Internalizing photos on Flickr

Based in Hartford, Connecticut, Guakía, Inc. is the premiere Puerto Rican cultural center in southern New England.

Our mission is "to provide a focal point for the promotion of the cultural identity and heritage of Puerto Ricans in the United States through the advancement of the groups' history, language, music, arts, literature, and other cultural characteristics; and to establish a center that will serve as a clearinghouse for the study, celebration, and exposition of the Puerto Rican/Hispanic culture available to all residents of the city of Hartford and the capital region."

This page is just the beginning of our new website, being built with the assitance of Trinity College's "Smart Neighborhood Plan," a project funded in large measure by grants from the W.K. Kellogg Foundation. Additional funding for Guakia's website has been received from the Hartford Foundation for Public Giving.

We hope that you will soon be able to learn more about our organizations' history by exploring the pages of this site as they become available. The site will include detailed information on Guakía's educational and arts programs, its community partnerships, and will also feature photos and video clips of participant children and youth. We also welcome inquiries about how to help support Guakía, Inc. as we seek to expand our children and youth programs.

To provide a focal point for the promotion of the cultural identity and heritage of Hispanics in the United States through the advancement of the groups history, language, music, arts, and literature and to establish a center that will serve as a clearinghouse for the study, celebration and exposition of Hispanic cultureavailable to all residents of Connecticut.

Vision and Goals

To be the premier non-profit Hispanic arts, cultural and humanities organization dedicated to enriching the value of the Hispanic community by promoting, preserving and celebrating its cultural heritage and diversity.

To help our youth develop a strong sense of self, maximize their talents, acquire vision, internalize learning and in turn impact others in a positive way, fostering harmonic diversity in our community. Founded in 1983, Guakía is the most prominent arts and cultural organization in Hartfords Hispanic community. The word, guakia, means we in Taino, the language of the original inhabitants of the Caribbean (pre-Columbus). The word guakia signifies the unity of the Hispanic community no matter where individuals may be living. Volunteer parents who felt that their children had lost contact with the traditions of their culture and heritage founded Guakía. They felt their children needed to connect with their heritage in order to develop a sense of pride, community and self-esteem. Originally, Guakía was focused on the culture of Puerto Rico, however in recent years, as the community has become more diverse and the needs have shifted, Guakías mission has been broadened to include all Hispanic cultures. Using a curriculum based on both Puerto Rican and Latin American music, dance, and art forms, Guakía provides a wide array of visual and performing arts initiatives such as folkloric dance, painting, ceramics, traditional Hispanic music, and art classes. The early sacrifices of parents, volunteers, and teachers gave Guakía strong roots in the Puerto Rican culture. These roots have now expanded and sprouted like a beautiful tree with many branches and leaves to include all Hispanic cultures.

Guakia, Inc. Presents Ray Gonzalez Latin Jazz & Salsa Festival, Tributo a Catalino Tite Curet Alonso. Canta, Juan M Garcia Ramos by Santos Torres

PERIODICO DE AYER www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/0/BNSb013wcfU

LOS ENTIERROS www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/1/zu3sPt8zEpw

DE TODAS MANERAS ROSAS www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/2/n1xG6hncg4U

LAS CARAS LINDAS www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/3/BZ3w684Sfmg

PLANTACION ADENTRO www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/4/b-Ap266F7g8

MAXIMO CHAMORO www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/5/sKCx-DmE7Zk

LAMENTO DE CONCEPCION www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/6/AXOAi4cWNtE

LA CURA www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/7/iHnsIDlHECg

EVELIO Y LA RUMBA www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/8/NWJCq_S7NQ0

IBABAILA www.youtube.com/user/RANiEL1963#p/u/9/Bn48g_0mK5Q

GUAKIA INC www.guakia.org/index.html

Based in Hartford, Connecticut, Guakía, Inc. is the premiere Puerto Rican cultural center in southern New England.

Our mission is "to provide a focal point for the promotion of the cultural identity and heritage of Puerto Ricans in the United States through the advancement of the groups' history, language, music, arts, literature, and other cultural characteristics; and to establish a center that will serve as a clearinghouse for the study, celebration, and exposition of the Puerto Rican/Hispanic culture available to all residents of the city of Hartford and the capital region."

This page is just the beginning of our new website, being built with the assitance of Trinity College's "Smart Neighborhood Plan," a project funded in large measure by grants from the W.K. Kellogg Foundation. Additional funding for Guakia's website has been received from the Hartford Foundation for Public Giving.

We hope that you will soon be able to learn more about our organizations' history by exploring the pages of this site as they become available. The site will include detailed information on Guakía's educational and arts programs, its community partnerships, and will also feature photos and video clips of participant children and youth. We also welcome inquiries about how to help support Guakía, Inc. as we seek to expand our children and youth programs.

