View allAll Photos Tagged Rejection
I expect the usual invective for my critical rejection of a cute furry animal. Just don't get me started on the remains of a partially eaten native bird in my yard this morning — killed by yet another introduced species. They ruin everything!
Rabbits can't be blamed for the state of this classic North Ronaldsay structure. Those slabs of Rousay Flag make great roofing; then gravity takes over. Without maintenance this is the fate of such structures; without people to do the maintenance thermodynamics takes over. What we have here is a symptom of the economy and depopulation of little islands.
We mightn't blame the cute furry bunnies for this ruination. But it's worth a closer look. The horseshoe on the roof hasn't helped with the fortunes of this place and I was drawn to wonder about the pale grass-free patches. They're warrens, and scattered about the scene are no fewer than thirteen lop-eared varmints. If nothing is done, they'll be the ruination of North Ronaldsay too.
PLAY, INTERACTION, SPECTACLE!
Jean Tinguely created his work as a rejection of the static, conventional art world; he sought to emphasize play and experiment. For Tinguely, art was not about standing in a sterile white space, distantly gazing at a silent painting. He produced kinetic sculptures to set art and art history in motion, in works that animated the boundary between art and life. With his do-it-yourself drawing machines, Tinguely critiqued the role of the artist and the elitist position of art in society. He renounced the unicity of “the artist’s hand” by encouraging visitors to produce work themselves.
Collaboration was integral to Tinguely’s career. He worked extensively with artists like Daniel Spoerri, Niki de Saint Phalle (also his wife), Yves Klein, and others from the ZERO network, as well as museum directors such as Pontus Hultén, Willem Sandberg, and Paul Wember. Thanks to his charismatic, vibrant personality and the dazzling success with which he presented his work (and himself) in the public sphere, Tinguely was a vital figure within these networks, acting as leader, inspirator, and connector.
- See more at: www.stedelijk.nl/en/exhibitions/jean-tinguely-machine-spe...
oh hey, camerafail! seagull likes to turn me into a ghost.
got another rejection letter this week. i try not to take it personally. let's face it: i'm just not doing what's cool. but i tell you, any amount of self-assuring justification for why my work is still darn good and how rejection letters are no reflection on the quality of what i do and how i do this for myself and not for other people anyway, they still hurt, and still make me question whether i should keep bothering. every damn time.
fuji instax mini film, shot in seagull 4a
My first job interview was with the local bus company Rhondda Transport. This envelope bore the tidings that as I could not calculate the amount of fuel needed to take a coach of certain capacity from Porth to Caernafon I did not get the job in the publicity office writing the company magazine. Still can't figure it out.
Mailed from their offices in AberRhondda Road, Porth sometime in August/September 1968.
My second interview was no less inauspicious. Made my way to the Cardiff Studios of Harlech TV didn't get the job as a junior hack. By now I was doubting my abilities as a wordsmith, a budding Hemingway or Greene, I eventually realised that I would not even reach the dizzying heights of Ms Blyton. So thank God for the Celtic Press in the shape of the Rhondda Leader.
Harlech TV Ident:
December 28, 2021: It’s cold in my car even though I’m wearing my #boots and a warm #winter #jacket. I guess it’s my #bluejeans that latch onto the cold sending a steady #shiver through my legs. Or maybe it’s the cool air I’m breathing in and out, that travels up the sides of my face and over my eyes and forehead thanks to the #mask I’m wearing.
I’m here to pickup Chanel from the South Surrey Veterinary Hospital. I don’t want to. It will be her remains, cremated and in a mother of Pearl #vase my Mother doesn’t remember selecting the Saturday before #Christmas, the day we decided to put her down following the discovery of a golf ball sized growth in her belly.
Sitting in my car alone is becoming more and more of a past time for me. An escape. It has been for years now. A way for me to avoid facing the responsibility and the overwhelming anxiety I get from the mess at my place and at my Mum’s.
I kinda got dumped today, although we were never going out. We are still friends though which is all she’s ever wanted. And I don’t regret the gifts I gave her, it was always unconditional. But yeah, a part of me was hoping a possibility existed that maybe one day we might date. It wasn’t my intention to pressure her to that direction, being demisexual, and even demiromantic, it’s not always easy for me to #love. I definitely have fears of #rejection and #abandonment. But she made it clear that wasn’t in the cards.
And it hurt. And it hurts to know it hurt, cause it makes me feel like, even unconsciously, that maybe part of me was making it conditional. Which my conscious mind never wanted. I wanted her to trust me. And I feel I violated her trust, and made her feel uncomfortable with my gifts and actions.
But I do love spoiling people I care about. I always have. I dunno. Of course, the pronouncement she made, which is absolutely her right to do so, it did bring the demons swinging out from the trees of my wild monkey mind, shouting at me about how horrible and unlovable I am.
Bleh.
I guess I should call the vets now. I’d give anything to hold Chanel one last time. She would kiss every inch of my face sometimes. I miss that.
