View allAll Photos Tagged Nowthe
...and trying to decide which activity to try first from her "The Pocket Dangerous Book for Girls"
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All India Students' Association(AISA) .
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Struggling for So cial Justice in Times of Globalisation .
Newspapers carried astory about how the YFE in liT Kanpur has announced that in future the members ofYFE will no longer use their surname, insteadthey will all call themselves 'Sharar.An admtrable assertion by youth in the era ofglobalisation. of the kinship of all Indians.regardless ofcaste markers ! .
But take alook at the matrimonial columns 1n the same newspapers.and we see Innumerable instances of these same globalised' youth. many of whom choose to live and work abroad,seektng spouses from the exact same sub-casteI .
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The media projects the YFE protestors as modem youth, representatives of the era ofglobahsabon, who are notWilling to allow the political class to impose discrimination on the basis of caste.The positive dtscrimtnation ofreservatJons 1s.in the eyes of the YFE, projected as the only kind ofcaste-based discrimination,the ugly face ofcasteism. The fact that casteism and globalisation jo1n hands to crush the aspirations and 'merir ofthe vast majonty oflnd1ans. goes unmen~oned .
There is no introspection about why the mass of engtneering students at liT, doctors and med1cal students at hospitals ... Ner appeared in demonstrations orprotests against the rape ofBhanwari Devi, the lynching ofDalits atJhanar, the torch1ng ofDalit hoM.:,; at Gohan a, the massacres of poor OBC and Dalit women and children by the Ranveer Sena...How come the liT and AJIMS campuses never witnessed anyprotest againstthe hikes in charges of health servicesat the AIIMS, a move which hitthe poorest people hardest? Howcome doctors neverprotested when awomanwas recently raped at Safdarjung Hospital and the police and Hospttal authorities shielded the culprit? Private Hospitals in Delhi regularlyviolate the rule ofproviding free service to the poor 1n return for the dtrt-cheap public land provided them by the Delhi Govemmentl Have the doctors or medical students everprotested? .
It is only by awakening the social conscience in all sections of youth; by persuading them that their insecunty and frustration should neither lead to suicide (very common in the stress-filled IITs and Medical Colleges) nor to agitations agamst reservation Rather,the way to fight theirown fear is to be part ofthe broad solidarityof students unitedly struggling for more opportunities at affordable rates for all. .
As for those who call themselves 'Bharaf and proclaim that caste should have no place in aglobalised lnd1a,they need to as!<.,why does caste continue to remain a major marker of lnd1an social reality? Is itreally kept alive only Qy 'caste polibcs or by reservations? Or rather,does caste continues to flourishin an environment marked by utterlack of social and economic mobility? Isn't 1t true that in the absence of land reforms,old social structures of power and oppression still hold good in many parts of the country? The truth 1s that centuries ofcolonial subjugation and persistence ofstubborn feudal survtvals have made the process of tndustrialisanon very wear< 1n content. It has given us some industries but has failed to modem1se our social foundation .
And nowthe policies ofglobalisation are further retarding and d1stortmg the process of industnahsatJon and 1ts mcx:.1em1s1ng potential It is the service sector which is driving the growth engine and without a developed agricultural and industrial foundation we have set ourselves the goal ofbecoming a knowledge-economy and a knowledge-society! No wonder this is ushenng in a neo· Brahminical order while reinforcing our age-old social contempt for labour. .
The early 1990s saw the implementation of the Mandai Commission recommendations to provide for reservation to OBCs in government jobs; soon followed by the advent of theeconomic pohc1es of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation.The M1ndal wave generated amassive euphoria of social justice,yet for the vast majority of India's rural and agricultural population, most of all the daltts, extremely backward communities and tribals,social justice remained apipedream,with globallsation causing widespread starvation deaths, suicides, desperate unemployment, and further displacement and dispossession. .
The globalisers now wantto do away with the system of reservation much the same way as Imperialist powers want us to stop all subsidies. Incidentally, reservation is being opposed not only in higher education but also in pnvate industries. Like the empty rhetoric of 'reforms with human face', the myth of 'globalisation with social justice' Is also fast coming unstuck. .
For the Congress-16dUPA Govem~ent, the real test forcommitment to social justice cannot justbe the willingness to extend 27% reservations forOBCs to higher education-that move onlygoes to the creditofthe powerful political assertion ofthe backward dasses. Social justice demands that the Government must undo the killer policies ofliberalisationand stop sacrificing the lives of the poor at the altar of globalisation;must ensure that each and every young Indian is guaranteed the nght to education and dignified employment. The student movementofourtimes must spearhead this urge for soc1aljustice and social change, and notpeddle themyth ofmarket-oriented mentocracy. .
sd/-Satya Venkat Siddardha, President, AISA. JNU sd/-Awadhesh, Gen. Secy , AI SA. JNU .
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You know that it mostly ended up in her mouth!
Blogged: eclecticchica.blogspot.com/2009/12/nowthe-festivities.html
This time from a lady who knows - Grandma W.
Blogged: eclecticchica.blogspot.com/2009/12/nowthe-festivities.html
Grandpa W is trying to give Peelu pointers on frosting techniques. She didn't listen.
Blogged: eclecticchica.blogspot.com/2009/12/nowthe-festivities.html
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The ATS continues to frame Naquee, refySing to .
brigade personnel from controlling the fire..
answer basic questionS": Why did they suddenly decide Shamefully, the Odisha police too did notNaquee was~terrorist, the minute he came to Mumbai? lf. .
p,revent this massacte. It is also being reported tha~they had suspected hiin beforehand. and if they had him.
.. .
the local petrol pumps, owned by known BJP.
under surveillance. they would have known that he was supporters, provided free petrol to execute this brutal.
working closely wi-th the Special Cell. His numerous trips to .
assault. Had the people living in the houses not.
the Special Cell's.office in Lodhi Road in Del h1 and theirregular phone calls to himare testimony t6 this. escaped just in time, this assault would definitely haveresulted in a horrific and shameful genocide..
The list ·of allegations and "proofs" the .ATS istrotting out in their pathetic attempt to justify their AISA strongly condemns this incident. whichfarcical case are laughable. The ATS boss says that is yet another indicator that feudal and· caste.
Naquee had been visiting Mumbai's Madanpura area since violence is alive and kicking in our "democratic".
September-October 2010. The fact ofthe matter is many of republic. The Bolangir incident is no exception. In.
those trips were made in the company of Delhi Police Special 1979, thousands of dalits, refugees from Bangladesh,.
Cell. According to the ATS, clothes of Naquee have been lost their lives at Marichjhapi in West Bengal, in.
recovered from the house where the main suspects lived. Sunderbans, for trying to settle in the region. We have.
So now, the chief of the ATS knows this as a "fact'', without not forgotten the brutal lynching of an entire dalitfamily.
even bothering to conduct forensic or DNA tests before in Khairlanji in September 2006, in full public view.making such absurd cfaims. TheATS says, Naquee and his .
Neither have we forgotten the several brutal dalit.
brother own bikes that "would have been used in future .
massacres executed by feudal armies like the Ranveerterror acts"! No proof, just stories and lies dressed up as .
Sena (tacitly and sometimes openly supported by.
~~fact"-is this how investigations should be conducted? .
forces like BJP, Congress. JD(U) and RJD). We wiilNaquee is not the only victim. Too often we have seen .
neither forgive nor forget the Laxmanpur Bathe,.
the police and investigative agencies implicating the very Bathani Tola, Ekwari and theArwal massacres-where.
men they seek out for help and cooperation. We have .
feudal armies cold-bloodedly executed a campaign.
not forgotten howthe Sp~ial Cell implicated two 18 informers .
of terror. rape and murder of dalits who dared to.
-Qamar and lrshad -as"dreaded terrorists''. organise themselves politically to pose a strongNo wonder, nowthe Commissioner of Delhi Police feels challenge feudal structures..
ld.
no moral and ethical compulsion to officially and formally .
The progressive and democratic forces.
state the simple truth that Naquee was helping hisdepartment in their investigation. across the country will have to intensify the.
struggle against feudal caste structures, so that.
The real nature of our so-called investigative.
agencies is no longer a secret. Communal stereo-typing.
and framing of innocent Muslim youth is nowthe rule, rather.
.
than the exception. An atmosphere has been actively.
manufactured by state machinery and media, where Muslims.