To provide a focal point for the promotion of the cultural identity and heritage of Hispanics in the United States through the advancement of the groups history, language, music, arts, and literature and to establish a center that will serve as a clearinghouse for the study, celebration and exposition of Hispanic cultureavailable to all residents of Connecticut.

Vision and Goals

To be the premier non-profit Hispanic arts, cultural and humanities organization dedicated to enriching the value of the Hispanic community by promoting, preserving and celebrating its cultural heritage and diversity.

To help our youth develop a strong sense of self, maximize their talents, acquire vision, internalize learning and in turn impact others in a positive way, fostering harmonic diversity in our community. Founded in 1983, Guakía is the most prominent arts and cultural organization in Hartfords Hispanic community. The word, guakia, means we in Taino, the language of the original inhabitants of the Caribbean (pre-Columbus). The word guakia signifies the unity of the Hispanic community no matter where individuals may be living. Volunteer parents who felt that their children had lost contact with the traditions of their culture and heritage founded Guakía. They felt their children needed to connect with their heritage in order to develop a sense of pride, community and self-esteem. Originally, Guakía was focused on the culture of Puerto Rico, however in recent years, as the community has become more diverse and the needs have shifted, Guakías mission has been broadened to include all Hispanic cultures. Using a curriculum based on both Puerto Rican and Latin American music, dance, and art forms, Guakía provides a wide array of visual and performing arts initiatives such as folkloric dance, painting, ceramics, traditional Hispanic music, and art classes. The early sacrifices of parents, volunteers, and teachers gave Guakía strong roots in the Puerto Rican culture. These roots have now expanded and sprouted like a beautiful tree with many branches and leaves to include all Hispanic cultures.

Nepal - Boudha - Thangka Shop - 311bb by Manfred Sommer

A thangka, also known as tangka, thanka or tanka (Nepali pronunciation: [ˈt̪ʰaŋka]; Tibetan: ཐང་ཀ་; Nepal Bhasa: पौभा) is a painting on cotton, or silk appliqué, usually depicting a Buddhist deity, scene, or mandala of some sort. The thangka is not a flat creation like an oil painting or acrylic painting but consists of a picture panel which is painted or embroidered over which a textile is mounted and then over which is laid a cover, usually silk. Generally, thangkas last a very long time and retain much of their lustre, but because of their delicate nature, they have to be kept in dry places where moisture won't affect the quality of the silk. It is sometimes called a scroll-painting.

These thangka served as important teaching tools depicting the life of the Buddha, various influential lamas and other deities and bodhisattvas. One subject is The Wheel of Life, which is a visual representation of the Abhidharma teachings (Art of Enlightenment).

Thangka, when created properly, perform several different functions. Images of deities can be used as teaching tools when depicting the life (or lives) of the Buddha, describing historical events concerning important Lamas, or retelling myths associated with other deities. Devotional images act as the centerpiece during a ritual or ceremony and are often used as mediums through which one can offer prayers or make requests. Overall, and perhaps most importantly, religious art is used as a meditation tool to help bring one further down the path to enlightenment. The Buddhist Vajrayana practitioner uses a thanga image of their yidam, or meditation deity, as a guide, by visualizing “themselves as being that deity, thereby internalizing the Buddha qualities (Lipton, Ragnubs).”

Historians note that Chinese painting had a profound influence on Tibetan painting in general. Starting from the 14th and 15th century, Tibetan painting had incorporated many elements from the Chinese, and during the 18th century, Chinese painting had a deep and far-stretched impact on Tibetan visual art. According to Giuseppe Tucci, by the time of the Qing Dynasty, "a new Tibetan art was then developed, which in a certain sense was a provincial echo of the Chinese 18th century's smooth ornate preciosity."