362/365. #subverted #selfie #project
On a very unproductive day out in southend, this was all that i managed to take that i was fairly happy with. UPDATE: I've recently found out through google that this photograph was used on a spanish/portuguese (sp?) website about rejection :P
YAY FOR ME
Note oedema in the lower two-thirds of the graft.
Photo: David Yorston.
Published in: Community Eye Health Journal Vol.22 No.71 DECEMBER 2009 www.cehjournal.org
An enlightening list applicable to rejection in love, work and elsewhere.
The obvious possibilities (Just possibilities):
You didn’t perform well.
You’re a work in progress and need to make some more progress.
The less obvious but equally possible (a partial list):
You smell just fine, just no...
howdoidate.com/personal-development/how-to-reject-rejecti...
ENG
I don’t even know what to write! This is my first solo book, created without any support from institutions or companies. After countless attempts to reach out to the city council to develop a guide — and receiving multiple rejections — I decided to take matters into my own hands and publish this Lisbon Guide myself (with more on the way)!
To make the process easier, I chose Amazon’s print-on-demand service — meaning I don’t have 1,000 books scattered around the house 😃 (a definite advantage!), I don’t have to handle shipping (another plus!), and the book can be sold worldwide!
The only downside is that I can’t control the print quality (and I’ll admit, that really annoys me!!!). But there’s nothing I can do — I don’t have €10,000 to invest in printing.
So here it is, a guide to Lisbon! For now, it’s only available in English, but the Portuguese version should be ready next year! 😊
More information LISBON WILDLIFE GUIDE.
Buy from AMAZON ES.
Buy from AMAZON UK.
PT
Nem sei bem o que escrever! Este é o meu primeiro livro a solo, onde não tive apoios de nenhuma entidade ou empresa. Depois de tentar por inúmeras vezes chegar à câmara para fazer um guia, e de múltiplos nãos, decidi por mãos à obra e lançar por mim próprio este Guia de Lisboa (e mais a caminho)! Ora para facilitar o processo, decidi escolher o print on demand da Amazon, ou seja, não tenho 1000 livros espalhados pela casa 😃 o que é uma vantagem, não tenho de ser eu a fazer o envio, outra vantagem, e o livro pode ser vendido para os quatro cantos do mundo!!!! O único defeito, é não conseguir controlar a qualidade de impressão do mesmo! (e isso confesso que me deixa um bocado irritado!!! Mas nada que eu possa fazer, não tenho 10.000€ para gastar em impressões). E aqui está, um guia para Lisboa!! Por enquanto, apenas em inglês. Mas no próximo ano deverei ter a versão portuguesa finalizada! 😊
Mais informações LISBON WILDLIFE GUIDE for more photos of this day.
Comprar o guia na AMAZON ES.
Comprar o guia na AMAZON UK.
----
Check my WILDLIFE PORTFOLIO for more photos of this day.
Subscribe to my YOUTUBE CHANNEL.
Fifi just wanted to play but had recently come to realise that......Fredrick was, and always would be mother's favourite :( ...............For Macro Mondays theme 'The Rule of Thirds & 3' which I found quite hard to photograph in macro! I used my daughter's little 'Puppies in my pocket' toys. :)
"Trove", the exhibition of the Scottish Glass Society at Perth Museum and Art Gallery.
Another of Carrie's pieces in blown glass, silver and found objects, relating to the relationship of Effie Gray to John Ruskin.
Taken with Voigtländer Nokton 50mm f1.1 lens on Panasonic G1.
After 2 rejections, I decided to stop shooting for the day. Last rejection that I have was just near Apache's position. I guess he heard the last person who rejects me, that's why he said take photo of me and he made this peace sign. His name was the only information I got from him because he tapped me on my shoulder while explaining my project and said, "That's the only information I can give you." Thanks again sir!
Find out more about the project and see pictures taken by other photographers at www.flickr.com/groups/100strangers
Male hand using a Rejected office stamp and stamping a sheet of white paper with red ink - more images like this at www.freeimages.co.uk/galleries/workplace/office2/index.htm
Kirt Niedrigh started out as a Legion reject called Absorbency Boy. Angered by his rejection, Kirt adopted the identity of "Zoraz" and attacked the Legion of Super-Heroes. Years later, he adopted the name Earth-Man and lead the Justice League of Earth. After that, he joined Superboy-Prime's Legion of Super-Villains. And finally, he was forced onto the Legion of Super-Heroes by EarthGov, where he gained a little bit of redemption before dying in battle. But he was always a jerk. That symbol on his chest is supposed to be the continents of Earth.
Read up more on Kirt at his Wikipedia page and his Comic Vine entry.
Rejections are an important element of my 100 Strangers Project – people who decline for one reason or another. While it does bug me when a good photo has to remain untaken, I'm actually fine with rejections.