.
are being easily as branded "terrorists" And in this.
atmosphere we are seeing a horrific and dangerous ooe-.
uomanship and lust amongst differentinvestigative agencies.
for promotions. awards and media headlines in the name of.
"cracking" terror cases. where innocent Muslim youths are.
being routinely picked up and framed. Naquee's case is.
.
t .
simple: here was a young man willing to offer his best.
cooperation in an effort to help the police in their anti-terror.
.
operations, but is himself claimed by the one-upmanship.
among various investigative agencies. Is this how the 'war.
.
on terror' will be fought? By victimization. harassment of.
Muslims and violation of the due processes of law? The.
progressive and democratic sections will have to.
.
robustly challenge this dangerous targeting and.
communal stereotyping. .
.
Akbar, President, AISA, JNU Sandeep Saurav, Gen.Secy., AISA,JNU .
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of the cousins on my side of the family. If Peelu can grow up to be as sweet and kind as Big N than I will be happy.
Blogged: eclecticchica.blogspot.com/2009/12/nowthe-festivities.html
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The ATS continues to frame Naquee, refusing to answer basic questions: Why did they suddenly decide Naquee was a terrorist, the minute he came to Mumbai? If they had suspected him beforehand. and if they had hi~ under surveillance. they would have known that he was working closely with the Special Cell. His numerous trips to the Special Cell's office in Lodhi Road in Delhi and their regular phone calls to him are testimony to this. .
The list of allegations and "proofs" the ATS is trotting out in their pathetic attempt to justify their farcical case are laughable. The ATS boss says that Naquee had been visiting Mumbai's Madanpura area since September-October 2010. The fact ofthe matter is many of those trips.were made in the company of Delhi Police Special Cell. According to the ATS, clothes of Naquee have been recovered from the house where the mam suspects lived. So now, the chief oftheATS knows this as a "fact" without even bothering to conduct forensic or DNA tests before making such absurd claims. TheATS says, Naquee and his brother own bikes that "would have been used in future terror acts"! No proof, just stories and lies dressed up as «fact" -is this how investigations should be conducted? .
Naquee is not the only victim. Too often we have seen the police and investigative agencies implicating the very men they seek out for help and cooperation. We have not forgotten howthe Special Cell implicated two IB informers -Qamar and lrshad -as "dreaded terrorists". .
Nowonderl nowthe Commissioner of Delhi Police feels no moral and ethical compulsion to officially and formally state the simple truth that Naquee was helping his department in their investigation. .
The real nature of our so-called investigative agencies is no longer a secret. Communal stereo-typing and framing of innocent Muslim youth is nowthe rule, rather than the exception. An atmosphere has been act1vely manufactured by state machinery and media, where Muslims are being easily as branded "terronsts". And In this atmosphere we are seeing a horriftc and dangerous one-upmanship and lust amongst different investigative agencies for promotions. awards and media headlines in the name of "cracking" terror cases. where innocent Muslim youths are being routinely picked up and framed Naquee's case Is simple: here was a young man willing to offer his best cooperation in an effort to help the police in their anti-terror operations, but is himself claimed by the one-upmanship among various investigative agencies. Is this how the 'war on terror' will be fought? By victimization, hara§sment Q.f Muslims and violation of the due processes of law? The progressive and democratic sections will have to robustly challenge this dangerous targeting and .
communal stereotyping. .
Akbar, President, AISA, JNU .
brigade personnel from controlling the fire. Shamefully, the Odisha police too did not prevent this massacre. It is also being reported that the local petrol pumps, owned by known BJP supporters, provided free petrol to execute this brutal assault. Had the people living in the houses not escaped just in time, this assault would definitely have resulted in a horrific and shameful genocide. .
AISA strongly condemns this incident, which is yet another indicator that feudal and caste vi.olence Is alive and kicking in our ''democratic" republic. The Bolangir incident is no exception. In 1979, thousands of dalits, refugees from Bangladesh. lost their lives at Marichjhapi in W est Bengal, in Sunderbans, for trying to settle in the region. We have not forgotten the brutal lynching of an entire dali1 family in Khairlanji in September 2006, in full public view. Neither have we forgotten the several brutal dalit massacres executed by feudal armies like the Ranveer Sena (tacitly and sometimes openly supported by forces like BJP. Congress. JO(U) and RJD). We will neither forgive nor forget the Laxmanpur Bathe, Bathani Tola, Ekwari and theArwal massacres -where feudal armies cold-bloodedly executed a campaign of terror, rape and murder of dalits who dared to organise themselves politically to pose a strong challenge feudal structures. .
The progressive and democratic forces .across the country will have to intensify the struggle against feudal caste structures, so that .
Sandeep Saurav, Gen.Sccy., AISA,JNU .
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~,. .
-~fb."'t:; ~fb.~~-.
13.08.04 All India Students' Association (AISA) " .
Jo111 AI SA's March to P<Hiillment On August 18 Against Union Budget's Betrayal of Student-Youth Issues! .
I .
Even though the Left has assured support to the government for a full five-year term, it is unlikely that the government would.
Budget 2004: Human Face or Human Mask? .
exploit this commitment to push for a neo-llberal agenda. The least that can happen in this respect in the short-run therefore is a .
"11 sazlng"of"raforms"with some measures to alleviate the people's hardships... n .
The above words by a prominent Left academician on the eve of the Union Budget is an example of the high hopes .
nurtured by the Left intelligentsia -which believed the UPA's prom1ses of a "human face". and had faith thai the .
.
CPI-CPI (M)'s support for the Government would guarantee that human face. .
These hopes got a rude shock with the presentation ot the Budget. The same academicians recognised that the .
propaganda that the Budget was "pro-poor, pro-farmer" was far from true. In fact, they pointed out, allocations on agriculture .
and rural employment have been drastically stashed, while the Defence Budget has been steeply increased. Once again, .
it was proved that "refonns/liberalisation with a human face" was an impossibility. At best, there could be a .
"human fa~ade" to mask the anti-people character of the Govt.'s economic policies. .
Chidambaram's Budgetwas nothing but a copy ofthe NDA's February Budget. The only difference was that the bitter .
.
pill ofsops for the big industrialists, sharebrokers, landlords, nch farmers and foreign capital, was coated with some sweet .
words for the poor and marginalised. Despite this. the CPI and CPI(M) continues to propagate "maximum illusion" about .
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Harkishan Singh Surjeet said clearly, ··we have no doubt whatsoever about the regime's sincerity regarding the pro-people character of the Congress-led UPA's "rrw11mum programme" and Budget. CPI(M) General Secretary .
implementation ofthe CMP. Yet there is no denying that vested interests ofall hues have already become active .
vested interests? Not the big landlords and nch farmers' lobby or the big industrialists whose vested interests the .
Congress has always championed..Rather, the CPI(M) has full faith in the Congress and the UPA's pro-people sincerity..
to foil the implementation ofthe document."(People's Democracy, June 20) Who, according to the CPI(M), are these .
The taskofthe Left is, forthe CPI(M), not to expose the "human fa<;ade" ofthe CMP which masks the class interests ofthe .
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Congress-led UPA, but merely to safeguard the Govt. from external pressure. In fact, CPf(M) PB member Prakash Karat .
said the Budget was ..positive for agriculture, education and rural uplift, as in CMP, but concessions for foreign .
capital were unwarranted·.(The Hindu, July 9) .
"The owner must pay heed when the watchdog barks", said CPI(M) PB Member Sitaram Yechury. Yechury's own .
Yechury Clarifies Whose Watchdog ts The CPI(M) .
master is not the common masses. It 'barks and bites', not in defence ofthe poor and marginalised whorri the analogy reveals the real nature ofthe relationship between the CPI-CPI(M) and the UPA Govt. Clearly, this watchdog's leftshould be committed to defend. Instead, the CPI-CPI(M) watchdog belongs to the Government, and its role is to save the Govt. by issuing timely warnings against popular unrest! The 'Coordination Committee' between Left and UPA is to create the illusion amongst the people, that the Govt. will pay heed to the watchdog's occasional barks! .
loud Barks and Strategic Silences; The CPI(M) in Action In fact, it is interesting to see the tacit understanding between the "watchdog" and tts owner, on when to bark and when to .
The CPI(M) has chosen to raise the 1ssue of FDI caps m vanous sectors. But its own West Bengal CM Buddhadeb keep stlent! .
1000k FDI in some sectors." The CPI(M) thus fails to have the moral ground to put up any real opposition or resistance to Bhattacharya undermines the party's daim of opposmg FDI, by announcing to the Cll that "We are looking for FOI, even .