HISTORY

Thangka is a Nepalese art form exported to Tibet after Princess Bhrikuti of Nepal, daughter of King Lichchavi, married Songtsän Gampo, the ruler of Tibet imported the images of Aryawalokirteshwar and other Nepalese deities to Tibet. History of thangka Paintings in Nepal began in the 11th century A.D. when Buddhists and Hindus began to make illustration of the deities and natural scenes. Historically, Tibetan and Chinese influence in Nepalese paintings is quite evident in Paubhas (Thangkas). Paubhas are of two types, the Palas which are illustrative paintings of the deities and the Mandala, which are mystic diagrams paintings of complex test prescribed patterns of circles an square each having specific significance. It was through Nepal that Mahayana Buddhism was introduced into Tibet during reign of Angshuvarma in the seventh century A.D. There was therefore a great demand for religious icons and Buddhist manuscripts for newly built monasteries throughout Tibet. A number of Buddhist manuscripts, including Prajnaparamita, were copied in Kathmandu Valley for these monasteries. Astasahas rika Prajnaparamita for example, was copied in Patan in the year 999 A.D., during the reign of Narendra Dev and Udaya Deva, for the Sa-Shakya monastery in Tibet. For the Nor monastery in Tibet, two copies were made in Nepal-one of Astasahasrika Prajnaparamita in 1069 A.D. and the other of Kavyadarsha in 1111 A.D. The influence of Nepalese art extended till Tibet and even beyond in China in regular order during the thirteenth century. Nepalese artisans were dispatched to the courts of Chinese emperors at their request to perform their workmanship and impart expert knowledge. The exemplary contribution made by the artisans of Nepal, specially by the Nepalese innovator and architect Balbahu, known by his popular name Araniko bear testimony to this fact even today. After the introduction of paper, palm leaf became less popular, however, it continued to be used until the eighteenth century. Paper manuscripts imitated the oblong shape but were wider than the palm leaves.

From the fifteenth century onwards, brighter colours gradually began to appear in Nepalese.Thanka / Thangka. Because of the growing importance of the Tantric cult, various aspects of Shiva and Shakti were painted in conventional poses. Mahakala, Manjushri, Lokeshwara and other deities were equally popular and so were also frequently represented in Thanka / Thangka paintings of later dates. As Tantrism embodies the ideas of esoteric power, magic forces, and a great variety of symbols, strong emphasis is laid on the female element and sexuality in the paintings of that period.

Religious paintings worshipped as icons are known as Paubha in Newari and Thanka / Thangka in Tibetan. The origin of Paubha or Thanka / Thangka paintings may be attributed to the Nepalese artists responsible for creating a number of special metal works and wall- paintings as well as illuminated manuscripts in Tibet. Realizing the great demand for religious icons in Tibet, these artists, along with monks and traders, took with them from Nepal not only metal sculptures but also a number of Buddhist manuscripts. To better fulfil the ever - increasing demand Nepalese artists initiated a new type of religious painting on cloth that could be easily rolled up and carried along with them. This type of painting became very popular both in Nepal and Tibet and so a new school of Thanka / Thangka painting evolved as early as the ninth or tenth century and has remained popular to this day. One of the earliest specimens of Nepalese Thanka / Thangka painting dates from the thirteenth /fourteenth century and shows Amitabha surrounded by Bodhisattva. Another Nepalese Thanka / Thangka with three dates in the inscription (the last one corresponding to 1369 A.D.), is one of the earliest known Thanka / Thangka with inscriptions. The "Mandalaof Vishnu " dated 1420 A.D., is another fine example of the painting of this period. Early Nepalese Thangkas are simple in design and composition. The main deity, a large figure, occupies the central position while surrounded by smaller figures of lesser divinities.

Thanka / Thangka painting is one of the major science out the five major and five minor fields of knowledge. Its origin can be traced all the way back to the time of Lord Buddha. The main themes of Thanka / Thangka paintings are religious. During the reign of Tibetan Dharma King Trisong Duetsen the Tibetan masters refined their already well-developed arts through research and studies of different country's tradition. Thanka painting's lining and measurement, costumes, implementations and ornaments are mostly based on Indian styles. The drawing of figures is based on Nepalese style and the background sceneries are based on Chinese style. Thus, the Thanka / Thangka paintings became a unique and distinctive art. Although the practice of thanka painting was originally done as a way of gaining merit it has nowadays only evolved into a money making business and the noble intentions it once carried has been diluted. Tibetans do not sell Thangkas on a large scale as the selling of religious artifacts such as thangkas and idols is frowned upon in the Tibetan community and thus non Tibetan groups have been able to monopolize on its (thangka's) popularity among Buddhist and art enthusiasts from the west.

Thanka / Thangka have developed in the northern Himalayan regions among the Lamas. Besides Lamas, Gurung and Tamang communities are also producing Tankas, which provide substantial employment opportunities for many people in the hills. Newari Thankas (Also known as Paubha) has been the hidden art work in Kathmandu valley from the 13th century. We have preserved this art and are exclusively creating this with some particular painter family who have inherited their art from their forefathers. Some of the artistic religious and historical paintings are also done by the Newars of Kathmandu Valley.

TYPES

Based on technique and material, thangkas can be grouped by types. Generally, they are divided into two broad categories: those that are painted (Tib.) bris-tan—and those made of silk, either by appliqué or embroidery.

