View allAll Photos Tagged Rejection
The GT40 was Henry Ford's response to Enzo Ferrari's rejection of Ford's bid to buy Ferrari. The Detroit Giant wanted to win Le Mans, and developed a Lola design into a world beater, with highly-tuned small block Ford V8 engine. To qualify for the Production Sports Car category, Ford needed to homologate the GT40 by producing this roadgoing version. It has sound and heat insulation, softer suspension and a longer body to incorporate luggage space, but it retained all the GT40's key attributes.
Goodwood Festival of Speed 2011
This car one of two owned by Ford.
Read EVO article here:-
www.evo.co.uk/features/features/228996/ford_gt40_to_le_ma...
Following the UK parliament's rejection of the Brexit deal in a vote last evening, members of the European Parliament have underlined that the EU will remain united and that citizens’ rights are Europe's priority.
Speaking in a debate in Parliament today, Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans said commitments on the peace process and the border in Ireland or on citizens’ rights cannot be watered down.
Parliament's lead member on Brexit @guyverhofstadt called on UK politicians to build a positive majority to break the Brexit deadlock.
READ MORE ►► epinsta.eu/qfU5
This photo is free to use under Creative Commons license CC-BY-4.0 and must be credited: "CC-BY-4.0: © European Union 2019 – Source: EP". (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) No model release form if applicable. For bigger HR files please contact: webcom-flickr(AT)europarl.europa.eu
Rejection so leaving the building!
A new male Peregrine Falcon, Brian band #62/S
black over blue, born 2019 at the Columbia
Generating Station located in Columbia County Wisconsin, observed flying around the tower today in downtown Rockford. 2021. Attempted to mate with Louise today but she was not having anything to do with it.
His partner Moca was in heat. He thought he could mount her and he made a move on her. But somehow he got a flat rejection....
Following the UK parliament's rejection of the Brexit deal in a vote last evening, members of the European Parliament have underlined that the EU will remain united and that citizens’ rights are Europe's priority.
Speaking in a debate in Parliament today, Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans said commitments on the peace process and the border in Ireland or on citizens’ rights cannot be watered down.
Parliament's lead member on Brexit @guyverhofstadt called on UK politicians to build a positive majority to break the Brexit deadlock.
READ MORE ►► epinsta.eu/qfU5
This photo is free to use under Creative Commons license CC-BY-4.0 and must be credited: "CC-BY-4.0: © European Union 2019 – Source: EP". (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) No model release form if applicable. For bigger HR files please contact: webcom-flickr(AT)europarl.europa.eu
This picture is #30 in my 100 Strangers project.
Back to my usual stomping grounds, I set out to find another interesting stranger at Pitt St mall. After a little walking around and a little sitting still, I thought I had found the perfect subject. She was sporting a 1950's rockabilly look, complete with hairstyle, clothing and accessories. But it was not meant to be as she declined saying, "I don't do pictures." I've seen her several times since then and always think she'd make a great subject only to recall her stance on being photographed.
In an effort to bounce back from this encounter I actively sought out another stranger right away. Within minutes, I had approached Lucky. Her colourful head wrap was what initially caught my eye. While I normally do not single out individuals in a couple/group, I was determined to ask for a portrait, perhaps spurred on by my previous rejection.
The three of them were only a few steps from walking into the Westfield when I made my approach. She seemed as if she was about to say no and looked a bit confused like she wasn't sure whether she should be flattered or weirded out by my request. She looked to her friends for approval and they seemed supportive, so I got my shot. Lucky was visiting Sydney from Adelaide and was getting a bit of shopping in.
Afterwards, I showed her the photo and she seemed pleased with it. Before I could broach the information exchange, she asked if she could have my email to get a copy of it. However, it has been a few weeks and I still have not heard from her. Hopefully she finds it online!
Thanks for participating, Lucky! Please let me know if you find this photo and I'd be happy to send you a copy.
--
To find out more about the project, visit:
100 Strangers website, or the
You can also see the rest of my set here. Constructive criticism is welcome and appreciated!
Following the UK parliament's rejection of the Brexit deal in a vote last evening, members of the European Parliament have underlined that the EU will remain united and that citizens’ rights are Europe's priority.
Speaking in a debate in Parliament today, Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans said commitments on the peace process and the border in Ireland or on citizens’ rights cannot be watered down.
Parliament's lead member on Brexit @guyverhofstadt called on UK politicians to build a positive majority to break the Brexit deadlock.
READ MORE ►► epinsta.eu/qfU5
This photo is free to use under Creative Commons license CC-BY-4.0 and must be credited: "CC-BY-4.0: © European Union 2019 – Source: EP". (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) No model release form if applicable. For bigger HR files please contact: webcom-flickr(AT)europarl.europa.eu
Following the UK parliament's rejection of the Brexit deal in a vote last evening, members of the European Parliament have underlined that the EU will remain united and that citizens’ rights are Europe's priority.
Speaking in a debate in Parliament today, Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans said commitments on the peace process and the border in Ireland or on citizens’ rights cannot be watered down.
Parliament's lead member on Brexit @guyverhofstadt called on UK politicians to build a positive majority to break the Brexit deadlock.
READ MORE ►► epinsta.eu/qfU5
This photo is free to use under Creative Commons license CC-BY-4.0 and must be credited: "CC-BY-4.0: © European Union 2019 – Source: EP". (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) No model release form if applicable. For bigger HR files please contact: webcom-flickr(AT)europarl.europa.eu
67 / 365 - FDT : Rejection™ Style
HFDT!!!
It's women's day here in Italy!
According to the tradition we, the proud men, have to gift our beautiful ladies with those yellow strange-looking flowers, called "Mimose"…
As you can see yourself, my imaginary girlfriend didn't really like them and pretty much kicked the imaginary hell out of me until i crashed on the stairs…
Bah, today's FDT was supposed to be COMPLETELY different, but the idea i had involved another person and, believe me or not, i was completely unable to find someone to help me! Uff…
Just because it's women's day, and all the girls are out eating out and drinking with all their girlfriends, probably they will soon all go completely drunk to some club hoping to find someone to have fun with and maybe…
Wait a sec!
What the hell am i doing here then!?
Crap…
Happy Face Down Tuesday, guys!
Camera Info: Nikon D300 | 35mm (ƒ/1.8G) @ 35mm | ƒ/4 | ISO 400 | 1/8 s — Camera on tripod
Strobist Info: SB-900 @ 200mm | 1/100th power | In Shoot-trough Umbrella | Subject left for fill light | Triggered via Nikon CLS.
Today I had my very first rejection! I was actually thrilled to see how a person would decline participation as it yet to happen. So far, I'm 1 for 9 attempts, so the task is surprisingly easier than I had originally guessed. I simply thanked the person, got up and walked off to do my own business, but I found Mike taking a break in a comfy chair at one of the main entrances to the student union.
Mike had a great story to tell. He had just finished some homework and was killing time before going to work for the Indiana Daily Student (the campus newspaper) as a copy/editor. Although the job is pretty far down the totem pole, given it consists of basic grammatical editing, verifying truth value (Yes! They DO ensure their statements are accurate!) and other basic tasks, there's something uniquely interesting about his job. Mike is one of many editors who are assigned hours in a VERY peculiar fashion.
The IDS assigns hours by posting a schedule on Googledocs in which each employee has to jot their name down in hourly spaces. Until he had clarified that this was an online process, I had envisioned a proverbial mass of humans piling on top of themselves in an attempt to jot their names down on the schedule. Mike then clarified the fact that it was literally the case, although the dog pile takes place online. Poor guy. I sympathize with him for the way the hours work, but I have to commend him on what a great story it presents.
This picture is #8 in my 100 strangers project, started on February 14th, 2009. Find out more about the project and see pictures taken by other photographers at www.100Strangers.com
Part of The Flesh and Its Own set.
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The Flesh and Its Own
I know I'm nothing but atoms.
Or rather, nothing but elementary particles, or even weirder things.
I do not, however, have an intuitive, visual grasp of what atoms or elementary particles are.
Sure, I have a vague conceptual understanding of what atoms and particles are from physics classes, but I
do not, intuitively, see myself as made of atoms.
I do, however, have an intuitive grasp of what flesh and blood are. I see myself as nothing but flesh and blood.
I sometimes hear the expression 'Prison of the Flesh', as if our mind could exists as an entity separated from our body of flesh and blood.
Some belief systems imply that, I know. There's even some serious thought being given to the possibility of turning human beings into (immortal) software. This is not how I see things, I don't think we are trapped in the flesh, I think we *are* the flesh and we should accept this fact with all its terrifying implications.
These photos are an attempt to visually represent some of the perhaps unpleasant implications of our flesh and blood existence.
Notes:
- What you see are digital images projected on skin with an LCD projector.
- The meat texture is stock and is, to the best of my knowledge, free to use.
- The blood texture is mine.
In this shoot I took the word “reflections” on differently than I had previously. I chose to rather than concentrate on actual reflections, to concentrate on reflection on yourself and others. I chose to do this shoot to represent my fear of rejection. These photographs show how I used a spotlights and a black backdrop in a dark room to create the scene. The idea was to for someone to turn away after another has finally let that person into their lives and let them see the person they are inside. The fact that it is my hand holding the glass ball represents that I am the one who holds this fear.
A diverse delegation of Christian leaders are today delivering an open letter signed by more than 800 Australians calling on Prime Minister Tony Abbott to rethink the government's rejection of the gift of solar panels for Kirribilli House.
"Experts have assured us there is really no practical reason to reject the gift of solar panels for Kirribilli House," said Jody Lightfoot, climate justice campaigner at Common Grace.
"We understand the important heritage value of Kirribilli House so we had a chat to Sydney Lord Mayor Clover Moore who told us the City of Sydney has already installed 5,500 solar panels on nearly 30 buildings including ones with irreplaceable heritage value such as Sydney Town Hall,” said Mr Lightfoot.
The letter rejecting the solar panels came via Michael McCormack, Member for Riverina, in his capacity as the parliamentary secretary to the finance minister.
