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Rishi Yadav is a popular Indian digital content creator, social media influencer, YouTuber, Viner and internet personality from Ayodhya ( Ram Nagri ), UP, India.He gets popular by making vines videos on YouTube.
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Main Youtube Channel :- www.youtube.com/c/RishiYadavv
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Rummana Hussain
Wood, mirror, terracotta, acrylic, earth, wall-mounted pot, wooden box, acrylic box
These five works by Rummana Hussain were among her first installations. Having painted figuratively to express the political throughout the 1980s, she felt the need for object-oriented art which could respond to immediate realities.
When the Babri Masjid was demolished in 1992, Hussain was living in Bombay (Mumbai), one of the cities worst affected by communal riots. As a Muslim woman, she was forced to temporarily flee her home with her family.
Emerging from this traumatic experience, the works displayed here, in which the shattered terracotta pot is a recurrent motif, were in her first solo show, ‘Fragments/Multiples’, at Bombay’s Gallery Chemould in 1994.
Hussain used the pot allegorically: the shards of terracotta resemble broken domes, destroyed homes, and the human body undone, each alluding to the violent fracturing of social unity. From these pots, everyday materials, such as gheru (a powdered red clay) and rubble, spill onto mirrors. Their reflections are interrupted, distorted, evoking a desolate landscape of ruins.*
On 6 December 1992, an organised mob of Hindu activists demolished a sixteenth-century mosque, the Babri Masjid, in Ayodhya, India. They contended that the mosque had been built upon the site of a Hindu temple that had commemorated the birthplace of the god Ram – a mosque-temple debate ongoing since the nineteenth century. The destruction of the mosque triggered riots across the Indian subcontinent, in which some thousands were killed. This communal violence had a profound impact on many members of India’s artistic community. Vivan Sundaram recalled that there was “enormous despair”, which “shook the belief system of those brought up with Nehruvian ideals of secularism. There was a crisis.” Several artists were compelled to make works in response, and some, such as Rummana Hussain and Sheela Gowda, radically re-oriented their practices. It was within this context that artists began to experiment with installation, cross-media and performance in an effort to directly address issues of secularity and to deconstruct essentialised ideas about India’s modern and pre-modern past.*
Taken from the exhibition
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975–1998
(October 2024 — January 2025)
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975-1998 surveys artistic production from across the Indian subcontinent during a 23-year period marked by social upheaval, economic instability and rapid urbanisation. The exhibition unfolds in a loosely chronological manner, framed by two significant national events in the history of independent India: the declaration of the Emergency in 1975, when democratic rights were suspended, and the nuclear tests of 1998, when the country relinquished its non-violent ideals to assert its place in a new global order. Some artists responded unequivocally to developments in the public arena, while others captured shared experiences and private moments. Amongst the 30 artists featured in this show some committed themselves to representational painting; others evolved personal iconographies in a variety of mediums, including employing installation in the 1990s. All of them combined social observation with individual expression and innovative forms to make work about friendship, love, desire, family, religion, violence, caste and community. This has determined the four axes that shape the exhibition: the rise of communal violence; gender and sexuality; urbanisation and shifting class structures; and a growing connection with Indigenism.
The exhibition takes its title from Sudipta Kaviraj’s essay The Imaginary Institution of India, in which he writes persuasively about the intellectual process of conceptualising the Indian nation. Artworks consider the state’s inability to abide by the progressive character of its Constitution, conceived as an instrument for radical social transformation. They also confront government failure to uphold secularism, social justice, welfare, minority rights and affirmative action in the face of a rising Hindu right wing and pro-capitalist economic agendas. They demonstrate that solidarity and protest existed, and were expressed in many registers, from the strident or intimate to the despondent or poetic, both anguished and hopeful, in the street and in the home. We witness the quiet defiance and resilience which truly defines this imaginary institution of India. In the words of B. R. Ambedkar, the Indian Constitution’s main architect, “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.".
[*Barbican Centre]
Taken in the Barbican
Ayodhya is a city of spiritual import cleansed in religious sacredness where landmarks like Ram Janmabhoomi and Hanuman Garhi imparting the rich heritage.
