu de ces gens qui marchent la tête en bas ! On les appelle les Antipattes , je crois — (cette fois, elle fut tout heureuse de ce qu’il n’y eût personne pour écouter, car il lui sembla que ce n’était pas du tout le mot qu’il fallait) — mais, je serai alors obligée de leur demander quel est le nom du pays, bien sûr. S’il vous plaît, madame, suis-je en Nouvelle-Zélande ou en Australie ? (et elle essaya de faire la révérence tout en parlant — imaginez ce que peut être la révérence pendant qu’on tombe dans le vide ! Croyez-vous que vous en seriez capable ? ) Et la dame pensera que je suis une petite fille ignorante ! Non, il vaudra mieux ne rien demander ; peut-être que je verrai le nom écrit quelque part. »
Plus bas, encore plus bas, toujours plus bas. Comme il n’y avait rien d’autre à faire, Alice se remit bientôt à parler. « Je vais beaucoup manquer à Dinah ce soir, j’en ai bien peur ! (Dinah était sa chatte.) J’espère qu’on pensera à lui donner sa soucoupe de lait à l’heure du thé. Ma chère Dinah, comme je voudrais t’avoir ici avec moi ! Il n’y a pas de souris dans l’air, je le crains fort, mais tu pourrais attraper une chauve-souris, et cela, vois-tu, cela ressemble beaucoup à une souris. Mais est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? Je me le demande. » A ce moment, Alice commença à se sentir toute somnolente, et elle se mit à répéter, comme si elle rêvait : « Est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? Est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? » et parfois : « Est-ce que les chauves-souris mangent les chats ? » car, voyez-vous, comme elle était incapable de répondre à aucune des deux questions, peu importait qu’elle posât l’une ou l’autre. Elle sentit qu’elle s’endormait pour de bon, et elle venait de commencer à rêver qu’elle marchait avec Dinah, la main dans la patte, en lui demandant très sérieusement : « Allons, Dinah, dis-moi la vérité : as-tu jamais mangé une chauve-souris ? » quand, brusquement, patatras ! elle atterrit sur un tas de branchages et de feuilles mortes, et sa chute prit fin.
Alice ne s’était pas fait le moindre mal, et fut sur pied en un moment ; elle leva les yeux, mais tout était noir au-dessus de sa tête. Devant elle s’étendait un autre couloir où elle vit le Lapin Blanc en train de courir à toute vitesse. Il n’y avait pas un instant à perdre : voilà notre Alice partie, rapide comme le vent. Elle eut juste le temps d’entendre le Lapin dire, en tournant un coin : « Par mes oreilles et mes moustaches, comme il se fait tard ! » Elle tourna le coin à son tour, très peu de temps après lui, mais, quand elle l’eut tourné, le Lapin avait disparu. Elle se trouvait à présent dans une longue salle basse éclairée par une rangée de lampes accrochées au plafond.
Il y avait plusieurs portes autour de la salle, mais elles étaient toutes fermées à clé ; quand Alice eut marché d’abord dans un sens, puis dans l’autre, en essayant de les ouvrir une par une, elle s’en alla tristement vers le milieu de la pièce, en se demandant comment elle pourrait bien faire pour en sortir.
Brusquement, elle se trouva près d’une petite table à trois pieds, entièrement faite de verre massif, sur laquelle il y avait une minuscule clé d’or, et Alice pensa aussitôt que cette clé pouvait fort bien ouvrir l’une des portes de la salle. Hélas ! soit que les serrures fussent trop larges, soit que la clé fût trop petite, aucune porte ne voulut s’ouvrir. Néanmoins, la deuxième fois qu’Alice fit le tour de la pièce, elle découvrit un rideau bas qu’elle n’avait pas encore remarqué ; derrière ce rideau se trouvait une petite porte haute de quarante centimètres environ : elle essaya d’introduire la petite clé d’or dans la serrure, et elle fut ravie de constater qu’elle s’y adaptait parfaitement !
Alice ouvrit la porte, et vit qu’elle donnait sur un petit couloir guère plus grand qu’un trou à rat ; s’étant agenouillée, elle aperçut au bout du couloir le jardin le plus adorable qu’on puisse imaginer. Comme elle désirait sortir de cette pièce sombre, pour aller se promener au milieu des parterres de fleurs aux couleurs éclatantes et des fraîches fontaines ! Mais elle ne pourrait même pas faire passer sa tête par l’entrée ; « et même si ma tête pouvait passer, se disait la pauvre Alice, cela ne me servirait pas à grand-chose à cause de mes épaules. Oh ! que je voudrais pouvoir rentrer en moi-même comme une longue-vue ! Je crois que j’y arriverais si je savais seulement comment m’y prendre pour commencer. » Car, voyez-vous, il venait de se passer tant de choses bizarres, qu’elle en arrivait à penser que fort peu de choses étaient vraiment impossibles.
Il semblait inutile de rester à attendre près de la petite porte ; c’est pourquoi Alice revint vers la table, en espérant presque y trouver une autre clé, ou, du moins, un livre contenant une recette pour faire rentrer les gens en eux-mêmes, comme des longues-vues. Cette fois, elle y vit un petit flacon (« il n’y était sûrement pas tout à l’heure, dit-elle »,) portant autour du goulot une étiquette de papier sur laquelle étaient magnifiquement imprimés en grosses lettres ces deux mots : « BOIS MOI ».
C’était très joli de dire : « Bois-moi », mais notre prudente petite Alice n’allait pas se dépêcher d’obéir. « Non, je vais d’abord bien regarder, pensa-t-elle, pour voir s’il y a le mot : poison ; » car elle avait lu plusieurs petites histoires charmantes où il était question d’enfants brûlés, ou dévorés par des bêtes féroces, ou victimes de plusieurs autres mésaventures, tout cela uniquement parce qu’ils avaient refusé de se rappeler les simples règles de conduite que leurs amis leur avaient enseignées : par exemple, qu’un tisonnier chauffé au rouge vous brûle si vous le tenez trop longtemps, ou que, si vous vous faites au doigt une coupure très profonde avec un couteau, votre doigt, d’ordinaire, se met à saigner ; et Alice n’avait jamais oublié que si l’on boit une bonne partie du contenu d’une bouteille portant l’étiquette : poison, cela ne manque presque jamais, tôt ou tard, de vous causer des ennuis.
Cependant, ce flacon ne portant décidément pas l’étiquette : « poison », Alice se hasarda à en goûter le contenu ; comme il lui parut fort agréable (en fait, cela rappelait à la fois la tarte aux cerises, la crème renversée, l’ananas, la dinde rôtie, le caramel, et les rôties chaudes bien beurrées), elle l’avala séance tenante, jusqu’à la dernière goutte.
« Quelle sensation bizarre ! dit Alice. Je dois être en train de rentrer en moi-même, comme une longue-vue ! »
Et c’était bien exact : elle ne mesurait plus que vingt-cinq centimètres. Son visage s’éclaira à l’idée qu’elle avait maintenant exactement la taille qu’il fallait pour franchir la petite porte et pénétrer dans l’adorable jardin. Néanmoins elle attendit d’abord quelques minutes pour voir si elle allait diminuer encore : elle se sentait un peu inquiète à ce sujet ; « car, voyez-vous, pensait Alice, à la fin des fins je pourrais bien disparaître tout à fait, comme une bougie. En ce cas, je me demande à quoi je ressemblerais. » Et elle essaya d’imaginer à quoi ressemble la flamme d’une bougie une fois que la bougie est éteinte, car elle n’arrivait pas à se rappeler avoir jamais vu chose pareille.
Au bout d’un moment, comme rien de nouveau ne s’était produit, elle décida d’aller immédiatement dans le jardin. Hélas ! pauvre Alice ! dès qu’elle fut arrivée à la porte, elle s’aperçut qu’elle avait oublié la petite clé d’or, et, quand elle revint à la table pour s’en saisir, elle s’aperçut qu’il lui était impossible de l’atteindre, quoiqu’elle pût la voir très nettement à travers le verre. Elle essaya tant qu’elle put d’escalader un des pieds de la table, mais il était trop glissant ; aussi, après s’être épuisée en efforts inutiles, la pauvre petite s’assit et fondit en larmes.
« Allons ! cela ne sert à rien de pleurer comme cela ! » se dit-elle d’un ton sévère. « Je te conseille de t’arrêter à l’instant ! » Elle avait coutume de se donner de très bons conseils (quoiqu’elle ne les suivît guère), et, parfois, elle se réprimandait si vertement que les larmes lui venaient aux yeux. Elle se rappelait qu’un jour elle avait essayé de se gifler pour avoir triché au cours d’une partie de croquet qu’elle jouait contre elle-même, car cette étrange enfant aimait beaucoup faire semblant d’être deux personnes différentes. « Mais c’est bien inutile à présent, pensa la pauvre Alice, de faire semblant d’être deux ! C’est tout juste s’il reste assez de moi pour former une seule personne digne de ce nom ! »
Bientôt son regard tomba sur une petite boîte de verre placée sous la table ; elle l’ouvrit et y trouva un tout petit gâteau sur lequel les mots : « MANGE-MOI » étaient très joliment tracés avec des raisins de Corinthe. « Ma foi, je vais le manger, dit Alice ; s’il me fait grandir, je pourrai atteindre la clé ; s’il me fait rapetisser, je pourrai me glisser sous la porte ; d’une façon comme de l’autre j’irai dans le jardin, et, ensuite, advienne que pourra. »
Elle mangea un petit bout de gâteau, et se dit avec anxiété : « Vers le haut ou vers le bas ? » en tenant sa main sur sa tête pour sentir si elle allait monter ou descendre. Or, elle fut toute surprise de constater qu’elle gardait toujours la même taille : bien sûr, c’est généralement ce qui arrive quand on mange des gâteaux, mais Alice avait tellement pris l’habitude de s’attendre à des choses extravagantes, qu’il lui paraissait ennuyeux et stupide de voir la vie continuer de façon normale.