“The rejection of our gift of solar panels for Kirribilli House is symbolic of the government’s failure to invest in renewables, but we’re here to provide the Prime Minister with an opportunity to choose a brighter future for all Australians and to back the 9 in 10 Australians who want a strong Renewable Energy Target," said Mr Lightfoot.
"We know that climate change means more frequent and intense extreme weather events hitting the world's poorest people the hardest. We only need to look to our Pacific Island neighbours to see the devastating cost of climate change. We could be leading the world in taking action on climate change and as Christians we urge Prime Minister Abbott not to reject the sun's grace," said Jarrod McKenna, National Director of Common Grace.
The gift of twelve solar panels was crowdfunded over four days in December by Common Grace, a movement of Christians who are passionate about Jesus and justice. The Solar Council (the peak body for the solar industry in Australia) offered to install the crowdfunded solar panels for Kirribilli House at no cost.
“Trying something new can feel daunting, but we encourage Prime Minister Abbott to look to the Vatican where in 2008 Pope Benedict accepted a gift of 2700 solar panels to provide clean energy to the Holy See," said Sister Jan Barnett of the Sisters of Saint Joseph.
“More than one hundred Australians pitched in to buy the gift of solar for Kirribilli House and now hundreds more are urging the Prime Minister to accept our gift. The solar panels are a gift for the nation, from the nation, to demonstrate public support for a clean energy future,” said Byron Smith, Assistant Minister, St George's Anglican Church.
“If the City of Sydney can install solar panels on the Sydney Town Hall just across the harbour and Pope Benedict could accept a gift of solar panels for the Vatican, we believe Prime Minister Abbott has no excuses for not accepting our free gift for his Sydney residence," said Mr Smith.
“If the Prime Minister accepts the gift of solar for Kirribilli House he’ll be in good company with 1 in 5 Australian households already using solar,” he said.
The open letter encouraging the Prime Minister to accept the solar gift (signed by more than 800 Australians in the last five days) is below.
Christian leaders delivering the open letter today: Sister Jan Barnett, Sisters of Saint Joseph; Rev. Dr Michael Frost, Founder of Small Boat Big Sea; Byron Smith, Assistant Minister, St George's Anglican Church; Rev. John Buchanan, Minister, St Peter's Presbyterian Church; Rev. David Gore, Uniting Church Minister; Weis Shiuringa, Member, Quakers; Jacqui Remond, Director, Catholic Earthcare Australia; Jody Lightfoot, Climate Justice Campaigner, Common Grace.
THE OPEN LETTER:
Dear Prime Minister Abbott,
We are disappointed that the Government has rejected the gift of solar panels for Kirribilli House that was crowd funded last Christmas by 142 Christians. We had hoped you would accept them as a great first step to get Australia moving towards a strong Renewable Energy Target.
We understand that the reasons for declining the gift are Kirribilli House’s heritage listing, ongoing costs of cleaning and maintenance, and security concerns. So we did some research and found many people in your home state and abroad have overcome these challenges.
Sydney Lord Mayor Clover Moore informed us that the City of Sydney has already installed 5,500 solar panels on nearly 30 buildings including ones with irreplaceable heritage value such as Sydney Town Hall. We discovered Australia’s own actress, Cate Blanchett, installed 1,906 solar panels on Sydney Theatre Company heritage building. I’m sure she’d be willing to give some pointers if you gave her a call?
On cleaning concerns, John Grimes, CEO of the peak body of the solar industry in Australia (Australian Solar Council), informed us that solar panels do not require ongoing cleaning or yearly maintenance - they are cleaned by the rain. Some utilities require a check of the inverter, but this can be done on the ground every five years.
Looking abroad, did you know that President Carter managed to get solar panels installed on the White House way back in 1979? And Pope Benedict negotiated the same kinds of hurdles when he accepted a gift of 2700 solar panels providing clean energy to the Vatican in 2008.
Prime Minister, we believe that a man in your position can overcome challenges like heritage listings and cleaning concerns and choose a brighter future for all Australians. We therefore urge you to implement a strong Renewable Energy Target and accept the gift of solar panels for Kirribilli House, as a powerful signal to the world that Australia’s renewables industry is officially open for business.
Yours sincerely,
Australian Christians and friends
Open letter available online: www.commongrace.org.au/acceptthegift
china and India
english
Manasa (Bengali: মনসা, Manasha) is a Hindu folk goddess of snakes, worshipped mainly in Bengal and other parts of northeastern India, chiefly for the prevention and cure of snakebite and also for fertility and prosperity. Manasa is the sister of Vasuki, king of Nāgas (snakes) and wife of sage Jagatkāru (Jaratkāru). She is also known as Vishahara (the destroyer of poison), Jagadgaurī, Nityā (eternal) and Padmavati.
Her myths emphasize her bad temper and unhappiness, due to rejection by her father Shiva and her husband, and the hatred of her stepmother, Chandi (Shiva's wife, identified with Parvati in this context). In some scriptures, sage Kashyapa is considered to be her father, rather than Shiva. Manasa is depicted as kind to her devotees, but harsh to people who refused to worship her. Denied full godhead by her mixed parentage, Manasa’s aim was to fully establish her authority as a goddess and to acquire steadfast human devotees.
Origins
Originally an Adivasi (tribal) goddess, Manasa was accepted in the pantheon worshipped by Hindu lower caste groups. Later, she was included in a higher caste Hindu pantheon, where she is now regarded as a Hindu goddess rather than a tribal one. As a Hindu goddess, she was recognized as a daughter of sage Kashyapa and Kadru, the mother of all Nāgas. By the 14th century, Manasa was identified as the goddess of fertility and marriage rites and was assimilated into the Shaiva pantheon, related to the god, Shiva. Myths glorified her by describing that she saved Shiva after he drank the poison, and venerated her as the "remover of poison". Her popularity grew and spread to southern India, and her followers began to rival Shaivism (the cult of Shiva). As a consequence, stories attributing Manasa's birth to Shiva emerged and ultimately Shaivism adopted this indigenous goddess into the Brahmanical tradition of mainstream Hinduism
legends
Mahabharata
The Mahabharata tells the story of Manasa's marriage. Sage Jagatkāru practiced severe austerities and had decided to abstain from marriage. Once he came across a group of men hanging from a tree upside down. These men were his ancestors, who were doomed to misery as their children had not performed their last rites. So they advised Jagatkāru to marry and have a son who could free them of those miseries by performing the ceremonies. Vasuki offered his sister Manasa's hand to Jagatkāru. Manasa mothered a son, Astīka, who freed his ancestors. Astika also helped in saving the Nāga race from destruction when King Janamejaya decided to exterminate them by sacrificing them in his Yajna, fire offering.
Puranas
Puranas are the first scriptures to speak about her birth. They declare that sage Kashyapa is her father, not Shiva as described in the Mangalkavyas. Once, when serpents and reptiles had created chaos on the earth, sage Kashyapa created goddess Manasa from his mind (mana). The creator god Brahma made her the presiding deity of snakes and reptiles. Manasa gained control over the earth, by the power of mantras she chanted. Manasa then propitiated the god, Shiva, who told her to please Krishna. Upon being pleased, Krishna granted her divine Siddhi powers and ritually worshipped her, making her an established goddess.
Kashyapa married Manasa to sage Jaratkaru, who agreed to marry her on the condition that he would leave her if she disobeyed him. Once, when Jaratkaru was awakened by Manasa, he became upset with her because she awakened him too late for worship, and so he deserted her. On the request of the great Hindu gods, Jaratkaru returned to Manasa and she gave birth to Astika, their son.
Mangalkavyas
The Mangalkavyas were devotional paeans to local deities such as Manasa, composed in Bengal between the 13th and the 18th centuries. The Manasa Mangalkavya by Bijay Gupta and Manasa Vijaya (1495) by Bipradas Pipilai trace the origin and myths of the goddess.
According to Manasa Vijaya, Manasa was born when a statue of girl that had been sculpted by Vasuki's mother was touched by Shiva's semen. Vasuki accepted Manasa as his sister, and granted her charge of the poison that was produced when King Prithu milked the Earth as a cow. When Shiva saw Manasa, he was sexually attracted to her, but she proved to him that he was her father. Shiva took Manasa to his home where his wife, Chandi, suspected Manasa of being Shiva's concubine or co-wife, and insulted Manasa and burnt one of her eyes, leaving Manasa half-blind. Later, when Shiva was dying of poison, Manasa cured him. On one occasion, when Chandi kicked her, Manasa rendered her senseless with a glance of her poison eye. Finally, tired of quarrels between Manasa and Chandi, Shiva deserted Manasa under a tree, but created a companion for her from his tears of remorse, called Neto or Netā.
Later, the sage Jaratkaru married Manasa, but Chandi ruined Manasa's wedding night. Chandi advised Manasa to wear snake ornaments and then threw a frog in the bridal chamber which caused the snakes to run around the chamber. As a consequence, the terrified Jaratkaru ran away from the house. After few days, he returned and Astika, their son, was born.
Accompanied by her adviser, Neto, Manasa descended to earth to obtain human devotees. She was initially mocked by the people but then Manasa forced them to worship her by raining calamity on those who denied her power. She managed to convert people from different walks of life, including the Muslim ruler Hasan, but failed to convert Chand Sadagar, an ardent Shiva and Chandi devotee. In attempting to convert him, Manasa killed Chand's six sons and left him bankrupt. She also killed Lakhindar, Chand's youngest son, on his wedding night. Chand's wife and widowed daughter-in-law tried to coax him to worship Manasa. At last, he yielded by offering a flower to the goddess with his left hand without even looking at her. This gesture made Manasa so happy that she resurrected all of Chand's sons and restored his fame and fortunes. The Mangal kavyas say that after this, the worship of Manasa was popular forever more.
Manasa Mangalkavya attributes Manasa's difficulty in attracting devotees to an unjust curse she gave to Chand in his previous life. Chand then retaliated with a counter-curse that worshipping her would not be popular on earth unless he worshipped her also.
