Worldwide Photo Walk 2015
View allAll Photos Tagged Social_Events
There is nothing in life that cannot be accepted in the face of a beautiful morning sunrise. Where social events can cause a change to our surrounding situations, the beauty of nature is constant, enduring, and healing.
Grand Teton National Park, Wyoming
At Wat Khanon temple in Ratchaburi, that preserves the art and culture of 'Nang Yai', the classical Thai form of shadow puppet play using songs, sounds and movements from the puppeteers. It features non-articulated, life-size puppets carved from single, specially prepared and tinted buffalo hides. Nang Yai translated from Thai literally means "large leather". Stories dramatised are from the Ramakien, one of Thailand's national epics derived from the Hindu epic Ramayana, adapted and tweaked to fit local interests.
Nang Talung, a popular folk form of shadow puppet play from Thailand's south on the other hand uses much smaller and articulated puppets and besides stories from the Ramakien conveys contemporary modern stories from daily life through narration, singing and music; be it about politics, social events or more private matters that might otherwise be taboo.
A friendly monk at the temple demonstrated some of their collection of puppets, holding out in front a smaller articulated puppet from Indonesia; in the background an antique life-sized Nang Yai puppet that is mounted in front of a cloth screen.
He used to be an engineer, but decided for a different life and was as friendly as he was enthusiastic about the monkhood as the historic art and culture of shadow play.
Also check some more images from the Nang Yai museum published over the last few days.
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This is the library located off of the ballroom. Men congregated here during social events.
Another candid shot from time spent shooting a bit of street photography in the beautiful Piazza San Marco in Turin.
I do seem to have rather a lot of shots of woman and very few of men....... I don't think that was a conscious decision, just a representative reflection of the population promenading around in the lovely early evening light.
Click here to see more of my photos from various trips to Italy : www.flickr.com/photos/darrellg/albums/72157603213111374
From Wikipedia : "Piazza San Carlo is one of the main city squares in Turin, Italy. It was laid out in the 16th and 17th century and is an example of Baroque style. Its current name is an hommage to Charles Borromeo while the square was previously known as Piazza Reale, Piazza d'Armi, and Place Napoleon.
The Caval 'd brons (piedmontese for bronze horse), equestrian statue of Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, by Carlo Marochetti (1838), is located at the center of the square, that is surrounded by porticos designed by Carlo di Castellamonte around 1638. The twin churches of Santa Cristina and San Carlo Borromeo close the southern edge of the square.
The square has become a normal stage of different historical and social events, including election rallies, concerts, events, live TV (like the 2006 Winter Olympics and Juventus matches)."
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The Castlemaine Botanic Gardens were gazetted on 21 February 1860 and is believed to be laid out by the first curator Phillip Doran (1830-1913) who occupied this position for 47 years. Doran was previously an apprentice to Joseph Paxton at 'Chatsworth', Derbyshire, England. Ferdinand Mueller, Government Botanist provided many hundreds of plants for the gardens as did Daniel Bunce curator of the Geelong Botanic Gardens. The gardens are entered through an impressive set of cast iron gates erected in 1877-78 by local engineering firm Thompson & Co and completed by local monumental mason George Redfearn. At the same time a decorative fountain was erected near the gates, and a year later Lake Joanna with its naturalistic island was officially completed. Beautification works continued; in 1884 a second lake, Lake Augusta was constructed, and in the 1890s a rustic bridge, conservatory, fernery, shelter shed, rotunda (designed by Angus Cornish), and grotto were added, bringing the gardens to their peak of development. Doran remained curator until he died on 29 September 1913. After Doran a number of changes occurred to the gardens; the tearooms (1919) (now pipe band hall), and glasshouses (1920; replaced 1960) were added. However, Lake Augusta was drained and converted to an oval in the 1930s, the summerhouse, bridges, ferns and grotto disappeared by mid-century, and the rotunda by the 1970s. A portion of the gardens were set aside for a caravan park and swimming pool in the 1940s, and two further portions were annexed by the Alexander Hospital in the 1950s and 1960s..
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The Castlemaine Botanic Gardens are of historical, scientific, social and aesthetic significance to Victoria..
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The Gardens are historically important as one of Victoria's oldest regional botanic gardens. The scale of these major gardens and degree of plant specialisation reflect Castlemaine's gold rush prosperity and the local community's desire to draw attention to their success and accomplishments. The gardens have further historical significance for their long association with inaugural curator Phillip Doran who enabled the gardens to develop under the continuity of his vision. An English Oak planted on the 26 May 1863 is of historic significance for being amongst a small number of similar plantings and the oldest commemorative plantings in Victoria..
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The Gardens are of aesthetic importance as an outstanding example of a regional botanic garden created in colonial Victoria. Typical characteristics of a nineteenth century garden which are demonstrated at Castlemaine include; the formal entry having gates and monumental pillars, carriage drive, the informal park layout, Lake Joanna and other water features, such as the fountain and weir, decorative structures, especially the entrance gates, and areas of intense horticultural interest that contrast with open lawns planted with specimen trees. The gardens have further importance for their picturesque, nineteenth century design and layout, which continues to be reflected in the informal arboretum, the surviving path system, elm and oak avenues, and in the placement of major features..