On a host ofother issues in which the UPA IS pursuing the same anti-labour, anti-people policies as the BJP-Ied NDA, the the Govt.'s plans of FDI caps .
CPI(M) maintains strategic silences. Forinstance, the NDA had reduced the EPF rate from 12 to 9.5% and nowthe UPA has .
further reduced it by one percent. lnspite of initial sound and fury, the CPI(M) has already tamed down its protest on the issue. In the same manner, CPI(M) remained silent on Union Budget's emphasis to promote Special Economic Zones, where, it is well known, the rights ofthe workers are non-extstent. Similar1y it has ra1sed no objections to the dereservation .
of more than 80 1tems from the small scale sector, a rnove that w111 badly h1t small entrepreneurs. .
against the Budget's deliberate failure to address the burning tssues ofagrarian crisis. The Budget's refusal to universalise The most shocking instance of the CPI-CPI(M)'s insens1tivtty and double standards is their refusal to speak out .
the Public Distribution System to make it more accessible and effective is criminal in view ofthe starvation deaths that occurall over rural India. On all the above vital1ssues, the CPI-CPI(M) kept total silence. .
The Mandate ofthe 2004 Polls brought the vital basic issues of agrarian crisis, education and employment to national focus. The BJP and its allies paid dearly for ignoring these issues. But now the UPA, too, is betraying that mandate-and .
the CPI-CPI(M) watchdogs are refusing to lead the protest agamst that betrayal. .
On campus, both the NSUJand SFI put up a show of "class struggle" on economic issues, while theirparent .
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parties enjoy the perfect coordination that exists between masters and loyal watchdogs. .
AISA calls upon the students to recognise and expose the anti-people nature of the UPA Budget, and intensify the .
Sd/-Dhiraj Kr. Nite. V.P.. AJSA. JNU movement for education, employment, social security and democratiCrights. .
Sell-Mona Das. President. AISA. JNU. .
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Reiect Draconian lvngdo.h! Uphold JNUSU Constitution!.
F .
r Isolate and Defeat Renegade SFI: The Agent otlvngdoh! .
I The JNU student community is going to meet for a historic UGBM on coming Tuesday, 20 September, to decide on the.
'' terms of reference for the proposed referendum. Renegade SFI is trying to dupe the students' community with the suggestion.
l on the basis of their unilateral 'opinion poll' that there are only two options in front of us: "to go ahead with elections according toLyngdoh" or to ndefy the stay order and hold JNUSU elections according to JNUSU constitution and face the consequences»..
Through their manipulative campaigning SFI is suggesting that going ahead with Lyngdoh is the only viable option left with us!.
Although SFI is calling it an 'interim measure', they are cunningly and criminally silent on the disastrous consequences of.
accepting this 'option' on the ongoing legal battle against Lyngdoh. .
\~'·"' t.·'~v!r! m~e tn rP-mind SFI renegades that holding elections as per the reactionary and undemocratic Lyngdoh was.
never an option for the Ja... v.:~· ·,fonts. JNU students have been fighting a pitched battle against Lyngdoh for the last three.
years inside and outside the courts. JNLJ~u ., e:.::.
:::-: ~(' th~ only one in the whole country that has got a hearing in the Supreme.
I.
Court and has made significant progress by forcing the Supreme Co:..~rt to question the constitutional validity of the reactionary.
Lyngdoh Committee, and sent it to the Constitution Bench for the final verdict. If we accept lyngdoh now, it will be a setback forthe entire progressive students' movement in the country. SFI however is deliberately not talking about the utterly reactionary-:~71aracter of Lyngdoh. A union elected by Lyngdoh is a mere puppet union. It is at complele mercy of the administration who.
"> nas sweeping powers as per Lyngdoh. On the grounds of age, 'disciplinary action', repetition etc the nomination of students canbe cancelled. And in the name of 'grievance redressal' the administration can cancel even elected candidates without citing anyreason: t.yngdoh also heavily restricts public meetings, pamphlets, campaign at night and gives extremely litt.le time to finishelections. Thereby it simply wants to reduce students' union election to a mere bureaucratic exerci~;e rather than making it anassertive political exercise. Lyngdoh was brought in to depoliticize students' movements and restrict widest participation of.
stud~nts in elections. Lyngdoh has never ,been an option for JNU students (except for the casteist and eliti£'t Y4E) and we are.
.
fighting a pitched battle against these reactionary set of rules _to uphold our constitution which is more democratic and ensures.
.. political debates and participation of each and every student in election. SFI which is politically a rejected and spent force wantsthis kind of depoliticized election to replace the vibrant JNUSU ~lections. So although they are creating a frenzy for elections by.
harping on the pi:Jgressive character of JNUSU, they are trying de!:>perately to replace it with the puppet union restricteu by.
l.yngdoh. .
--. .
DSU's Proposal for the interim: The option of ignoring the stay order and going ahead with the JNUSU election as per theJNUSU constitution was explored earlier as wellv-f?SU and some other organizations proposed a resolution in last year's UGBMasking ·ior C:t mandate to conduct the JNUSU election as per JNUSU constitution. However .that resolution got defeated in theUGBM by a small margin. We still believe that this is an option in front of the student community. At this present juncture, the.second opUon as an interim is to hold election for the Joint Struggle Committee which can act as a representative body till the~.\JUSU elections are reinstated. The Joint Struggle Committee which was formed unanimously through the mandate of theUGBM is the only legitimate collective body, which was mandated to fight against Lyngdoh and uphold jNUSU r.onstitution. Nowthe mandate of the Joint Struggle Committee can be extended through an UGBM to act as the representative body for studentsto fight for genuine students' issue, till JNUSU elections according to JNUSU constitution are back. The JNUSL: constitution will.
act as the basic guiding principle for JSC as well. Since Joint Struggle Committee is not being declared as <l union the clauses of.
..
~. Lyngdoh will not be applicable for it. This suggestion had earlier come from some of the faculty members who had stood by JNU.
students in the fight again!;t Lyngdoh. This option was not exercised since we all struggled to reinstate JNUSU. But now that SFI,.
a constituent of JSC, is sv nakedly trying to do what the casteist Y4E tried to do three years ago, i.e. sabotage tl1e struggle for.
,JNUSU and implement Lyngdoh, we think it is time for us to explore other option. .
AISA has not taken.any public position as to where they stand. It has not come up with any public position so far, even of.
critiquing Lyngdoh and its dangerous consequences, nor has it talked of upholding the JNUSU Constitution. In the Joint struggle.
Committee meeting AI SA critiqued DSU'.
s position by saying that JSC is a petitioner in the court case and hence cannot be an'elected body'. But JNUSU is also apetitioner in the same case (the last general secretary Pallavi Deka is the main signatory). In.
the JSC AI SA proposed that there should be a referendum on three options: (a) Election as per JNUSU Constitution (b) Electionaccording to Lyngdoh (c) Election of the Joint Struggle Committee. This is hardly different from SFI's position, because their'model' too proposes inviting Lyngdoh as one of the 'options'. AI~1A also knows that it will divide the anti-Lyngdoh opinion, while.
consolidating pro-Lyngdoh position in the referendum. We appeal to all students who genuinely believe that Lyngdoh should be.
defeated to stand united. What is at stake right now is not oniy the struggle that we had for the three years but the entire.
progressive, democratic and socially just character of the campus in which forces of privatization had beensuccessfu!ly resisted.
so far!We \viii lose what the students had built painstakingly over i.he years. . .
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12.5.12 Expose The Flip-Flop of Raghavan-Headed SIT Report on Gujarat Genocide of 2002! .
No Collusion and Cover-up Can Whitewash the Killer Role of Mastermind Modi! In 2010, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court released a preliminary report stating that Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi had shown a "discriminatory" attitude during the 2002 genocide Gujarat. This preliminary report felt that Modi had been "thoughtless" arid "irresponsible" in his handling of the events in 2002. Now, two years later, the very same SIT has done a complete flip-flop -even the mild criticism of vague ~~discrimination" and .
~~irresponsibility" that'Ne saw in the 2010 report has given way to a wholehearted,clean-chit to Modi. This despite several damning depositions by the SC-appointed amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran and police officers like Sanjeev Bhatt and .
RB Sreekumar. .