Ananda K. Coomaraswamy and Sister Nivedita say, "[The] legend of [Chand Sadagar and] Manasā Devī, [...] who must be as old as the Mykenean stratum in Asiatic society, reflects the conflict between the religion of Shiva and that of female local deities in Bengal. Afterwards Manasā or Padmā was recognized as a form of Shakti, [...] and her worship accepted by Shaivas. She is a phase of the mother-divinity who for so many worshippers is nearer and dearer than the far-off and impersonal Shiva...".
Worship
Generally, Manasa is worshipped without an image. A branch of a tree, an earthen pot or an earthen snake image is worshipped as the goddess,[1] though images of Manasa are worshipped too. She is worshipped for protection from and cure of snake bites and infectious diseases like smallpox and chicken pox.
The cult of Manasa is most widespread in Bengal, where she is ritually worshipped in temples. The goddess is widely worshipped in the rainy season, when the snakes are most active.
Manasa is ceremonially worshipped on Nag Panchami - a festival of snake worship in the Hindu month of Shravan (July-August). Bengali women observe a fast (vrata) on this day and offer milk at snake holes.
I love messing around with photos. I was playing with this photo of myself when the face-like image appeared in the background of it's own accord. I added the eyes to give it some depth. I thought it was pretty weird lol Seems robot-like to me.
Miguel Angel Guzman
Direction & Choreography
María Cecilia Cuesta, Marianna Escobedo, Lucía González, Cinthia Pérez Navarro, Amira Ramírez, Carolina Tabares & Jimena Villegas
Performers
Angelina Del Buey
Costume Design
Gonzalo Aguilar
Photography
REJECTION: Groupshow with Alfredo Barsuglia, Sofia Goscinski, Paul Leitner, Lucas Zallmann
unttld contemporary
Schleifmühlgasse 5
1040 Vienna
Austria
Approaching random women to photograph them is an... experience. It's an exercise in social anxiety and patience.
And rejection.
It definitely is not for those who cannot take No for an answer. Or who are afraid of No being the answer.
But with how comfortable I've gotten at approaching women, I need to bear in mind that this is a brand new experience for most of the women I'm approaching. So I've gotten pretty good at reading body language. Plenty of times I've gotten a straight No, but plenty of times I've gotten hesitation. Hesitation isn't always a No, but it's definitely a sign they're not comfortable.
But her response was a little interesting, as it was more... flattery and hesitation. A short conversation, both of us mentioning why we were out there, opened her up just enough. I'm never looking for more than a few minutes with each woman I approach. Because I never need more than that.
At first she thought I'd be put off by her jeans and boots. Yeah, no. Not put off in the least. I've lived quite a few years in small towns in the Midwest. My wife is from small-town Nebraska with most of her family being from rural and small-town Kansas.
Sure, she ain't like the other women I find at the park. But I didn't know that approaching her at first. And I considered it a fortunate surprise.
If I had more time with her, absolutely I would've had some poses for her by her pickup. That is once she got beyond her apparent feelings of "this can't be happening".
Thousands of Greeks have taken to the streets to show their rejection of the government's proposed austerity measures, which are supposed to right the country's flailing economy. Our Observer in Thessaloniki was in the middle of the protest there, along with his camera.
Craig Wherlock is a British expat based in Thessaloniki. He's a teacher at a private school.
I think there were between eight and nine thousand people in the streets [7,000 according to the police]. Unlike in Athens however, there were no clashes here.
The marchers were mainly public sector workers as their unions, like the PAME [communist], are the most active. But there were also employees from the private sector amongst them. Everybody's worried about the wage freeze, cuts to social benefits, an increase in VAT (from 19% to 21%) and the changing of the legal retirement age (currently 60 for women, 65 for men, but could be set at 67 for all).
People are really angry and feeling desperate. Most shop workers and even small factory employees aren't registered and therefore have no social security. They work up to 50 or 60 hours per week for only 600 euros a month [Read Craig's previous post on the high costs and low wages in Greece].
So they're wondering how the country managed to amount 300 billion euros of debt - what was that money spent on? Certainly not, they say, on public services or roads. The protestors have the impression that politicians robbed the country blind. With the former government, there was a corruption scandal every two months. So talk of wasted money is still rife. The former health minister ordered 16 million doses of the H1N1 flu vaccine, but only 400,000 were needed in the end.
I saw the slogan ‘plutocracy should pay for the crisis' - which pretty much sums up the feelings of the protestors."
observers.france24.com/en/content/20100224-greek-demonstr...
The 2012 United Nations Declaration on the Rule of Law and its Projections - By Lilian del Castillo
This panel was sponsored by the UN21 Interest Group and cosponsored by the Government Attorneys Interest Group, the Transitional Justice and Rule of Law Interest Group, and the International Criminal Law Interest Group.
The Moderator of the session, Ambassador Hans Corell, former Under-Secretary for Legal Affairs and Legal Counsel of the UN, and former Sweden Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ambassador, introduced the subject and the panelists, on what resulted in a high-level and thought-provoking session of highly-qualified professors and practitioners of international law.
The first panelists, Simon Chesterman, Dean of the Faculty of Law of the National University of Singapore, starting the session explaining that three basic elements of the rule of law can be identified. First, public power should not be exercised arbitrarily. This incorporates the rejection of “rule of man” and requires that laws be prospective, accessible, and clear. In the domestic context, this can be understood as meaning a government of laws. Secondly, the law must apply also to the public authority itself, with an independent institution such as a judiciary to apply the law to specific cases. This implies a distinction from “rule by law” and can be abbreviated to the idea of the supremacy of the law. Thirdly, the law must apply to all persons equally, offering equal protection without prejudicial discrimination. The law should be of general application and consistent implementation; it should be capable of being obeyed. This means equality before the law.
The “international rule of law” may be understood as the application of these principles to relations between states, as well as other subjects and objects of international law. But the concepts cannot be translated directly. At the national level, the rule of law regulates subjects in a vertical relation to the sovereign; at the international level it regulates entities that are theoretically equal in a horizontal relationship. It can be helpful, in this context, not to think of what the rule of law means, so much as what it is intended to do. Based on the above elements, each can be understood as having a specific function that is applicable both domestically and internationally: first, to strengthen predictability of behaviour; secondly, to prevent arbitrariness; and thirdly to ensure basic fairness.
In this light, added Simon Cherterman, these principles raised questions with regard to the legitimacy of certain Council activities, in particular when it passed resolutions of a law-making character — counter-terrorism and proliferation of WMD — or targeted sanctions against named individuals, as in the Al-Qaida/Taliban sanctions regime, without clarity as to the appropriate process for listing and delisting.
The next panelist, Clemens A. Feinaeugle, Senior Research Fellow and Coordinator of Scientific Research at the Max Planck Institute Luxembourg for International European and Regulatory Procedural Law, spoke under the title “Strengthening the Rule of Law in the UN – Do we Need a new Approach to UN Targeted Sanctions?” about the rule of law contents in the 2012 UN Declaration and their relevance for the work of the 1267 Sanctions Committee. The rule of law as it appears in the UN Declaration does not provide a list of clear-cut rule of law contents. The rule of law is rather to be seen as a principle with the function of attaching legitimacy and predictability to the work of the UN and the Security Council. Several rule of law improvements have been achieved in the 1267 Sanctions regime over the past years so that a whole new approach is not needed. Procedural safeguards play a major role in this context but multi-level aspects must also be taken into consideration, e.g. the principle of “UN loyalty”, i.e. the obligation of cooperation and mutual respect between the UN level and the EU/national levels involved in the establishment and administration of the UN sanctions regime.
Erika de Wet, Co-Director of the Institute for International and Comparative Law in Africa and Professor of International Law at the University of Pretoria, and Professor of International Constitutional Law at the Universiteit van Amsterdam, The Netherlands, was the following panelist, addressing “The role of Regional and Domestic Courts in strengthening the Security Council’s adherence to international human rights standards.” The contribution of Professor de Wett focussed on techniques of interpretation in recent cases of the European Court of Human Rights and domestic courts, aimed at reconciling United Nations Security Council obligations and international human rights standards. It illustrated that although the United Nations Security Council is not bound by these court decisions, they generated bottom-up pressure which has contributed to some (incremental) reform in relation to the listing and de-listing of individuals and entities falling within the scope of the Al Qaida sanctions committee.
Professor de Wett specified that the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Nada v Switzerzland (September 2013) departed from the presumption that the United Nations and its organs act in accordance with human rights standards and interpreted the language of the respective Security Council resolutions restrictively. This seems to be a strong presumption that will only be overcome by explicit language in a resolution. This approach was also confirmed by the Dutch Supreme Court in The Iranian students case (December 2012). The Dutch court underscored the need for domestic authorities to avoid a norm conflict between international human rights standards and Security Council obligations through harmonious interpretation.
While acknowledging the limits of these interpretative techniques, Professor de Wett concluded that they constitute useful ways for preventing an outright rejection of Security Council obligations that would undermine international peace and security, while maintaining some respect for international human rights standards (and therefore the international rule of law). Until such a time as the United Nations itself provides for independent review procedures for those affected by certain types of targeted sanctions, the role of domestic and regional courts in safeguarding the rights of individuals will remain necessary – also to strengthen the legitimacy of the United Nations sanctions regime.
In his presentation August Reinisch, Professor of International Law at the University of Vienna School of Law, referred to “Internalizing the Rule of Law – the UN’s Unfinished Tasks,” focusing on the specific access to justice aspect of the rule of law. Vis-à-vis the UN and other international organizations this demand to have one’s rights and obligations determined by an independent and impartial tribunal is regularly impeded by the organizations’ immunity from the jurisdiction of national courts. It is for this reason that Section 29 of the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the UN provided that “the United Nations shall make provisions for appropriate modes of settlement of: (a) disputes arising out of contracts or other disputes of a private law character to which the United Nations is a party […]”.
With regard to staff disputes access to justice is largely guaranteed through the reformed system of the administration of justice in the United Nations, now carried out by the two-tiered protection of the United Nations Dispute Tribunal and the United Nations Appeals Tribunal. With regard to individuals listed by the UN SC as terrorists, the Ombudsperson institution has markedly improved the situation, though paragraph 29 of the 2012 Declaration of the High-level Meeting of the General Assembly on the Rule of Law at the National and International Levels, A/RES/67/1, suggests that there is still a need for reform when it “encourage[s] the Security Council to continue to ensure that […] fair and clear procedures are maintained and further developed.”