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The Gardens have scientific significance for their collection of plants, particularly trees and shrubs and the Buddleia collection. Many of these specimens are characteristic of late nineteenth century gardens and are representative of the more specialised scientific role of a botanic garden. The gardens have an outstanding collection of mature trees, including a preponderance of conifers, many of which are rare in cultivation and the finest of their species in Victoria. Such trees include, Ulmus glabra 'Camperdownii', Ulmus minor 'Sarniensis', Quercus canariensis x Q. robur, Quercus macrocarpa var. oliviformis, Quercus robur, Tilia platyphyllos, Pinus ponderosa, Pinus sabiniana, Pinus torreyana, Platanus orientalis, Catalpa bignonioides, Eucalyptus longifolia, Schinus polygamus, Myrica faya and Pinus pinea. The Acacia farnesiana and Rhus undulatum are the only examples in Victoria and Pittosporum sahnianum is a new introduction..
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The Gardens is socially significant because of its long association with the citizens of Victoria, and its use for picnicking, family reunions, and social events. The community continue to use the Gardens and is a major venue for the Castlemaine Arts Festival, and music activities, including Thompson's Foundry Band. The Gardens are highly valued for their landscape and horticultural education.
Casino. Pop 10,000. This historic town was named after a pastoral cattle estate on the Richmond River. In early 1840 George Stapleton and Mr Clay took out the Cassino run which Clay named after Monte Cassino in Italy. Stapleton and Clay were unsuccessful as squatters and sold the leasehold in 1844 to Clark Irving who renamed the station with an Aboriginal word Tomki. It comprised 30,700 acres. Irving was the first on the Richmond River to establish a boiling down works to produce tallow from his cattle for the Sydney market in 1847. Irving died in 1865 but his son kept the property. In 1880 most of this estate was subdivided for closer settlement. The district is an important beef region and calls itself the “Beef Capital”. Once a year it holds a “Beef Week” which includes markets, fairs, educational programs, livestock sales and social events including near naked young male body builders showing their “beef” in the Mr Beef competition! The Northern Cooperative Meat Company has an abattoir at Casino.
Casino is the oldest town along the Richmond River. This first settlement emerged in the early 1850s and was known as The Falls. The NSW government surveyed a town in 1853 and later that year a hotel, general store and a rudimentary police station opened. In 1854 the first Courthouse was erected and in 1855 the name was changed to Casino. By 1861 the town had a public school, a doctor and a second hotel- the Tattersalls. In the 1870s more permanent buildings were erected. The Commercial Bank of Sydney opened a branch in 1870; a newspaper began publication; a telegraph station began linking Casino to the world; the first bridge across the Richmond River was built (and a second one in 1908). Selectors came to take up small holdings around Casino after the passing of the Robertson Land Act in 1861. By 1875 Casino could boast an Anglican Church, a school, a Post Office, bank, newspaper, two hotels, saddlery, photographic studio, 3 blacksmiths, slaughter house, Courthouse, four stores etc. A Catholic Church was erected in 1876 and the town had around 600 residents. Once it became a municipality in 1880 the big issues were water supply, kerbing, street paving and drainage during downpours. The first Town Hall opened in 1890 but was replaced in 1937. Drought and three days of temperatures around 47 degrees made the Council do more work on water supply in 1903. One of the far sighted ideas of the local council was to encourage construction in brick rather than easily burnt wooden structures.
Big changes came with the arrival of the railway in 1894. The first wooden railway station opened in 1903 although the railway line from Murwillumbah had reached Casino in 1894. It was 1905 when Casino got a line southwards to Grafton but the Clarence River had no rail bridge until 1932. The Casino to Kyogle line was built in 1910. When it was extended to Brisbane trains could travel from Sydney via Casino to Brisbane from 1930. A new railway alignment and station with refreshment rooms was built in 1930. The old station closed in 1974 and became a museum. Casino has had a roundhouse for engine maintenance since 1928. Undoubtedly the biggest disaster to hit Casino was the Spanish flue pandemic in 1919. The first public hospital in Casino was built in 1886. Although there had been an outbreak of bubonic plague in 1905 the big disaster was 1919. In January 1919 Casino was ready for an outbreak of the flue with a temporary hospital in the showgrounds if needed. In February nursing staff were inoculated and citizens warned of the symptoms. On 5 February some Lismore residents fell ill with the flue and the first death in Sydney was recorded. Street patrols in Casino began late February in case people needed help at home. Confirmed cases were announced in Lismore and Kyogle. A horse race was cancelled and some no longer attended church. On 14th May two cases were confirmed in Casino. On the 21st May the first Casino death was recorded and hospital patients were moved to the Masonic Hall as Spanish flue cases were in the hospital. By then there were 26 cases in Casino. By July 2nd the showground pavilion was also in use for Spanish flue cases. By 9th July there were 150 cases in Casino and 13 people had died. The School of Arts was taken over as another pandemic hospital. Three days later there were 180 cases and 26 deaths. By July 23rd there were 37 deaths from influenza in Casino. Travellers needed clearance papers to enter Casino or leave it. By August the worse was over but 45 people had died out of a few hundred residents but 6,000 people died in NSW. Around 40% of Sydney’s population got the Spanish flue.
Unlike many towns in Australia Casino continued to grow and expand during the depression so it has an array of Art Deco buildings erected in the 1930s. Through much of the 20th century saw milling, the beef industry and slaughtering and dairying were the main economic supports of Casino. Our heritage walk begins at Canterbury Street.
1. St Mary’s Catholic Church. Opened in 1940 of local bricks. This stunning building has an Art Deco interior. The first Catholic Church was built on this site in 1876. The church also had Romanesque features.
2. On the left is a quaint red brick Federation style building but with some 19th century cast iron lace work. Built for the London Bank in 1911. Later became an English Scottish and Australian bank. Turn right here into the Main St.