Thangkas are further divided into these more specific categories:

- Painted in colors (Tib.) tson-tang - the most common type

- Appliqué (Tib.) go-tang

- Black Background - meaning gold line on a black background (Tib.) nagtang

- Blockprints - paper or cloth outlined renderings, by woodcut/woodblock printing

- Embroidery (Tib.) tsem-thang

- Gold Background - an auspicious treatment, used judiciously for peaceful, long-life deities and fully enlightened buddhas

- Red Background - literally gold line, but referring to gold line on a vermillion (Tib.) mar-tang

Whereas typical thangkas are fairly small, between about 18 and 30 inches tall or wide, there are also giant festival thangkas, usually Appliqué, and designed to be unrolled against a wall in a monastery for particular religious occasions. These are likely to be wider than they are tall, and may be sixty or more feet across and perhaps twenty or more high.

Somewhat related are Tibetan tsakli, which look like miniature thangkas, but are usually used as initiation cards or offerings.

Because Thangkas can be quite expensive, people nowadays use posters of Thangkas as an alternative to the real thangkas for religious purposes.

PROCESS

Thangkas are painted on cotton or silk. The most common is a loosely woven cotton produced in widths from 40 to 58 centimeters. While some variations do exist, thangkas wider than 45 centimeters frequently have seams in the support. The paint consists of pigments in a water soluble medium. Both mineral and organic pigments are used, tempered with a herb and glue solution. In Western terminology, this is a distemper technique.

The composition of a thangka, as with the majority of Buddhist art, is highly geometric. Arms, legs, eyes, nostrils, ears, and various ritual implements are all laid out on a systematic grid of angles and intersecting lines. A skilled thangka artist will generally select from a variety of predesigned items to include in the composition, ranging from alms bowls and animals, to the shape, size, and angle of a figure's eyes, nose, and lips. The process seems very methodical, but often requires deep understanding of the symbolism involved to capture the spirit of it.

Thangka often overflow with symbolism and allusion. Because the art is explicitly religious, all symbols and allusions must be in accordance with strict guidelines laid out in Buddhist scripture. The artist must be properly trained and have sufficient religious understanding, knowledge, and background to create an accurate and appropriate thangka. Lipton and Ragnubs clarify this in Treasures of Tibetan Art:

“Tibetan art exemplifies the nirmanakaya, the physical body of Buddha, and also the qualities of the Buddha, perhaps in the form of a deity. Art objects, therefore, must follow rules specified in the Buddhist scriptures regarding proportions, shape, color, stance, hand positions, and attributes in order to personify correctly the Buddha or Deities.”

WIKIPEDIA

mia - feeling fat 10 by Tiffany Gholar

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The Doll Project is a series of conceptual digital photographs that uses fashion dolls to embody the negative messages the media gives to young girls. Though it would not be fair to blame it all on Barbie, there have been many instances in which she has come dangerously close. I chose to use Barbie dolls because they are miniature mannequins, emblems of the fashion world writ small, a representation of our culture's impossible standards of beauty scaled to one sixth actual size. The little pink scale and How To Lose Weight book are both real Barbie accessories from the 1960s. They are recurring motifs in the pictures in the series, symbolizing the ongoing dissatisfaction many girls and women feel about their weight and body image. The dolls' names, Ana and Mia, are taken from internet neologisms coined by anorexic and bulimic girls who have formed online communities with the unfortunate purpose of encouraging each other in their disordered eating. With each passing era, Ana and Mia are younger and younger, and the physical ideal to which they aspire becomes more unattainable. They internalize the unrealistic expectations of a society that digitally manipulates images of women in fashion and beauty advertisements and value their own bodies only as objects for others to look at and desire.

Read more about the project here:

tiffanygholar.blogspot.com/2008/08/doll-project.html

Purchase prints here:

society6.com/TiffanyGholar

Buy the book on Amazon and Etsy.

Dieting Together by Tiffany Gholar

2

The Doll Project is a series of conceptual digital photographs that uses fashion dolls to embody the negative messages the media gives to young girls. Though it would not be fair to blame it all on Barbie, there have been many instances in which she has come dangerously close. I chose to use Barbie dolls because they are miniature mannequins, emblems of the fashion world writ small, a representation of our culture's impossible standards of beauty scaled to one sixth actual size. The little pink scale and How To Lose Weight book are both real Barbie accessories from the 1960s. They are recurring motifs in the pictures in the series, symbolizing the ongoing dissatisfaction many girls and women feel about their weight and body image. The dolls' names, Ana and Mia, are taken from internet neologisms coined by anorexic and bulimic girls who have formed online communities with the unfortunate purpose of encouraging each other in their disordered eating. With each passing era, Ana and Mia are younger and younger, and the physical ideal to which they aspire becomes more unattainable. They internalize the unrealistic expectations of a society that digitally manipulates images of women in fashion and beauty advertisements and value their own bodies only as objects for others to look at and desire.