Finally, Professor August Reinisch turned to third parties having contractual or delictual claims against the UN which are normally to be settled by arbitration. He questioned though whether this is an adequate remedy under rule of law auspices and voiced concern over three particular aspects: first, arbitration, unless previously agreed upon, is voluntary, so no one can insist on arbitration and in cases of tort claims there is no possibility to agree in advance. Thus, potential claimants are at the mercy of the UN to accept arbitration as the recent example of the cholera epidemic in Haiti has demonstrated. Second, arbitration is expensive and will often deter claimants from pursuing their claims. Third, there always remains the need of voluntary compliance with an award because of the separate immunity from enforcement measures enjoyed by the UN.
August Reinisch concluded his presentation by pointing to the “internalization” approach of the ICJ in its Effect of Awards case where it justified the establishment of an administrative tribunal, among others by saying that it would “[...] hardly be consistent with the expressed aim of the Charter to promote freedom and justice for individuals [...] that [the United Nations] should afford no judicial or arbitral remedy to its own staff for the settlement of any disputes which may arise between it and them.”
The closing comments were the contribution of Sheelagh Steward, Director at the Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery of the United Nations Development Programme, which in her concise and relevant participation clarified that the Security Council is a place of contestation, there is nothing as a unified opinion of the Security Council, asserting also that the Rule of Law itself is a site of contestation. Paragraph 5 of the UN Declaration adds a thicker content to the thin content of the rule of law expressed at the beginning. Sovereignty and the rule of law establish the basis of order, including safety and transitional justice, among other elements.
The questions from the audience which followed, and included Judge Hishasi Owada from the International Court of Justice, gave rise to a vivid discussion, limited by the constraints of time but nevertheless illustrating the broad interest in the rule of law concept and implementation.
The Moderator, Ambassador Hans Corell, summed up the session by referring, first to the two papers that Lilian del Castillo had asked the secretariat to disseminate, Security Council Reform and the Rule of Law, adding that he defined the rule of law relatively broadly. In particular, he believed that democracy and human rights are central to a true rule of law. By way of example he mentioned that when the UN governed Kosovo and East Timor, he had an officer in the UN Office of Legal Affairs vet all draft regulations from a human rights perspective before the Special Representative of the Secretary-General was authorized to issue them.
He also referred to his experiences from defending his country Sweden before the European Court of Human Rights and the effects of the rulings of this Court on the national legislation in the states that are members of the Council of Europe.
Furthermore, he mentioned that two institutes in Europe had elaborated a short guide (41 pages only) for politicians on the rule of law: “Rule of Law – A guide for politicians”. The Guide is freely available for downloading and printing from the website of the Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law. (address will come separately). The genesis of the Guide was a discussion among members of the InterAction Council of Former Heads of State and Government in which they pointed to the need to raise the awareness of politicians of the basics of international law and the meaning of the rule of law.
Finally, he mentioned that he had just been informed about the Natalia Project, which aims at protecting human rights defenders who are at risk of being subjected to arrest and detention and maybe also inhuman and degrading treatment because of their fully legitimate work in defending human rights and the rule of law.”
The following links contained the documents mentioned by Ambassador Hans Corell:
Text of letter to PR: www.havc.se/res/SelectedMaterial/20121122textoflettertopr...
International Criminal Justice: www.havc.se/res/SelectedMaterial/20121112corellkeynoteicj...
A Guide for Politicians: rwi.lu.se/what-we-do/academic-activities/pub/rule-of-law-...
Natalia Project- Civil Rights Defenders: natalia.civilrightsdefenders.org/
Lilian del Castillo is professor of International Law at the University of Buenos Aires School of Law, teaching natural resources regimes, territorial issues and dispute resolution, among other topics.
*****
69.195.124.65/~asilcabl/2013/04/10/the-2012-united-nation...
Legacy
In his memoirs Jag — published after Larsson's death — he declared his bitterness and disappointment over this rejection of the painting he himself considered to be his greatest achievement: "The fate of Midvinterblot broke me! This I admit with a dark anger. And still, it was probably the best thing that could have happened, because my intuition tells me — once again! — that this painting, with all its weaknesses, will one day, when I'm gone, be honoured with a far better placement."
Larsson admitted, however, in the same memoirs that the pictures of his family and home "became the most immediate and lasting part of my life's work. For these pictures are of course a very genuine expression of my personality, of my deepest feelings, of all my limitless love for my wife and children."
Fights between different schools of Swedish artists caused the "Midvinterblot" controversy to continue for many years. In 1987 the museum was even offered the monumental painting for free, provided it would adorn the empty wall for which it had been intended, but the museum declined the offer, so the painting was sold to the Japanese collector Hiroshi Ishizuka. In 1992, he agreed to lend it to the museum for its major Carl Larsson exhibition, where it was hung in the intended place. Public appreciation changed the "experts'" view about the painting, and with the help of private donations the museum was able to buy it from Hiroshi Ishizuka in 1997 and permanently display it where it originally had been intended to be.
newsweek.washingtonpost.com/onfaith/faithbook/2008/10/pow...
Abed Z. Bhuyan is a recent graduate of Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service, where he studied International Politics and Muslim-Christian Understanding. His blog, Abedology, will chronicle his experience as an American Muslim who loves tennis and the movie Good Will Hunting
Powell Rejects Islamophobia
On NBC's Meet the Press this weekend, former Secretary of State Colin Powell formally endorsed Barack Obama in this year's presidential election. Pundits will spend the next few days debating whether or not this endorsement matters. In truth, his endorsement of a politician matters less than his strong rejection of the Islamophobia that has tainted this race and that continues to exist unabated in many parts of America.
In a moment that would have made Tim Russert proud, Secretary Powell firmly renounced the divisiveness that has been perpetuated by his own party. During his interview, Secretary Powell exhibited a gravitas that has been unmatched thus far by politicians and pundits alike when it comes to an honest discussion of the state of a presidential race that has increasingly gone negative.
Since the beginning of this way-too-long presidential campaign Americans of conscience have longed for someone of such stature to repudiate the blatant bigotry towards Muslims. On Sunday Colin Powell lived up to his billing as senior American statesman. I know I was not the only one moved to tears by the following remarks of Colin Powell:
"I'm also troubled by, not what Senator McCain says, but what members of the party say, and it is permitted to be said. Such things as 'Well you know that Mr. Obama is a Muslim.' Well the correct answer is 'He is not a Muslim, he's a Christian, he's always been a Christian.' But the really right answer is 'What if he is? Is there something wrong with being a Muslim in this country?' The answer is 'No. That's not America.' Is there something wrong with some 7-year old Muslim-American kid believing that he or she can be president? Yet I have heard senior members of my own party drop the suggestion he's a Muslim and he might be associated with terrorists. This is not the way we should be doing it in America.
"I feel strongly about this particular point because of a picture I saw in a magazine. It was a photo-essay about troops who were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. And one picture at the tail end of this photo essay was of a mother in Arlington Cemetery and she had her head on the headstone of her son's grave. And as the picture focused in you can see the writing on the headstone. And it gave his awards, Purple Heart, Bronze Star, showed that he died in Iraq, gave his date of birth, date of death. He was 20 years old. And then at the very top of the headstone, it didn't have a Christian cross, it didn't have a Star of David. It had a crescent and a star of the Islamic faith. And his name was Karim Rashad Sultan Khan. And he was an American, he was born in New Jersey, he was 14 at the time of 9/11 and he waited until he can go serve his counrty and he gave his life."
It is important that Secretary Powell's statement not be minimized to a political endorsement. It was so much more. But despite the powerful imagery and language used by Secretary Powell, there are two unfortunate facts that accompany his statement. First, the fact that I was so moved by his statement highlights the fact that the many calls for denouncing bigotry towards Muslims have gone ignored. Many Americans, not only American Muslims, have been denouncing Islamophobia in the campaign for over a year, making comments from high-profiled public officials long overdue. Secondly, the portion of the endorsement that I chose to highlight above is likely to get lost in the news. That is because decrying Islamophobia, even though it seemed to be the most important reason for Powell's decision to endorse Obama, is simply not sexy. Very few in the media will give proper credit to Powell for rejecting prejudice towards Muslims. But of all the bigotries exposed in this election cycle, including racism and sexism, Islamophobia has been the most consistent and unchallenged.
Now, given today's political climate, not holding or seeking office makes denouncing Islamophobia a lot easier. Furthermore, it should be noted that Islamophobia is not something that exists only within the Republican Party. After all, the man who has been the target of these so-called smears himself has not issued as strong and direct a rejection as Secretary Powell did this weekend. When Senator Hillary Clinton was battling Senator Obama for the Democratic nomination, she certainly allowed the Obama-is-a-Muslim whispers to continue. Obama has frequently denied the claim that he is a Muslim only by presenting the fact of his Christian faith and not addressing the crucial subtext of the claim: that there is something wrong with being a Muslim.
With his endorsement coming largely as a result of Obama's ability to transcend party and race, Secretary Powell has raised the bar for whoever does win this historic election. Politicians of either party have been unwilling to denounce Islamophobia for fear of appearing both weak and willing to 'pal around' with 'terrorists.' By unequivocally attacking the bigoted tenor of the campaign, he struck at the heart of what politicians have for this entire political season felt a taboo subject to address.
In addressing the Powell endorsement in the coming days, one can only hope that both candidates Obama and McCain see it more as a rejection of heightened bigotry than as a mere endorsement of any one politician.
www.alternet.org/blogs/peek/104499/sarah_palin_gives_up_o...
The William and Mary men’s basketball team suffered an 80-66 setback to Drexel on Senior Day at Kaplan Arena. The Dragons used a 17-1 run to end the first half and 11 3-pointers to outdistance the Tribe. Prior to the game, W&M (18-11, 12-6 CAA) honored its four-member senior class of manager Brian Gelston, Tyler Johnson, Tom Schalk and Marcus Thornton. Despite the loss to the Dragons (11-18, 9-9 CAA), the Tribe still claimed a share of the CAA regular season championship.