C’est pourquoi elle se mit pour de bon à la besogne et eut bientôt fini le gâteau jusqu’à la dernière miette
William Barnes (22 February 1801 – 7 October 1886) was an English writer, poet, minister, and philologist. He wrote over 800 poems, some in Dorset dialect and much other work including a comprehensive English grammar quoting from more than 70 different languages.
Example of Dorset dialect poetry
THE LOVE CHILD
Where the bridge out at Woodley did stride,
Wi' his wide arches' cool sheäded bow,
Up above the clear brook that did slide
By the poppies, befoam'd white as snow;
As the gilcups did quiver among
The white deäsies, a-spread in a sheet.
There a quick-trippèn maïd come along,-
Aye, a girl wi' her light-steppèn veet.
-
An' she cried "I do praÿ, is the road
Out to Lincham on here, by the meäd?"
An' "oh! ees," I meäde answer, an' show'd
Her the way it would turn an' would leäd:
"Goo along by the beech in the nook,
Where the children do plaÿ in the cool,
To the steppèn stwones over the brook,-
Aye, the grey blocks o' rock at the pool."
-
"Then you don't seem a-born an' a-bred,"
I spoke up, "at a place here about;"
And she answer'd wi' cheäks up so red
As a pi'ny leäte a-come out,
"No, I liv'd wi' my uncle that died
Back in Eäpril, an' now I'm a-come
Here to Ham, to my mother, to bide,-
Aye, to her house to vind a new hwome."
-
I'm asheämed that I wanted know
Any more of her childhood or life
But then, why should so feäir a child grow
Where no father did bide wi' his wife;
Then wi' blushes of zunrisèn morn,
She replied "that it midden be known,
"Oh! they zent me awaÿ to be born, -*
Aye, they hid me when some would be shown."
-
Oh! it meäde me a'most teary-ey'd,
An' I vound I a'most could ha' groan'd-
What! so winnèn, an' still cast azide-
What! so lovely, an' not to be own'd;
Oh! a God-gift a-treated wi' scorn
Oh! a child that a squier should own;
An' to zend her awaÿ to be born!-
Aye, to hide her where others be shown!
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
The Basel Town Hall (Rathaus Basel in German and Roothus in the local Swiss German dialect) is a 500-year-old building dominating the Marktplatz in Basel. The historic central portion of the building was erected in its current form in 1504-15. Basel joined the Swiss Confederation in 1501.
The Town Hall houses the meetings of the Cantonal Parliament as well as the Cantonal Government of the canton of Basel-Stadt. The Great Council Chamber at one time featured a series of frescoes painted in 1522 by Hans Holbein the Younger, which have been lost. Fragments of the work as well as some of the initial drawings are kept in the Kunstmuseum.
The German term "Rathaus" literally means "council house" while the local Basel German dialect term "Roothus" means both "council house" but also sounds like "red house," a pun with reference to the red sandstone façade of the building.
Information from: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basel_Town_Hall
Basel, also known as Bâle in French and Basilea in Italian, is a city in northwestern Switzerland on the Rhine. Basel is Switzerland's third-most-populous city (after Zürich and Geneva), with roughly 178,000 inhabitants within the city municipality limits in the 2020s. The official language of Basel is (the Swiss variety of Standard) German, and the main spoken language is the local Basel German dialect.
Basel is commonly considered to be the cultural capital of Switzerland and the city is famous for its many museums, including the first collection of art accessible to the public in the world (1661) and the largest museum of art in Switzerland. The University of Basel, Switzerland's oldest university (founded in 1460), and the city's centuries-long commitment to humanism, have made Basel a safe haven at times of political unrest in other parts of Europe for refugees and dissidents.
Information from: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basel
Title / Titre :
Hun’qum’i’num’ alphabet poster (close-up), a dialect of Halkomelem, Coast Salish /
Affiche (gros plan) de l’alphabet hun’qum’i’num’, un dialecte de l’halkomelem, langue salish de la côte
Creator(s) / Créateur(s) : George Mully
Date(s) : 1978-1988
Reference No. / Numéro de référence : ITEM 5098491
central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=fonandcol&id=5098...
Location / Lieu : Unknown / Inconnu
Credit / Mention de source :
George Mully. George Mully fonds. Library and Archives Canada, e011218286 /
George Mully. Fonds George Mully. Bibliothèque et Archives Canada, e011218286
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From 19 to 21 August 2016 in the Sicilian town of Ali, there was the so-called "Great Feast" ("Festa Ranni" in Sicilian dialect) in honor of their patron Saint Agatha.
The feast, which lasts three days, it is called "Feast Ranni" (Great Feast) to emphasize the exceptional nature of the event, since it falls only once every ten years. Preparations officially begin early as a month before and are involved both the "ciliary" (ie families entrusted from time to time, which shall prepare at their own expense at the solemn celebration for Her Patron Saint), both the "Deputation of St. Agatha" collaborating with the parish priest, plays a role during the organizational phase.
The passage of the Holy Relics of the Martyr Agatha in the village of Ali (Messina) in their return to Catania, on the morning of August 17 of the year 1126, it was for this Sicilian center an extraordinary and grandiose event, that led to the building of the great Mother Church , which took place in the sixteenth century; then the celebration of the annual festival but especially the so-called "Great Feast", which recalls the three-day feasts taking place in the city of Catania.
We don't known the origins of this ancient feast, whose complex ritual was entrusted, almost to the present day only to the oral tradition; Father Seraphim of Ali (junior) speaks in 1754, in his book "Of story of Ali and his territory".
Long and laborious preparations are assigned to two groups each formed by twelve families belonging to two different districts of the country, they receive instructions to draw up each other's "Ciliium of Bread" and the other the "Cilium of Girls". These families are appointed by the Deputation of St. Agatha (Advisory body that exercises within the Church Mother, economic and organizational functions) and by the parish priest.
The names of the families of "ciliary", as they are called, are made known by the parish priest, after the morning Mass of the 5 February of the current year.
Traditionally the families of "Ciliium of Girls" traveling in neighboring countries (Fiumedinisi, Itala and Ali Terme) with the sound of the accordion and tambourine, to communicate the imminent date of the festivities and take offerings and gold jewelry in part borrowed, in part donated, to adorn the "Cilium of Girls".
Liturgical events are intertwined with the traditional folk feast. The Feast attracts many faithful and many emigrants who, for the occasion, return to their native village of Ali. The last day of celebration the two Ciliums and the float of St. Agatha are carried in procession through the city.
Postscript: This report is dedicated to the German family of Jewish origin, consisting of father, mother and two children, on a boat they decided to take his own life to escape their Nazi persecutors, by binding them all together, and weighted with stones, they threw themselves off the waters of Mazzaro (Taormina); they were later fished out by now without life, by local fishermen: in the "graveyard of foreigners" of Taormina, now for ever and ever close together, they rest in peace.
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Dal 19 al 21 Agosto 2016 nel paese Siciliano di Alì (Messina) si è svolta una caratteristica festa, della quale propongo un report fotografico.
La Festa , durata infatti tre giorni, è denominata "Festa Ranni" (Festa Grande) per porre in risalto l'eccezionalità del fenomeno e la grandiosità dell’evento, poiché essa ricade una sola volta ogni dieci anni. I preparativi iniziano ufficialmente già un mese prima e vedono coinvolti sia i “ciliari” (cioè le famiglie incaricate di volta in volta e scelte a rotazione, che provvedono a preparare a proprie spese la festa solenne per la Santa Patrona, con l’allestimento dei due “cilii” ovvero le due “vare” anche intese come “cerei”), sia la “Deputazione di S. Agata” che collaborando con il Parroco, svolge un ruolo durante la fase organizzativa.
Il passaggio delle Sacre Reliquie della Martire catanese dal paese di Ali (Messina) nel rientro loro verso Catania, la mattina del 17 agosto dell’anno 1126 , fu per questo centro Siciliano un evento straordinario e grandioso, che portarono alla edificazione della grande Chiesa Madre, avvenuta nel XVI secolo, quindi alla celebrazione della festa annuale ma soprattutto della così detta “Festa Ranni”, che ricorda i tre giorni di festa che avvengono nella città di Catania.
Oscure sono le origini e le antiche modalità di svolgimento di questa festa, il cui complesso rituale è stato affidato, fin quasi ai nostri giorni esclusivamente alla tradizione orale, Padre Serafino d’Alì (junior) ne parla nel 1754, nel suo libro “Della storia di Alì e suo territoro”.
Lunghi e laboriosi sono i preparativi affidati a due gruppi formati ciascuno da dodici famiglie appartenenti a due diversi quartieri del paese, che ricevono l’incarico di allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" e l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze". Queste famiglie vengono nominate dalla Deputazione di S. Agata (Organo consultivo che esercita all’interno della Chiesa Madre, funzioni economico-organizzative) e dal Parroco, e la loro scelta segue una rotazione tale che nel corso degli anni nessun nucleo familiare, e di conseguenza nessun quartiere, ne rimane escluso.
I nomi dei "Ciliari", così vengono denominati, vengono resi noti dal Parroco, al termine della messa mattutina del 5 Febbraio dell’anno prestabilito per la Festa.
Come già detto sopra, ogni gruppo provvede autonomamente ad allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze".
Per tradizione le 12 famiglie di “ciliari delle ragazze”, anche loro sempre accompagnate da un nutrito gruppo (soprattutto giovani), si recano nei paesi vicini (Fiumedinisi, Itala e Alì Terme) a suon di fisarmonica e tamburello, per comunicare l’imminente data dei festeggiamenti e per raccogliere offerte e monili d’oro in parte in prestito, in parte ceduti, per adornare il “cilio delle ragazze”.
Le manifestazioni liturgiche si intrecciano con quelle folkloristiche; la festa richiama numerosi fedeli e parecchi emigrati che, per l’occasione, fanno ritorno al paese natio di Alì. L’ultimo giorno di festa i due cilii ed il fercolo di S. Agata vengono portati in processione lungo le vie cittadine.
Post scriptum: questo report lo dedico alla famiglia tedesca di origine ebrea, composta da padre, madre e da due bambini, che su di una barca decise di togliersi la vita per sfuggire ai loro persecutori nazisti, essi legandosi tutti tra di loro, ed appesantiti con pietre, si gettarono al largo delle acque di Mazzarò (Taormina); essi vennero poi ripescati, oramai senza vita, dai pescatori locali: nel “cimitero degli stranieri” di Taormina riposano le loro spoglie mortali.