Sanjeev Bhatt has emphatically stated that at a meeting called by Modi on February 27'h2002, Modi told the senior police officers in the state to "allowthe Hindus to vent their anger". Ever since the Gujarat government and the communal fascist BJP-VHP-RSS have been trying their level best to somehow falsity this damning truth. Bhatt (along with other police officers who havedared to speak against the Modi regime) has beenspecifically targeted and punished,and nowthe Gujarat government seems to have influenced the SIT to exonerate Modi from any complicity in the Gujarat genocide. The SIT has gone to great lengths to establish that Sanjeev Bhatt was not even present at the crucial meeting. Moreover. it states that Modi never made the controvential statement in question. It is important to note that several .
statements and depositions in the preliminary report of the SIT have now undergone a miraculous change. Let us note some ofthe glaring flip-flops: .
. .
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The 2010 preliminary SIT report blames Modi for his "irresponsiblen statement saying that the people of Godhra have "criminal tendencies", and the Gujarat genocide was a (<reaction" to the uaction" of the Sabarmati Express incident. The final report however echoes Modi's denials, and states that no such statement had been made! .
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Once again going against the preliminary SIT report, the final report states that Modi did not show any ..partisann .
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attitude towards any community and in fact lauds the "steps" taken by the Gujarat government during the riots for rehabilitation, controlltng law and order and providing medical treatment. .
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Most shocking is however the conclusion of the SIT report that even if Modi had asked his police officers to let the massacres of Muslims to continue unchecked. this 'Mere statement in 4 walls ofa room doesn't constitute offence'. To quote the SIT report, "In the light ofthe aforesaiddiscussion, the interpretations made on allegedillegal instructiOns .
.
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given by the CM, by R B Sreekumarand Sanjiv Bhatt, appearto be without any basis. Further. even ifsuch allegattons are to be believedfor the sake ofargument. a mere statement ofalleged words in the four walls ofa room does not consUtute anyoffence'' .
This conclusion of the SIT is completely shameful, and needs to be condemned in the strongest possible manner. What is the SIT trying to tell us?A Chief Minister can tell the state machinery to allow murders and rapes and this is NOT an offense?? Nothing nails the partisan and biased nature ofthe SIT report more than this one statement It is clear that the SIT has gone to several lengths to defend Modi, to paint Bhatt as a "tainted" and "unreliable" witness. The progressive, secular and democratic voices across the country need to force Mr. Raghavan and his team to answer: .
.
How did the statements of several witnesses change from 2010 to 2012? How come the same witnesses who couldn't remember and couldn't say for sure what exactly Modi had said on February 271h 2002 suddenly developed an amazing and unambiguous clarity that Modi had not told his officers to allow riots to the happen? .
.
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Why are there several glaring differences in the 2010 and the 2012 SIT reports? .
.
.
How come an important meeting was called by Modi on February 27th 2002, and NO representative of the .
.
.
state intelligence was present? Is it not much more probable that Sanjeev Bhatt who was then with the Gujarat state intelligence and who had spent the whole day on February 27'h 2002 sending intelligence reports to the Gujarat government, attended the meeting? .
The SIT report is yet another example of how the communal fascist forces in this country are desperate an determined to prevent justice in the Gujarat genocide. Let us not forget that Raghavan was appointed as director of .
the CBI during the NDA regime. Clearly, this is the time for Raghavan to payback the political favour by giving the genocidal Modi a clean-chit! Already there are allegations that the Gujarat government funded several of Raghavan's .foreign trips, and is now refusing to respond to RTis demanding information in this regard. It is also an open secret that the .
Modi regime has rewarded police officers who assisted the communal genocide of2002 with plum postings and out-of-tum promotions. .
The progressive and democratic forces in this country have to ensure that we DO NOT forget and forgive the Gujarat massacre untiljustice prevails and all the masterminds of the communal genocide are brought to book. .
Piyush, Vice-President, AlS/\, JNU .
Sandeep Saurav, Gen. Secy. AISA,JNU .
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Perth Now
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The ATS continues to frame Naquee, refusing to.
answer basic questions: Why did they suddenly decide brigade personnel from controlling the fire. .Naquee was a terrorist, the minute he came to Mumbai? lf Shamefully, the Odisha police too did not.
they had suspected him beforehand. and If they had him prevent this massacre. It is also being reported thatunder surveillance. they would have known that he wa$ the local petrol pumps, owned by known BJPsupporters, provided free petrol to execute this brutal.
working closely with the Special Cell. His numerous trips to.
the Special Cell's office in Lodhi Road in Delhi and their assault. Had the people living in the houses notregular phone calls to him are testlr.·wny to this. escaped just in time, this assault would definitely have.
The Jist of allegations and "proofs" the ATS is resulted in a horrific and shameful genocide.trotting out in their pathetic attempt.to justify theirfarcical case are laughable. The ATS boss says that AISA strongly condemns this incident. whichis yet another indicator that feudal and casteNaqueehad been visiting Mumbai's Madanpura area since.
September-October 2010 The fact of the matter is many of violence is alive and kicking in our udemocratic".
republic. The Bolangir incident is no exception. Inthose trips were made rn the company ofDelhi Police Special 1979, thousands of dalits, refugees from Bangladesh,.
Cell. According to the ATS, clothes of Naquee have beenrecovered from the house where the main suspects lived. lost their lives at Marichjhapi in West Bengal, inSunderbans, for trying to settle in the region. We haveSo now, the chief ofthe ATS knows this as a "fact", without.
even bothering to conduct forensic or DNA tests before not forgotten the brutal lynching of an entire dalitfamilyin Khalrlanji in September 2006, in full public view..
making such absurd claims. TheATS says, Naquee and his Neither have we forgotten the several brutal dalit.
brother own bikes that ~~would have been used in future.
terror acts"! No proof, just stories and lies dressed up as massacres executed by feudal armies like the Ranveer"fact.,-isthis how investigations should be conducted? Sena (tacitly and.sometimes openly supported byNaquee is not the only victim. Too often we have seen forces like BJP, Congress, JO(U) and RJD). We wi·llthe police and investigative agencies implicating the very neither forgive nor forget the Laxmanpur Bathe,men they seek out for help and cooperation. We have Bathani Tola, Ekwari and theArwal massacres-wherenot forgotten howthe Soecjal Cell implicated t'NO 18 informers feudal armies cold-bloodedly executed a campaign-Qamar and lrsh$3d -as'-dreaded terrorists". of terror, rape and murder of dalits who dared to.
organise themselves politically to pose a strong.
No wonder, nowthe Commissioner of Delhi Police feels.
no mora! and ethical compulsion to officially and formally challenge feudal structures..
.
state the simple truth that Naquee was helping his The progressive and democratic forces.
department in their investigation. .
across the country will have to intensify the.
The real nature of our so-called investigative struggle against feudal caste structures, so that.
agencies is no longera secret Communal stereo-typing.
.
and framing of innocent Muslim youth is now the rule, rather.
than the exception. An atmosphere has been actively.
.
manufactured by state machrnery and media, 'Nhere Muslims.
are being easily as branded "terrorists". And in this.
atmosphere we are seeing a hornfic and dangerous goe-.
upmanship and lustamongst different investigative agencies.
for promotions. awards and media headlines In the name of"cracking" terror cases, where innocent Muslim youths arebeing routinely picked up and framed. Naquee's case issimple: here was a young man willing to offer his best.
cooperation in an effort to help the police in their anti-terror.
operations, but is him~elf claimed by the one-upmanship.
among various investigative agencies. Isthis how the 'war.
on terror' wjll be fought? By yictimrzatLon. harassment of.
Muslims and Violation of the due_processes of law? The.
progressive and democratic sections will have to.
robustly challenge this dangerous targeting andcommunal stereotyping. .
_ .
Akbar, President, AISA, JNU Sandeep Saurav, Gen.Secy., AISA,JNU .
:a. .
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tainted telecom secretary P J Thomas as the eve! Not only does Thomas have a criminal charge-sheet on the Palmolein import scandal ot 1992 in Kerala pending against him; as the telecom secretary under Raja, he had objected to inquiries by .
the CVe and the CAG into the allotment of 2G Spectrum licences. Obviously Thomas was being 'rewarded' for facilitating .
the 2G Scam by being appointed as eVC! The head of the country' apex watchdog body himself was among those accused in multiple scams! Eventually the UPA Government was forced to drop Thomas as eve only after a Supreme Court ruling on the matter. Similarly, the government's choice ofAG Vahanvati to answer bef·ore the SC for PMO's inordinate delay in acting on the 2G spectrum scam, has come under serious questioning as according to a 26 December 2007 letter of Raja, it was Vahanvati, who in his then capacity of the Solicitor General has ''advised" the telecom minister "to go ahead." In spite ofall this evidence, nowthe Congress, DMK and the PMO are blocking investigation by the PAC into the scam. The Supreme Court is hearing the case related to the matter, and it remains to be seen if the Court will act ensure that the various corporate heads are probed and prosecuted without any let up. .