Thornton led the way for the Tribe in his final game at Kaplan Arena, scoring 19 points and dishing
out six assists. He knocked down a trio of 3-pointers and in the process moved into the fifth on the CAA’s all-time 3-point field goals list. Terry Tarpey added his ninth double-double of the season with 12 points and 11 rebounds, while Daniel Dixon returned to action after missing five games and added 14 points, including a 4-of-7 effort from 3-point range.
After a slow start by both teams, W&M opened up a nine-point advantage thanks to an 11-0 run. Trailing 4-2, Tarpey scored on a fast-break lay-up off a dish from Omar Prewitt to knot things and start the run. Dixon knocked down a triple and Thornton drilled one of his own to give the home side a 13-4 lead with 11:20 remaining in the opening half.
Drexel responded with a 13-2 run to move back in front, highlighted by the play of Freddie Wilson. The Dragon senior drilled a trio of 3-pointers during the stretch as Drexel hit four straight shots. Wilson's third trifecta of the night at the eight-minute mark gave the visitors a 17-15 lead.
W&M pulled even at 20 on a Dixon 3-pointer at the 6:19 mark, but the remainder of the first half belonged to the Dragons. Drexel closed the opening 20 minutes on a 17-1 run to take a 16-point cushion to the locker room. Tavon Allen scored 11 of the Dragon’s final 20 points of the first half. He hit three straight 3-poitners during a stretch and connected on a pair of free throws with less than 30 seconds remaining for the final half-time margin to 37-21. It total, Drexel connected on 7-of-12 (58.3 percent) from 3-point range in the first 20 minutes.
W&M scored eight of the second half’s first 11 points to cut the gap to 40-29 on a Schalk lay-up off a feed from Thornton at the 16:47 mark. Drexel though responded with two straight 3-pointers to extend the margin to 17.
The Dragon’s advantage was 15, 54-39, with 10:23 left following two Tyshawn Myles free throws. A Thornton 3-pointer and two Tarpey free throws narrowed the gap to 10 with 9:34 remaining, but Wilson knocked down a big 3-pointer on the ensuing Drexel possession to stem the Tribe’s momentum.
W&M cut the gap to nine points on three occasions, but each time Drexel had an answer. Thornton’s patented step-back jumper at the 4:27 mark closed the Tribe within 64-55. The Dragons responded with six straight points, including the final four from the free throw line, to extend its lead back to 15, 70-55, and put the game out of reach.
Drexel finished shooting 49 percent (24-of-49) from the field, including an 11-of-21 effort (52.4) from 3-point range. The Dragons also did a number at the free throw line and on the glass. Drexel shot 80.8 percent (21-of-26) from the free throw line, including 17-of-22 (77.3 percent) in the second half.
Wilson and Allen turned in iron-man efforts, playing all 40 minutes and scoring 24 and 22 points, respectively. Wilson was 8-of-12 from the field and 6-of-9 from 3-point range, while Allen hit on 5-of-10 from long range. Rodney Williams just missed a double-double for Drexel with 18 points and nine rebounds.
The Tribe finished the game at 45.1 percent (23-of-51) from the field, including a 55.6-percent (15-of-27) clip in the second half. W&M hit 10 3-pointers for the 13th time this season, shooting 35.7 percent (10-of-28) from distance. The Green and Gold dished out 16 assists on 23 made field goals and only turned it over four times, which is tied for the third lowest total in school history.
Thanks to Elon's victory over UNCW on Saturday, W&M is the regular season champion and will be the No. 1 seed in the CAA Tournament, March 6-9, in Baltimore, for the first time in school history. The Tribe will face the winner of No. 8 Elon and No. 9 Towson at noon on Saturday, March 7.
Red Weasel Media RWM was there to capture the fast pace, back and forth action.
"Truth, can exist only if there is an objective standard by which to measure it. That objective, unchanging absolute is God.
I heard a cute little story, growing up in India. It is the story of a little boy who had lots of pretty marbles. But he was constantly eyeing his sister's bagful of candy. One day he said to her, "If you give me all your candy, I'll give you all of my marbles." She gave it much thought, and agreed to the trade. He took all her candy and went back to his room to get his marbles. But the more he admired them the more reluctant he became to give them all up. So he hid the best of them under his pillow and took the rest to her. That night, she slept soundly, while he tossed and turned restlessly, unable to sleep and thinking, "I wonder if she gave me all the candy?"
I have often wondered, when I see our angry culture claiming that God has not given us enough evidence, if it is not the veiled restlessness of lives that live in doubt because of their own duplicity. The battle in our time is posed as one of the intellect, in the assertion that truth is unknowable. But that may be only a veneer for the real battle, that of the heart.
"They that are on the side of truth, listen to me" (John 18:37). Jesus was not merely establishing the existence of truth, but his pristine embodiment of it. He was identical with the truth. This meant that everything he said and did, and the life he lived in the flesh, represented that which was in keeping with ultimate reality. Therefore, to reject him is to choose to govern one's self with a lie."
Ravi Zacharias
Artist: Jonathan Dale
Photographer: Ada Dawn Art (www.adadawn.net)
Stylist: Rachel Schaaf
Assistant: Bradley Moreau
Production and Visual Direction provided by: 11 Pryamid Productions and M316 Entertainment and Jonathan Dale.
About Jonathan Dale:
Jonathan Dale from Season Two of CMTs Can You Duets, 1st Runner Up Duo; JB Rocket. After JB Rocket finished as 1st runner up, they inked a record deal along artist like Taylor Swift, Justin Moore, Steel Magnolia, Reba McEntire, Jack Ingram and many other top Country Music recording artist to be part of the Big Machine Records sister label; The Valory Music Co. A year later the duo split to pursue seperate goals and careers. Jonathan Dale was awarded the 2010 Randy Travis Award - Country Male Vocalist of the Year at the 2010 Carolina Music Awards. Also recently in Nov '12 Jonathan Dale's Music Video for His fan favorite track "Jezebel" landed as the #1 Country Music Video on MTV's Ourstage.com, Jonathan Dale is the youngest performer to ever sing the National Anthem for the Carolina Panthers and The Dallas Cowboys when He was only 10 years. He currently is living back and forth between Nashville, TN, New York, and His home state of North Carolina. Jonathan Dale also recently opened up about dealing with rejection in the music industry but turning to and developing a problem with addiction in 2011, Sense then He has became sober and launched a Nationwide Foundation called "The Recovery Road Foundation" helping millions of teenagers and young adults deal and cope with their problems of depressions, addictions, and all around mental and physical health. You can read more and listen Jonathan's music by visiting any of the following website:
www.jonathandalemusic.com (Official Website)
www.jonathandaledaily.com (Lastest News and Fan Forums and Connections)
www.thejournalofjonathandale.com (Jonathan's Official Personal Blog)
www.therecoveryroadfoundation.com (Jonathan Dale's Addiction Recovery Foundation)
www.facebook.com/JonathanDaleMusic (Jonathan Dale - Official Facebook page)
www.facebook.com/OfficialJonathanDaleST (The Official Jonathan Dale Street Team)
www.twitter.com/JonDaleMusic (Jonathan Dale's Personal Twitter page)
www.youtube.com/JonDaleMusic (Jonathan Dale's Official YouTube Channel)
www.contemporarywriters.com/authors/?p=auth60
The books in the 'Children of Violence' series (1952-69) are strongly influenced by Lessing's rejection of a domestic family role and her involvement with communism. The novels are autobiographical in many respects, telling the story of Martha Quest, a girl growing up in Africa who marries young despite her desperate desire to avoid the life her mother has led. The second book in the series, A Proper Marriage (1954), describes the unhappiness of the marriage and Martha's eventual rejection of it. The sequel, A Ripple from the Storm (1958), is very much a novel of ideas, exploring Marxism and Martha's increasing political awareness. By the time that this book was written, however, Lessing had become disillusioned with communism and had left the party.
www.dorislessing.org/martha.html
The center character of Children of Violence is Martha Quest, a young woman of intelligence and passion. Raised in a narrow, provincial community in Central Africa, child of colonial parents committed to the old way, she has turned for direction and sustenance to literature, as previous generations turned to religion. But the moral standards that she has pieced together from her classic and modern writer-heroes are at odds with the life around her. Seeing her profoundest ideals denied by the people closest to her, she continually asks, How can they? (treat the Africans that way, act with such dishonesty toward one another, pretend to regard their defeats as victories, be content to drift with every ill wind from mindless youth to dreary old age). Continually outraged, she probes, argues, struggles to make them understand what they are doing. When she fails miserably, there is a final crisis; she leaves home.
But freedom provides its own shocks and confusions; in rapid succession - almost without volition - involvement with the smart young set, a ritual round of drinking and parties, a suitable courtship, a proper marriage, an immediate pregnancy, a young husband off to war, and the sudden realization that she is no more autonomous than her parents. The old question re-occurs but with an important change. How can I? And, jolted by this sudden insight, Martha begins a scrupulous scrutiny of self and society, of motherhood and love, of the city with its racial tensions, of power and politics.
Martha Quest is a true daughter of her century - the quarreling century in which the conflict between the generations reflects the conflict between old systems and new, between ascendant and ascending nations and races. Martha's personal history mirrors the convulsions and aspirations of our time: the successful rebellion, freedom and its tragic failures, and finally, despair transmuted into a relentless determination to understand life, and through this understanding discover a way to live.
www.dorislessing.org/biography.html
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doris_Lessing
Over the years, Lessing has attempted to accommodate what she admires in the novels of the nineteenth century - their "climate of ethical judgement" - to the demands of twentieth-century ideas about consciousness and time. After writing the Children of Violence series (1951-1959), a formally conventional bildungsroman (novel of education) about the growth in consciousness of her heroine, Martha Quest, Lessing broke new ground with The Golden Notebook (1962), a daring narrative experiment, in which the multiple selves of a contemporary woman are rendered in astonishing depth and detail. Anna Wulf, like Lessing herself, strives for ruthless honesty as she aims to free herself from the chaos, emotional numbness, and hypocrisy afflicting her generation.