3. Next on left are some nice Art Deco stores which need painting in Art Deco colours.
4. Next left on the corner with the lane is the bakery with a cupola on the corner of an Art Deco building. Thomas’s bakery began here in 1892. This building was erected 1911 when Rimmington was the baker.
5. Opposite is the ANZ Bank. Another Art Deco building erected in 1911 as the Union Bank.
6. Next on left the Casino Centre buildings in Art Deco style. Built 1912. Was the largest store in the region.
7. On the next corner right is the School of Arts. It is the third building erected in 1934. The first School of Arts was erected in 1873. The first Council meeting was held in it in 1880. The new 1907 building burnt down in 1932.
8. The Art Deco building opposite on the left was built in 1937 as a department store.
9. On the other corner is the Westpac Bank. Built in 1905 but the Bank of NSW began trading in Casino in 1889.
10. On other corner is the Commercial Hotel. Began trading 1869. Current hotel built 1890. Turn right to Barker St.
11. Next on the left is the former Rural Bank built in 1907. One of the most elaborate buildings in Casino. Note 1907 in the cartouche on the façade, upper storey bay windows, roof parapet and large rounded Art Deco window.
12. Next on right is the Casino Post Office built in 1879. Architect Walter Liberty Vernon. The upper floor post master’s residence was added in 1915. Georgian style rounded windows, double pillars perfect symmetry.
13. Next to it is the former Commercial Bank of Sydney the oldest bank opening in 1870. A two storey Greek classical building, triangular pediment and built in 1884 in front of the original Courthouse. The second Courthouse was built in 1882 on the corner of Walker and Richmond Streets.
James Ross “J. Ross” Helm (Helms) - there was also spelling of "Helmes" in the newspapers....
Born: 10 June 1884 in Alabama, USA
Died: 19 June 1962 at age 78 in Holmes County, Florida, USA
Batted: N/A
Threw: N/A
Position: Pitcher
Career Pitching Record: 143–181
Married - Carrie Vida Bowers on 24 Dec 1906 in Walton County, Florida, USA
Teams:
Monroe Hill Citys CSTL (1903–1904)
Macon Brigands SALL (1905–1907)
Montgomery Senators SOUA (1907, 1908)
Jacksonville Jays SALL (1908)
Little Rock Travelers SOUA (1908)
Columbus Foxes SALL (1909)
Chattanooga Lookouts SALL (1909)
Galveston Sand Crabs/Pirates TL (1911–1912, 1914)
Houston Buffaloes TL (1912)
Waco Navigators TL (1913)
Austin Senators TL (1914)
James Ross Helm pitched 12 seasons in the minors, mostly in the Southern Association, the South Atlantic League, and the Texas League. Helm went 18–13 for the Macon Brigands of the South Atlantic Leauge in 1907 and 11–4 for the Jacksonville Jays of the South Atlantic League in 1908, which probably led to his inclusion in the T206 set. When he advanced to the Southern Association in 1908, Helm went only 2–7 in 10 games. Once back in the South Atlantic League in 1909, Helm went 18–12, split between the Columbus Foxes and Chattanooga Lookouts. He went 35–72 in four seasons in the Texas League from 1911 to 1914 before retiring from baseball.
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(The Pensacola Journal, January 03, 1907) - Monday evening Mr. Ross Helms and Miss Vida Bowers were married at the home of the bride the Rev. John Stanly Thomas officiating.
(The Pensacola Journal, January 05, 1907) - Ross Helms and his wife have returned from their bridal tour and Ross is at work in his old position. He seems to understand that the new arrangement means industry if it is to bring prosperity.
(The Pensacola Journal, March 13, 1907) - Mr Ross Helms left town Wednesday morning with his wife for Macon Ga. Mr. Helms will pitch for the ball team of that city and we in DeFuniak are sorry to lose him. This is his third season on that team.
(The Pensacola Journal, August 07, 1907) - Mr Ross Helms and wife came in from Macon Sunday night where Ross has been on the pitching staff of the Macon team in the South Atlantic League. He was en route to Montgomery and will finish out this season with that team having been drafted for the purpose. Mrs Helms will remain here.
(The Pensacola Journal, August 08, 1907) - Several baseball fans went to Andalusia, Alabama Tuesday to see Ross Helms pitch for that city against Greensboro, Alabama.
(The Pensacola Journal, September 26, 1908) - Mr. and Mrs. Ross Helms and baby have returned to the city after an absence of six months. Ross is a pitcher In the South Atlantic League.
(The Pensacola Journal, September 17, 1909) - CHATTANOOGA PLAYERS POISONED IN AUGUSTA - By Associated press - Augusta, Ga. Sept 16, Manager Dobbs of the Chattanooga team gave out the following signed statement this afternoon. Every player on the Chattanooga club excepting three who were not working and who did not drink the water furnished by the Augusta club, were desperately ill for some time last night. Catcher Meeks was called under the treatment of a physician until midnight and four of the players and a physician worked with Pitcher Ross Helm until an early hour this morning. All of the men were very sick at the stomach and a majority of them were unable to eat last night or this morning. None of the players are in really good shape today except those who did not drink from this bucket. Pitcher Helm Is the only player yet confined to his bed. He is under the care of a physician and will not be able to work for several days. The statement sent out from Augusta last night to the effect that the Chattanooga players were intoxicated is untrue and does the men an injustice. Every man was in the hotel before 11 o'clock and the attending physician. Dr. Milligan of Augusta, this afternoon gave a statement to the Augusta Herald saying that there was no indication of drunkenness among the players. The Chattanooga club does not charge that any of the Augusta club owners poisoned the water but it is a fact that every man on our club who drank from the water furnished us at the park was very ill. Note: Pitcher Ross Helm referred to in the above is of DeFuniak where his family resides.