Privatisation Leads to Series ofTelecom Scams .
What the telecom scam and the Radia tapes exposures teach us is that corruption is not a mere moral matter or a matter of bribe taking alone. Rather, the scam highlights the integral linkage between privatisation and a quantum leap in the sheer scale and scope ofcorruption. It is said that liberalisation has increased India's growth rate .
from 3 to 9%-well, liberalisation can also take the credit for increasing the growth rate of scams in India! The telecom sector (along with the mining and real estate sector) is a good example of this phenomenon. Privatisation of the telecom sector has led to a series of scams, in which big telecom corporations ever since have influenced appoint-.
ments of telecom ministers who in turn have facilitated the loot of public resources. In 1995, Congress Minister Sukhram was at the centre of a telecom scam that accompanied the first moves to privatise -.
telecom. And now, the size and scope of the scams have grown with more rapid privatisation ofthis sector. In the NDAregime under Vajpayee, it was widely perceived that telecom corporations secured the removal ofJagmohan .
from the Telecom Ministry, because he fixed a deadline for private telecom operators to clear their license fee arrears. In July 1999, in keeping with a recommendation by a Group of Ministers headed by Jaswant Singh, 1he fixed licence fee regime was changed to a revenue share one, benefiting private telecom operators. The CAG back then had made an adverse assessment of this decision. .
In the same NDAGovernment when BJP leaderthe late Pramod Mahajan was Telecom Minister, he faced allegations of .
.
.
bending rules to favour Reliance, offering it "full mobility" in its cellular operations without paying the full licence fee, defying TRAI recommendations! .
The NOAGovernment and its then Telecom MinisterArun Shourie disinvested VSNL in favour of the Tata group, giving .
away, for a mere Rs 1,439 crore, a strategic PSU complete with rich cash reserves, a monopoly over international and .
STD calls, infrastructure worth hundreds of crores and over 1,200 acres of land, of which 773.13 acres (in Chattarur, .
Kolkata, Pune and Chennai) was a surplus land bank meant for future expansion. .
Need to Strike at the Roots of Corruption-Policies of Liberalisation .
In recent times, public anger and public action against corruption has grown-culminating in a recent countrywide .
support for an agitation demanding an effective anti-corruption law. While we certainly need an anti-corruption, we should .
.
heed what a member of the drafting committee-Prashant Shushan -himself has said: .
"One must not, however, be under anyillusion that the Lokpal law byitself would solve the problem ofcorruption. Unless we tackle and change the policies (ofliberalisation andprivatisation) that create enormous incentives for corruption and monster corporations that become too powerful for any institution to control, the fightwill be incomplete. u .
The 2G scam is a prime example of how privatisation has created an incentive for corruption. Prashant Shushan has pointed out: ~~underthe garb ofliberalisation andprivatisation, India has adoptedpolicies by which natural resources and .
public assets (mineral resources, oil and gas, land, spectrum, and so on) have been allowed to be privatised without .
transparency or a process ofpublic auctioning."As a result, corporations earn huge profits from control over these vast natural resources ·-a process that leaves "huge scope tor bribe-giving andcreates incentives for corruption. " .
The Radia tapes showed how corruption was not limited to a Minister taking a bribe. Rather, corporate agents exert Influence on the choice of Minister, on the policy-making process, even on media coverage of the .
issue! Democracy itself is subverted in the process, and the cancer ofcorruption eats into every institution-not .
only government and bureaucracy but even judiciary and media. Understanding the 2G scam better will equip us to build a comprehensive and effective resistance to corruption. In privatised and liberalised India, corporations earn thousands of crores of profit from the plunder of India's natural resources (at the cost of people's land, livelihood and the loot of the public exchequer). Of this vast profit, they spare a 10% commis-sion for the Ministers and bureaucrats. We need an anti-corruption movement that will end the Impunity of those who takethe commissions and bribes and kickbacks-but will also demand an end to the vast corporate plunder .
of natural resources that is by far the worst form ofcorruption! .
-Sucheta, Gen.Secy., AISA, JNUVlsmay, Vice-President, AISA, JNU .
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faith, is just that faith, which can by no means be treated as an evidence todecide a title suit. .
By treating Ram as a juristic entity (albeit a minor) represented by his self-appointed guardian in a title suit, the Allahabad High Court has set up adangerous precedent of mixing blind faith and prejudice, masquerading asreligion, with jurisprudence. It should be noted that the youngest litigant inthis case, Ram Lalla Virajman, which has been awarded one-third of thedisputed site including the all important central dome, claimed by the Sanghbrigade as the exact birthplace of Lord Ram, was set up in 1989 by none otherthan a former judge of the Allahabad High Court, Shri Deoki Nandan Agarwal,who played a key role in making a legal case out of the Mandir campaign of the Sangh brigade. .
Having conceded the Ramjanambhoomi claim on thoroughly questionablegrounds, the judges sought to give the whole thing the appearance of a reconciliatory measure whereby the disputed land would be apportioned intothree equal parts with one part going to the waqf board. Reconciliation canonly be attempted and achieved on the basis of truth and justice. In this case,both truth (at least recorded historical truth) and justice have been sacrificedat the altar of this phoney reconciliation formula and hence it is a compoundtravesty of all three. Can there ever be a dignified compromise by compromising truth and justice? .
After Gujarat genocide, the BJP had been steadily losing ground in most partsof the country. Ever since its debacle in the 2009 Lok Sabha election its second successive defeat in five years, the party seemed virtually clueless asto how to arrest its continuing state of demoralisation and desperation. Nowthe Allahabad High Court verdict has breathed some fresh life into thedemoralised and desperate saffron camp. Advani has already described theverdict as heralding a new chapter in the countrys history of nationalintegration. In all likelihood, an emboldened BJP will now try and reopen thewhole gamut of its suspended agenda and refuel its Hindutva campaign. .
The judicial trajectory of the case will now reach the Supreme Court. It remains to be seen if and how far the Supreme Court can salvage the spirit oflaw and justice and heal the post-Ayodhya wound on the body polity and thecomposite culture of the country that has only been rendered deeper andmore acute by the Allahabad High Court verdict. Every effort must be made tomake sure that the glorious tradition of Indias composite culture and the .
.
Photos of the abbey on Iona before restoration show walls perhaps half of the height of what we see nowthe tower at full height but not a roof covering to be seen anywhere.
Register now and book the unit of your dreams in il bosco new capital city Take the opportunity nowThe Bosco Compound is your gateway to modern life
The Bosco Compound is the latest project of Misr Italy in the heart of the new administrative capital
Enjoy the finest lifestyle in the finest city il bosco new capital city
Enjoy the tranquility and wonderful atmosphere of the Bosco complex in the new capital
Register now and book the unit of your dreams in il bosco new capital city Take the opportunity nowThe Bosco Compound is your gateway to modern life
The Bosco Compound is the latest project of Misr Italy in the heart of the new administrative capital
Enjoy the finest lifestyle in the finest city il bosco new capital city
Enjoy the tranquility and wonderful atmosphere of the Bosco complex in the new capital
There is no pain you are recedingA distant ship, smoke on the horizon.You are only coming through in waves.Your lips move but I can't hear what you're saying.When I was a child I caught a fleeting glimpseOut of the corner of my eye.I turned to look but it was goneI cannot put my finger on it nowThe child is grown, The dream is gone.I have become comfortably numb.
Register now and book the unit of your dreams in il bosco new capital city Take the opportunity nowThe Bosco Compound is your gateway to modern life
The Bosco Compound is the latest project of Misr Italy in the heart of the new administrative capital
Enjoy the finest lifestyle in the finest city il bosco new capital city
Enjoy the tranquility and wonderful atmosphere of the Bosco complex in the new capital
Register now and book the unit of your dreams in il bosco new capital city Take the opportunity nowThe Bosco Compound is your gateway to modern life
The Bosco Compound is the latest project of Misr Italy in the heart of the new administrative capital
Enjoy the finest lifestyle in the finest city il bosco new capital city
Enjoy the tranquility and wonderful atmosphere of the Bosco complex in the new capital
Register now and book the unit of your dreams in il bosco new capital city Take the opportunity nowThe Bosco Compound is your gateway to modern life
The Bosco Compound is the latest project of Misr Italy in the heart of the new administrative capital
Enjoy the finest lifestyle in the finest city il bosco new capital city
Enjoy the tranquility and wonderful atmosphere of the Bosco complex in the new capital
.