Read more here: www.shrineyatra.com/complete-tour-guide-for-ayodhya-tourism/
अयोध्या। आज से प्रदेश में 31 जुलाई तक चलने वाले संचारी रोग नियंत्रण अभियान (Sanchari Rog and Dastak Abhiyan) की शुरुआत कलेक्ट्रेट सभागार में जिलाधिकारी अनुज कुमार झा (Anuj Kumar Jha) द्वारा अधिकारियों, कर्मचारियों, पत्रकारों, गणमान्य नागरिकों को शपथ दिलाकर शुरु किया गया।
Read This: यूपी चुनाव: 4...
www.thegandhigiri.com/uttar-pradesh/ayodhya-sanchari-rog-...
Ayodhya Ram Mandir is set to be inaugurated on 22nd January 2024. Witness the culmination of years of dedication and construction as theShri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust enthroned Ram Lalla at the sanctum-sanctorum.
Read More :- theschoolsocial.in/magazine/reading-for-kids?nid=family-a...
Rummana Hussain
Wood, paint on acrylic, gheru, terracotta
These five works by Rummana Hussain were among her first installations. Having painted figuratively to express the political throughout the 1980s, she felt the need for object-oriented art which could respond to immediate realities.
When the Babri Masjid was demolished in 1992, Hussain was living in Bombay (Mumbai), one of the cities worst affected by communal riots. As a Muslim woman, she was forced to temporarily flee her home with her family.
Emerging from this traumatic experience, the works displayed here, in which the shattered terracotta pot is a recurrent motif, were in her first solo show, ‘Fragments/Multiples’, at Bombay’s Gallery Chemould in 1994.
Hussain used the pot allegorically: the shards of terracotta resemble broken domes, destroyed homes, and the human body undone, each alluding to the violent fracturing of social unity. From these pots, everyday materials, such as gheru (a powdered red clay) and rubble, spill onto mirrors. Their reflections are interrupted, distorted, evoking a desolate landscape of ruins.*
On 6 December 1992, an organised mob of Hindu activists demolished a sixteenth-century mosque, the Babri Masjid, in Ayodhya, India. They contended that the mosque had been built upon the site of a Hindu temple that had commemorated the birthplace of the god Ram – a mosque-temple debate ongoing since the nineteenth century. The destruction of the mosque triggered riots across the Indian subcontinent, in which some thousands were killed. This communal violence had a profound impact on many members of India’s artistic community. Vivan Sundaram recalled that there was “enormous despair”, which “shook the belief system of those brought up with Nehruvian ideals of secularism. There was a crisis.” Several artists were compelled to make works in response, and some, such as Rummana Hussain and Sheela Gowda, radically re-oriented their practices. It was within this context that artists began to experiment with installation, cross-media and performance in an effort to directly address issues of secularity and to deconstruct essentialised ideas about India’s modern and pre-modern past.*
Taken from the exhibition
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975–1998
(October 2024 — January 2025)
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975-1998 surveys artistic production from across the Indian subcontinent during a 23-year period marked by social upheaval, economic instability and rapid urbanisation. The exhibition unfolds in a loosely chronological manner, framed by two significant national events in the history of independent India: the declaration of the Emergency in 1975, when democratic rights were suspended, and the nuclear tests of 1998, when the country relinquished its non-violent ideals to assert its place in a new global order. Some artists responded unequivocally to developments in the public arena, while others captured shared experiences and private moments. Amongst the 30 artists featured in this show some committed themselves to representational painting; others evolved personal iconographies in a variety of mediums, including employing installation in the 1990s. All of them combined social observation with individual expression and innovative forms to make work about friendship, love, desire, family, religion, violence, caste and community. This has determined the four axes that shape the exhibition: the rise of communal violence; gender and sexuality; urbanisation and shifting class structures; and a growing connection with Indigenism.
The exhibition takes its title from Sudipta Kaviraj’s essay The Imaginary Institution of India, in which he writes persuasively about the intellectual process of conceptualising the Indian nation. Artworks consider the state’s inability to abide by the progressive character of its Constitution, conceived as an instrument for radical social transformation. They also confront government failure to uphold secularism, social justice, welfare, minority rights and affirmative action in the face of a rising Hindu right wing and pro-capitalist economic agendas. They demonstrate that solidarity and protest existed, and were expressed in many registers, from the strident or intimate to the despondent or poetic, both anguished and hopeful, in the street and in the home. We witness the quiet defiance and resilience which truly defines this imaginary institution of India. In the words of B. R. Ambedkar, the Indian Constitution’s main architect, “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.".
[*Barbican Centre]
Taken in the Barbican
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lAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY STUDENTS' UNION .
.
r,!!!!!!!! Date: 06.12.05 .
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On the O~casion of the Anniversary of Babri Masjid Demolition ~ ~ against Communalism .
Naseem Ayodhya-Ek Ardh Satya .
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a:...-Tapti Mess 8.45 P.M. 06.12.05 (tonight) .
Friends .
I .
In yesterday's Council Meeting the JNUSU delibe t d · · the student community an~ the larger 'interests of the pe~;,:ofo~u~e~~~~~~m~~rta~t rssu.fs re~arding oppose any compromrse wrth our national sovereignty and . t t f . e ouncr reso ves to oc~ur under the pressure of the us and the EU at the Hong~~~~~s~i~is\~~i~lo~~on~~le th~t might 13 December, 2005. The developed countries are current! t . t f e sta~lng from services like health, education, etc., which poses a seriou~ t~:~~t fo ~r~~ t~e e~tryt of ~DI rnto basic The. ~ou.nci l decided to mount pressure on the UPA government for a . s ~ajon Y o our country. position In the Parliament and protect the interests of the masses in t~lscusslon of the gov~r~ment s .
mobilizing stud~nts for the call of a National Protest Day on 13th Dece be Hong Kong negotratlons by .
On the 1ssue of the hike in medical charges in AIIM S th c m e~. . . . anti-poor move of the government which will adverseI affect 'thee ouncll consrde~s this. rs a blatant in ~elhi) ~xclu.ding them from ba~ic health facilities. ~he Councifoh~~~~ p~o~l~ (rncludJ.ng students against t~ls pn~e-hike in demand for its rollback. The Council also oppos~detheo~~~~n~e kr~t~sts ~~~~ pnvat1zat1on by the Delhi government and demands an immediate reversal of ~his :~i-p:~v~~ .
The JNUSU passed a unanimous resolution on the issue of AMU d government must try to emerae a corL~P.n~u~ !:lrnnn,.,_c-+ "u ---· .!--emanding that the .
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4.12.05.
JAWAHARLAl NEHRU UNIVERSITY STUDENTS' UNION .
Uphold the Gender Sensitive Character of GSCASHI .
Join Protest Demo at JNU EC Meeting to .
Demand Scrapping of the New GSCASH Rules and Procedures and Ratification of the Earlier OnesI .
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Ad.Biock 5.12.05 10.30 am .
The GSCASH-an autonomous body to enquire in agender sensitive and unbiased way into complaints ofsexual harassment and promote gender sensitisationqn the campus,was set up in 1999 as aresult ofa sustained movement by all sections of the JNU community. Its rules and procedures were defined through wide consultations with students, teachers as well as non-teaching staff, in keeping with the Supreme Court directive in the Vishaka Judgement The demand for ratification of these rules and procedures was along-standing demand of the JNUSU, as well as other sections like teachers and karamcharis. However, instead ofratifying the existingrules, the JNU EC adopted an entirely new set of rules and procedures,whtch were drafted using the recommendations of the infamous Ashok Mathur Committee-recommendations which were never made public despite repeated demands The new rules were formulated in a hush-hush manner, without taking even the GSCASH itself, let alone any other sections of the JNU community rnto confiaence or consultation. .
The new rules and procedures distort the gender sensitive character oftheGSCASH and violate the spint of the Vishaka Judgement According to these new rules, the GSCASH'sfirst response to acomplaint of sexual harassment must be to try to 'medtate and conciliate' between the victim and the accused.The GSCASH must 'reporf to the VC/Rector at every st3ge of the enquiry, thus robbing it of rts autonomy and independence, and allowmg space for manipulation by the Administration.According to the new rules, special treatment is given to accused faculty members,who cannot be cross-questioned by student or karamchari members of GSCASH during enquiry! Further. the new rules wam that aGSCASH committee comprising of more than half women would be illegal (turning the Vishakha Judgement recommendation of not less than 50% representation forwomen in the Committees on its head). Other offensive clauses includethe rule for a 'time frame'for complaints toLe s~bmitted, and the division of sexual harassment into categories of 'minor', 'major' and 'serious', and the directive to GSCASH members to report 'sexually deviant behaviour' to the VC/Rector..
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Ifthese new rules are implemented, clearly,the GSCASH will no longer be an independent body committed to ensuring justice in complains ofsexual harassment; nor can it promote gender sensitivity. Instead, It will be biased in favour of the accused, it will instituUonalise hierarchies within the JNU community,discourage victims from filing complaints and pressurise them to withdraw complaints, and will be apuppet in the hands of the Administration .
It was the JNU EC which ratified the new rules and procedures.ln a meeting with the previous JNUSU, the VC had assured that the new rules would be kept 'on hold' until the next EC meeting was held. Tomorrow, an EC Meeting is being held in JNU-and we must make sure that our demand for saapping of the new rules and ratification ofthe earlier set of gender-sensitive rules and proceduresmustbe heeded by theEC. .
To defend the gender sensitive spirit of the GSCASH,to protest against the new rules and demandratification of the earlier rules,JNUSU calls upon students to participate in aprotest demonstration at the EC Meeting Venue tomorrow. sd/-Mona Das sd/-Dhananjay Trlpathi sd/-Fauzan Abrar sd/-Arani Sinha President, JNUSU Vice-President, JNUSU Gen. Secy., JNUSU Jt. Secy , JNUSU .
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‘House’, 1994
From the series Shelter, 1994–99
Vivan Sundaram
Kalamkhush handmade paper, steel, wood, water, glass, brake grease, acrylic paint, video
Vivan Sundaram transitioned from painting and drawing in the early 1990s to embrace a broader, spatially oriented approach. ‘House’ portrays his reflections on the changing political landscape and communal tensions in India at the time.
Held by a metal armature, the installation elaborates on the concept of refuge. A walled sanctuary cast in kalamkhush (paper handmade from khadi, the hand-spun, natural-fibre fabric promoted by Mahatma Gandhi during India’s anti-colonial struggle), ‘House’’s surface carries embossed emblems of the tools of labour and speaks to collective struggles against power.
Alongside a mineral hue reminiscent of coagulated blood, the outer walls exhibit marks of brutality:
scattered limbs, jagged outlines of weapons, and closed windows. Within, a pedestal bears a wide-brimmed vessel filled with water, and flickering through the transparent base of the bowl, a fiery video projection conveys an allegory of simmering injustice.*
On 6 December 1992, an organised mob of Hindu activists demolished a sixteenth-century mosque, the Babri Masjid, in Ayodhya, India. They contended that the mosque had been built upon the site of a Hindu temple that had commemorated the birthplace of the god Ram – a mosque-temple debate ongoing since the nineteenth century. The destruction of the mosque triggered riots across the Indian subcontinent, in which some thousands were killed. This communal violence had a profound impact on many members of India’s artistic community. Vivan Sundaram recalled that there was “enormous despair”, which “shook the belief system of those brought up with Nehruvian ideals of secularism. There was a crisis.” Several artists were compelled to make works in response, and some, such as Rummana Hussain and Sheela Gowda, radically re-oriented their practices. It was within this context that artists began to experiment with installation, cross-media and performance in an effort to directly address issues of secularity and to deconstruct essentialised ideas about India’s modern and pre-modern past.*
Taken from the exhibition
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975–1998
(October 2024 — January 2025)
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975-1998 surveys artistic production from across the Indian subcontinent during a 23-year period marked by social upheaval, economic instability and rapid urbanisation. The exhibition unfolds in a loosely chronological manner, framed by two significant national events in the history of independent India: the declaration of the Emergency in 1975, when democratic rights were suspended, and the nuclear tests of 1998, when the country relinquished its non-violent ideals to assert its place in a new global order. Some artists responded unequivocally to developments in the public arena, while others captured shared experiences and private moments. Amongst the 30 artists featured in this show some committed themselves to representational painting; others evolved personal iconographies in a variety of mediums, including employing installation in the 1990s. All of them combined social observation with individual expression and innovative forms to make work about friendship, love, desire, family, religion, violence, caste and community. This has determined the four axes that shape the exhibition: the rise of communal violence; gender and sexuality; urbanisation and shifting class structures; and a growing connection with Indigenism.
The exhibition takes its title from Sudipta Kaviraj’s essay The Imaginary Institution of India, in which he writes persuasively about the intellectual process of conceptualising the Indian nation. Artworks consider the state’s inability to abide by the progressive character of its Constitution, conceived as an instrument for radical social transformation. They also confront government failure to uphold secularism, social justice, welfare, minority rights and affirmative action in the face of a rising Hindu right wing and pro-capitalist economic agendas. They demonstrate that solidarity and protest existed, and were expressed in many registers, from the strident or intimate to the despondent or poetic, both anguished and hopeful, in the street and in the home. We witness the quiet defiance and resilience which truly defines this imaginary institution of India. In the words of B. R. Ambedkar, the Indian Constitution’s main architect, “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.".
[*Barbican Centre]
Taken in the Barbican
Rummana Hussain
Bricks, mirror, gheru, terracotta
These five works by Rummana Hussain were among her first installations. Having painted figuratively to express the political throughout the 1980s, she felt the need for object-oriented art which could respond to immediate realities.
When the Babri Masjid was demolished in 1992, Hussain was living in Bombay (Mumbai), one of the cities worst affected by communal riots. As a Muslim woman, she was forced to temporarily flee her home with her family.
Emerging from this traumatic experience, the works displayed here, in which the shattered terracotta pot is a recurrent motif, were in her first solo show, ‘Fragments/Multiples’, at Bombay’s Gallery Chemould in 1994.
Hussain used the pot allegorically: the shards of terracotta resemble broken domes, destroyed homes, and the human body undone, each alluding to the violent fracturing of social unity. From these pots, everyday materials, such as gheru (a powdered red clay) and rubble, spill onto mirrors. Their reflections are interrupted, distorted, evoking a desolate landscape of ruins.*
On 6 December 1992, an organised mob of Hindu activists demolished a sixteenth-century mosque, the Babri Masjid, in Ayodhya, India. They contended that the mosque had been built upon the site of a Hindu temple that had commemorated the birthplace of the god Ram – a mosque-temple debate ongoing since the nineteenth century. The destruction of the mosque triggered riots across the Indian subcontinent, in which some thousands were killed. This communal violence had a profound impact on many members of India’s artistic community. Vivan Sundaram recalled that there was “enormous despair”, which “shook the belief system of those brought up with Nehruvian ideals of secularism. There was a crisis.” Several artists were compelled to make works in response, and some, such as Rummana Hussain and Sheela Gowda, radically re-oriented their practices. It was within this context that artists began to experiment with installation, cross-media and performance in an effort to directly address issues of secularity and to deconstruct essentialised ideas about India’s modern and pre-modern past.*
Taken from the exhibition
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975–1998
(October 2024 — January 2025)
The Imaginary Institution of India: Art 1975-1998 surveys artistic production from across the Indian subcontinent during a 23-year period marked by social upheaval, economic instability and rapid urbanisation. The exhibition unfolds in a loosely chronological manner, framed by two significant national events in the history of independent India: the declaration of the Emergency in 1975, when democratic rights were suspended, and the nuclear tests of 1998, when the country relinquished its non-violent ideals to assert its place in a new global order. Some artists responded unequivocally to developments in the public arena, while others captured shared experiences and private moments. Amongst the 30 artists featured in this show some committed themselves to representational painting; others evolved personal iconographies in a variety of mediums, including employing installation in the 1990s. All of them combined social observation with individual expression and innovative forms to make work about friendship, love, desire, family, religion, violence, caste and community. This has determined the four axes that shape the exhibition: the rise of communal violence; gender and sexuality; urbanisation and shifting class structures; and a growing connection with Indigenism.
The exhibition takes its title from Sudipta Kaviraj’s essay The Imaginary Institution of India, in which he writes persuasively about the intellectual process of conceptualising the Indian nation. Artworks consider the state’s inability to abide by the progressive character of its Constitution, conceived as an instrument for radical social transformation. They also confront government failure to uphold secularism, social justice, welfare, minority rights and affirmative action in the face of a rising Hindu right wing and pro-capitalist economic agendas. They demonstrate that solidarity and protest existed, and were expressed in many registers, from the strident or intimate to the despondent or poetic, both anguished and hopeful, in the street and in the home. We witness the quiet defiance and resilience which truly defines this imaginary institution of India. In the words of B. R. Ambedkar, the Indian Constitution’s main architect, “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy.".
[*Barbican Centre]
Taken in the Barbican
.
STUDENTS' FEDERATION OF INDIA.
ALL INDIA STUDENTS' FEDERATION .
.
04.03.04.
DEFEAT THE RSS-ABVP'S SINISTER GAMEPLAN I.
Friends, .
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We would like to inform the student community that a time-bound enquiry of seven days has been instituted intothe complaints against the. habitual sexual harasser Bhaskar Yadav and that the campus has been declared out ofbounds for him till the enquiry is completed. We demand that the Administration conduct the enquiry in a speedy mannerand expel Bhaskar Yadav from the university without further delay.As the RSS-BJP across the country raises the intensity of its fascistic Hindutva campaign with Vajpayee defyingthe law of the land on the Ayodhya issue and Advani planning yet another Rath Yatra, the RSS-ABVP in our campus isalso trying to break the unity of the student community by creating communal tensions. Tuesday night's incidents atNeelgiri Dhaba were a pre-planned part of this sinister design of the RSS-ABVP to vitiate the atmosphere on campus.And once again, just as in the 101n August incident, it is the JNUSU office-bearers who have been made the specifictargets. On Tuesday night, the Secretary of the ABVP's JNU unit had the audacity to make an attempt to barge intoGodavari Hostel and threaten to drag out the JNUSU Vice-President. Their attempts at provocation having beendefeated by the peaceful and democratic opposition of the students present, the ABVP is now levelingcompletely false and baseless allegations against the JNUSU Vice-President and activists of the SFI-AISF. Thestudents present at the Neelgiri Dhaba are witness to the absurdity of such allegations and the fact that it wasthe communal lumpens of the ABVP who exposed their true colours on Tuesday night by standing in defence ofa habitual sexual harasser and communal element like Bhaskar Yadav. The extremely offensive, gender-insensitive and communal pamphlet brought out by the ABVP last night in which they have threatened to "makeSFI see blood", repeat the "Holi of Haldighat" on Jhelum Lawns if plays are enacted exposing their communalpolitics and make the students who speak out against them face "nightmarish" consequences is evidenceenough of the fact that the Sangh Giroh on our campus are yet again making attempts to provoke some incidentwhich would divide the student community on communal lines. We appeal to the student community to see throughthis fascistic gameplan of the RSS-ABVP and stand in defence of the peaceful and democratic ethos of our university while giving these communal forces a fitting rebuff. We demand that the Administration take strict disciplinary actionagainst Ajit Singh and other ABVP lumpens involved in the incident of 02.03.04.It is shocking that in the context of this intensified assault by the ABVP, self-declared secular organizations likethe AI SA and the NSUI have worked to help their cause by lending their voice to the ABVP's campaign of lies and slanderagainst JNUSU office-bearers and activists of the Left. It is shameful that considerations of narrow electoral gains andsectarian concerns have precluded them from taking a clear-cut stand against the ABVP's gameplan. In the case oftheAISA there is yet another reason: the same Bhaskar Yadav who declares himself to be a " Hindu Human Bomb"used to be an AISA activist and in the 2001 JNUSU elections he could be seen shouting slogans for AISA duringt he Presidential debate and campaigning wearing an AISA badge on election day. Perhaps it was the sympathy.
arising out of this association that led to the AISA remaining completely silent on the repeated offencescommitted by Bhaskar Yadav before Tuesday. Even on that night the JNUSU General Secretary remained atotally mute spectator. While the Vice-President and other members of the JNUSU Council were pressurizing theAdministration's representatives to punish Bhaskar Yadav she did not utter a single word against him and wascompletely absent from the efforts made by the JNUSU throughout Wednesday to ensure that some action wastaken. In a step that threatens the unity of the JNUSU she even refused to sign yesterday.
's JNUSU pamphl~t on.
the issue. After such a show of crass opportunism in the real struggle against t he communal forces, calhng aprotest against communalism today is nothing but the worst form of hypocrisy on the part ofthe AISA. The NSUIhas also shown its complete bankruptcy by targeting its campaign mainly against the JNUSU Vice-President.We appeal to the student community to remain united against the communal designs of the RSS-ABVP and.
expose the opportunistic politics of the NSUI and the AISA. .
We congratulate the students of Aligarh Muslim University for their successful struggle on the issue of democratic rightsdemanding elections to the Students Union. In keeping with the JNU student community.
's long traditions of solidarity, the.
JNUSU President had joined the hunger strike being carried out by the AMU students and he was part of the team that.
negotiated with the Vice-Chancellor. Following these protests the AMU Administration has been forced to concede all thedemands of the student community. A victory procession of more than a thousand AMU students was led by the JNUSUPresident. However, it is extremely unfortunate that the JNUSU General Secretary is trying to make use of this historic.
achievement of united students' struggle for narrow self-promotion. The AISA has claimed that she participated in apublic meeting in AMU on 241h January. Then why did she wait for more than a month befor~ informing the studentcommunity of the ongoing struggle? What has been her contribution to the struggle in the course of that period?·TheAISA's silence on these question only goes to show the ridiculousness of the General Secretary's cheap attempts to gainpersonal mileage from a struggle of which she was not a part at all. .
Sd/~ .
Sd/-Jyotirmoy Bhattacharya, Nimesh Chandra,Secretary, JNU-SFI Secretary, JNU-AISF.
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