Nederland, The Netherlands, Holland, Pays-Bas, Holanda, Dordrecht Centrum, Latinos Americanos en Holanda, Arte en Dordrecht, Kunstenaar, Artista, Escultora, Yvonne Visser, Het Open Boek, El Libro Abierto, bronz, bronce, Sculpteur, Escultor,
ELOGE DE LA DIALECTIQUE
L’injustice aujourd’hui s’avance d’un pas sûr.
Les oppresseurs dressent leurs plans pour 10 000 ans.
La force affirme : les choses resteront ce qu’elles sont.
Pas une voix, hormis la voix de ceux qui règnent,
Et sur tous les marchés l’exploitation proclame : c’est maintenant que je commence.
Mais chez les opprimés, beaucoup disent maintenant:
Ce que nous voulons ne viendra jamais.
Celui qui vit encore ne doit pas dire: jamais.
Ce qui est assuré n’est pas sûr.
Les choses ne restent pas ce qu’elles sont.
Quand ceux qui règnent auront parlé,
Ceux sur qui ils régnaient parleront.
Qui donc osé dire: jamais?
De qui dépend que l’oppression demeure ? De nous.
De qui dépend qu’elle soit brisée ? De nous.
Celui qui s’écroule abattu, qu’il se dresse.
Celui qui est perdu : qu’il lutte!
Celui qui a compris pourquoi il en est là, comment le retenir?
Les vaincus d’aujourd’hui sont les vainqueurs de demain.
Et jamais devient : aujourd’hui.”
BERTOLT BRECHT
Short people got no reason
Short people got no reason
Short people got no reason
To live !!
They got little hands
And little eyes
And they walk around
Tellin' great big lies
They got little noses
And tiny little teeth
They wear platform shoes
On their nasty little feet
Well, I don't want no short people
Don't want no short people
Don't want no short people
'Round here !!!
Short people are just the same
As you and I
(A fool such as I)
All men are brothers
Until the day they die
(It's a wonderful world)
Short people got nobody
Short people got nobody
Short people got nobody
To love !!!
They got little baby legs
And they stand so low
You got to pick 'em up
Just to say…hello
They got little cars
That got beep beep beep
They got little voices
Goin’ beep, beep, beep
They got grubby little hands
And dirty little minds
They’re gonna get you every time
Well, I’dont want not short people
Don’t want no short people
Don’t want no short people
‘Round here !!!
RANDY NEWMAN
Short people.-
Album Little Criminals.-
1977.-
Alice au pays des Mervielles, Chapitre 1. Descente dans le terrier du lapin , LEWIS CARROLL,
Chapitre 1. Descente dans le terrier du lapin
Alice commençait à se sentir très lasse de rester assise à côté de sa sœur, sur le talus, et de n’avoir rien à faire : une fois ou deux, elle avait jeté un coup d’œil sur le livre que lisait sa sœur ; mais il ne contenait ni images ni dialogues : « Et, pensait Alice, à quoi peut bien servir un livre où il n’y a ni images ni dialogues ? »
Elle se demandait (dans la mesure où elle était capable de réfléchir, car elle se sentait tout endormie et toute stupide à cause de la chaleur) si le plaisir de tresser une guirlande de pâquerettes valait la peine de se lever et d’aller cueillir les pâquerettes, lorsque, brusquement, un Lapin Blanc aux yeux roses passa en courant tout près d’elle.
Ceci n’avait rien de particulièrement remarquable ; et Alice ne trouva pas non plus tellement bizarre d’entendre le Lapin se dire à mi-voix : « Oh, mon Dieu ! Oh, mon Dieu ! Je vais être en retard ! » (Lorsqu’elle y réfléchit par la suite, il lui vint à l’esprit qu’elle aurait dû s’en étonner, mais, sur le moment, cela lui sembla tout naturel) ; cependant, lorsque le Lapin tira bel et bien une montre de la poche de son gilet, regarda l’heure, et se mit à courir de plus belle, Alice se dressa d’un bond, car, tout à coup, l’idée lui était venue qu’elle n’avait jamais vu de lapin pourvu d’une poche de gilet, ni d’une montre à tirer de cette poche. Dévorée de curiosité, elle traversa le champ en courant à sa poursuite, et eut la chance d’arriver juste à temps pour le voir s’enfoncer comme une flèche dans un large terrier placé sous la haie.
Un instant plus tard, elle y pénétrait à son tour, sans se demander une seule fois comment diable elle pourrait bien en sortir.
Le terrier était d’abord creusé horizontalement comme un tunnel, puis il présentait une pente si brusque et si raide qu’Alice n’eut même pas le temps de songer à s’arrêter avant de se sentir tomber dans un puits apparemment très profond.
Soit que le puits fût très profond, soit que Alice tombât très lentement, elle s’aperçut qu’elle avait le temps, tout en descendant, de regarder autour d’elle et de se demander ce qui allait se passer. D’abord, elle essaya de regarder en bas pour voir où elle allait arriver, mais il faisait trop noir pour qu’elle pût rien distinguer. Ensuite, elle examina les parois du puits, et remarqua qu’elles étaient garnies de placards et d’étagères ; par endroits, des cartes de géographie et des tableaux se trouvaient accrochés à des pitons. En passant, elle prit un pot sur une étagère ; il portait une étiquette sur laquelle on lisait : MARMELADE D’ORANGES, mais, à la grande déception d’Alice, il était vide. Elle ne voulut pas le laisser tomber de peur de tuer quelqu’un et elle s’arrangea pour le poser dans un placard devant lequel elle passait, tout en tombant.
« Ma foi ! songea-t-elle, après une chute pareille, cela me sera bien égal, quand je serai à la maison, de dégringoler dans l’escalier ! Ce qu’on va me trouver courageuse ! Ma parole, même si je tombais du haut du toit, je n’en parlerais à personne ! » (Supposition des plus vraisemblables, en effet.)
Plus bas, encore plus bas, toujours plus bas. Est-ce que cette chute ne finirait jamais ? « Je me demande combien de kilomètres j’ai pu parcourir ? dit-elle à haute voix. Je ne dois pas être bien loin du centre de la terre. Voyons : cela ferait une chute de six à sept mille kilomètres, du moins je le crois… (car, voyez-vous, Alice avait appris en classe pas mal de choses de ce genre, et, quoique le moment fût mal choisi pour faire parade de ses connaissances puisqu’il n’y avait personne pour l’écouter, c’était pourtant un bon exercice que de répéter tout cela)… Oui, cela doit être la distance exacte… mais, par exemple, je me demande à quelle latitude et à quelle longitude je me trouve ? » (Alice n’avait pas la moindre idée de ce qu’était la latitude, pas plus d’ailleurs que la longitude, mais elle jugeait que c’étaient de très jolis mots, impressionnants à prononcer.)
Bientôt, elle recommença : « Je me demande si je vais traverser la terre d’un bout à l’autre ! Cela sera rudement drôle d’arriver au milieu de ces gens qui marchent la tête en bas ! On les appelle les Antipattes , je crois — (cette fois, elle fut tout heureuse de ce qu’il n’y eût personne pour écouter, car il lui sembla que ce n’était pas du tout le mot qu’il fallait) — mais, je serai alors obligée de leur demander quel est le nom du pays, bien sûr. S’il vous plaît, madame, suis-je en Nouvelle-Zélande ou en Australie ? (et elle essaya de faire la révérence tout en parlant — imaginez ce que peut être la révérence pendant qu’on tombe dans le vide ! Croyez-vous que vous en seriez capable ? ) Et la dame pensera que je suis une petite fille ignorante ! Non, il vaudra mieux ne rien demander ; peut-être que je verrai le nom écrit quelque part. »
Plus bas, encore plus bas, toujours plus bas. Comme il n’y avait rien d’autre à faire, Alice se remit bientôt à parler. « Je vais beaucoup manquer à Dinah ce soir, j’en ai bien peur ! (Dinah était sa chatte.) J’espère qu’on pensera à lui donner sa soucoupe de lait à l’heure du thé. Ma chère Dinah, comme je voudrais t’avoir ici avec moi ! Il n’y a pas de souris dans l’air, je le crains fort, mais tu pourrais attraper une chauve-souris, et cela, vois-tu, cela ressemble beaucoup à une souris. Mais est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? Je me le demande. » A ce moment, Alice commença à se sentir toute somnolente, et elle se mit à répéter, comme si elle rêvait : « Est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? Est-ce que les chats mangent les chauves-souris ? » et parfois : « Est-ce que les chauves-souris mangent les chats ? » car, voyez-vous, comme elle était incapable de répondre à aucune des deux questions, peu importait qu’elle posât l’une ou l’autre. Elle sentit qu’elle s’endormait pour de bon, et elle venait de commencer à rêver qu’elle marchait avec Dinah, la main dans la patte, en lui demandant très sérieusement : « Allons, Dinah, dis-moi la vérité : as-tu jamais mangé une chauve-souris ? » quand, brusquement, patatras ! elle atterrit sur un tas de branchages et de feuilles mortes, et sa chute prit fin.
Alice ne s’était pas fait le moindre mal, et fut sur pied en un moment ; elle leva les yeux, mais tout était noir au-dessus de sa tête. Devant elle s’étendait un autre couloir où elle vit le Lapin Blanc en train de courir à toute vitesse. Il n’y avait pas un instant à perdre : voilà notre Alice partie, rapide comme le vent. Elle eut juste le temps d’entendre le Lapin dire, en tournant un coin : « Par mes oreilles et mes moustaches, comme il se fait tard ! » Elle tourna le coin à son tour, très peu de temps après lui, mais, quand elle l’eut tourné, le Lapin avait disparu. Elle se trouvait à présent dans une longue salle basse éclairée par une rangée de lampes accrochées au plafond.