"Dish Network Seeks Rejection of 2 Deals Proposed by Charter" by EMILY STEEL via NYT t.co/4BfU4Jqv1n (via Twitter twitter.com/felipemassone/status/654325895356923905)
Me: I scanned and uploaded this one because it went into great detail about the reasons why they couldn't accept out-of-state adoptions.
Mom: I can still feel how happy I was to receive a response, and how sad I was to receive a rejection.
Sometimes you are drawn to the person and sometimes it's the scene.
Having had one rejection, I decided to take Clay Enos's advice from his Street Portrait youtube video, and refocused and went to bring that energy to the next opportunity.
I saw these restaurant workers sitting outside this blue reflective wall just behind Berwick Street in Soho and asked them if I could take the portrait. Paco, the younger guy, looked suspicious and sized me up, deciding if it was okay. I explained that I was drawn to their reflection in the wall and this made them a little more relaxed about it. I didn't ask them to pose as firstly I didn't want to overstay my welcome plus I actually like the candid style of this final shot.
After taking two shots I thanked Paco and Bob and then showed them the picture. After that, I was on my way.
Find out more about the project and see pictures taken by other photographers at the
OTTAWA, CANADA- On November 6th, 2015, 40 people gathered in front of Rideau Hall today to let the new Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau, know that he needs to freeze the tar sands expansion and transition to a clean and just energy economy. While the protesters participated in the action the President of the United States of America rejected TransCanada's Keystone XL Pipeline.
#ClimateWelcome is a four day action, engaging hundreds of people in a series of sit-ins in front of the Prime Minister's house, in Ottawa, Canada.
Photo By: Ben Powless
The before picture was taken in January 2006 (not at my highest weight) and this is my one and only family picture that I am in. I avoided all cameras and had no full-length mirrors in my home. I started gaining weight in 1991 and then after the birth of my son in 1992 I really packed on the pounds. It is difficult for me to put into words how I felt. No one of healthy weight will ever begin to know what it felt like to be a person of size. If you are reading this you probably experience the same rejections, disgusted looks, and discrimination that I once experienced.
In 2006 my health was deteriorating. I suffered with depression, social anxiety, constant aches & pains, shortness of breath, sleep apnea, high blood pressure, pains in my chest, skin rashes, foot pain and acid reflux. I was not able to sit comfortably and usually spent most of my time in bed. My entire family suffered because of my illness.
I tried about every diet out there and managed to loose about 15-20 lbs on them and then gained it all back plus more! I felt like a failure and gave up on myself. In the late part of 2006 I hit my highest weight of 324 lbs. My family and friends were concerned. A good friend of mine who is a nurse asked me to attend a meeting with her and I accepted not knowing what this was about. I had never considered surgery because I had so many fears about it. Attending the meeting changed my life and for the first time I had some hope that I would become a happy and healthy woman again.
I researched every doctor, hospital and surgical center in Columbus Ohio and the surrounding communities. After speaking with my personal physician, meeting with multiple bariatric surgeons and doing a lot of research on the Internet I finally found Dr. Stephan R. Myers, MD, FACS with Fresh Start Bariatric at Riverside Hospital. When he spoke at the meeting I was moved to hear why he has chosen this career in helping persons of size. His compassion and dedication to his profession moved me deeply and I decided to move forward with him. I have never had such a complete physical in my life. Everything was explained to me and all of the many questions I had were answered. My health was his number one concern and I felt very comfortable with him and the surgery.
The entire Fresh Start Bariatric program is set up to obtain success! The nutritionist, trainers, nurses, Psychologists, administrative staff and Dr. Myers were all dedicated to help me succeed. I went through many emotions before the surgery. I learned from Dr. Tell and Dr. Goldberg about my relationship with food and how to change bad habits. I learned from the nutritionist how to make healthy choices. All of the nurses were there to support me before, during and after my surgery.
I was reborn in June of 2007 when I had my surgery. It was difficult at first learning and adapting to my new lifestyle. I soon began to notice the baggy clothes and the increased energy. I had a tragic event in my life occur about two weeks after my release from the hospital following my Gastric by-pass surgery when my 34 year old brother was killed in a tragic accident. He was on life support for five days and I spent a lot of my time at the hospital with him. I was not following the proper nutrition guidelines and became dehydrated and ill. I was put back into the hospital to re-hydrate my body. It was a difficult time for me but I realized how precious life is and how I wasted so much of my life suffering because of my weight. I decided that my life and quality of life was going to be the best possible. I wanted to make sure I was around for my family and my brother’s small children. Dr. Myers and his team got me re-focused and back on track!
I started seeing my size 30 go to a 28,26, 24, 18, 16, 14, 12, 10, 8 and now I am almost a size 6 and weigh 136 lbs! I can’t put into words how I feel. My weight loss has made me closer to my family, given me confidence in myself, improved my health and personal and professional life has greatly improved.
I will never have to deal with the physical limitations and think about all of the things I missed and the waste of time. I have a lot of making up of time to do!
I committed myself to follow the workout routine and to set high personal goals. I worked out faithfully and eat to give my body nutrition. I used all of the information that I learned during my pre-op counseling.
I worked closely with the Fresh Start Team. I walked my first 5K in May, I ran my second 5K in August and I am currently training for a ½ marathon in May of 2009 (13 miles).
I can now fly in an airplane, ride on roller coasters, wear my swim suit in public, dance, run, sit comfortably, shop for clothes at any store, cross my legs, and enjoy life. The most important thing for me is that I know I am able to be there for my family.
I could tell people so many sad things that my weight had affected me with, but I am sure they will be very similar to other persons of size. I focus on the positive things in live and I am living my life for the first time!
Dr. Myers and his team saved my life and I can’t even put into words how grateful I am to all of them!
Dr. Myers, Mike, Yvonne, Annie, Rosa, Dr. Tell, Dr. Goldberg, Susie & Cheri - Thank you so very much for helping me get my life back! I appreciate your support, compassion, dedication, love and encouragement that are always ongoing!
Keep doing what you are doing and making differences in so many peoples lives, as you are all true heroes!
- Molly Singer
china and India
english
Manasa (Bengali: মনসা, Manasha) is a Hindu folk goddess of snakes, worshipped mainly in Bengal and other parts of northeastern India, chiefly for the prevention and cure of snakebite and also for fertility and prosperity. Manasa is the sister of Vasuki, king of Nāgas (snakes) and wife of sage Jagatkāru (Jaratkāru). She is also known as Vishahara (the destroyer of poison), Jagadgaurī, Nityā (eternal) and Padmavati.
Her myths emphasize her bad temper and unhappiness, due to rejection by her father Shiva and her husband, and the hatred of her stepmother, Chandi (Shiva's wife, identified with Parvati in this context). In some scriptures, sage Kashyapa is considered to be her father, rather than Shiva. Manasa is depicted as kind to her devotees, but harsh to people who refused to worship her. Denied full godhead by her mixed parentage, Manasa’s aim was to fully establish her authority as a goddess and to acquire steadfast human devotees.
Origins
Originally an Adivasi (tribal) goddess, Manasa was accepted in the pantheon worshipped by Hindu lower caste groups. Later, she was included in a higher caste Hindu pantheon, where she is now regarded as a Hindu goddess rather than a tribal one. As a Hindu goddess, she was recognized as a daughter of sage Kashyapa and Kadru, the mother of all Nāgas. By the 14th century, Manasa was identified as the goddess of fertility and marriage rites and was assimilated into the Shaiva pantheon, related to the god, Shiva. Myths glorified her by describing that she saved Shiva after he drank the poison, and venerated her as the "remover of poison". Her popularity grew and spread to southern India, and her followers began to rival Shaivism (the cult of Shiva). As a consequence, stories attributing Manasa's birth to Shiva emerged and ultimately Shaivism adopted this indigenous goddess into the Brahmanical tradition of mainstream Hinduism
legends
Mahabharata
The Mahabharata tells the story of Manasa's marriage. Sage Jagatkāru practiced severe austerities and had decided to abstain from marriage. Once he came across a group of men hanging from a tree upside down. These men were his ancestors, who were doomed to misery as their children had not performed their last rites. So they advised Jagatkāru to marry and have a son who could free them of those miseries by performing the ceremonies. Vasuki offered his sister Manasa's hand to Jagatkāru. Manasa mothered a son, Astīka, who freed his ancestors. Astika also helped in saving the Nāga race from destruction when King Janamejaya decided to exterminate them by sacrificing them in his Yajna, fire offering.
Puranas
Puranas are the first scriptures to speak about her birth. They declare that sage Kashyapa is her father, not Shiva as described in the Mangalkavyas. Once, when serpents and reptiles had created chaos on the earth, sage Kashyapa created goddess Manasa from his mind (mana). The creator god Brahma made her the presiding deity of snakes and reptiles. Manasa gained control over the earth, by the power of mantras she chanted. Manasa then propitiated the god, Shiva, who told her to please Krishna. Upon being pleased, Krishna granted her divine Siddhi powers and ritually worshipped her, making her an established goddess.
Kashyapa married Manasa to sage Jaratkaru, who agreed to marry her on the condition that he would leave her if she disobeyed him. Once, when Jaratkaru was awakened by Manasa, he became upset with her because she awakened him too late for worship, and so he deserted her. On the request of the great Hindu gods, Jaratkaru returned to Manasa and she gave birth to Astika, their son.
Mangalkavyas
The Mangalkavyas were devotional paeans to local deities such as Manasa, composed in Bengal between the 13th and the 18th centuries. The Manasa Mangalkavya by Bijay Gupta and Manasa Vijaya (1495) by Bipradas Pipilai trace the origin and myths of the goddess.