Students' Solidarity .
On the Story we heard... .
20th October 2004 .
Ram Kishen is the sole earning member of his family consisting of his wife, Lali and sjx children. He lives in I<usumpur.
Pahadi, a jhuggi very close to JNU. Like many that live in the large jhuggis of big cities like Delhi, Ram Kjshen and hisfamily came to the city in search ofa livelihood from Na.ura village, in Dausa, Rajasthan a few years back. Itwas whjle hewas trying to make his ends meet by selling basic provisions to others in his jhuggi that he heard of some contsructionhappening in that big University near by. Yes, that big University, from where getting an education remains a distant.
dream fo r p eople like him. Yes, that same big University that boasts of churning out the 'intelligentsia' of our 'greatcountry' with little effect on the lives of people like him. It was heard that the construction was that oftwo hostels and .
...
that it employed 500 workers, all like hi~ migrants working for meagre wages under exploitative conditions. Theworkers being settled close to the site of construction, Ram Kishen bad an idea. Why not set up a small shop where he.
can supply tea and snacks for the workers? This he did for all the three years that the construction took place. Althoughinitially the security objected to him setting up his small business 'to serve the basic needs of the construction workers in.
the campus, he managed to plead his case with the contractor, who in tum gained permission from the University.
authorities for him to stay on until the construction was over. .
The four years that Ram Kishen spend in the University, looking after the basic needs ofthe construction workers, madehim feel quite at home. The University campus reminded him much of his own village rather than Delhi. However, nowthe four years of construction is over. The workers are leaving, looking for new places to work. The newly constructed.
hostels are on their way to being inaugurated and soon enough there will be room for the whole student body in theUniversity. The time has also come for Ram K.ishen to leave. The other day, the contractor let him know that by.
demolishing his small shop. And on Monday, 17 October 2004 at around two o.
' clock in. the afternoon the securitypersonnel on behalf of the University administration pushed him out of the can1pus. But, where will he go now? Howwill he find the means of feeding his family of eight? .
Ram Kishen himself has an idea. He has a small wish, a small drean1. That dream is to set up a small dhaba that wouldprovide the students living in the two newly constructed hostels with tea, samosas, bread pakodas and lot of other snackshe can think of. However, with the existing campus development agenda of the administration, can Ram Kishen's dreamcome true? When it is more profitable for the administration to have flashy, hep corporate joints like Nescafecoffee comer, how will Ram Kishen's dream fit into the whole picture? When our public space is up for sale,wooing various rich corporate criminals, how will Ram Kishen get some space to build his smaJJ Dhaba? While.
we, caught up in some grand illusion, open ourselves up to thugs in black suits from big corporations like.
Nesde, will we continue to kick poor Ram Kishens of our society who are struggling to make a living out of.
here? These are just a few questions for which answers can be found according to how we make an intervention in this.
given point in history. .
Now elections are around the comer, different student organizations from left to rightwill harp loudly on how great ·theyall are. Exchanging political rhetoric will be the order of the day. In the midst of all this, real issues that students raisebecome· mere weapons to fight their own petty battles. It is in such a context that we demand f.rom all the parties a.
statement and position on the extent to which each of them are willing or not willing to sell off our campus tobig corporations. No longer can any student organization continue to remain ambiguous and silent over this issue. We.
aJso wge the student community to pay urgent attention and lend support to fulfi11ing Ram Kisben's dream.The choices we make are very important. Many may think silence is an option. Well, it is this silence that has allowed thecriminal rich to shatter the dreams of the millions of Ram Kishens in our society. It is thi:; silence that has allowed therich to build their monuments on top of the demolished homes and livelihood of the poor. Human history is not anaccident. It is the outcome ofthe kind ofchoices we human beings make. .
Bidhan Golay(Convenor) John Thomas .
(Co-~onvenor) .
.
.
.... .
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·-.
ifthe CPI(M) really considers the nuke deal to be so disastrous for the people and the country, why does .
the party continue to hold parleys with the government and allowthe latterto carry on with its suicidal anti-.
people and pro-imperialist policies! Also, why is the CPI(M) so hesitant to launch a real mass campaign .
on this issue in its biggest stronghold ofWest Bengal? In fact, CPI(M) ministers and leaders in West .
.. .
CPI(M) watchers in the media of course love to present the whole thing as a case of an internal .
Bengal are busy stressing the need for more nuclear power and closer ties with the US! .
ideology and a 'rooted' party machinery that knows what ittakes to win elections and wield power. There divide and disconnect within the CPI(M)-a divide between the 'ideological' puritans of Delhi and the .
pragmatic leaders of Bengal, or between an 'insulated' leadership operating from the ivory towers of .
is also a view which rules out any real debate Vvithin the party and treats the whole thing as a highly .
.
sophisticated and excellently choreographed division oflabour between Delhi and Kolkata and for that er.
-..;,. .
matterwithin the entire CPI(M) lea(iership. .
We cannot subscribe to such facile analyses and speculative conjectures. We must understand that .
communist movement on the nature and role ofthe Indian big b:)urgeoisie. Till the onset of the nee-.
there has been and continues to be a real debate-strategic and hence also tactical-within the Indian treated the Indian big bourgeoisie as being essentially anti-imperialist and progressive. Even after the liberal policies in the wake ofthe dissolution ofthe Soviet Union, sections of Indian communists always collapse of the Soviet Union and growing Indian proximity with the US-led West, the CPI(M) kept only sound ridiculously absurd. Howdoesthe CPI(M) explain and face this newjuncture? Herein lies the has pushed the CPI(M) to a cornerwhere its old storyline ofprogressive/independentforeign policy can repeating its old tale of'reactionary economic policy and progressive foreign policy'. Nowthe nuke deal .
.
Over the last few years the CPI(M)'s own 'strategic partnership' with the Congress has been CPI(M)'s strategic and tactical dilemma. elevated to a new plane of growing collaboration including power-sharing, however 'partial' and 'conditional'. Meanwhile, its opposition to the Indian big bourgeoisie's reactionary economic policies policy package in Fortress Bengal, its biggest citadel of power. Now, strategic partnership demands congruence in matters ofpolicy. Ifthe US openly·insists on this with regard to its partnership with India, .
the logic of Congress-CPI(M) partnership will also demand the same 'congruence' in terms of both has also been diluted by its so-called 'compulsion' to implement and increasingly advocate the same .
.
economic and foreign policies. And equally crucially, the CPI(M)'s own theory and practice that has .
evolved in the course ofits three-decades-long rule in West Bengal inexorably propels the partytowards .
a more conformistapproach towards the policies ofthe Indian state. .
It is therefore a real debate and real dilemma confronting the CPI(M) and while the so-called 'realists' .
within the CPI(M) advocate greaterconformism, we revolutionaries from outside must push for greater .
confrontation between the parties ofthe ruling classes and their ruling policies on one hand and the .
Thedirection and tasks for revolutionary communists are thus clearly cut out. We mustfirmly oppose entire Left on the other. .
the nucleardeal .The government cannot be allowed to impose such a disastrous deal on the country .
and its people. Itmust scrap the deal orquit. .
We must sharply expose the pseudo-national pretension ofthe ruling classes and their parties and squarelycombatthe anti-communist propaganda and otherdangerous diversionary gamesbeing played by them. Within the communist or Left movement in the country, we must reject the suicidal and .
sd/-Shcphalika Shekhar.Jt. Secy., AISA. JNU ideology and politics and enable more and more communists to grasp and clinch the real debate and capitulationist line thatseeks tojustify itselfas 'realism', confront everytrend ofvacillation orwavering in .
unite·along revolutionary lines. .
~MobeonAlam, Vico-President, AISA, JNU .
.
Are you SURE you want to see?Can you take the good with the bad?Or -- would you rather live in the here and nowThe intersection of past and futureWhat would you chooose?