(The Pensacola Journal, April 29, 1910) - ROSS HELMS AND CARBOLIC ACID BOTTLE - WELL-KNOWN TWIRLER OF D'FUNIAK, NOW WITH SOUTH ATLANTIC LEAGUE, USES CONTENTS OF WRONG BOTTLE. - Ross Helms, the well known baseball pitcher of DeFuniak, now doing work in the box for the Jacksonville club in the South Atlantic League, is reported to have suffered severely some few nights ago by using the contents of a carbolic acid bottle on his face instead of a preparation to discourage mosquitoes from feasting on his placid features as he slept. It was told by a friend of his in Pensacola last night that the acid seared the flesh in a horrible manner, but does not keep the pitcher from his duties. It was stated that Helms, who was in Jacksonville at the time, had been at the end of his wits to ward off mosquitoes which infest that and nearby towns over that way. To keep the insects away, the story goes, the twirler, who has quite a reputation locally, was advised to use a preparation which a druggist or a kind friend generously supplied him with. This bottle was placed with others in a closet, and among a collection of them was one about the size of the mosquito discourager containing carbolic acid. The bottle he sought
contained a harmless preparation, while that in the other bottle, and the one he found, had the acid. This he was said to have used copiously for about three seconds, and, then he adopted other and perhaps more lively methods to forget it. His many friends in DeFuniak heard of the misfortune of the young man with some feeling of compassion yesterday and the day before.
(The Pensacola Journal, March 12, 1912) - A Family Reunion. One of the interesting social events of the week was the family reunion held at the home of Mr. and Mrs. J. F. Helmes. There are numerous Helmes throughout South Alabama and Georgia, and most of them are related. J. M. Helme is from the South Georgia branch of the family, being the youngest son of Rev. Moses Helmes. who preached on a circuit through this country In the pioneer days, when It was sparsely settled. Ross Helmes left today for Galveston, Texas, where he has a contract to pitch during the coming season. The Galveston baseball club is in the Texas League. He was accompanied by his wife and little son.
(El Paso Herald, July 6, 1912) - J. Ross Helm, a pitcher released by Galveston recently, is now an umpire now. He knows the rules and has made good.
(The Pensacola Journal, March 07, 1913) - Ross Helms will pitch for Waco, Texas, In the Texas league. He left last night for Little Rock, Ark where he will meet the rest of the Waco ball team and go into spring practice. Mrs. Ross Helms and little son accompanied Ross to Little Rock.
(The Pensacola Journal, April 06, 1913) - News comes from, Waco, Texas, that Ross Helms is in fine condition for pitching ball for that team on the opening of the season of the Texas league. The Waco Times-Herald of last Thursday says: "Ross Helm is in excellent condition and has pep to spare. He is the life of the training squad, entering into the practice work with spirit and vim. His pitching has been classy and Manager Carson is watching his progress with extreme satisfaction."
(Rock Island Argus, July 12, 1913) - Helm to Waco. Louisville, Ky.. July 12. - Louisville has released Pitcher Ross Helm to Waco under an optional agreement.
(The Pensacola Journal, February 10, 1914) - Mr. and Mrs. Ross Helms arrived from Florala, Alabama Sunday and are now living in the home of Mrs. Helms' mother. They expect to stay here till the baseball season opens and Ross goes back to the Texas league. While here Mr. Helms will help in the Dixie drug store and coach the Palmer college team.
(The Pensacola Journal, April 6, 1914) - ROSS HELMS TO PITCH THE GAME AT MAXENT PARK - TEXAS LEAGUER WHO HAS BEEN WINNING RIGHT ALONG IN FLORIDA AND ALABAMA, TO TWIRL IN MATCH CONTEST HERE. - Ross Helms, the Texas leaguer, who has been winning games right along throughout West Florida and South Alabama, and who Is now at the head of the celebrated Palmer College team, will come here and work against the local picked team at Maxent park, this afternoon, the game to start at 3 o'clock, with the best local material he had in the city to go against the Walton county college boys. Helms has never pitched against "Zack" Baisden, who will take care of the local end of the twirling this after noon, with "Louise" Cowgill a new "celebrity," it is claimed, on the receiving line, and the fans are just now turning it over in their minds just which one is the better pitcher.
(The Pensacola Journal, April 07, 1914) - Palmer Boys Are Defeated by Pensacola by a score of 8 to 7 - before a large crowd who came from - DeFuniak to witness the game. Helms worked for Palmer College and Baisden for Pensacoia and both pitchers pitched well in pinches. The game was hit and run and run all the way through and kept the crowd on their feet all the time. Ross Helms the Texas League star and manager of the Palmer College was applauded all through the game.
(The Pensacola Journal, April 17, 1914) - HELMS GOES TO
ALBANY TEAM - COACH FOR PALMER COLLEGE HAS SIGNED TO PLAY IN THE SOUTH ATLANTIC THIS YEAR. DeFunlak Springs, April 16. Ross Helms, who has been coaching the Palmer College baseball team, left last night to join the Albany. Ga., team; with which he has signed for the season. Palmer has had a great season under his coaching, winning nine and losing only three. Helms has signed to coach Palmer next year and even a better season is expected, as the team has been such a great success, that a great many boys have stated their intention of entering next year and trying for the team. Helms has decided next year to have a first and second team, so all the boys will have a chance to play. Several weeks ago his friends here presented him with a watch as an appreciation of his great work as coach. Palmer is still open for games, Alford acting as coach.