Il y avait plusieurs portes autour de la salle, mais elles étaient toutes fermées à clé ; quand Alice eut marché d’abord dans un sens, puis dans l’autre, en essayant de les ouvrir une par une, elle s’en alla tristement vers le milieu de la pièce, en se demandant comment elle pourrait bien faire pour en sortir.
Brusquement, elle se trouva près d’une petite table à trois pieds, entièrement faite de verre massif, sur laquelle il y avait une minuscule clé d’or, et Alice pensa aussitôt que cette clé pouvait fort bien ouvrir l’une des portes de la salle. Hélas ! soit que les serrures fussent trop larges, soit que la clé fût trop petite, aucune porte ne voulut s’ouvrir. Néanmoins, la deuxième fois qu’Alice fit le tour de la pièce, elle découvrit un rideau bas qu’elle n’avait pas encore remarqué ; derrière ce rideau se trouvait une petite porte haute de quarante centimètres environ : elle essaya d’introduire la petite clé d’or dans la serrure, et elle fut ravie de constater qu’elle s’y adaptait parfaitement !
Alice ouvrit la porte, et vit qu’elle donnait sur un petit couloir guère plus grand qu’un trou à rat ; s’étant agenouillée, elle aperçut au bout du couloir le jardin le plus adorable qu’on puisse imaginer. Comme elle désirait sortir de cette pièce sombre, pour aller se promener au milieu des parterres de fleurs aux couleurs éclatantes et des fraîches fontaines ! Mais elle ne pourrait même pas faire passer sa tête par l’entrée ; « et même si ma tête pouvait passer, se disait la pauvre Alice, cela ne me servirait pas à grand-chose à cause de mes épaules. Oh ! que je voudrais pouvoir rentrer en moi-même comme une longue-vue ! Je crois que j’y arriverais si je savais seulement comment m’y prendre pour commencer. » Car, voyez-vous, il venait de se passer tant de choses bizarres, qu’elle en arrivait à penser que fort peu de choses étaient vraiment impossibles.
Il semblait inutile de rester à attendre près de la petite porte ; c’est pourquoi Alice revint vers la table, en espérant presque y trouver une autre clé, ou, du moins, un livre contenant une recette pour faire rentrer les gens en eux-mêmes, comme des longues-vues. Cette fois, elle y vit un petit flacon (« il n’y était sûrement pas tout à l’heure, dit-elle »,) portant autour du goulot une étiquette de papier sur laquelle étaient magnifiquement imprimés en grosses lettres ces deux mots : « BOIS MOI ».
C’était très joli de dire : « Bois-moi », mais notre prudente petite Alice n’allait pas se dépêcher d’obéir. « Non, je vais d’abord bien regarder, pensa-t-elle, pour voir s’il y a le mot : poison ; » car elle avait lu plusieurs petites histoires charmantes où il était question d’enfants brûlés, ou dévorés par des bêtes féroces, ou victimes de plusieurs autres mésaventures, tout cela uniquement parce qu’ils avaient refusé de se rappeler les simples règles de conduite que leurs amis leur avaient enseignées : par exemple, qu’un tisonnier chauffé au rouge vous brûle si vous le tenez trop longtemps, ou que, si vous vous faites au doigt une coupure très profonde avec un couteau, votre doigt, d’ordinaire, se met à saigner ; et Alice n’avait jamais oublié que si l’on boit une bonne partie du contenu d’une bouteille portant l’étiquette : poison, cela ne manque presque jamais, tôt ou tard, de vous causer des ennuis.
Cependant, ce flacon ne portant décidément pas l’étiquette : « poison », Alice se hasarda à en goûter le contenu ; comme il lui parut fort agréable (en fait, cela rappelait à la fois la tarte aux cerises, la crème renversée, l’ananas, la dinde rôtie, le caramel, et les rôties chaudes bien beurrées), elle l’avala séance tenante, jusqu’à la dernière goutte.
« Quelle sensation bizarre ! dit Alice. Je dois être en train de rentrer en moi-même, comme une longue-vue ! »
Et c’était bien exact : elle ne mesurait plus que vingt-cinq centimètres. Son visage s’éclaira à l’idée qu’elle avait maintenant exactement la taille qu’il fallait pour franchir la petite porte et pénétrer dans l’adorable jardin. Néanmoins elle attendit d’abord quelques minutes pour voir si elle allait diminuer encore : elle se sentait un peu inquiète à ce sujet ; « car, voyez-vous, pensait Alice, à la fin des fins je pourrais bien disparaître tout à fait, comme une bougie. En ce cas, je me demande à quoi je ressemblerais. » Et elle essaya d’imaginer à quoi ressemble la flamme d’une bougie une fois que la bougie est éteinte, car elle n’arrivait pas à se rappeler avoir jamais vu chose pareille.
Au bout d’un moment, comme rien de nouveau ne s’était produit, elle décida d’aller immédiatement dans le jardin. Hélas ! pauvre Alice ! dès qu’elle fut arrivée à la porte, elle s’aperçut qu’elle avait oublié la petite clé d’or, et, quand elle revint à la table pour s’en saisir, elle s’aperçut qu’il lui était impossible de l’atteindre, quoiqu’elle pût la voir très nettement à travers le verre. Elle essaya tant qu’elle put d’escalader un des pieds de la table, mais il était trop glissant ; aussi, après s’être épuisée en efforts inutiles, la pauvre petite s’assit et fondit en larmes.
« Allons ! cela ne sert à rien de pleurer comme cela ! » se dit-elle d’un ton sévère. « Je te conseille de t’arrêter à l’instant ! » Elle avait coutume de se donner de très bons conseils (quoiqu’elle ne les suivît guère), et, parfois, elle se réprimandait si vertement que les larmes lui venaient aux yeux. Elle se rappelait qu’un jour elle avait essayé de se gifler pour avoir triché au cours d’une partie de croquet qu’elle jouait contre elle-même, car cette étrange enfant aimait beaucoup faire semblant d’être deux personnes différentes. « Mais c’est bien inutile à présent, pensa la pauvre Alice, de faire semblant d’être deux ! C’est tout juste s’il reste assez de moi pour former une seule personne digne de ce nom ! »
Bientôt son regard tomba sur une petite boîte de verre placée sous la table ; elle l’ouvrit et y trouva un tout petit gâteau sur lequel les mots : « MANGE-MOI » étaient très joliment tracés avec des raisins de Corinthe. « Ma foi, je vais le manger, dit Alice ; s’il me fait grandir, je pourrai atteindre la clé ; s’il me fait rapetisser, je pourrai me glisser sous la porte ; d’une façon comme de l’autre j’irai dans le jardin, et, ensuite, advienne que pourra. »
Elle mangea un petit bout de gâteau, et se dit avec anxiété : « Vers le haut ou vers le bas ? » en tenant sa main sur sa tête pour sentir si elle allait monter ou descendre. Or, elle fut toute surprise de constater qu’elle gardait toujours la même taille : bien sûr, c’est généralement ce qui arrive quand on mange des gâteaux, mais Alice avait tellement pris l’habitude de s’attendre à des choses extravagantes, qu’il lui paraissait ennuyeux et stupide de voir la vie continuer de façon normale.
C’est pourquoi elle se mit pour de bon à la besogne et eut bientôt fini le gâteau jusqu’à la dernière miette
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
...thas when yew is walkin' along mindin' your own bizniss and a sugar beet come orf the back o' the lorry and crack yew orn the hed.
"Nuremberg (/ˈnjʊərəmbɜːrɡ/ NURE-əm-burg; German: Nürnberg [ˈnʏʁnbɛʁk]; in the local East Franconian dialect: Nämberch [ˈnɛmbɛrç]) is the largest city in Franconia, the second-largest city in the German state of Bavaria, and its 545,000 inhabitants make it the 14th-largest city in Germany.
Nuremberg sits on the Pegnitz, which carries the name Regnitz from its confluence with the Rednitz in Fürth onwards (Pegnitz→ Regnitz→ Main→ Rhine→ North Sea), and on the Rhine–Main–Danube Canal, that connects the North Sea to the Black Sea. Lying in the Bavarian administrative region of Middle Franconia, it is the largest city and unofficial capital of the entire cultural region of Franconia. The city is surrounded on three sides by the Reichswald, a large forest, and in the north lies Knoblauchsland (garlic land), an extensive vegetable growing area and cultural landscape.
The city forms a continuous conurbation with the neighbouring cities of Fürth, Erlangen and Schwabach, which is the heart of an urban area region with around 1.4 million inhabitants, while the larger Nuremberg Metropolitan Region has a population of approximately 3.6 million. It is the largest city in the East Franconian dialect area (colloquially: "Franconian"; German: Fränkisch).
Nuremberg and Fürth were once connected by the Bavarian Ludwig Railway, the first steam-hauled and overall second railway opened in Germany (1835). Today, the U1 of the Nuremberg Subway, which is the first German subway with driverless, automatically moving railcars, runs along this route. Nuremberg Airport (Flughafen Nürnberg "Albrecht Dürer") is the second-busiest airport in Bavaria after Munich Airport, and the tenth-busiest airport of the country.
Institutions of higher education in Nuremberg include the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg (Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg), Germany's 11th-largest university, with campuses in Erlangen and Nuremberg and a university hospital in Erlangen (Universitätsklinikum Erlangen), Technische Hochschule Nürnberg Georg Simon Ohm and Hochschule für Musik Nürnberg. The Nuremberg exhibition centre (Messe Nürnberg) is one of the biggest convention center companies in Germany and operates worldwide.
Nuremberg Castle and the city's walls, with their many towers, are among the most impressive in Europe. Staatstheater Nürnberg is one of the five Bavarian state theatres, showing operas, operettas, musicals, and ballets (main venue: Nuremberg Opera House), plays (main venue: Schauspielhaus Nürnberg), as well as concerts (main venue: Meistersingerhalle). Its orchestra, the Staatsphilharmonie Nürnberg, is Bavaria's second-largest opera orchestra after the Bavarian State Opera's Bavarian State Orchestra in Munich. Nuremberg is the birthplace of Albrecht Dürer and Johann Pachelbel. 1. FC Nürnberg is the most famous football club of the city and one of the most successful football clubs in Germany. Nuremberg was one of the host cities of the 2006 FIFA World Cup.