Register now and book the unit of your dreams in il bosco new capital city Take the opportunity nowThe Bosco Compound is your gateway to modern life
The Bosco Compound is the latest project of Misr Italy in the heart of the new administrative capital
Enjoy the finest lifestyle in the finest city il bosco new capital city
Enjoy the tranquility and wonderful atmosphere of the Bosco complex in the new capital
Are you SURE you want to see?Can you take the good with the bad?Or -- would you rather live in the here and nowThe intersection of past and futureWhat would you chooose?
.
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY STUDENTS UNION.
NEW DELHI-110067Phone: 2671 7676, 2671 7557, 2670 4741 .
The Chairperson,.
UGC .
18111 Sept., 06Sub: Seeking Response from the UGC on the Proposal of Financial Assistance to the Needy Students .
Sir, .
The JNUSU had submitted a memorandum to the UGC on 4th April demanding financial assistance tothe needy students in the university. The JNUSU formed its proposal on the basis of the findings ofthe survey.
which it conducted among the students. The JNUSU has also included this proposal in its Charter of Demands.
which had been submitted to the JNU administration much earlier.It is disheartening to note that JNU administration's response to our demands has been negative. Whilethe administration refused to talk with the JNUSU on the issue of financial assistance for almost 7 months, nowthe JNU administration is not willing to concede to our genuine demands. As a result, JNUSU has started the.
Relay Hunger Strike from 16111 September. We urge upon you to consider our demands positively and makesufficient financial provisions so that financial assistance could be provided to all the needy students in JNU..
Thanking You! .
Yours' Truly, .
Dhananjay, Vice-President, JNUSU .
Attachments: Copy of a memorandum submitted to the UGC Chairperson along with JNUSU's surveyreport. .
.
Are you SURE you want to see?Can you take the good with the bad?Or -- would you rather live in the here and nowThe intersection of past and futureWhat would you chooose?
.
7'l.c Cllttor.
Pn-.. .
.
IAWAHAKLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY STUDENTS UNION.
a . NEW DELHI-11 0067Phone: 2671 7676, 2671 7557, 2670 4741 .
To, .
The Chairperson, .
UGC .
18th Sept., 06Sub: Seeking Response from the UGC on the Proposal of Financial Assistance to the Needy Students .
Sir, .
The JNUSU had submitted a memorandum to the UGC on 41h April demanding financial assistance tothe needy students in the university. The JNUSU formed its proposal on the basis of the findings of the surveywhich it conducted among the students. The JNUSU has also included this proposal in its Charter of Demandswhich had been submitted to the JNU administration much earlier. .
It is disheartening to note that JNU administration's response to our demands has been negative. Whilethe administration refused to talk with the JNUSU on the issue offinancial assistance for almost 7 months, nowthe JNU administration is not willing to concede to our genuine demands. As a result, JNUSU has started the.
Relay Hunger Strike from 16th September. We urge upon you to consider our demands positively and makesufficient financial provisions so that financial assistance could be provided to all the needy students in JNU..
Thanking You! .
Yours' Truly, .
Dhananjay, Vice-President, JNUSU .
Attachments: Copy of a memorandum submitted to the UGC Chairperson along with JNUSU's survey report. .
.
.
based on inconclusive evidence and questionable interpretaion. The other aspect of faith is just that faith, which can by no means be treated as an evidence to decide a title suit. .
After conceding the Ramjanambhoomi claim on such thoroughly questionablegrounds, the judges sought to give the whole thing the appearance of a reconciliatory measure whereby the disputed land would be apportioned intothree equal parts with one part going to the waqf board. Reconciliation canonly be attempted and achieved on the basis of truth and justice. In this case,both truth (at least recorded historical truth) and justice have been sacrificedat the altar of this phoney reconciliation formula and hence it is a compoundtravesty of all three. Can there ever be a dignified compromise by compromising truth and justice? .
After Gujarat genocide, the BJP had been steadily losing ground in most partsof the country. Ever since its debacle in the 2009 Lok Sabha election its second successive defeat in five years, the party seemed virtually clueless asto how to arrest its continuing state of demoralisation and desperation. Nowthe Allahabad High Court verdict has breathed some fresh life into thedemoralised and desperate saffron camp. Advani has already described theverdict as heralding a new chapter in the countrys history of nationalintegration. In all likelihood, an emboldened BJP will now reopen the wholegamut of its suspended agenda and refuel its Hindutva campaign. .
The judicial trajectory of the case will now reach the Supreme Court. It remains to be seen if and how far the Supreme Court can salvage the spirit oflaw and justice and heal the post-Ayodhya wound on the body polity and thecomposite culture of the country that has only been rendered deeper andmore acute by the Allahabad High Court verdict. Every effort must be made tomake sure that the glorious tradition of Indias composite culture and thesecular democratic vision of modern India prevail over the Sangh brigadesconspiracy to redefine India on retrograde majoritarian lines. .
(The author is General Secretary, CPI(ML) Liberation. The above is the editorial of the forthcoming issue of ML Update, 5-12 October 2010.) .
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ifthe CPI(M) really considers the nuke deal to be so disastrous for the people and the country, why does the party continue to hold parleys with the government and allow the latter to carry on with its suicidal anti-people and pro-imperialist policies! Also, why is the CPI(M) so hesitant to launch a real mass campaign on this issue in its biggest stronghold ofWest Bengal? In fact, CPI(M) ministers and leaders in West .
.. .
Bengal are busy stressing the need for more nuclear power and closer ties with the US! .
CPI(M) watchers in the media of course love to present the whole thing as a case of an internal divide and disconnect within the CPI(M)-a divide between the 'ideological' puritans of Delhi and the pragmatic leaders of Bengal, or between an 'insulated' leadership operating from the ivory towers of ideology and a 'rooted' party machinery that knows what it takes to win elections and wield power. There is also a view which rules out any real debate Vvithin the party and treats the whole thing as a highly sophisticated and excellently choreographed division of labour betvveen Delhi and Kolkata and for that matter within the entire CPI(M) lea(iership. .
We cannot subscribe to such facile analyses and speculative conjectures. We must understand that there has been and continues to be a real debate -strategic and hence also tactical-within the Indian communist movement on the nature and role of the Indian big b~)urgeoisie. Till the onset of the nee-liberal policies in the wake of the dissolution of the Soviet Union, sections of Indian communists always treated the Indian big bourgeoisie as being essentially anti-imperialist and progressive. Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union and growing Indian proximity with the US-led West, the CPI(M) kept repeating its old tale of 'reactionary economic policy and progressive foreign policy'. Nowthe nuke deal has pushed the CPI(M) to a corner where its old storyline of progressive/independent foreign policy can only sound ridiculously absurd. How does the CPI(M) explain and face this new juncture? Herein lies the CPI(M)'s strategic and tactical dilemma. .
Over the last few years the CPI(M)'s own ··strategic partnership' with the Congress has been elevated to a new plane of growing collaboration including power-sharing, however 'partial' and 'conditional'. Meanwhile, its opposition to the Indian big bourgeoisie's reactionary economic policies has also been diluted by its so-called 'compulsion' to implement and increasingly advocate the same policy package in Fortress Bengal, its biggest citadel of power. Now, strategic partnership demands congruence in matters ofpolicy. Ifthe US openly insists on this with regard to its partnership with India, the logic of Congress-CPI(M) partnership will also demand the same 'congruence' in terms of both economic and foreign policies. And equally crucially, the CPI(M)'s own theory and practice that has evolved in the coL1rse of its three-decades-long rule in West Bengal inexorably propels the party towards a more conformist approach towards the policies of the Indian state. .
It is therefore a real debate and real dilemma confronting the CPI(M) and while the so-called 'realists' within the CPI(M) advocate greater conformism, we revolutionaries from outside must push for greater confrontation between the parties of the ruling classes and their ruling policies on one hand and the entire Left on the other. .
The direction and tasks for revolutionary communists are thus clearly cut out. We mustfirmly oppose the nuclear deal .The government cannot be allowed to impose such a disastrous deal on the country and its people. It must scrap the deal or quit. .
We must sharply expose the pseudo-national pretension ofthe ruling classes and their parties and squarely combat the anti-communist propaganda and other dangerous diversionary games being played by them. Within the communist or Left movement in the country, we must reject the suicidal and capitulationist line that seeks tojustify itselfas 'realism', confront every trend of vacillation or wavering in ideology and politics and enable more and more communists to grasp and clinch the real debate and unite along revolutionary lines. .
sd/-Mobeon Alam, Vice-President, AI SA, JNU sd/-Shc'ph;Jiika Shekhar,Jt Secy., AISA, JNU .