(The Hattiesburg News, August 20, 1915) - The game between the Bankers and Lumbermen at Hamper Park yesterday afternoon, went 13 innings to a draw. It was the greatest pitchers' battle seen here since Ross Helm pitched his 19 inning game against Clarksdale in 1904 to a 1—1 draw.
(The Pensacola Journal, July 18, 1920) - Ross Helm, an ex-leaguer who is well known locally, will pitch for Florala in the first game today. Walker Bonifay will oppose him. In the second contest Whitehurst for Florala and Kent for the locals will do the honors.
(The Pensacola Journal, May 6, 1921) - FLORALA WINS FROM AVIATORS - Helms Holds Naval Team to Two Hits in Ten Inning Battle - FLORALA, Ala.. May 5. Ross Helms was too much for the Pensacola Naval Aviators today and Florala won 3 to 2 in 10 innings. Helms held the visitors to two hits and struck out 10 men.
(The Pensacola Journal, May 21, 1921) - Florala comes today, for a two days session with the local bunch of ball players. Manager Ross Helms of the visiting team, who will do the twirling at the opening game, which by the way, begins at 3:15 o'clock this afternoon, says he has a likely bunch of players, and is confident of giving the Pensacola club a good run.
(The Pensacola Journal, May 23, 1921) - Ross Helms has built an excellent ball club for Florala and up to the beginning of the Pensacola series, Florala had won 15 out of 16 games. Manager Helms says his club will beat Pensacola when the locals play at Florala.
(The Pensacola Journal, May 26, 1921) - FLORALA WANTS TO
PLAY PENSACOLA - Manager Ross Helm Issues Challenge
to Ryanites for Three Games. Manager Ross Helm, of the Florala team, believes his club can win from the locals at Florala, and has issued the following challenge to the "Ryanites" - To the Journal : Our good patrons are desirous of having, the Pensacola baseball team play in this city, and as we have been unable to get games with them here, we shall ask that you issue the following challenge through your paper: The Florala baseball team hereby issues a challenge to the "Ryanites," the Pensacola baseball team, to play three games, viz: On June 2 one game, and on June 3 a double-header, in Florala, Alabama. - Yours very truly, FLORALA BASEBALL CLUB. By J. Ross Helm.
(The Pensacola Journal, May 27, 1921) - HELMS' FAST TEAM
DEFEATS MALVERN - Manager-Pitcher Allows Only Two Hits,
Striking Out Eight Men. FLORALA, Ala.,- May ' 26. Manager
Ross Helms shut out the fast semi-pro team from Malvern here this afternoon in one of the prettiest games of the season. It was just a question of too much Helms, as he held the heavy hitters at his mercy. at all stages, allowing only two measly hits and struck out eight men.
Casino. Pop 10,000. This historic town was named after a pastoral cattle estate on the Richmond River. In early 1840 George Stapleton and Mr Clay took out the Cassino run which Clay named after Monte Cassino in Italy. Stapleton and Clay were unsuccessful as squatters and sold the leasehold in 1844 to Clark Irving who renamed the station with an Aboriginal word Tomki. It comprised 30,700 acres. Irving was the first on the Richmond River to establish a boiling down works to produce tallow from his cattle for the Sydney market in 1847. Irving died in 1865 but his son kept the property. In 1880 most of this estate was subdivided for closer settlement. The district is an important beef region and calls itself the “Beef Capital”. Once a year it holds a “Beef Week” which includes markets, fairs, educational programs, livestock sales and social events including near naked young male body builders showing their “beef” in the Mr Beef competition! The Northern Cooperative Meat Company has an abattoir at Casino.
Casino is the oldest town along the Richmond River. This first settlement emerged in the early 1850s and was known as The Falls. The NSW government surveyed a town in 1853 and later that year a hotel, general store and a rudimentary police station opened. In 1854 the first Courthouse was erected and in 1855 the name was changed to Casino. By 1861 the town had a public school, a doctor and a second hotel- the Tattersalls. In the 1870s more permanent buildings were erected. The Commercial Bank of Sydney opened a branch in 1870; a newspaper began publication; a telegraph station began linking Casino to the world; the first bridge across the Richmond River was built (and a second one in 1908). Selectors came to take up small holdings around Casino after the passing of the Robertson Land Act in 1861. By 1875 Casino could boast an Anglican Church, a school, a Post Office, bank, newspaper, two hotels, saddlery, photographic studio, 3 blacksmiths, slaughter house, Courthouse, four stores etc. A Catholic Church was erected in 1876 and the town had around 600 residents. Once it became a municipality in 1880 the big issues were water supply, kerbing, street paving and drainage during downpours. The first Town Hall opened in 1890 but was replaced in 1937. Drought and three days of temperatures around 47 degrees made the Council do more work on water supply in 1903. One of the far sighted ideas of the local council was to encourage construction in brick rather than easily burnt wooden structures.