Franconia (German: Franken, pronounced [ˈfʁaŋkŋ̍]; Franconian: Franggn [ˈfrɑŋɡŋ̍]; Bavarian: Frankn) is a region of Germany, characterised by its culture and Franconian dialect (German: Fränkisch).
Franconia is made up of the three Regierungsbezirke of Lower, Middle and Upper Franconia in Bavaria, the adjacent, Franconian-speaking, South Thuringia, south of the Thuringian Forest—which constitutes the language boundary between Franconian and Thuringian— and the eastern parts of Heilbronn-Franconia in Baden-Württemberg.
Those parts of the Vogtland lying in Saxony (largest city: Plauen) are sometimes regarded as Franconian as well, because the Vogtlandian dialects are mostly East Franconian. The inhabitants of Saxon Vogtland, however, mostly do not consider themselves as Franconian. On the other hand, the inhabitants of the Hessian-speaking parts of Lower Franconia west of the Spessart (largest city: Aschaffenburg) do consider themselves as Franconian, although not speaking the dialect. Heilbronn-Franconia's largest city of Heilbronn and its surrounding areas are South Franconian-speaking, and therefore only sometimes regarded as Franconian. In Hesse, the east of the Fulda District is Franconian-speaking, and parts of the Oden Forest District are sometimes regarded as Franconian for historical reasons, but a Franconian identity did not develop there.
Franconia's largest city and unofficial capital is Nuremberg, which is contiguous with Erlangen and Fürth, with which it forms the Franconian conurbation with around 1.3 million inhabitants. Other important Franconian cities are Würzburg, Bamberg, Bayreuth, Ansbach and Coburg in Bavaria, Suhl and Meiningen in Thuringia, and Schwäbisch Hall in Baden-Württemberg.
The German word Franken—Franconians—also refers to the ethnic group, which is mainly to be found in this region. They are to be distinguished from the Germanic people of the Franks, and historically formed their easternmost settlement area. The origins of Franconia lie in the settlement of the Franks from the 6th century in the area probably populated until then mainly by the Elbe Germanic people in the Main river area, known from the 9th century as East Francia (Francia Orientalis). In the Middle Ages the region formed much of the eastern part of the Duchy of Franconia and, from 1500, the Franconian Circle. The restructuring of the south German states by Napoleon, after the demise of the Holy Roman Empire, saw most of Franconia awarded to Bavaria." - info from Wikipedia.
Summer 2019 I did a solo cycling tour across Europe through 12 countries over the course of 3 months. I began my adventure in Edinburgh, Scotland and finished in Florence, Italy cycling 8,816 km. During my trip I took 47,000 photos.
Now on Instagram.
Muggia (Venetian, Triestine dialect: Muja; German: Mulgs; Friulian: Mugle; Slovene: Milje) is an Italian town and comune in the south-west of the Province of Trieste, in the region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia on the border with Slovenia. Lying on the eastern flank of the Gulf of Trieste in the northern Adriatic Sea, Muggia is the only Italian port town in Istria. The town's architecture is marked by its Venetian and Austrian history, and its harbour hosts a modern 500-berth marina for yachts (Porto San Rocco).
Muggia lies in northern Istria. Its territory, limited on the sea-side by a shoreline of more than 7 kilometres (4 mi) featuring a coastal road and on the border side by a hill system, Monti di Muggia, including Mt. Castellier, Mt. S. Michele, Mt. Zuc and Monte d'Oro, that dominate over a vast landscape of Triestinian and Istrian coast, is characterized by a rich sub-continental vegetation of both Karstic and Istrian type.
It has a border crossing, known as San Bartolomeo, with Slovenia and the extreme east of the comune at Lazaretto. The Slovenian border crossing is called Lazaret in the Municipality of Koper.
Muggia was attested in historical sources as Mugla in AD 933. The origin of the name Muggia is uncertain; it may have arisen from Latin mūtila 'cut short, mutilated', in reference to a short projection from the land or a cape (cf. the cape north of Zadar, attested in Latin as Muchla bona in AD 1250, now Croatian Oštri rat). Another possibility is derivation from Latin *mūcla 'milestone', and another hypothesis is that it comes from Vulgar Latin *Lamūc(l)a 'small swamp'. The Slovene name Milje was borrowed from Proto-Romance Mugla (developing via *Mygla > *Migla > Milje).
Muggia originated as a prehistoric fortified village (castelliere), around 8th-7th century BC. The territory was conquered in 178–177 BC by the Romans, who created here a settlement (Castrum Muglae). After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Muggia was under Ostrogoth, Lombard, Byzantine, Avar and Frank dominations, until, in 931, king Hugh of Italy donated it to the Patriarch of Aquileia.
Before the year 1000 a new settlement was built on the seashore. After the 13th century the new village, now grown to the status of city, pronounced itself a municipality and defined its territory as bordering with those of Trieste and Koper, but stayed still politically bound to the Patriarchy of Aquileia. From this period are the cathedral and the city hall, the latter having been rebuilt in the last century.[clarification needed] In 1420 it became part of the Republic of Venice.
After Venice's fall in 1797, Muggia became part of the Austrian Empire, under which it developed an important naval shipbuilding industry which flourished until after World War II. Throughout the Austro-Hungarian period it remained part of the Margravate of Istria, first within the Kingdom of Illyria and then, after 1861, within the Austrian Littoral. The municipality of Muggia historically extended further south than today, including several settlements that are now part of Slovenia: Ankaran, Hrvatini, Elerji, Škofije, and Plavje.
After World War I and the dissolution of Austria-Hungary, the town was annexed to the Kingdom of Italy and incorporated into the Province of Trieste. In the 1930s, the area developed a strong Communist underground activity against Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime. In 1945, it was occupied by the Yugoslav People's Army and from 1947 to 1954 it was part of the Free Territory of Trieste, a formally independent territory directly administered by the United Nations. The territory was internally divided into two zones ruled by military governors - Muggia ended up in the northern Zone A ruled by Anglo-Americans, while the southern Zone B was ruled by the Yugoslav army. In 1954 the two zones were handed over to Italian and Yugoslav civilian governments and de facto annexed by the two countries in an arrangement finally formalized in the 1975 Treaty of Osimo, which established the former borders between Zones as the new Italy-Yugoslavia international border. Following the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s it formed the border between Italy and the newly independent Slovenia. Following Slovenia's accession to the European Union in May 2004 and the passport-free Schengen Area in January 2008, all border controls have been removed, making the Italian-Slovenian border which runs just south and east of Muggia, practically invisible to travellers.
Muggia provides many evident traces of its Venetian traditions and origin, as showed by the dialect, the gastronomic traditions, the gothic-venetian style of some houses, the devious "calli", the loggias, the ogive arches, the ancient coats of arms on the façades but mostly the main square, a true Venetian "campiello".
Memories of its early ages include an important pre-historic "castelliere" on Mt. Castellier (S. Barbara) and Roman (Archaeological Park of Castrum Muglae) and medieval remains in Muggia Vecchia (Old Muggia), once one of the guarding castles that in the 10th century were built to defend the Istrian border against the invasion of the Hungars.
The Castle of Muggia, destroyed in 1353 by the Triestines, retains several remains of the previous period such as the ruins of the walls. A tower dating back to 1374 was due to the Patriarch of Aquileia Marquard of Muggia. Later in 1735, under the government of the Republic of Venice, it was restored, but it was totally abandoned during the following century. The Castle was restored by its current owners, the sculptor Villi Bossi and his wife Gabriella, and may be visited upon request.
The most important art attraction is the little basilica of Santa Maria Assunta (10th-13th century), housing frescoes from the 14th-15th centuries.
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From 19 to 21 August 2016 in the Sicilian town of Ali, there was the so-called "Great Feast" ("Festa Ranni" in Sicilian dialect) in honor of their patron Saint Agatha.
The feast, which lasts three days, it is called "Feast Ranni" (Great Feast) to emphasize the exceptional nature of the event, since it falls only once every ten years. Preparations officially begin early as a month before and are involved both the "ciliary" (ie families entrusted from time to time, which shall prepare at their own expense at the solemn celebration for Her Patron Saint), both the "Deputation of St. Agatha" collaborating with the parish priest, plays a role during the organizational phase.
The passage of the Holy Relics of the Martyr Agatha in the village of Ali (Messina) in their return to Catania, on the morning of August 17 of the year 1126, it was for this Sicilian center an extraordinary and grandiose event, that led to the building of the great Mother Church , which took place in the sixteenth century; then the celebration of the annual festival but especially the so-called "Great Feast", which recalls the three-day feasts taking place in the city of Catania.
We don't known the origins of this ancient feast, whose complex ritual was entrusted, almost to the present day only to the oral tradition; Father Seraphim of Ali (junior) speaks in 1754, in his book "Of story of Ali and his territory".
Long and laborious preparations are assigned to two groups each formed by twelve families belonging to two different districts of the country, they receive instructions to draw up each other's "Ciliium of Bread" and the other the "Cilium of Girls". These families are appointed by the Deputation of St. Agatha (Advisory body that exercises within the Church Mother, economic and organizational functions) and by the parish priest.
The names of the families of "ciliary", as they are called, are made known by the parish priest, after the morning Mass of the 5 February of the current year.
Traditionally the families of "Ciliium of Girls" traveling in neighboring countries (Fiumedinisi, Itala and Ali Terme) with the sound of the accordion and tambourine, to communicate the imminent date of the festivities and take offerings and gold jewelry in part borrowed, in part donated, to adorn the "Cilium of Girls".
Liturgical events are intertwined with the traditional folk feast. The Feast attracts many faithful and many emigrants who, for the occasion, return to their native village of Ali. The last day of celebration the two Ciliums and the float of St. Agatha are carried in procession through the city.
Postscript: This report is dedicated to the German family of Jewish origin, consisting of father, mother and two children, on a boat they decided to take his own life to escape their Nazi persecutors, by binding them all together, and weighted with stones, they threw themselves off the waters of Mazzaro (Taormina); they were later fished out by now without life, by local fishermen: in the "graveyard of foreigners" of Taormina, now for ever and ever close together, they rest in peace.