According to Manasa Vijaya, Manasa was born when a statue of girl that had been sculpted by Vasuki's mother was touched by Shiva's semen. Vasuki accepted Manasa as his sister, and granted her charge of the poison that was produced when King Prithu milked the Earth as a cow. When Shiva saw Manasa, he was sexually attracted to her, but she proved to him that he was her father. Shiva took Manasa to his home where his wife, Chandi, suspected Manasa of being Shiva's concubine or co-wife, and insulted Manasa and burnt one of her eyes, leaving Manasa half-blind. Later, when Shiva was dying of poison, Manasa cured him. On one occasion, when Chandi kicked her, Manasa rendered her senseless with a glance of her poison eye. Finally, tired of quarrels between Manasa and Chandi, Shiva deserted Manasa under a tree, but created a companion for her from his tears of remorse, called Neto or Netā.
Later, the sage Jaratkaru married Manasa, but Chandi ruined Manasa's wedding night. Chandi advised Manasa to wear snake ornaments and then threw a frog in the bridal chamber which caused the snakes to run around the chamber. As a consequence, the terrified Jaratkaru ran away from the house. After few days, he returned and Astika, their son, was born.
Accompanied by her adviser, Neto, Manasa descended to earth to obtain human devotees. She was initially mocked by the people but then Manasa forced them to worship her by raining calamity on those who denied her power. She managed to convert people from different walks of life, including the Muslim ruler Hasan, but failed to convert Chand Sadagar, an ardent Shiva and Chandi devotee. In attempting to convert him, Manasa killed Chand's six sons and left him bankrupt. She also killed Lakhindar, Chand's youngest son, on his wedding night. Chand's wife and widowed daughter-in-law tried to coax him to worship Manasa. At last, he yielded by offering a flower to the goddess with his left hand without even looking at her. This gesture made Manasa so happy that she resurrected all of Chand's sons and restored his fame and fortunes. The Mangal kavyas say that after this, the worship of Manasa was popular forever more.
Manasa Mangalkavya attributes Manasa's difficulty in attracting devotees to an unjust curse she gave to Chand in his previous life. Chand then retaliated with a counter-curse that worshipping her would not be popular on earth unless he worshipped her also.
Ananda K. Coomaraswamy and Sister Nivedita say, "[The] legend of [Chand Sadagar and] Manasā Devī, [...] who must be as old as the Mykenean stratum in Asiatic society, reflects the conflict between the religion of Shiva and that of female local deities in Bengal. Afterwards Manasā or Padmā was recognized as a form of Shakti, [...] and her worship accepted by Shaivas. She is a phase of the mother-divinity who for so many worshippers is nearer and dearer than the far-off and impersonal Shiva...".
Worship
Generally, Manasa is worshipped without an image. A branch of a tree, an earthen pot or an earthen snake image is worshipped as the goddess,[1] though images of Manasa are worshipped too. She is worshipped for protection from and cure of snake bites and infectious diseases like smallpox and chicken pox.
The cult of Manasa is most widespread in Bengal, where she is ritually worshipped in temples. The goddess is widely worshipped in the rainy season, when the snakes are most active.
Manasa is ceremonially worshipped on Nag Panchami - a festival of snake worship in the Hindu month of Shravan (July-August). Bengali women observe a fast (vrata) on this day and offer milk at snake holes.
The viewer, as pilot in the wheelhouse of a vast Ocean Liner (note coffee at upper right), is pushing away the potentially helpful tugboat.
The Preston Strike and Lune Street Riot, which took place in Preston, in Lancashire, England over 12 and 13 August 1842, were part of the 1842 General Strike or ‘Plug Plot Riots’. These strikes and disturbances were prompted by depression in 1841-2 which resulted in wage cuts of over 25%. They were influenced by the Chartist movement and the government’s rejection of the petition for ‘People's Charter of 1838’, signed by over 1 million people who demanded a more democratic political system. Wikipedia,
© 2015 Tony Worrall
Artist: Jonathan Dale
Photographer: Ada Dawn (www.adadawn.net)
Production and Visual Direction provided by: 11 Pryamid Productions, M316 Entertainment, Ada Dawn Art, & Jonathan Dale.
Photo Shoot for Jonathan Dale's debut album.
Album: Love Luck and Leaving
Song: Big Sky
About Jonathan Dale:
Jonathan Dale from Season Two of CMTs Can You Duets, 1st Runner Up Duo; JB Rocket. After JB Rocket finished as 1st runner up, they inked a record deal along artist like Taylor Swift, Justin Moore, Steel Magnolia, Reba McEntire, Jack Ingram and many other top Country Music recording artist to be part of the Big Machine Records sister label; The Valory Music Co. A year later the duo split to pursue seperate goals and careers. Jonathan Dale was awarded the 2010 Randy Travis Award - Country Male Vocalist of the Year at the 2010 Carolina Music Awards. Also recently in Nov '12 Jonathan Dale's Music Video for His fan favorite track "Jezebel" landed as the #1 Country Music Video on MTV's Ourstage.com, Jonathan Dale is the youngest performer to ever sing the National Anthem for the Carolina Panthers and The Dallas Cowboys when He was only 10 years. He currently is living back and forth between Nashville, TN, New York, and His home state of North Carolina. Jonathan Dale also recently opened up about dealing with rejection in the music industry but turning to and developing a problem with addiction in 2011, Sense then He has became sober and launched a Nationwide Foundation called "The Recovery Road Foundation" helping millions of teenagers and young adults deal and cope with their problems of depressions, addictions, and all around mental and physical health. You can read more and listen Jonathan's music by visiting any of the following website:
www.jonathandalemusic.com (Official Website)
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Pablo Picasso (1881-1973)
Mujer con sombrero verde/Frau mit grünem Hut/Woman in a Green Hat, 1947 (Albertina- Sammlung Batliner)
In the 1940s, Picasso revisited his Cubist phase: his art became dominated by deformation and multiple views. The disproportioned physiognomies cannot only be interpreted psychologically as an expression of the horrors of the war or of the personal crises in the artist's relationships, but also as a perception of reality in its totality, which defies any direct imitation of nature: "I deliberately painted this crooked nose (...) so that you are forced to see a nose. Later you'll recognise that it is not crooked at all. You should simply stop perceiving pretty harmonies and exquisite colours." Such portraits as the present example met with rejection and bewilderment: "If all women resembled those painted by Picasso, the earth would be depopulated by the end of the century. Men would ran away at the sight of these cadaverous, greenish, amorphous, inhuman creatures."
In den 1940er-Jahren greift Picasso auf seine kubistische Phase zurück: Deformation und Mehransichtigkeit dominieren. Die Disproportion der Physiognomie lässt sich nicht nur psychologisch als Ausdruck der Schrecken des Krieges oder von Beziehungskrisen interpretieren, sondern als das Erfassen einer totalen Wirklichkeit, die jede direkte Abschrift nach der Natur ablehnt: "Ich habe aber diese schiefe Nase absichtlich so gemacht (...), dass Sie gezwungen sind, eine Nase zu sehen. Später werden Sie erkennen, dass sie gar nicht schief ist. Sie sollten eben damit aufhören, hübsche Harmonien und exquisite Farben zu sehen." Porträts wie dieses stoßen auf Ablehnung und Verständnislosigkeit: "Wenn alle Frauen denen glichen, die Picasso malt, wäre am Ende des Jahrhunderts die Erde entvölkert. Die Männer würden beim Anblick dieser kadaverartigen, grünlichen, formlosen, unmenschlichen Wesen fliehen."
The Albertina
The architectural history of the Palais
(Pictures you can see by clicking on the link at the end of page!)
Image: The oldest photographic view of the newly designed Palais Archduke Albrecht, 1869
"It is my will that the expansion of the inner city of Vienna with regard to a suitable connection of the same with the suburbs as soon as possible is tackled and at this on Regulirung (regulation) and beautifying of my Residence and Imperial Capital is taken into account. To this end I grant the withdrawal of the ramparts and fortifications of the inner city and the trenches around the same".
This decree of Emperor Franz Joseph I, published on 25 December 1857 in the Wiener Zeitung, formed the basis for the largest the surface concerning and architecturally most significant transformation of the Viennese cityscape. Involving several renowned domestic and foreign architects a "master plan" took form, which included the construction of a boulevard instead of the ramparts between the inner city and its radially upstream suburbs. In the 50-years during implementation phase, an impressive architectural ensemble developed, consisting of imperial and private representational buildings, public administration and cultural buildings, churches and barracks, marking the era under the term "ring-street style". Already in the first year tithe decided a senior member of the Austrian imperial family to decorate the facades of his palace according to the new design principles, and thus certified the aristocratic claim that this also "historicism" said style on the part of the imperial house was attributed.
Image: The Old Albertina after 1920
It was the palace of Archduke Albrecht (1817-1895), the Senior of the Habsburg Family Council, who as Field Marshal held the overall command over the Austro-Hungarian army. The building was incorporated into the imperial residence of the Hofburg complex, forming the south-west corner and extending eleven meters above street level on the so-called Augustinerbastei.
The close proximity of the palace to the imperial residence corresponded not only with Emperor Franz Joseph I and Archduke Albert with a close familial relationship between the owner of the palace and the monarch. Even the former inhabitants were always in close relationship to the imperial family, whether by birth or marriage. An exception here again proves the rule: Don Emanuel Teles da Silva Conde Tarouca (1696-1771), for which Maria Theresa in 1744 the palace had built, was just a close friend and advisor of the monarch. Silva Tarouca underpins the rule with a second exception, because he belonged to the administrative services as Generalhofbaudirektor (general court architect) and President of the Austrian-Dutch administration, while all other him subsequent owners were highest ranking military.
In the annals of Austrian history, especially those of military history, they either went into as commander of the Imperial Army, or the Austrian, later kk Army. In chronological order, this applies to Duke Carl Alexander of Lorraine, the brother-of-law of Maria Theresa, as Imperial Marshal, her son-in-law Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen, also field marshal, whos adopted son, Archduke Charles of Austria, the last imperial field marshal and only Generalissimo of Austria, his son Archduke Albrecht of Austria as Feldmarschalil and army Supreme commander, and most recently his nephew Archduke Friedrich of Austria, who held as field marshal from 1914 to 1916 the command of the Austro-Hungarian troops. Despite their military profession, all five generals conceived themselves as patrons of the arts and promoted large sums of money to build large collections, the construction of magnificent buildings and cultural life. Charles Alexander of Lorraine promoted as governor of the Austrian Netherlands from 1741 to 1780 the Academy of Fine Arts, the Théâtre de Ja Monnaie and the companies Bourgeois Concert and Concert Noble, he founded the Academie royale et imperial des Sciences et des Lettres, opened the Bibliotheque Royal for the population and supported artistic talents with high scholarships. World fame got his porcelain collection, which however had to be sold by Emperor Joseph II to pay off his debts. Duke Albert began in 1776 according to the concept of conte Durazzo to set up an encyclopedic collection of prints, which forms the core of the world-famous "Albertina" today.