Read more about the project here:

tiffanygholar.blogspot.com/2008/08/doll-project.html

Purchase prints here:

society6.com/TiffanyGholar

Buy the book on Amazon and Etsy.

ana- feeling fat - comparisons 2 by Tiffany Gholar

from the "My First Diet" series, posted in observance of International No Diet Day. Read about it at:

tiffanygholar.blogspot.com/2009/05/my-first-diet-one-poun...

The Doll Project is a series of conceptual digital photographs that uses fashion dolls to embody the negative messages the media gives to young girls. Though it would not be fair to blame it all on Barbie, there have been many instances in which she has come dangerously close. I chose to use Barbie dolls because they are miniature mannequins, emblems of the fashion world writ small, a representation of our culture's impossible standards of beauty scaled to one sixth actual size. The little pink scale and How To Lose Weight book are both real Barbie accessories from the 1960s. They are recurring motifs in the pictures in the series, symbolizing the ongoing dissatisfaction many girls and women feel about their weight and body image. The dolls' names, Ana and Mia, are taken from internet neologisms coined by anorexic and bulimic girls who have formed online communities with the unfortunate purpose of encouraging each other in their disordered eating. With each passing era, Ana and Mia are younger and younger, and the physical ideal to which they aspire becomes more unattainable. They internalize the unrealistic expectations of a society that digitally manipulates images of women in fashion and beauty advertisements and value their own bodies only as objects for others to look at and desire.

Read more about the project here:

tiffanygholar.blogspot.com/2008/08/doll-project.html

Purchase prints here:

society6.com/TiffanyGholar

Buy the book on Amazon and Etsy.

saint john berchmans, s.j. by saint freak

5

retablo

saint stanislaus kostka chapel

ateneo de manila high school

artist: paloy cagayat

"known for being faithful to his vows and to the rules of religious life he internalized, berchmans holds a cross, a book and a rosary - symbols of his abiding by the rules and devotion to the virgin." - rev. fr. rene javellana, s.j.

Mia purging - 1989 by Tiffany Gholar

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The Doll Project is a series of conceptual digital photographs that uses fashion dolls to embody the negative messages the media gives to young girls. Though it would not be fair to blame it all on Barbie, there have been many instances in which she has come dangerously close. I chose to use Barbie dolls because they are miniature mannequins, emblems of the fashion world writ small, a representation of our culture's impossible standards of beauty scaled to one sixth actual size. The little pink scale and How To Lose Weight book are both real Barbie accessories from the 1960s. They are recurring motifs in the pictures in the series, symbolizing the ongoing dissatisfaction many girls and women feel about their weight and body image. The dolls' names, Ana and Mia, are taken from internet neologisms coined by anorexic and bulimic girls who have formed online communities with the unfortunate purpose of encouraging each other in their disordered eating. With each passing era, Ana and Mia are younger and younger, and the physical ideal to which they aspire becomes more unattainable. They internalize the unrealistic expectations of a society that digitally manipulates images of women in fashion and beauty advertisements and value their own bodies only as objects for others to look at and desire.

Read more about the project here:

tiffanygholar.blogspot.com/2008/08/doll-project.html

Purchase prints here:

society6.com/TiffanyGholar

Buy the book on Amazon and Etsy.

Mia's binge - 19891000px by Tiffany Gholar

1

The Doll Project is a series of conceptual digital photographs that uses fashion dolls to embody the negative messages the media gives to young girls. Though it would not be fair to blame it all on Barbie, there have been many instances in which she has come dangerously close. I chose to use Barbie dolls because they are miniature mannequins, emblems of the fashion world writ small, a representation of our culture's impossible standards of beauty scaled to one sixth actual size. The little pink scale and How To Lose Weight book are both real Barbie accessories from the 1960s. They are recurring motifs in the pictures in the series, symbolizing the ongoing dissatisfaction many girls and women feel about their weight and body image. The dolls' names, Ana and Mia, are taken from internet neologisms coined by anorexic and bulimic girls who have formed online communities with the unfortunate purpose of encouraging each other in their disordered eating. With each passing era, Ana and Mia are younger and younger, and the physical ideal to which they aspire becomes more unattainable. They internalize the unrealistic expectations of a society that digitally manipulates images of women in fashion and beauty advertisements and value their own bodies only as objects for others to look at and desire.