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Dal 19 al 21 Agosto 2016 nel paese Siciliano di Alì (Messina) si è svolta una caratteristica festa, della quale propongo un report fotografico.
La Festa , durata infatti tre giorni, è denominata "Festa Ranni" (Festa Grande) per porre in risalto l'eccezionalità del fenomeno e la grandiosità dell’evento, poiché essa ricade una sola volta ogni dieci anni. I preparativi iniziano ufficialmente già un mese prima e vedono coinvolti sia i “ciliari” (cioè le famiglie incaricate di volta in volta e scelte a rotazione, che provvedono a preparare a proprie spese la festa solenne per la Santa Patrona, con l’allestimento dei due “cilii” ovvero le due “vare” anche intese come “cerei”), sia la “Deputazione di S. Agata” che collaborando con il Parroco, svolge un ruolo durante la fase organizzativa.
Il passaggio delle Sacre Reliquie della Martire catanese dal paese di Ali (Messina) nel rientro loro verso Catania, la mattina del 17 agosto dell’anno 1126 , fu per questo centro Siciliano un evento straordinario e grandioso, che portarono alla edificazione della grande Chiesa Madre, avvenuta nel XVI secolo, quindi alla celebrazione della festa annuale ma soprattutto della così detta “Festa Ranni”, che ricorda i tre giorni di festa che avvengono nella città di Catania.
Oscure sono le origini e le antiche modalità di svolgimento di questa festa, il cui complesso rituale è stato affidato, fin quasi ai nostri giorni esclusivamente alla tradizione orale, Padre Serafino d’Alì (junior) ne parla nel 1754, nel suo libro “Della storia di Alì e suo territoro”.
Lunghi e laboriosi sono i preparativi affidati a due gruppi formati ciascuno da dodici famiglie appartenenti a due diversi quartieri del paese, che ricevono l’incarico di allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" e l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze". Queste famiglie vengono nominate dalla Deputazione di S. Agata (Organo consultivo che esercita all’interno della Chiesa Madre, funzioni economico-organizzative) e dal Parroco, e la loro scelta segue una rotazione tale che nel corso degli anni nessun nucleo familiare, e di conseguenza nessun quartiere, ne rimane escluso.
I nomi dei "Ciliari", così vengono denominati, vengono resi noti dal Parroco, al termine della messa mattutina del 5 Febbraio dell’anno prestabilito per la Festa.
Come già detto sopra, ogni gruppo provvede autonomamente ad allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze".
Per tradizione le 12 famiglie di “ciliari delle ragazze”, anche loro sempre accompagnate da un nutrito gruppo (soprattutto giovani), si recano nei paesi vicini (Fiumedinisi, Itala e Alì Terme) a suon di fisarmonica e tamburello, per comunicare l’imminente data dei festeggiamenti e per raccogliere offerte e monili d’oro in parte in prestito, in parte ceduti, per adornare il “cilio delle ragazze”.
Le manifestazioni liturgiche si intrecciano con quelle folkloristiche; la festa richiama numerosi fedeli e parecchi emigrati che, per l’occasione, fanno ritorno al paese natio di Alì. L’ultimo giorno di festa i due cilii ed il fercolo di S. Agata vengono portati in processione lungo le vie cittadine.
Post scriptum: questo report lo dedico alla famiglia tedesca di origine ebrea, composta da padre, madre e da due bambini, che su di una barca decise di togliersi la vita per sfuggire ai loro persecutori nazisti, essi legandosi tutti tra di loro, ed appesantiti con pietre, si gettarono al largo delle acque di Mazzarò (Taormina); essi vennero poi ripescati, oramai senza vita, dai pescatori locali: nel “cimitero degli stranieri” di Taormina riposano le loro spoglie mortali.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
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From 19 to 21 August 2016 in the Sicilian town of Ali, there was the so-called "Great Feast" ("Festa Ranni" in Sicilian dialect) in honor of their patron Saint Agatha.
The feast, which lasts three days, it is called "Feast Ranni" (Great Feast) to emphasize the exceptional nature of the event, since it falls only once every ten years. Preparations officially begin early as a month before and are involved both the "ciliary" (ie families entrusted from time to time, which shall prepare at their own expense at the solemn celebration for Her Patron Saint), both the "Deputation of St. Agatha" collaborating with the parish priest, plays a role during the organizational phase.
The passage of the Holy Relics of the Martyr Agatha in the village of Ali (Messina) in their return to Catania, on the morning of August 17 of the year 1126, it was for this Sicilian center an extraordinary and grandiose event, that led to the building of the great Mother Church , which took place in the sixteenth century; then the celebration of the annual festival but especially the so-called "Great Feast", which recalls the three-day feasts taking place in the city of Catania.
We don't known the origins of this ancient feast, whose complex ritual was entrusted, almost to the present day only to the oral tradition; Father Seraphim of Ali (junior) speaks in 1754, in his book "Of story of Ali and his territory".
Long and laborious preparations are assigned to two groups each formed by twelve families belonging to two different districts of the country, they receive instructions to draw up each other's "Ciliium of Bread" and the other the "Cilium of Girls". These families are appointed by the Deputation of St. Agatha (Advisory body that exercises within the Church Mother, economic and organizational functions) and by the parish priest.
The names of the families of "ciliary", as they are called, are made known by the parish priest, after the morning Mass of the 5 February of the current year.
Traditionally the families of "Ciliium of Girls" traveling in neighboring countries (Fiumedinisi, Itala and Ali Terme) with the sound of the accordion and tambourine, to communicate the imminent date of the festivities and take offerings and gold jewelry in part borrowed, in part donated, to adorn the "Cilium of Girls".
Liturgical events are intertwined with the traditional folk feast. The Feast attracts many faithful and many emigrants who, for the occasion, return to their native village of Ali. The last day of celebration the two Ciliums and the float of St. Agatha are carried in procession through the city.
Postscript: This report is dedicated to the German family of Jewish origin, consisting of father, mother and two children, on a boat they decided to take his own life to escape their Nazi persecutors, by binding them all together, and weighted with stones, they threw themselves off the waters of Mazzaro (Taormina); they were later fished out by now without life, by local fishermen: in the "graveyard of foreigners" of Taormina, now for ever and ever close together, they rest in peace.
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Dal 19 al 21 Agosto 2016 nel paese Siciliano di Alì (Messina) si è svolta una caratteristica festa, della quale propongo un report fotografico.
La Festa , durata infatti tre giorni, è denominata "Festa Ranni" (Festa Grande) per porre in risalto l'eccezionalità del fenomeno e la grandiosità dell’evento, poiché essa ricade una sola volta ogni dieci anni. I preparativi iniziano ufficialmente già un mese prima e vedono coinvolti sia i “ciliari” (cioè le famiglie incaricate di volta in volta e scelte a rotazione, che provvedono a preparare a proprie spese la festa solenne per la Santa Patrona, con l’allestimento dei due “cilii” ovvero le due “vare” anche intese come “cerei”), sia la “Deputazione di S. Agata” che collaborando con il Parroco, svolge un ruolo durante la fase organizzativa.
Il passaggio delle Sacre Reliquie della Martire catanese dal paese di Ali (Messina) nel rientro loro verso Catania, la mattina del 17 agosto dell’anno 1126 , fu per questo centro Siciliano un evento straordinario e grandioso, che portarono alla edificazione della grande Chiesa Madre, avvenuta nel XVI secolo, quindi alla celebrazione della festa annuale ma soprattutto della così detta “Festa Ranni”, che ricorda i tre giorni di festa che avvengono nella città di Catania.
Oscure sono le origini e le antiche modalità di svolgimento di questa festa, il cui complesso rituale è stato affidato, fin quasi ai nostri giorni esclusivamente alla tradizione orale, Padre Serafino d’Alì (junior) ne parla nel 1754, nel suo libro “Della storia di Alì e suo territoro”.
Lunghi e laboriosi sono i preparativi affidati a due gruppi formati ciascuno da dodici famiglie appartenenti a due diversi quartieri del paese, che ricevono l’incarico di allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" e l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze". Queste famiglie vengono nominate dalla Deputazione di S. Agata (Organo consultivo che esercita all’interno della Chiesa Madre, funzioni economico-organizzative) e dal Parroco, e la loro scelta segue una rotazione tale che nel corso degli anni nessun nucleo familiare, e di conseguenza nessun quartiere, ne rimane escluso.
I nomi dei "Ciliari", così vengono denominati, vengono resi noti dal Parroco, al termine della messa mattutina del 5 Febbraio dell’anno prestabilito per la Festa.
Come già detto sopra, ogni gruppo provvede autonomamente ad allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze".
Per tradizione le 12 famiglie di “ciliari delle ragazze”, anche loro sempre accompagnate da un nutrito gruppo (soprattutto giovani), si recano nei paesi vicini (Fiumedinisi, Itala e Alì Terme) a suon di fisarmonica e tamburello, per comunicare l’imminente data dei festeggiamenti e per raccogliere offerte e monili d’oro in parte in prestito, in parte ceduti, per adornare il “cilio delle ragazze”.
Le manifestazioni liturgiche si intrecciano con quelle folkloristiche; la festa richiama numerosi fedeli e parecchi emigrati che, per l’occasione, fanno ritorno al paese natio di Alì. L’ultimo giorno di festa i due cilii ed il fercolo di S. Agata vengono portati in processione lungo le vie cittadine.
Post scriptum: questo report lo dedico alla famiglia tedesca di origine ebrea, composta da padre, madre e da due bambini, che su di una barca decise di togliersi la vita per sfuggire ai loro persecutori nazisti, essi legandosi tutti tra di loro, ed appesantiti con pietre, si gettarono al largo delle acque di Mazzarò (Taormina); essi vennero poi ripescati, oramai senza vita, dai pescatori locali: nel “cimitero degli stranieri” di Taormina riposano le loro spoglie mortali.
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From 19 to 21 August 2016 in the Sicilian town of Ali, there was the so-called "Great Feast" ("Festa Ranni" in Sicilian dialect) in honor of their patron Saint Agatha.