Image : Duke Albert and Archduchess Marie Christine show in family cercle the from Italy brought along art, 1776. Frederick Henry Füger.
1816 declared to Fideikommiss and thus in future indivisible, inalienable and inseparable, the collection 1822 passed into the possession of Archduke Carl, who, like his descendants, it broadened. Under him, the collection was introduced together with the sumptuously equipped palace on the Augustinerbastei in the so-called "Carl Ludwig'schen fideicommissum in 1826, by which the building and the in it kept collection fused into an indissoluble unity. At this time had from the Palais Tarouca by structural expansion or acquisition a veritable Residenz palace evolved. Duke Albert of Saxe-Teschen was first in 1800 the third floor of the adjacent Augustinian convent wing adapted to house his collection and he had after 1802 by his Belgian architect Louis de Montoyer at the suburban side built a magnificent extension, called the wing of staterooms, it was equipped in the style of Louis XVI. Only two decades later, Archduke Carl the entire palace newly set up. According to scetches of the architect Joseph Kornhäusel the 1822-1825 retreaded premises presented themselves in the Empire style. The interior of the palace testified from now in an impressive way the high rank and the prominent position of its owner. Under Archduke Albrecht the outer appearance also should meet the requirements. He had the facade of the palace in the style of historicism orchestrated and added to the Palais front against the suburbs an offshore covered access. Inside, he limited himself, apart from the redesign of the Rococo room in the manner of the second Blondel style, to the retention of the paternal stock. Archduke Friedrich's plans for an expansion of the palace were omitted, however, because of the outbreak of the First World War so that his contribution to the state rooms, especially, consists in the layout of the Spanish apartment, which he in 1895 for his sister, the Queen of Spain Maria Christina, had set up as a permanent residence.
Picture: The "audience room" after the restoration: Picture: The "balcony room" around 1990
The era of stately representation with handing down their cultural values found its most obvious visualization inside the palace through the design and features of the staterooms. On one hand, by the use of the finest materials and the purchase of masterfully manufactured pieces of equipment, such as on the other hand by the permanent reuse of older equipment parts. This period lasted until 1919, when Archduke Friedrich was expropriated by the newly founded Republic of Austria. With the republicanization of the collection and the building first of all finished the tradition that the owner's name was synonymous with the building name:
After Palais Tarouca or tarokkisches house it was called Lorraine House, afterwards Duke Albert Palais and Palais Archduke Carl. Due to the new construction of an adjacently located administration building it received in 1865 the prefix "Upper" and was referred to as Upper Palais Archduke Albrecht and Upper Palais Archduke Frederick. For the state a special reference to the Habsburg past was certainly politically no longer opportune, which is why was decided to name the building according to the in it kept collection "Albertina".
Picture: The "Wedgwood Cabinet" after the restoration: Picture: the "Wedgwood Cabinet" in the Palais Archduke Friedrich, 1905
This name derives from the term "La Collection Albertina" which had been used by the gallery Inspector Maurice von Thausing in 1870 in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts for the former graphics collection of Duke Albert. For this reason, it was the first time since the foundation of the palace that the name of the collection had become synonymous with the room shell. Room shell, hence, because the Republic of Austria Archduke Friedrich had allowed to take along all the movable goods from the palace in his Hungarian exile: crystal chandeliers, curtains and carpets as well as sculptures, vases and clocks. Particularly stressed should be the exquisite furniture, which stems of three facilities phases: the Louis XVI furnitures of Duke Albert, which had been manufactured on the basis of fraternal relations between his wife Archduchess Marie Christine and the French Queen Marie Antoinette after 1780 in the French Hofmanufakturen, also the on behalf of Archduke Charles 1822-1825 in the Vienna Porcelain Manufactory by Joseph Danhauser produced Empire furnitures and thirdly additions of the same style of Archduke Friedrich, which this about 1900 at Portois & Ffix as well as at Friedrich Otto Schmidt had commissioned.
The "swept clean" building got due to the strained financial situation after the First World War initially only a makeshift facility. However, since until 1999 no revision of the emergency equipment took place, but differently designed, primarily the utilitarianism committed office furnitures complementarily had been added, the equipment of the former state rooms presented itself at the end of the 20th century as an inhomogeneous administrative mingle-mangle of insignificant parts, where, however, dwelt a certain quaint charm. From the magnificent state rooms had evolved depots, storage rooms, a library, a study hall and several officed.
Image: The Albertina Graphic Arts Collection and the Philipphof after the American bombing of 12 März 1945.
Image: The palace after the demolition of the entrance facade, 1948-52
Worse it hit the outer appearance of the palace, because in times of continued anti-Habsburg sentiment after the Second World War and inspired by an intolerant destruction will, it came by pickaxe to a ministerial erasure of history. In contrast to the graphic collection possessed the richly decorated facades with the conspicuous insignia of the former owner an object-immanent reference to the Habsburg past and thus exhibited the monarchial traditions and values of the era of Francis Joseph significantly. As part of the remedial measures after a bomb damage, in 1948 the aristocratic, by Archduke Albert initiated, historicist facade structuring along with all decorations was cut off, many facade figures demolished and the Hapsburg crest emblems plunged to the ground. Since in addition the old ramp also had been cancelled and the main entrance of the bastion level had been moved down to the second basement storey at street level, ended the presence of the old Archduke's palace after more than 200 years. At the reopening of the "Albertina Graphic Collection" in 1952, the former Hapsburg Palais of splendour presented itself as one of his identity robbed, formally trivial, soulless room shell, whose successful republicanization an oversized and also unproportional eagle above the new main entrance to the Augustinian road symbolized. The emocratic throw of monuments had wiped out the Hapsburg palace from the urban appeareance, whereby in the perception only existed a nondescript, nameless and ahistorical building that henceforth served the lodging and presentation of world-famous graphic collection of the Albertina. The condition was not changed by the decision to the refurbishment because there were only planned collection specific extensions, but no restoration of the palace.
Image: The palace after the Second World War with simplified facades, the rudiment of the Danubiusbrunnens (well) and the new staircase up to the Augustinerbastei
This paradigm shift corresponded to a blatant reversal of the historical circumstances, as the travel guides and travel books for kk Residence and imperial capital of Vienna dedicated itself primarily with the magnificent, aristocratic palace on the Augustinerbastei with the sumptuously fitted out reception rooms and mentioned the collection kept there - if at all - only in passing. Only with the repositioning of the Albertina in 2000 under the direction of Klaus Albrecht Schröder, the palace was within the meaning and in fulfillment of the Fideikommiss of Archduke Charles in 1826 again met with the high regard, from which could result a further inseparable bond between the magnificent mansions and the world-famous collection. In view of the knowing about politically motivated errors and omissions of the past, the facades should get back their noble, historicist designing, the staterooms regain their glamorous, prestigious appearance and culturally unique equippment be repurchased. From this presumption, eventually grew the full commitment to revise the history of redemption and the return of the stately palace in the public consciousness.
Image: The restored suburb facade of the Palais Albertina suburb
The smoothed palace facades were returned to their original condition and present themselves today - with the exception of the not anymore reconstructed Attica figures - again with the historicist decoration and layout elements that Archduke Albrecht had given after the razing of the Augustinerbastei in 1865 in order. The neoclassical interiors, today called after the former inhabitants "Habsburg Staterooms", receiving a meticulous and detailed restoration taking place at the premises of originality and authenticity, got back their venerable and sumptuous appearance. From the world wide scattered historical pieces of equipment have been bought back 70 properties or could be returned through permanent loan to its original location, by which to the visitors is made experiencable again that atmosphere in 1919 the state rooms of the last Habsburg owner Archduke Frederick had owned. The for the first time in 80 years public accessible "Habsburg State Rooms" at the Palais Albertina enable now again as eloquent testimony to our Habsburg past and as a unique cultural heritage fundamental and essential insights into the Austrian cultural history. With the relocation of the main entrance to the level of the Augustinerbastei the recollection to this so valuable Austrian Cultural Heritage formally and functionally came to completion. The vision of the restoration and recovery of the grand palace was a pillar on which the new Albertina should arise again, the other embody the four large newly built exhibition halls, which allow for the first time in the history of the Albertina, to exhibit the collection throughout its encyclopedic breadh under optimal conservation conditions.
Image: The new entrance area of the Albertina
64 meter long shed roof. Hans Hollein.
The palace presents itself now in its appearance in the historicist style of the Ringstrassenära, almost as if nothing had happened in the meantime. But will the wheel of time should not, cannot and must not be turned back, so that the double standards of the "Albertina Palace" said museum - on the one hand Habsburg grandeur palaces and other modern museum for the arts of graphics - should be symbolized by a modern character: The in 2003 by Hans Hollein designed far into the Albertina square cantilevering, elegant floating flying roof. 64 meters long, it symbolizes in the form of a dynamic wedge the accelerated urban spatial connectivity and public access to the palace. It advertises the major changes in the interior as well as the huge underground extensions of the repositioned "Albertina".
Christian Benedictine
Art historian with research interests History of Architecture, building industry of the Hapsburgs, Hofburg and Zeremonialwissenschaft (ceremonial sciences). Since 1990 he works in the architecture collection of the Albertina. Since 2000 he supervises as director of the newly founded department "Staterooms" the restoration and furnishing of the state rooms and the restoration of the facades and explores the history of the palace and its inhabitants.
Bogazi (Greek: Μπογάζι, Turkish: Boğaz) is a village in Cyprus, located 7 km northeast of Trikomo in the Karpaz Peninsula. It is under the de facto control of Northern Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.