Read more about the project here:

tiffanygholar.blogspot.com/2008/08/doll-project.html

Purchase prints here:

society6.com/TiffanyGholar

Buy the book on Amazon and Etsy.

h [view as set] by al shep

1

Attachment theory describes several behavioural systems, the function of which is to regulate human attachment, fear, exploration, care-giving, peer-affiliation and sex. Attachment is defined as any form of behaviour that results in a person attaining and retaining proximity to a differentiated other. The primary caregiver is the source of the infants stress regulation and, therefore, sense of safety and security. Attachment theory emphasises the role of the parent as mediator, reflector and moderator of the childs mind and the childs reliance on the parent to respond to their affective states in ways that are contingent to their internal experience, a process often referred to as secure base/safe haven functioning. Within the close parent-child relationship neural networks dedicated to feelings of safety and danger, attachment and the core sense of self are sculpted and shaped. These networks are conceptualised as internal working models of attachment.

Characteristic patterns of interaction operating within the familys caregiving-attachment system give rise to secure, insecure and disorganized patterns of attachment. These discrete patterns have been categorized using the Strange Situation research procedure, which observes the young childs behaviour when separated and reunited with his or her primary caregiver. Attachment patterns are represented in the childs internal working models of self-other relationships. Secure attachment is promoted by the interactive regulation of affect, which facilitates the recognition, labelling and evaluation of emotional and intentional states in the self and in others, a capacity known as reflective function or mentalization. The recognition of affects as having dynamic, transactional properties is the key to understanding behaviour in oneself and in another. The child comes to recognize his or her mental states as meaningful self-states via a process of parental affect mirroring and marking. Secure children are able to use sophisticated cognitive strategies to integrate and resolve their fear of separation and loss.

When the parent is unavailable, inconsistent or unpredictable, the infant develops one of two organized insecure patterns of attachment: avoidant or ambivalent-resistant. These defensive strategies involve either the deactivation or hyper-activation of the attachment system. Deactivation is characterized by avoidance of the caregiver and by emotional detachment. In effect, the avoidant child immobilizes the attachment system by excluding thoughts and feelings that normally activate the system. Hyper-activation is manifested by an enmeshed ambivalent preoccupation with the caregiver and with negative emotions, particularly anger. However, in common with the avoidant child, the ambivalent child appears to cognitively disconnect feelings from the situation that elicited the distress. Disorganised-disoriented attachment is discussed below.

Attachment research, then, demonstrates that discrete patterns of secure, insecure, and disorganized attachment have as their precursor a specific pattern of caregiver-infant interaction and their own behavioural sequelae. Repeated patterns of interpersonal experience are encoded in implicit-procedural memory and conceptualized as self-other working models of attachment. These mental models consist of generalized beliefs and expectations about relationships between the self and key attachment figures, not the least of which concerns ones worthiness to receive love and care from others.

In sum, the care-giving environment generally, and the infant-caregiver attachment relationship particularly, initiate the child along one of an array of potential developmental pathways. Disturbance of attachment is the outcome of a series of deviations that take the child increasingly further from adaptive functioning. Child abuse and cumulative developmental trauma violate the childs sense of trust, identity and agency and have pernicious and seminal influences on the developing personality. In essence, internal working models of early attachment relationships provide the templates for psychopathology in later life, which may include violent, destructive and self-destructive forms of behaviour. In attachment theory, the main purpose of defence is the regulation of emotions. The primary mechanisms for achieving this are distance regulation and the defensive exclusion of thoughts and feelings associated with attachment trauma.

Early trauma in the form of abuse, loss, neglect and severe parent-child misattunement compromises brain-mediated functions such as attachment, empathy and affect regulation. From an attachment theory perspective, patterns of attachment are encoded and stored as generalized relational patterns in the systems of implicit memory. These are conceptualized as cognitive-affective internal working models which are seen as mediating how we think and feel about ourselves, others and the relationships we develop. Although open to change and modification in the light of new attachment experiences, whether positive or negative, these non-conscious procedural models, scripts or schemas within which early stress and trauma are retained, tend to persevere and guide, appraise and predict attachment-related thoughts, feelings and behaviours throughout the life cycle via the implicit memory system. Psychopathology is seen as deriving from an accumulation of maladaptive interactional patterns that result in character traits and personality types and disorders.

Disorganised attachment may occur when the childs parent is both the source of fear and the only protective figure to whom to turn to resolve stress and anxiety. In such instances, neither proximity seeking nor proximity avoiding is a solution to the activation of the childs attachment and fear behavioural systems. If the trauma remains unresolved and is carried into adulthood, it leaves the individual vulnerable to affect dysregulation in interpersonal conflict situations that induce fear, hate, shame and rage. In such cases, alcohol and illicit drugs are often resorted to as a maladaptive means of suppressing dreaded psychobiological states and restoring a semblance of affective equilibrium.

Findings show that disorganised attachment developed in infancy shifts to controlling behaviour in the older child and adult, reflecting an internalized mental model of the self as unlovable, unworthy of care and support, and fearful of rejection, betrayal and abandonment. Disorganised attachment is associated with a predisposition to relational violence, to dissociative states and conduct disorders in children and adolescents, and to personality disorders in adults. This state of mind constitutes a primary risk factor for the development of borderline, anti-social and sociopathic personality disorders. The rate of such disorders in forensic settings is particularly high. Clinically, dissociated traumatic experience is unsymbolized by thought and language, being encapsulated within the personality as a separate, non-reflective reality which is cut off from authentic human relatedness. The information contained in implicit memory may be retrieved by state-dependent moods and situations. Dissociated archaic internal working models are then activated, influencing and distorting expectations of current events and relationships outside of conscious awareness, particularly in situations involving intense interpersonal stress. In such situations, the self is felt to be endangered, thereby increasing the risk of an angry and potentially violent reaction.

May 00 - A gypsy and co., Shumen, Bulgaria by Best of Rob

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www.youtube.com/watch?v=w67lwex7Cas

There's no excuse for the treatment and quality of life of this bear, but as one person put it when he saw this photo, after I'd told him some of the information that follows, "I guess the bear's not the only one on a chain." I don't think I've witnessed more blatant, thoughtless, and ridiculous racism anywhere else than that which I witnessed against the Gypsies or Roma in Eastern Europe in 2000. I write about the best examples that come to mind below. I've also seen good evidence of blatant racism in South Africa in '92, against Palestinians in Jerusalem in '91, and in Northern Manitoba in 2008, but the treatment of the Roma in Eastern Europe stands out.

- In February, 2000, in Levoca (Leh-voh-cha), Slovakia, I'd heard that there was a gypsy or Roma neighborhood across the valley from the old town and planned to go visit it. At a restaurant in town the night before, having supper with a local woman and her friend who I'd just met (Eastern Europeans like to 'practice their English'), I mentioned this and the woman was amazed "Why? Why would you go there?" "I've never met Roma before." "But why go?" "It could be interesting." "??? ...", etc. No answer I gave made any sense to her. The next morning, on a very cold, winter's day with snow on the ground, I headed over there across the valley. Many of the houses resembled what we used to refer to as 'portables' in high school. (I took math classes over 2 yr.s in 'portables', which were extra or overflow classrooms erected beside the high school bldg.). You could refer to them as 'pre-fab' housing. I walked along with my camera in hand, looking over towards the view of old Levoca back across the valley, as if I'd come for the view. My presence didn't go unnoticed. One woman emerged onto her porch shouting "Neetch! Neetch!" (?), waving her hand in a gesture that seemed to say 'there's nothing here, go away.' An older man approached me wearing only a sweater above the waist, no coat (again, it was cold!), and looked up at me with a strange expression of gratitude and emotion when I said hello. (I'd seen something similar in South Africa with the blacks at the firm in '92 who, although they were twice my age, would nod and genuflect and repeat what I'd say, and at Norway House and points further north in Manitoba to my surprise years later [which I'll write about in another photo description sometime]; people had internalized their racist treatment there on some level. You could sense it in their apparent fear or undue deference, again whether or not they might be much older.) I spoke with a young woman I met outside her home who invited me in to meet her mother and brother, and her mother soon served me a big, delicious bowl of soup! The brother was friendly and very likable, and later in our discussion told me in his limited English about how he'd been treated as a Roma, that the police and some locals had attacked him and roughed him up. At one point I said that I'd show them some postcards from Canada that I had with me (which I'd show people on occasion in my travels, often I'd give Canadian coins too), but in fact they were in my backpack at my hostel or homestay, and as I continued to look for them in my daypack, my hosts seemed to be a bit uncomfortable. It occurred to me that they might've been a bit apprehensive that I might imply that they took them or make some such accusation. I felt a bit guilty at that point. They were just some old postcards. Here they were being so very nice and welcoming to me, but of course I was a complete stranger and they didn't know who I was or what to expect, and they must have known their reputation, too well. I'd heard so many negative things about the Roma on that trip, not only from the locals, but from foreign tourists too (who would generally just repeat what they'd heard directly or indirectly from the locals), and so I assume visits from foreign tourists to Roma neighborhoods and settlements were rare in Eastern Europe in 2000. But I had a great visit in this Roma community in the home of people who were as inviting, warm, and as kind as any I've met anywhere. What does it say about people who have suffered such cruel discrimination that that would still be so warm, friendly, and generous to a complete stranger?

- Months later, in Bulgaria, the bias held by some locals against the local Roma that was expressed on occasion in discussions, seemed to be a bit edgier. One weekend in Sofia, at a vast, out-door, 2nd-hand book market or 'flea market', the topic of the Roma came up or was mentioned in passing in a discussion with a local vendor. I said "well, they're human beings" (I forget what he'd said that I was responding to). He said "No, actually they're not. They're not human beings! ..." etc. How do you respond to something so ridiculous? The discussion ended soon after that.

- One day in a public square in Sofia, a little Roma girl (or I assume she was Roma) was begging for money. She couldn't have been older than 8 yr.s old. I didn't understand what she was saying of course, but a local Bulgarian woman walked up beside me and asked the girl a question. The little girl answered her (in a normal tone, or in a somewhat defensive tone), and the adult woman mimicked her, repeating what the girl had just said in a mewling tone, like a bullying kid would do in grade school. This adult woman was mocking a little girl who was begging for $$.

- The most memorable and instructive moment involving the treatment of the Roma that I recall took place in early May at a gas station on rte. 67, @ 4 km.s south of the Horezu monastery, in Wallachia, Romania. In Slovakia and Bulgaria and elsewhere, the Roma are blamed and stigmatized for their relative poverty, standard of living, higher rate of unemployment, etc. In Romania, they're blamed for having too much (you can't win); they're accused of obtaining ill-gotten gain, of involvement with organized crime, etc. I can't speak to that or comment on such perceptions, but I can relate this account.:

As I was hitching east along rte. 67 from Târgu Jiu, or somewhere not far east of that city, I was given a lift by a well-dressed older man in his car in which a young couple of newlyweds, who were very well-dressed (in fact I'd say they were glamourous), were passengers. She was wearing much jewelery, incl. a nose-ring or a nose-stud with a chain that led from it. 'Gypsy' or Roma music was playing on the car stereo and I commented that 'that's tsigan [Roma] music, I like it' (also spelled tzigane), to which the driver responded "Yes! I am Tsigan!" We then had a nice discussion, naturally limited to his English and that of his passengers, and there was more music. I was en route to the Horezu monastery, and when we arrived at the turn-off to it (likely the 144), we pulled up at a gas station on the south side of the road, the driver and I both got out, and as he opened the trunk and I took out my pack, I asked him how much should I pay? (Hitch-hikers were expected to tip lifts in Romania.) He said "No! I am Tsigan! [patting his chest] I am good. It's okay!", and refused to take a tip. There were a few young guys @ my age close to the gas pump, a couple of car lengths away, and when one of them heard the driver proudly proclaim that he 'is Tsigan', he walked over and hissed something very rude (I assume) and very hostile and menacing at the driver and into the front passenger window. He was furious. I confronted him and said something like "Hey! These are my friends! Wtf are you saying?!" and he straightened up and looked at me as if I had 2 heads, or as if to say "wtf?" (I don't know how well he understood my English.) But it didn't look like he'd backed down from a fight, while his 2 friends walked over. The older man, my lift, quickly took me aside and said to me quietly, "Shh! It's okay, I'm a 'Polish tourist', okay?, a 'Polish tourist'. Got it?" He then turned around and loudly announced to everyone there in English: "It's okay, I am a Polish tourist, from Poland, and this man is from Canada. He is heading to the Horezu monastery. Could anyone here take him to the Horezu monastery? Would you?" he said pointing to one of the men who'd walked over. "You'll take him there? You will? Okay, good. Thank you," and then got back into the driver's seat and drove away. The subject had been effectively and permanently changed, those 3 still looked to be a bit stunned, maybe pensive, and the big guy the driver had gestured to gave me a ride in his vehicle @ 4 clicks up to the monastery. Not a word was said between us about what had just transpired. Well, of course I was very impressed. My lift, this man who was openly proud to be 'Tsigan', as he should be, had endured this kind of stupid b.s. all his life, and had learned well how to deal with it. Distract, change the subject, confuse, "Did I say I'm Tsigan? Look over there! etc., etc." He defused that situation instantly and instinctively. You learn what you need to know.

- So notwithstanding all the negative things that I'd heard about the Roma in many discussions that I had in Eastern Europe, my experiences with them were nothing but good, in fact they were impressive. And I've had only a good impression of any Roma I've met since. (Of course if I meet enough, I'll meet some I don't like. They're human. But if and when that happens, I won't bother to update and edit this on that point.) I hope that they're all as proud to be Roma as my driver was that day on rte. 67.

- I met some members of a Roma community in SultanAhmet, Istanbul, who were squatting and living in tents /b/ the Byzantine fortified walls of Constantinople. But they didn't seem to be as stressed or as put upon as the Roma in slavic Eastern Europe. I could be wrong.

space by al shep