The feast, which lasts three days, it is called "Feast Ranni" (Great Feast) to emphasize the exceptional nature of the event, since it falls only once every ten years. Preparations officially begin early as a month before and are involved both the "ciliary" (ie families entrusted from time to time, which shall prepare at their own expense at the solemn celebration for Her Patron Saint), both the "Deputation of St. Agatha" collaborating with the parish priest, plays a role during the organizational phase.
The passage of the Holy Relics of the Martyr Agatha in the village of Ali (Messina) in their return to Catania, on the morning of August 17 of the year 1126, it was for this Sicilian center an extraordinary and grandiose event, that led to the building of the great Mother Church , which took place in the sixteenth century; then the celebration of the annual festival but especially the so-called "Great Feast", which recalls the three-day feasts taking place in the city of Catania.
We don't known the origins of this ancient feast, whose complex ritual was entrusted, almost to the present day only to the oral tradition; Father Seraphim of Ali (junior) speaks in 1754, in his book "Of story of Ali and his territory".
Long and laborious preparations are assigned to two groups each formed by twelve families belonging to two different districts of the country, they receive instructions to draw up each other's "Ciliium of Bread" and the other the "Cilium of Girls". These families are appointed by the Deputation of St. Agatha (Advisory body that exercises within the Church Mother, economic and organizational functions) and by the parish priest.
The names of the families of "ciliary", as they are called, are made known by the parish priest, after the morning Mass of the 5 February of the current year.
Traditionally the families of "Ciliium of Girls" traveling in neighboring countries (Fiumedinisi, Itala and Ali Terme) with the sound of the accordion and tambourine, to communicate the imminent date of the festivities and take offerings and gold jewelry in part borrowed, in part donated, to adorn the "Cilium of Girls".
Liturgical events are intertwined with the traditional folk feast. The Feast attracts many faithful and many emigrants who, for the occasion, return to their native village of Ali. The last day of celebration the two Ciliums and the float of St. Agatha are carried in procession through the city.
Postscript: This report is dedicated to the German family of Jewish origin, consisting of father, mother and two children, on a boat they decided to take his own life to escape their Nazi persecutors, by binding them all together, and weighted with stones, they threw themselves off the waters of Mazzaro (Taormina); they were later fished out by now without life, by local fishermen: in the "graveyard of foreigners" of Taormina, now for ever and ever close together, they rest in peace.
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Dal 19 al 21 Agosto 2016 nel paese Siciliano di Alì (Messina) si è svolta una caratteristica festa, della quale propongo un report fotografico.
La Festa , durata infatti tre giorni, è denominata "Festa Ranni" (Festa Grande) per porre in risalto l'eccezionalità del fenomeno e la grandiosità dell’evento, poiché essa ricade una sola volta ogni dieci anni. I preparativi iniziano ufficialmente già un mese prima e vedono coinvolti sia i “ciliari” (cioè le famiglie incaricate di volta in volta e scelte a rotazione, che provvedono a preparare a proprie spese la festa solenne per la Santa Patrona, con l’allestimento dei due “cilii” ovvero le due “vare” anche intese come “cerei”), sia la “Deputazione di S. Agata” che collaborando con il Parroco, svolge un ruolo durante la fase organizzativa.
Il passaggio delle Sacre Reliquie della Martire catanese dal paese di Ali (Messina) nel rientro loro verso Catania, la mattina del 17 agosto dell’anno 1126 , fu per questo centro Siciliano un evento straordinario e grandioso, che portarono alla edificazione della grande Chiesa Madre, avvenuta nel XVI secolo, quindi alla celebrazione della festa annuale ma soprattutto della così detta “Festa Ranni”, che ricorda i tre giorni di festa che avvengono nella città di Catania.
Oscure sono le origini e le antiche modalità di svolgimento di questa festa, il cui complesso rituale è stato affidato, fin quasi ai nostri giorni esclusivamente alla tradizione orale, Padre Serafino d’Alì (junior) ne parla nel 1754, nel suo libro “Della storia di Alì e suo territoro”.
Lunghi e laboriosi sono i preparativi affidati a due gruppi formati ciascuno da dodici famiglie appartenenti a due diversi quartieri del paese, che ricevono l’incarico di allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" e l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze". Queste famiglie vengono nominate dalla Deputazione di S. Agata (Organo consultivo che esercita all’interno della Chiesa Madre, funzioni economico-organizzative) e dal Parroco, e la loro scelta segue una rotazione tale che nel corso degli anni nessun nucleo familiare, e di conseguenza nessun quartiere, ne rimane escluso.
I nomi dei "Ciliari", così vengono denominati, vengono resi noti dal Parroco, al termine della messa mattutina del 5 Febbraio dell’anno prestabilito per la Festa.
Come già detto sopra, ogni gruppo provvede autonomamente ad allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze".
Per tradizione le 12 famiglie di “ciliari delle ragazze”, anche loro sempre accompagnate da un nutrito gruppo (soprattutto giovani), si recano nei paesi vicini (Fiumedinisi, Itala e Alì Terme) a suon di fisarmonica e tamburello, per comunicare l’imminente data dei festeggiamenti e per raccogliere offerte e monili d’oro in parte in prestito, in parte ceduti, per adornare il “cilio delle ragazze”.
Le manifestazioni liturgiche si intrecciano con quelle folkloristiche; la festa richiama numerosi fedeli e parecchi emigrati che, per l’occasione, fanno ritorno al paese natio di Alì. L’ultimo giorno di festa i due cilii ed il fercolo di S. Agata vengono portati in processione lungo le vie cittadine.
Post scriptum: questo report lo dedico alla famiglia tedesca di origine ebrea, composta da padre, madre e da due bambini, che su di una barca decise di togliersi la vita per sfuggire ai loro persecutori nazisti, essi legandosi tutti tra di loro, ed appesantiti con pietre, si gettarono al largo delle acque di Mazzarò (Taormina); essi vennero poi ripescati, oramai senza vita, dai pescatori locali: nel “cimitero degli stranieri” di Taormina riposano le loro spoglie mortali.
Plin: en dialecto piamontés quiere decir pellizco. Bocaditos de queso de tres leches, con un sabor dulce e intenso. Con mucho cuidado y paciencia rellenan uno a uno los pequeños moldes, después esperan con calma el momento bueno. ¿Cómo hacemos para saber cuándo ha llegado ese momento? Pellizcándolos ligeramente con los dedos. Si la superficie se separa ligeramente del resto de la pasta entonces es hora de envasarlo y llevarlo a sus mesas.
Este pequeño queso lo elabora el Caseificio Reale ubicado en Racconigi un rincón de Piamonte a medio camino entre los Alpes y la llanura Padana, en donde los verdes pastos crecen prósperos gracias a un clima perfecto para la cría de la ganadería láctea.
La pasta es cremosa, casi lechoso, cerca de la corteza y el centro es un poco denso. Se puede ver que una vez fue casi gredoso y marfil en el centro.
Al morder el queso nos invaden en el paladar sabores que comienzan siendo agradablemente dulces y sedosos, para terminar caprinos de leche agria con un largo y sabroso gusto en boca, que uno no desearía que cesara.
LA BATTE
In the Walloon dialect of Liege, "batte" means embankment or wharf. Many "battes" were constructed over the centuries and their memory is kept alive in the local place names (for example : "Les Grosses Battes", along the bank of the Ourthe at Angleur). The Sunday market of "la Batte" retains the age-old name that used to designate the stretch of wharf between the two bridges, the Pont des Arches and the Pont Maghin. This popular name seems to go right back to the 16th century, probably to 1549, when the local authorities decided to erect a wharf, a "batte", along the bank of the Meuse, thus opening that part of the city to commerce. It was there that a public weighing house was built in the 16th century, a place where goods were weighed and taxed. Topped by slate roofs, the style of the squat buildings of the ëlot Saint-Georges are reminiscent of this ancient warehouse. The animal market, which was formerly held on the right bank of the Meuse, was transferred to "la Batte" in 1561; it was joined several years later by the fruit and vegetable mongers when they set up their stalls there and also by the annual November fair from 1594 onwards. The first public theatres also opened their doors there. Street criers, hawkers and other street pedlars make the Sunday market a real open air spectacle. Thanks to their eloquence and ingenuity, "la Batte" remains what it has always been : an extended coloured fresco, a privileged place, where amid the animated voices and bursts of laughter one can hear the heartbeat of the "Cité Ardente", the Fiery City of Liege. Today, "la Batte" stretches from the Quai Roosevelt to the Quai de Maestricht and spills over into Rue de la Cité, Rue de la Gaffe, Rue de la Halle, Rue de la Boucherie and Potiérue. It takes place every Sunday from 8am to 2pm. A wide variety of goods are to be found there: antiques, bric-ˆ-brac, new and secondhand books and records, meat, poultry, fish, wine, cheese, fruit and vegetables, costume jewellery, knickknacks, leather goods, hosiery, clothes, plants and flowers, exotic birds and fishes, farmyard animals, household goods, inventors'gadgets, together with the typical atmosphere of the little taverns along the quay.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
Some dialects named after the Abhira or Ahirs are still spoken. One, known as Ahirwati, is spoken in the Rohtals and Gurgaon districts, the Punjab, and near Delhi. The Malwi dialect of Rajasthani is also known as Ahiri; there is a dialect of Gujarati called Khandeshi, also known as Ahirani. These linguistic survivals are an indication that the Ahirs were early settlers in the Delhi country of the Punjab, and in Malwa and Khandesh. They speak Dhundhari, Hindi and use Devanagari Script.