Big changes came with the arrival of the railway in 1894. The first wooden railway station opened in 1903 although the railway line from Murwillumbah had reached Casino in 1894. It was 1905 when Casino got a line southwards to Grafton but the Clarence River had no rail bridge until 1932. The Casino to Kyogle line was built in 1910. When it was extended to Brisbane trains could travel from Sydney via Casino to Brisbane from 1930. A new railway alignment and station with refreshment rooms was built in 1930. The old station closed in 1974 and became a museum. Casino has had a roundhouse for engine maintenance since 1928. Undoubtedly the biggest disaster to hit Casino was the Spanish flue pandemic in 1919. The first public hospital in Casino was built in 1886. Although there had been an outbreak of bubonic plague in 1905 the big disaster was 1919. In January 1919 Casino was ready for an outbreak of the flue with a temporary hospital in the showgrounds if needed. In February nursing staff were inoculated and citizens warned of the symptoms. On 5 February some Lismore residents fell ill with the flue and the first death in Sydney was recorded. Street patrols in Casino began late February in case people needed help at home. Confirmed cases were announced in Lismore and Kyogle. A horse race was cancelled and some no longer attended church. On 14th May two cases were confirmed in Casino. On the 21st May the first Casino death was recorded and hospital patients were moved to the Masonic Hall as Spanish flue cases were in the hospital. By then there were 26 cases in Casino. By July 2nd the showground pavilion was also in use for Spanish flue cases. By 9th July there were 150 cases in Casino and 13 people had died. The School of Arts was taken over as another pandemic hospital. Three days later there were 180 cases and 26 deaths. By July 23rd there were 37 deaths from influenza in Casino. Travellers needed clearance papers to enter Casino or leave it. By August the worse was over but 45 people had died out of a few hundred residents but 6,000 people died in NSW. Around 40% of Sydney’s population got the Spanish flue.
Unlike many towns in Australia Casino continued to grow and expand during the depression so it has an array of Art Deco buildings erected in the 1930s. Through much of the 20th century saw milling, the beef industry and slaughtering and dairying were the main economic supports of Casino. Our heritage walk begins at Canterbury Street.
1. St Mary’s Catholic Church. Opened in 1940 of local bricks. This stunning building has an Art Deco interior. The first Catholic Church was built on this site in 1876. The church also had Romanesque features.
2. On the left is a quaint red brick Federation style building but with some 19th century cast iron lace work. Built for the London Bank in 1911. Later became an English Scottish and Australian bank. Turn right here into the Main St.
3. Next on left are some nice Art Deco stores which need painting in Art Deco colours.
4. Next left on the corner with the lane is the bakery with a cupola on the corner of an Art Deco building. Thomas’s bakery began here in 1892. This building was erected 1911 when Rimmington was the baker.
5. Opposite is the ANZ Bank. Another Art Deco building erected in 1911 as the Union Bank.
6. Next on left the Casino Centre buildings in Art Deco style. Built 1912. Was the largest store in the region.
7. On the next corner right is the School of Arts. It is the third building erected in 1934. The first School of Arts was erected in 1873. The first Council meeting was held in it in 1880. The new 1907 building burnt down in 1932.
8. The Art Deco building opposite on the left was built in 1937 as a department store.
9. On the other corner is the Westpac Bank. Built in 1905 but the Bank of NSW began trading in Casino in 1889.
10. On other corner is the Commercial Hotel. Began trading 1869. Current hotel built 1890. Turn right to Barker St.
11. Next on the left is the former Rural Bank built in 1907. One of the most elaborate buildings in Casino. Note 1907 in the cartouche on the façade, upper storey bay windows, roof parapet and large rounded Art Deco window.
12. Next on right is the Casino Post Office built in 1879. Architect Walter Liberty Vernon. The upper floor post master’s residence was added in 1915. Georgian style rounded windows, double pillars perfect symmetry.
13. Next to it is the former Commercial Bank of Sydney the oldest bank opening in 1870. A two storey Greek classical building, triangular pediment and built in 1884 in front of the original Courthouse. The second Courthouse was built in 1882 on the corner of Walker and Richmond Streets.
(more details later, as time permits)
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Once upon a time, I had serious intentions of running the New York marathon. It was back in 1979, and the whole thing was much less formal than it is now. Indeed, it was sufficiently informal that Rosie Ruiz was accidentally given a “finished time” of 2:56:29 for the New York event that year, which qualified her for the 1980 Boston marathon. It was later discovered that she had not run the entire NYC course (nor did she do so up in Boston on April 21, 1980), and her time was ultimately rescinded in both races. Had her times stayed in the record books, her Boston time of 2:31:56 would have been the fastest female time ever in the Boston marathon and the third-fastest female time ever recorded in any marathon...
Informal as the New York marathon was in those ancient days, you still couldn’t just show up at the starting line and expect to be welcomed. On the other hand, all that was necessary to get an official invitation was going down to the main branch of the U.S. Post Office on 34th Street at midnight on some long-forgotten summer night,and waiting in line with a bunch of equally crazy people. I got my entry ticket (or letter, or certificate, or whatever it was) a few days later, and began following a fairly serious training regimen, working my way up to a modest 10-mile race … until a business trip took me to Sydney, Australia for most of the month of August, 1979. Between business and social events, and the cold, wet weather of Sydney’s winter season, I didn’t do any running at all for that whole month … and with my training regimen broken, I wisely decided not to run the marathon at all.
But since then, I’ve always had a fondness for the NYC marathon — especially considering how much it has grown, and what a city-wide celebration it has become. I missed the event in 2013 and 2012, so it has been three years since I watched on the sidelines in 2011. With the promise of cold-but-sunny weather this year, I decided to return once again — and, as in 2011, I positioned myself at roughly the 24.5-mile point, at the beginning of a downhill run at roughly 78th Street, at the side of the Central Park “inner roadway.”