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ifthe CPI(M) really considers the nuke deal to be so disastrous forthe people and the country, why does .
the party continue to hold parleys with the government and allowthe latterto carry on with its suicidal anti-.
people and pro-imperialist policies!Aiso, why is the CPI(M) so hesitantto launch a real mass campaign on this issue in its biggest stronghold of West Bengal? In fact, CPI(M) ministers and leade-rs in West Bengal are busy stressing the need for more nuclear power and closer ties with the US! t? .
1.07 .
CPI(M) watchers in the media of course love to present the whole thing as a case of an internal tlin divide and disconnect within the CPI(M)-a divide between the 'ideological' puritans of Delhi and the tfit. as insulated' leadership operating from the ivory towers of.
pragmatic leaders of Bengal, or between an 'to.
party machinery that knows what it takes to win elections and wield power. Thereideology and a ,rooted' .
is also a view which rules out any real debate ~ithin the party and treats the whole thing as a highly .
sophisticated and excellently choreographed division of labour between Delhi and Kolkata and for that 'lt .
h .
matterwithin the entire CPI(M) lea(iership. ) I .
We cannot subscribe to such facile analyses and speculative conjectures. We must understand that f .
there has been and continues to be a real debate-strategic and h~nce also tactical-within the Indian .
communist movement on the nature and role of the Indian big bDurgeoisie. Till the onset ofthe nee-.
liberal policies in the wake ofthe dissolution of the Soviet Union, sections of Indian communists always treated the Indian big bourgeoisie as being essentially anti-imperialist and progressive. Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union and growing Indian proximity with the US-led West, the CPI(M) kept .
repeating its old tale of 'reactionary economic policy and progressive foreign policy'. Nowthe nuke deal .
has pushed the CPI(M) to a corner where its old storyline ofprogressive/independentforeign policy can .
.
only sound ridiculously absurd. Howdoes the CPI(M) explain and face this newjuncture? Herein lies the .
CPI(M)'s strategic and tactical dilemma. .· .
.
Over the last few years the CPI(M)'s own 'strategic partnership' with the Congress has been .
elevated to a new plane of growing collaboration including power-sharing, however 'partial' and .
'conditional'. Meanwhile, its opposition to the Indian big bourgeoisie's reactionary economic policies .
has also been diluted by its so-called 'compulsion' to implement and increasingly advocate the same .
2.
;~. .
policy package in Fortress Bengal, its biggest citadel of power. Now, strategic partnership demands .
congruence in matters of policy. Ifthe US openly insists on this with regard to its partnership with India. .
the logic of Congress-CPI(M) partnership will also demand the same 'congruence' in terms of both economic and foreign policies. And equally crucially, the CPI(M)'s own theory and practice that has evolved in the course ofits three-decades-long rule in West Bengal inexorably propels the party towards .
.· a more conformist approach towards the policies ofthe Indian state. .
It is therefore a real debate and real dilemma confronting the CPI(M) and while the so-called 'realists' within the CPI(M) advocate greater conformism, we revolutionaries from outside must push for greater .
confrontation between the parties of the ruling classes and their ruling policies on one hand and the .
entire Left on the other. .
The direction and tasks for revolutionary communists are thus clearly cut out. We must firmly oppose the nuclear deai.The government cannot be allowed to impose such a disastrous deal on the country .
and its people. It must scrap the deal orquit .
., We must sharply expose the pseudo-national pretension ofthe ruling classes and their parties and / squarely combatthe anti-communist propaganda and otherdangerous diversionary games being played by them. Within the communist or Left movement in the country, we must reject the suicidal and .
realism', confront every trend of vacillation orwavering in.
capitulationist line that seeks to justify itselfas 'ideology and politics and enable more and more communists to grasp and clinch the real debate and unite along revolutionary lines. sd/-Shc.ph;:tlika Shckhar.Jt Secy., AISA, JNU.
sd/-Mobeon Alam, Vice-President, AISA, JNU .
'-\ .
. -· .,,, t:ll~lve _ -....., auu expose the.
' " , "1\lu .
Sd/-Sucheta De,Jt. Secy., AISA, JNU .
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to strengthen this struggle to democratise JNU'sAdmission process and ensure socialjustice, as well as expand JNU's infrastructure to acconunodate more students. .
Challenge the ~Systematic Dilly-Dallying and Delay on part of the UPA Government in Implementing Rajiv Gandhi Fellowship or Coming Up With Concrete Schemes for Financial Assistance for Minority Students Itis now two years since the RajivGandhi Fellowship was announced in the Union Budget-andyet even the first instalment has not been released.Among STresearch scholars who had appli(ld from JNU, partial selection has been .
done but funds are yet to &e released, while for SC students, even the selection list has not arrived inspite ofdelegations .
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and protest demonstrations at the level ofboth the Ministry ofSocial Justice and Empowerment and the UGC. Such .
insensitivity on part of Goverrunent has put SC/STresearch scholars in extremely difficult situations, who, in anticipation .
of the fellowship, had alteredtheir career plans. .
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Worse still is the situation with fellowships and financial assistance for minority students. Despite all the ' hype about .
'announcementsofincreasing .
implementation ofSacharCommittee recommendations, and despite Uniongovt.'speriodic .
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the corpus fund for MaulanaAzad Education Foundation, no concrete scheme ofScholarships/ Fellowships for the .
minority students suffering social and economic deprivations has been announced. JNU students must demand that .
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suitable scholarship schemes are instituted for minority students in higher education, and must also pursue .
the implementation Single Girl Child Fellowships in JNU at the earliest. .
AISA Will Not Contpr01uise on People's Cause \ The .Tt·HJSU President from SFI suppressed information about a meeting on implementation of27% quota with the .
Administration and lied in the meeting that he had informed the JNUSU General Secretary.This was a grave act of .
impropriety that is boundto damage the student movement for social justice. Unable to defend this piece ofsectarianism, .
SFI in its last poster has accusedAISAof'sectarianism' on the grounds that the JNUSU General Secretary held a .
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separate demonstration on the Nithari killings rather than joiningthe demo called by the JNUSU President. I Be iton the Nithari killingsoronArmedForces Special PowersAct orthe eviction at SingurandNandigram, we .
have seen time and again that the initiatives and stances ofSFI's representatives in JNUSU are constrained by the .
compulsions ofdefending Governments either run by or supported by their pare~tparty CPI(M). On the issue of .
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Nithari killings, for instance, they avoided targeting the MulayamAdministration, (a close ally ofthe CPI(M)). .
The campus has not forgotten hbw ~uringManmoh.an Singh's visit to JNU, SFI's JNUSU office bearers refused to .
stand by students who protested, and e~nrefused to include~ demand to scrap the Patents Amendment Act and .
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AFSPA in th--= coy 'memorandum' to the PM drafted by them! Rather, their compulsion to defend CPI (M)'s ally .
Manmohan' 1ade them go to the extent ofboycotting the JNUSU President who defended the students who protested .
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againstthe P~v1's visit. .
AISA ofl ce bearers in JNUSU refuse to be constrained by such unprincipled and calculated political compromises. .
and will stanJ by the uncompromising people's struggles, no matter which Government is the target. We have no .
objections to in.itiatives by JNUSU office bearers. Butdeliberate concealmentofinformationabout meetings called by .
JNU Administration, anddeliberate statement oflies by SFI's JNUSU office bearers claiming that they had infact .
passed on tl1l' infonnation to the General Secretary when they had not done so -such unscrupulous acts cannot be .
tolerated! AISA Condemns Shielding of Violence by Ex-President and ABVP Activist by Senior Warden of .
Chandrabhaga Hostel, and Stands In Solidarity With Mess Manager's Indefinite Fast .
AI SA cr)ndemns the .violence against the Mess Manager of Chandrabhaga Hostel by former hostel President and ABVP .
activist Am.t Singh last month. Amtt Singh had been illegally eating in the Chandrabhaga mess on some other studenfs .
account and when the Mess Manager objected, Amit Singh retaliated by beating him up in the presence of the Senior .
WardenAtul Johri. Subsequently, no action was taken against Amit Singh for the entire month. Nowthe Mess Manager is .
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an indefinite hunger strike since last Monday, demanding that Amit Singh be declared out of bounds and the Senior .
be replaced. AISA stands in solidarity with these demands and expresses grave concern at the way Amit Singh .
shielded by the Senior Warden. .
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sd/-Ravlsh Chaudhury,Jt. .
sd/-Awadhesh, Gen.Secy., AISA. JNU .
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