The main reason people refuse to participate in the Project is that they don't want their photo to be published, let alone on the internet. Many of them feel some undefined endangerment – they can't really tell what disadvantage they might suffer but they still feel uncomfortable about the idea in general. I don't believe a good and interesting portrait can do any harm, but I accept when people simply don't want to be photographed.
Besides, a rejection can still mean you get an interesting conversation, and sometimes, that's better than a photo.
Often, I'm really amazed at how friendly, open and free some people are – and I'm really grateful for getting the photo. On the other hand, I'm sometimes quite shocked about how distrustful or even hostile some poeple can be.
This is nothing new, of course, but my recent trip to Paris made me aware of that once again. Actually, I would have thought that asking people in Paris is much more difficult than asking them in Stuttgart (Germany), my hometown. For one thing, my French is quite poor so it's difficult to explain what the Project is about and what I'm up to. What's more, Paris is bigger, it has harsher contrasts, the crime rate is higher and it's more likely someone will ask you for change. Finally, the general pulse is faster – people walk faster and like they need to be somewhere.
Even so, almost everybody I approached took that short moment to kindly listen to what I was doing and what I was up to. Things are different in Stuttgart. Many of my strangers don't care to stop for a moment but continue to move on and choose to ignore me. In broad daylight, in perfectly safe and busy places.
The other day I approached a man of about 60 years. He was walking down the street with a somewhat peculiar hat and glasses on; he seemed intellectual (whatever that might be).
„Hello“, I said, „excuse me.“
The man gave me a very quick and grim glance without slowing down even a bit.
„Ahm“, I continued, „ I'd just like to take your photo.“
„No!“, the man yelled at me.
„Ok“, I said, „I didn't mean to disturb you.“
I had already stopped and let the man go when he suddenly turned around with furious eyes, pointed both of his forefingers towards me like they were guns and barked at me:
„I don't want anything from you and you don't want anything from me, is that understood!“
And off he went.
Sure, when playing the „approaching strangers“ game you need to expect those kind of reactions, too. That's ok. I just wonder what some people seem to be so afraid of. That I might try to get some change? And why is that an issue in Stuttgart, home of Mercedes-Benz and a rather prosperous city in both financial and cultural regards?
Well, demonstrating that the masses around us that we choose to ignore are actually people with faces and individual stories is part of my Project. So I guess even though I'm well beyond #200, there's still lots of work for me to do in Stuttgart...
The photo above is actually from Paris. But I thought it would reflect the feeling of not realizing who's walking, standing or sitting next to you. The large black bars are from blinds.
Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič takes the floor after the Parliament rejects the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA).
ACTA was rejected by the European Parliament and hence cannot become law in the EU. This was the first time that Parliament exercised its Lisbon Treaty power to reject an international trade agreement. 478 MEPs voted against ACTA, 39 in favour, and 165 abstained.
www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/pressroom/content/20120703...
This photo is copyright free, but must be credited: "© European Union 2012 - European Parliament". (Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs Creative Commons license). For HR files please contact: webcom-flickr(AT)europarl.europa.eu
Spathariko (Greek: Σπαθαρικό, Turkish: Ötüken) is a village in the Famagusta District of Cyprus, located north of Famagusta. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
As the Senate prepares for confirmation hearings for Rex Tillerson as Donald Trump's Secretary of State, a collection of organizations projected "Reject Rex" messages on the side of the State Department Building in Washington, D.C. January 9, 2017. Photo by Greenpeace
an inventory, of sorts:
made 11-12 jars of delicious quince preserves.
A- A- B+ C+ B- A- A-.
about a dozen or so rejection letters.
two star trek costumes.
15 extra pounds - what i get for being relatively happy i guess.
made some amazing friends, and lost some.
england - the most amazing place in the world, home to the most amazing people. i love you all.
BLACK LEATHER TRENCH COAT, which i confess to wearing while walking around the mean streets at night in slow motion, and striking menacing poses.
an overabundance of knitting.
the sad discovery of twitter - i'll never do anything else ever again.
a a real, proper website, which gets about four hits a day. aww, i feel all famous.
hemorrhaging money.
love, love, love.
acid wash jeans.
the invention of an eponymous cocktail - and the loss of the ability to drink it without swelling up like a blowfish.
i like you, peaches.
went redhead.
telephone responsibilities in the office replaced with robot voice who does all the calling - the collective will never be the same, and i admit that i'm a bored little drone.
am i missing anything?
Volunteers and activists wait outside of the Mandarin Oriental in D.C. to show strong support for climate change action, and for the rejection of Keystone XLpipeline
-photo credit: Kristen Elmore
Anyone who has sifted through my stream knows I have a fondness for ducks, particularly mallards. While I was waiting for the Great Blue to show him self (previous shots) I snapped a couple quick pictures of a duck pair sitting on a log... no they are not floating on the duckweed, I assure you they are on a log.
To me it looks at this moment like the female (one on the right) wants nothing more to do with her presumed mate and has turned away from him