The runners pass by all afternoon, and well into the evening; but it’s a little more difficult to anticipate when the lead runners will reach any particular point. There are now so many participants in the marathon (about 50,000) that the runners are released in “waves,” beginning with those on hand-operated wheelchair/bicycles, and the “elite” women, the elite men, and three or four waves of mere mortals. There was an additional delay this year, because the headwinds were so strong that the initial wave had great difficulty propelling their wheeled vehicles up over the “hump” of the Tappan Zee bridge. So if you’re standing somewhere along the route, at the 10-mile mark, or the 20-mile mark, or (as I was) the 24.5 mile mark, you can only guess at the moment when the lead runners — or a friend or family member whom you want to cheer onward to the finish line — might be coming near you.
On the other hand, there are some clues. Helicopters hover above the lead runners, low enough that you can hear the roar of their blades; and there are two or three waves of police cars and motorcycles zooming ahead of the runners, pushing people back to the sidelines, and ensuring that there are no disruptions or obstacles to slow them down. Then — and it’s always an adrenaline rush! — you see the official race car, driving just a few feet ahead of the lead runners, with a huge race clock mounted on its roof, showing those fast-moving runners the exact number of hours, minutes, and seconds since they started their journey back at the edge of Staten Island.
The lead runners, of whom there are often two or three or four even up to the last mile, are often several minutes ahead of the next ones; but those who are in positions three, four, five or ten, and who will get no recognition at all from the press, the media, or the crowd when they finish … well, they still run as if their lives depend on it. And the crowd cheers them on, clapping and calling out their names and urging them onward.
One of the differences I noticed this year was the widespread use of bicycle horns and cow-bells that the onlookers used to create a cacophony of merry noise; I don’t know if the runners took it as a sign of encouragement, but it sure sounded that way to me …
I stayed longer than I had intended, and took several hundred more photos that I had planned … but they’re all just bits on the camera’s digital memory card, so it doesn’t really matter. One might argue that I should have stayed for eight or ten hours, until the last runner had straggled by. And perhaps I should have photographed each of the 50,000 runners, for I’m sure they each had their own story to tell. But after a while, it gets overwhelming — and the faces and bodies and brightly colored shirts and tights and shoes begin to blur…
I think I got a representative collection of photos; and the video clips will give you a sense of the noise and the motion of what seemed like an endless stream of humanity racing past … but to really understand it, you need to be there in person. Barring a crippling storm (like Hurricane Sandy, which forced the cancellation of the 2012 marathon), you’ll find another crowd of 50,000 runners racing through Central Park at the end of next year’s marathon, on the first Sunday in November. And with any luck, I’ll be there with my camera …
Who knows: maybe even Rosie Ruiz will be there, too. It turns out that she was arrested in 1982 for embezzling $60,000 from a real estate company where she worked; after a week in jail and a sentence of five years’ probation, she moved back to south Florida, where she was arrested in 1983 for her involvement in a cocaine deal. But as of the year 2000, she still insisted that she had run the entire 1980 Boston marathon. C’est la vie...
Navaratri is a Religious festival, observed and celebrated by Hindus as a Social Event as well.
‘Nava’ In Sanskrit means Nine,Ratri is Night.
Navaratri means nine nights.
‘The beginning of spring and the beginning of autumn are two very important junctions of climatic and solar influence. These two periods are taken as sacred opportunities for the worship of the Divine Mother. The dates of the festival are determined according to the lunar calendar.
Navaratri represents celebration of Goddess Durga, the manifestation of Deity in form of Shakti [Energy or Power]. The Navaratri festival or ‘Nine Nights festival’ becomes ‘ten days festival’ with the addition of the last day, Vijayadashami which is its culmination. On all these ten days, the various forms of Mother Mahisasura-mardini (Durga) are worshipped with fervor and devotion.’
Navaratri is calculated on the basis of the Lunar calendar of The Hindus,
Pooja is normally conducted in the evening.
First Three days are dedicated to Goddess Durga.
Next Three days are dedicated to Goddess Lakshmi.
Last Three days are dedicated Goddess Saraswati.
In some families the tradition ‘Kolu’ or arranging toys representing the Puranic incidents (and modern Living )are also displayed.
This practice is not really religious,but more of a social one.
Women are called to Homes and are offered Kum Kum and Thaamboolam and if possible, Blouse pieces( Black color is avoided).Traditional dishes like sundal are offered to visitors.On all these days , Coconut,fruits , betel leaf and nut are to be offered as Naivedyam.
The barn was built in 1914 with a 60 foot diameter and a roof height of 60 feet. The haymow surrounds a central silo to prevent the silage from freezing during winter and to facilitate feeding the live stock. In 2003-04 the barn was converted into a "dance hall" and reception area. Weddings and other social events are held there. In 2007, when the photograph was taken, the barn was part of a bed and breakfast operation. The barn is on the National Register of Historic Places.
This ensemble of the two buildings represents one of the top achievements of Hungarian Art Nouveau in architecture and ornamental art, located in Târgu Mureş, Romania.
Palace of Administration (on the left, with the 55 m high tower) was built in 1906-1907 as a town/city hall (and was used this way as far as the 1950s, when it has become the headquarters of the Romanian communist party for forty years; from 1990 it belongs to the county prefecture).
The right one, Palace of Culture was built a few years later, between 1911-1913. Both buildings were designed by the Budapest-based ardhitects, Marcell Komor and Dezső Jakab, the right one was planned to be a 2-story building, but according to the local legend, György Bernády, the legendary mayor of the town of his age, who had comissioned the building, spent a few weeks in the United States then, and following his personal impressions wanted to have a higher construction than the original plans. Thus the building with the extra level added could house a concert hall with a capacity of 800, a smaller hall with 300 seats, a 45 m long Mirror Hall (rather a wide corridor suitable for different social events), a gallery, a museum and a library. (Note, please, that this capacity must be compared to the total population of 25.517 according to the census of 1910 held in the town - the first cathedral was inaugurated in the 1930s.) A lot of cultural-educational activities are still going on in the building, and it was always used for cultural purposes, even in the darkest times.