LA BATTE
In the Walloon dialect of Liege, "batte" means embankment or wharf. Many "battes" were constructed over the centuries and their memory is kept alive in the local place names (for example : "Les Grosses Battes", along the bank of the Ourthe at Angleur). The Sunday market of "la Batte" retains the age-old name that used to designate the stretch of wharf between the two bridges, the Pont des Arches and the Pont Maghin. This popular name seems to go right back to the 16th century, probably to 1549, when the local authorities decided to erect a wharf, a "batte", along the bank of the Meuse, thus opening that part of the city to commerce. It was there that a public weighing house was built in the 16th century, a place where goods were weighed and taxed. Topped by slate roofs, the style of the squat buildings of the ëlot Saint-Georges are reminiscent of this ancient warehouse. The animal market, which was formerly held on the right bank of the Meuse, was transferred to "la Batte" in 1561; it was joined several years later by the fruit and vegetable mongers when they set up their stalls there and also by the annual November fair from 1594 onwards. The first public theatres also opened their doors there. Street criers, hawkers and other street pedlars make the Sunday market a real open air spectacle. Thanks to their eloquence and ingenuity, "la Batte" remains what it has always been : an extended coloured fresco, a privileged place, where amid the animated voices and bursts of laughter one can hear the heartbeat of the "Cité Ardente", the Fiery City of Liege. Today, "la Batte" stretches from the Quai Roosevelt to the Quai de Maestricht and spills over into Rue de la Cité, Rue de la Gaffe, Rue de la Halle, Rue de la Boucherie and Potiérue. It takes place every Sunday from 8am to 2pm. A wide variety of goods are to be found there: antiques, bric-ˆ-brac, new and secondhand books and records, meat, poultry, fish, wine, cheese, fruit and vegetables, costume jewellery, knickknacks, leather goods, hosiery, clothes, plants and flowers, exotic birds and fishes, farmyard animals, household goods, inventors'gadgets, together with the typical atmosphere of the little taverns along the quay.
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From 19 to 21 August 2016 in the Sicilian town of Ali, there was the so-called "Great Feast" ("Festa Ranni" in Sicilian dialect) in honor of their patron Saint Agatha.
The feast, which lasts three days, it is called "Feast Ranni" (Great Feast) to emphasize the exceptional nature of the event, since it falls only once every ten years. Preparations officially begin early as a month before and are involved both the "ciliary" (ie families entrusted from time to time, which shall prepare at their own expense at the solemn celebration for Her Patron Saint), both the "Deputation of St. Agatha" collaborating with the parish priest, plays a role during the organizational phase.
The passage of the Holy Relics of the Martyr Agatha in the village of Ali (Messina) in their return to Catania, on the morning of August 17 of the year 1126, it was for this Sicilian center an extraordinary and grandiose event, that led to the building of the great Mother Church , which took place in the sixteenth century; then the celebration of the annual festival but especially the so-called "Great Feast", which recalls the three-day feasts taking place in the city of Catania.
We don't known the origins of this ancient feast, whose complex ritual was entrusted, almost to the present day only to the oral tradition; Father Seraphim of Ali (junior) speaks in 1754, in his book "Of story of Ali and his territory".
Long and laborious preparations are assigned to two groups each formed by twelve families belonging to two different districts of the country, they receive instructions to draw up each other's "Ciliium of Bread" and the other the "Cilium of Girls". These families are appointed by the Deputation of St. Agatha (Advisory body that exercises within the Church Mother, economic and organizational functions) and by the parish priest.
The names of the families of "ciliary", as they are called, are made known by the parish priest, after the morning Mass of the 5 February of the current year.
Traditionally the families of "Ciliium of Girls" traveling in neighboring countries (Fiumedinisi, Itala and Ali Terme) with the sound of the accordion and tambourine, to communicate the imminent date of the festivities and take offerings and gold jewelry in part borrowed, in part donated, to adorn the "Cilium of Girls".
Liturgical events are intertwined with the traditional folk feast. The Feast attracts many faithful and many emigrants who, for the occasion, return to their native village of Ali. The last day of celebration the two Ciliums and the float of St. Agatha are carried in procession through the city.
Postscript: This report is dedicated to the German family of Jewish origin, consisting of father, mother and two children, on a boat they decided to take his own life to escape their Nazi persecutors, by binding them all together, and weighted with stones, they threw themselves off the waters of Mazzaro (Taormina); they were later fished out by now without life, by local fishermen: in the "graveyard of foreigners" of Taormina, now for ever and ever close together, they rest in peace.
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Dal 19 al 21 Agosto 2016 nel paese Siciliano di Alì (Messina) si è svolta una caratteristica festa, della quale propongo un report fotografico.
La Festa , durata infatti tre giorni, è denominata "Festa Ranni" (Festa Grande) per porre in risalto l'eccezionalità del fenomeno e la grandiosità dell’evento, poiché essa ricade una sola volta ogni dieci anni. I preparativi iniziano ufficialmente già un mese prima e vedono coinvolti sia i “ciliari” (cioè le famiglie incaricate di volta in volta e scelte a rotazione, che provvedono a preparare a proprie spese la festa solenne per la Santa Patrona, con l’allestimento dei due “cilii” ovvero le due “vare” anche intese come “cerei”), sia la “Deputazione di S. Agata” che collaborando con il Parroco, svolge un ruolo durante la fase organizzativa.
Il passaggio delle Sacre Reliquie della Martire catanese dal paese di Ali (Messina) nel rientro loro verso Catania, la mattina del 17 agosto dell’anno 1126 , fu per questo centro Siciliano un evento straordinario e grandioso, che portarono alla edificazione della grande Chiesa Madre, avvenuta nel XVI secolo, quindi alla celebrazione della festa annuale ma soprattutto della così detta “Festa Ranni”, che ricorda i tre giorni di festa che avvengono nella città di Catania.
Oscure sono le origini e le antiche modalità di svolgimento di questa festa, il cui complesso rituale è stato affidato, fin quasi ai nostri giorni esclusivamente alla tradizione orale, Padre Serafino d’Alì (junior) ne parla nel 1754, nel suo libro “Della storia di Alì e suo territoro”.
Lunghi e laboriosi sono i preparativi affidati a due gruppi formati ciascuno da dodici famiglie appartenenti a due diversi quartieri del paese, che ricevono l’incarico di allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" e l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze". Queste famiglie vengono nominate dalla Deputazione di S. Agata (Organo consultivo che esercita all’interno della Chiesa Madre, funzioni economico-organizzative) e dal Parroco, e la loro scelta segue una rotazione tale che nel corso degli anni nessun nucleo familiare, e di conseguenza nessun quartiere, ne rimane escluso.
I nomi dei "Ciliari", così vengono denominati, vengono resi noti dal Parroco, al termine della messa mattutina del 5 Febbraio dell’anno prestabilito per la Festa.
Come già detto sopra, ogni gruppo provvede autonomamente ad allestire l'uno il "Cilio del Pane" l'altro il "Cilio delle Ragazze".
Per tradizione le 12 famiglie di “ciliari delle ragazze”, anche loro sempre accompagnate da un nutrito gruppo (soprattutto giovani), si recano nei paesi vicini (Fiumedinisi, Itala e Alì Terme) a suon di fisarmonica e tamburello, per comunicare l’imminente data dei festeggiamenti e per raccogliere offerte e monili d’oro in parte in prestito, in parte ceduti, per adornare il “cilio delle ragazze”.
Le manifestazioni liturgiche si intrecciano con quelle folkloristiche; la festa richiama numerosi fedeli e parecchi emigrati che, per l’occasione, fanno ritorno al paese natio di Alì. L’ultimo giorno di festa i due cilii ed il fercolo di S. Agata vengono portati in processione lungo le vie cittadine.
Post scriptum: questo report lo dedico alla famiglia tedesca di origine ebrea, composta da padre, madre e da due bambini, che su di una barca decise di togliersi la vita per sfuggire ai loro persecutori nazisti, essi legandosi tutti tra di loro, ed appesantiti con pietre, si gettarono al largo delle acque di Mazzarò (Taormina); essi vennero poi ripescati, oramai senza vita, dai pescatori locali: nel “cimitero degli stranieri” di Taormina riposano le loro spoglie mortali.
Bologna or Bulåggna; pronounced [buˈləɲɲa] in the Bolognese dialect of Emiliano-Romagnolo language) is the capital city of Emilia-Romagna, in the Po Valley of Northern Italy. The city lies between the Po River and the Apennine Mountains, more specifically, between the Reno River and the Savena River. It is the seventh largest city in terms of population and it is the heart of a metropolitan area (officially recognized by the Italian government as a metropolitan city) of about 1,000,000 inhabitants. The urban sprawl of Bologna – Modena, whose metropolises are adjoining, is continuously expanding. Home to the oldest university in the world, University of Bologna, founded in 1088, Bologna hosts numerous students who enrich the social and cultural life of the city. Famous for its towers and lengthy porticoes, it has a well-preserved historical downtown (one of the largest in Italy) thanks to a careful restoration and conservation policy which began at the end of the 1970s, on the heels of serious damage done by the urban demolition at the end of the 19th century as well as that caused by wars. The city, the first settlements of which date back to at least one millennium before Christ, has always been an important urban center, first under the Etruscans (Velzna/Felsina) and the Celts (Bona), then under the Romans (Bononia), then again in the Middle Ages, as a free municipality (for one century it was the fifth largest European city based on population). An important cultural and artistic center, it is rarely recognized as such, as it does not possess a world renowned "masterpiece" that would attract tourists en masse; that having been said, its artistic importance and its importance in terms of landmarks can be contributed to homogenous mixture of monuments and architectural examples (medieval towers, antique buildings, churches, the layout of its historical center) as well as works of art which are the result of a first class architectural and artistic history. Bologna is also an important crossroads of the roads and trains of Northern Italy, where many important mechanical, electronic and nutritional industries have their headquarters. According to the most recent data gathered by the European Regional Economic Growth Index (E-REGI) of 2009, Bologna is the first Italian city and the 47th European city in terms of its economic growth rate.[2] It is home to prestigious cultural, economic and political institutions as well as one of the most impressive trade fair districts in Europe. In 2000 it was declared European capital of culture[3] and in 2006, a UNESCO “city of music”. The city of Bologna was selected to participate in the Universal Exposition of Shanghai 2010 together with 45 other cities from around the world.[4] Bologna is also one of the richest cities in Italy, often ranking as one of the top cities in terms of quality of life in the country: it was ranked 5th in 2006, and 12th in 2007, out of 103 Italian cities.[5] Bologna is a lively and cosmopolitan Italian college city, and it has spectacular history, art, cuisine, music and culture.