The ornaments (roofs, stained glass windows, mosaics, sculptures, facades etc.) were made by the leading Hungarian artists of the age, e.g. Aladár Körösfői-Kriesch, Miksa Róth, Ede Kallós and many more, and the most modern artistic tecnologies were utilized during construction.
Restoration works of the two rather decayed edifices were carried out in 1995-1998 and 2003-2007, respectively. While Palace of Culture was refurbished more or less according to the very original state (and is opened to the public), most of the outdoor and indoor ornaments of Palace of Administration has been removed (e.g. all plaques referring to the original construction, stained glass-windows introducing great scenes of Hungarian history, a portrait gallery of the Hungarian past etc.), or hasn't been replaced as carefully as in the case of Palace of Culture. Palace of Administration cannot be accessed by visitors.
See a closer view of Palace of Culture.
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Chancel - Church of St Margaret Hempnall Norfolk . -in 1986 the pews were replaced by chairs, now the church is used for social events and concerts as well as services. The lady who showed me round was clearly very happy with the new layout.
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The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
J. Edgar Hoover's gravesite in Congressional Cemetery is located near the grave of Leonard Matlovich, the famed openly gay Vietnam War veteran who fought to lift the ban on gays in the military, and the graves of several other openly gay veterans. Of course, Hoover's own sexual orientation has been the subject of much speculation.
[from Wikipedia]
Since the 1940s, unsubstantiated rumors have circulated that Hoover was a homosexual. It has been suggested that Clyde Tolson, an associate director of the FBI who was Hoover's heir, may also have been his lover.
Some authors have dismissed the rumors about Hoover's sexuality and his relationship with Tolson in particular as unlikely, while others have described them as probable or even "confirmed", and still others have reported the rumors without stating an opinion.
Hoover described Tolson as his alter ego: the men not only worked closely together during the day, but also took meals, went to night clubs and vacationed together. This closeness between the two men is often cited as evidence that they were lovers, though some FBI employees who knew them, such as Mark Felt, say that the relationship was merely "brotherly".
Tolson inherited Hoover's estate and moved into his home, having accepted the American flag that draped Hoover's casket. Tolson is buried a few yards away from Hoover in the Congressional Cemetery. Attorney Roy Cohn, an associate of Hoover during the 1950s investigations of Communists and himself a closeted homosexual, opined that Hoover was too frightened of his own sexuality to have anything approaching a normal sexual or romantic relationship.
In his 1993 biography Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J Edgar Hoover, journalist Anthony Summers quoted a witness, "society divorcee" Susan Rosenstiel, (who later served time at Rikers Island for perjuring herself in a 1971 case) who claimed to have seen Hoover engaging in cross-dressing in the 1950s; she claimed that on two occasions she witnessed Hoover wearing a fluffy black dress with flounces and lace, stockings, high heels and a black curly wig, at homosexual orgies.
In 1958 the bisexual millionaire distiller and philanthropist Lewis Solon Rosenstiel asked Susan [Rosenstiel], his fourth wife, if—having been previously married to another bisexual man for nine years—she had ever seen "a homosexual orgy". Although she had once surprised her sixty-eight-year-old husband in bed with his attorney, Roy Cohn, Susan told Summers that she had never before been invited to view sex between men. With her consent, the couple went one day, soon after this odd question, to Manhattan's Plaza Hotel. Cohn, a former aide to Senator Joseph McCarthy and a Republican power broker, met them at the door. As she and her husband entered the suite, "Susan said, she recognized a third man: J. Edgar Hoover", director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), whom she had met previously at her New York City Upper East Side townhouse. Hoover, Lewis had explained, gave him access to influential politicians; he returned these favors, in part, by paying the director's gambling debts.
Summers also said that the Mafia had blackmail material on Hoover, and that as a consequence, Hoover had been reluctant to aggressively pursue organized crime.
Although never corroborated, the allegation of cross-dressing has been widely repeated, and "J. Edna Hoover" has become the subject of humor on television, in movies and elsewhere. In the words of author Thomas Doherty, "For American popular culture, the image of the zaftig FBI director as a Christine Jorgensen wanna-be was too delicious not to savor." Most biographers consider the story of Mafia blackmail to be unlikely in light of the FBI's investigations of the Mafia. Along these lines Truman Capote, who helped spread the rumors, once remarked that he was more interested in making Hoover angry than determining whether the rumors were true.
Hoover hunted down and threatened anyone who made insinuations about his sexuality. He also spread destructive, unsubstantiated rumors that Adlai Stevenson was gay to damage the liberal governor's 1952 Presidential Campaign. His extensive secret files contained surveillance material on Eleanor Roosevelt's alleged lesbian lovers, speculated to be acquired for the purpose of blackmail.
The opening of Soviet archives revealed evidence that there was a Soviet campaign to discredit the United States which used allegations of homosexuality to discredit Hoover. Hoover's biographer Richard Hack, however, reported that Hoover was romantically linked to actress Dorothy Lamour in the late 1930s and early 1940s, and that after Hoover's death, Lamour did not deny rumors that she had had an affair with Hoover in the years between her two marriages.
Hack additionally reports that during the 1940s and 1950s, Hoover so often attended social events with Lela Rogers, the divorced mother of dancer and actress Ginger Rogers, that many of their mutual friends assumed the pair would eventually marry.
In my opinion, the evidence for Hoover's homosexuality is far from convincing.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA