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The sagebrush ecosystem is the largest interconnected habitat type in the country. Home to more than 350 species of plants and animals and bridging portions of 13 states, America’s sagebrush country sustains iconic plants and wildlife, and a uniquely western way of life.
These pictures were taken outside of Bend, Oregon, near a sage-grouse mating site, or lek.
Credit: Sarah Levy/USFWS
Modern architecture in Beijing
The new headquarters for China Central Television, OMA's largest project to date, combines the entire process of TV-making – administration, production, broadcasting – into a single loop of interconnected activity. Rising from a common platform accommodating production facilities, two towers – one dedicated to broadcasting, one to services, research, and education – lean towards each other and eventually merge in a dramatic, seemingly impossible cantilever. CCTV's distinctive loop aims to offer an alternative to the exhausted typology of the skyscraper. In spite of their potential to incubate new cultures, programs, and ways of life, most skyscrapers accommodate merely routine activity, arranged according to predictable patterns. Formally, their expressions of verticality have proven to stunt the imagination: as verticality soars, creativity crashes. Instead of competing in the hopeless race for ultimate height and style within a traditional two-dimensional tower 'soaring' skyward, CCTV proposes a truly three-dimensional experience, culminating in a canopy that symbolically embraces the entire city. CCTV consolidates all its operations in a continuous flow, allowing each worker to be permanently aware of her colleagues – a chain of interdependence that promotes solidarity rather than isolation, collaboration instead of opposition. The loop also facilitates an unprecedented degree of public access to the production of China's media: visitors will be admitted to a dedicated path circulating through the building, connecting all elements of the program and offering spectacular views from the multiple facades towards the CBD, the Forbidden City, and the rest of Beijing.
Text: OMA
Competition: 2002; Completion: 2010
Client: China Central Television (CCTV)
Architect: OMA, Office for Metropolitan Architecture, Rotterdam, NL
Site: 20 hectares in new Central Business District, Beijing, China
Program: CCTV: total 473,000m2: administration 64,800m2, multi-purpose: 54,900m2, news broadcasting 65,000m2, broadcasting 31,800m2, production 105,400m2, loop 11,100m2, services (canteens, gym) 22,500m2, parking 59,700m2.
Budget:5 billion RMB (€ 850 million)
Tower 1: Height: 234m, 54 floors. Footprint: 40x60m,2,400m2
Tower 2: Height: 210m, 44 floors. Footprint: 40x52m, 2,000m2
Overhang bottom: 162m, 14 floors
Overhang cantilever: 75m to the west, 67m to the south
Base height: 45m, 9 floors, footprint 160x160m
Basement: -18m, 4 floors
just off the bench: 22k gold FAIRMINED 'interconnected' ring. a trio of sustainable metals symbolizing artisan miners, jeweler, and wearer. Gold you can be proud to wear.
Once again we are reminded of the interconnected history of the Mediterranean, you can find multiple variations of this eggplant and minced meat dish throughout; same ingredients, different presentation, and varying spices. Food is an expression of the people, people make and maintain culture and are influenced greatly by what they live; food is a capsule that moves through generations and speaks indirectly of times gone by.
Ingredients:
12 small, thin eggplants, each about 4 inches long with stalks on (about 1-1/2 lb), or 3 large ones (about 1/2 lb each)
1 lb minced meat
2 handfuls pine nuts
1-3/4 lb ripe tomatoes or same amount of peeled whole canned Italian tomatoes
1/4 tsp ground cinnamon
1/4 tsp ground allspice
1/8 tsp finely ground black pepper
vegetable oil for frying stuffing
salt to taste
Procedure:
Peel and coarsely chop the tomatoes whether fresh or canned
Cut the stalks of the eggplants to an approximate length of 1/2 inch and trim away the husks that cap the skin. Peel off a strip of skin, 1/2 inch wide, the full length of the eggplant, leave 1/2 inch of skin unpeeled, and peel another as above; continue until you end up with a striped eggplant. Repeat the process with the rest of the eggplants.
1. Fill a large frying pan with enough oil to shallow fry the eggplants and place over a medium heat. When the oil is hot (test with the tip of one eggplant; if the oil bubbles around it, it is ready), fry the eggplants until golden all over.
2. Remove with a slotted spoon (do not lift by the stalk as it might come off) and put to drain on several sheets of paper towels. You can also steam, bake or microwave the eggplants, but their taste and color will be quite different.
3. While the eggplants are left to cool, prepare the meat and pine nut stuffing.
4. Heat a thin layer of oil in a pan, once hot enough add the meat, saute until the moisture evaporates, and the meat beign to brown. Add the pine nuts. Take out when the pine ntus have acquired a golden colour.
Preheat the oven to 350°F.
5. Take the eggplant and, with a small knife, slit it down the middle (the peeled section will cut more easily), lengthways, and no more than half way into the flesh. Prise the eggplant open and press the flesh inside to form pocket in which you will put a tablespoon of meat stuffing. Place in a deep bake-and-serve dish and repeat the process until you have filled all the eggplants.
Place any leftover filling on the bottom of the dish between the eggplants.
6. Season the chopped tomatoes with cinnamon, allspice, pepper and salt to taste and spread evenly over the eggplants.
7. Place in the preheated oven and bake for 40 minutes or until the tomatoes have cooked and most of their juice evaporated.
8. Serve hot with plain rice.
*If you have not baked the eggplants in a bake-and-serve dish, be careful when you transfer them onto a serving dish, as their lovely presentation will easily spoil with casual handling.
*You can also cook this dish in a covered braising pan over a medium heat for 30 minutes or until the tomato sauce has reduced.
*If you are using large eggplants:
Do not worry so much about the presentation of the eggplants as they are not used whole.
1. Peel the eggplants and slice them lengthways or across to a thickness of about 1/2 inch. Arrange the slices in salted layers in a colander and leave to sweat for about 30 minutes.
2. Then use the same procedure as with the small ones.
What is that blob in the water? Is it some sort of fish egg? No. Maybe it’s some sort of frog or salamander egg? No.
Despite the fact that this jelly-looking blob resembles an egg, it’s actually one of more than 5000 species known as Bryozoa or moss animals. They are largely unknown to most people. Bryozoans are aquatic organisms usually living in colonies of interconnected individuals. This particular specimen was found at a boat ramp at Mahoning Creek Lake in Armstrong County, Pennsylvania.
Found in jellylike colonies in warm, slow moving water, Bryozoa are colonial animals much like sponges. Also like sponges, they filter water for their food.
Most Bryozoans produce a variety of chemical compounds, some are used in medicine. One marine Bryozoan produces a compound, Bryostatin-1, which is currently being tested as an anti-cancer drug.
So, if you spend time at Mahoning Creek and Crooked Creek lakes, you just might see one of these interesting animals. (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers photo by Grover Pegg)
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Happy #WorldOceansDay! . "How inappropriate to call this planet Earth when it is clearly Ocean." - Arthur C. Clarke . Ours is a water world. Earth’s oceans, and the interconnected cycle of water and waterways, are utterly vital to every living thing on Earth. And yet the health of these oceans, and by extension the wellbeing of all life on Earth, is at risk due largely to the impacts of human activity. It’s going to take a deep, transformational change — a sea change — in humanity’s consciousness and activities regarding the oceans to ensure healthy, sustainable life on this planet. . Bringing about that change is a particular challenge, because in spite of our intricate dependence upon them, oceans, freshwater environments, and ocean ecology remain distant and mysterious to most of us: more mysterious even than outer space. It is our own precious world, but in many ways and for too many of us, it is also another world. . Let's be Ocean Wise #WeAreOceanWise #OceanWiseLife
The sagebrush ecosystem is the largest interconnected habitat type in the country. Home to more than 350 species of plants and animals and bridging portions of 13 states, America’s sagebrush country sustains iconic plants and wildlife, and a uniquely western way of life.
These pictures were taken outside of Bend, Oregon, near a sage-grouse mating site, or lek.
Credit: Sarah Levy/USFWS
In the coming weeks and months, the United States Congress faces decisions on the U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement and the future of support for the fifth largest recipient of U.S. assistance in the world. Recent developments in Colombia, one of the longest-standing allies of the United States in the Americas, including the on-going investigation into ties between paramilitary organizations and sectors of Colombia's governing class have raised questions regarding the future direction of U.S. policy toward Colombia. In a spirit of open communication, The Americas Project at the Center for American Progress is pleased to host a conversation with His Excellency Alvaro Uribe, President of Colombia, about these and other issues that shape the relationship between two of the most closely interconnected countries in the Americas.
For more on this event, please see:
Modern architecture in Beijing
The new headquarters for China Central Television, OMA's largest project to date, combines the entire process of TV-making – administration, production, broadcasting – into a single loop of interconnected activity. Rising from a common platform accommodating production facilities, two towers – one dedicated to broadcasting, one to services, research, and education – lean towards each other and eventually merge in a dramatic, seemingly impossible cantilever. CCTV's distinctive loop aims to offer an alternative to the exhausted typology of the skyscraper. In spite of their potential to incubate new cultures, programs, and ways of life, most skyscrapers accommodate merely routine activity, arranged according to predictable patterns. Formally, their expressions of verticality have proven to stunt the imagination: as verticality soars, creativity crashes. Instead of competing in the hopeless race for ultimate height and style within a traditional two-dimensional tower 'soaring' skyward, CCTV proposes a truly three-dimensional experience, culminating in a canopy that symbolically embraces the entire city. CCTV consolidates all its operations in a continuous flow, allowing each worker to be permanently aware of her colleagues – a chain of interdependence that promotes solidarity rather than isolation, collaboration instead of opposition. The loop also facilitates an unprecedented degree of public access to the production of China's media: visitors will be admitted to a dedicated path circulating through the building, connecting all elements of the program and offering spectacular views from the multiple facades towards the CBD, the Forbidden City, and the rest of Beijing.
Text: OMA
Competition: 2002; Completion: 2010
Client: China Central Television (CCTV)
Architect: OMA, Office for Metropolitan Architecture, Rotterdam, NL
Site: 20 hectares in new Central Business District, Beijing, China
Program: CCTV: total 473,000m2: administration 64,800m2, multi-purpose: 54,900m2, news broadcasting 65,000m2, broadcasting 31,800m2, production 105,400m2, loop 11,100m2, services (canteens, gym) 22,500m2, parking 59,700m2.
Budget:5 billion RMB (€ 850 million)
Tower 1: Height: 234m, 54 floors. Footprint: 40x60m,2,400m2
Tower 2: Height: 210m, 44 floors. Footprint: 40x52m, 2,000m2
Overhang bottom: 162m, 14 floors
Overhang cantilever: 75m to the west, 67m to the south
Base height: 45m, 9 floors, footprint 160x160m
Basement: -18m, 4 floors
Splitrock Reservoir is 625 acres of wilderness consisting of large lakes interconnected with islands on the border of Rockaway Township and Kinnelon. Splitrock, which is nestled deep in the woods where it can be reached by traveling a mile on a dirt road known as Split Rock Road, was opened to the public in November, 2003.
Technology is not conscious or driven. Free will is an oxymoron; interconnected systems are spinning – dragged by one another. In this setup, 10 Physarum Plycephalum, known as slime molds, play the Game of Life. The environment had been designed to monitor and control the Physarum’s activity. At the end of each round, Physarum moves are analyzed and compared to the winners. The onboard artificial intelligence will alter the environment of the losers in order to manipulate and optimize their games.
Credit: vog.photo
The sagebrush ecosystem is the largest interconnected habitat type in the country. Home to more than 350 species of plants and animals and bridging portions of 13 states, America’s sagebrush country sustains iconic plants and wildlife, and a uniquely western way of life.
These pictures were taken outside of Bend, Oregon, near a sage-grouse mating site, or lek.
Credit: Sarah Levy/USFWS
The sagebrush ecosystem is the largest interconnected habitat type in the country. Home to more than 350 species of plants and animals and bridging portions of 13 states, America’s sagebrush country sustains iconic plants and wildlife, and a uniquely western way of life.
These pictures were taken outside of Bend, Oregon, near a sage-grouse mating site, or lek.
Credit: Sarah Levy/USFWS
All components are interconnected: computer streams Netflix to TV (via DVI/HDMI Cable); DVR can send movies to computer for editing (via S-Video Cable & Phono Cable).
Sattal or Sat Tal (Hindi for "seven lakes") is an interconnected group of seven freshwater lakes situated in the Lower Himalayan Range near Bhimtal, a town of the Nainital district in Uttarakhand, India. During the British Raj, the area had a tea plantation, one of four in the Kumaon area at that time.The lakes sit at an altitude of 1370 metres below lush orchards in the Mehragaon valley.Set amongst dense forests of oak and pine trees, Sattal is one of the few unspoiled and unpolluted freshwater biomes in India. These lakes are a paradise for migratory birds. It is home to a few camps being operated mostly by local people catering to tourists looking for outdoor vacations.Presenting You The Little Wonder Of Sattal :- Rufous-bellied Niltava , Its A Handheld Shot With Nikon D7000 + Nikon AF-S NIKKOR 300mm f/4D IF-ED Lens + Nikon 1.4 TC ii ( ED :- 1/200 S , F 6.3 , ISO 400 , EV -0.3 , Metering Center Weighted , WB - Auto )
The navigli was a system of navigable and interconnected canals around Milan, Italy.
Old traditional buildings reflected in the almost dried up Naviglio
Wiki:.
`Construction of the Power Station commenced in January, 1946. The South Fremantle site was chosen for its relatively close metropolitan population, its proximity to nearby railway facilities for the delivery of coal and the ease with which seawater could be utilised for the cooling system. The four boilers 1, 2, 3 & 4 of 'A' Station were fired up in January 1951; the first 25 MW turbo-alternator came on line in May 1951 prior to the official opening of the Power Station on 27 June 1951 by the Hon. David Brand, Minister for Electricity. In September 1951, the second 25 MW turbo alternator came on line. The No. 3 turbo alternator came on line in January 1954, and the No. 4 turbo alternator in December 1954. The power station was then complete with a total capacity of 100 MW..
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Much of the plant was designed and manufactured in England, with skilled contractors sent out from England to assemble the plant on site. The State Energy Commission encouraged the recruitment of staff by providing housing in the Hilton Park area, and the new suburb soon had many community amenities. A bus service from the Power Station to Hilton and Fremantle was provided for shift workers. Over 250 workers were employed at the power station during the 1950s..
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In 1954, a major fire at South Fremantle in the coal conveyor from the crusher house caused structural damage and resulted in a switch to oil fuel for the boilers. In the mid 1970s the plant was converted back to coal, which fuelled the station until its closure in 1985. By the 1980s production of electricity at South Fremantle had become uneconomical. The interconnected grid then was supplying electricity from power stations with more up-to-date machinery and closer to the coal source at Collie, Bunbury, Kwinana and Muja..
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In September 1985, the South Fremantle Power Station closed after 34 years service and its four chimney stacks were demolished.'
Both species of dowitcher are easily recognized by virtue of their long straight bills, which they use to probe the mud and may immerse completely. Both pump their bills vertically up and down in the manner of a sewing machine. These gray, chunky, medium-sized waders possess yellowish-green legs and, in flight, display a prominent white patch on the back.
Colorado School of Mines students learn about generation, power marketing and the interconnected grid, Aug. 4. WAPA’s Technical Services Program staff gave a presentation to graduate or post-graduate level students at the Colorado School of Mines, in Golden, CO. The social scientist and economist scholars learned about power marketing, electric transmission, electricity distribution and distributed generation. WAPA’s Technical Services Manager Steve Yexley, Renewable Resource Program Manager Randy Manion and Electric Power Training Center Manager Kyle Conroy provided an overview of WAPA, hydropower and the industry-related concepts as part of a two-week educational experience funded by a grant from the Sloan Foundation. (Photo courtesy of WAPA staff)
A detailed master plan shows how the interconnected pedestrian walkways will lead to the open plaza in the center of the complex.
📜 The Sette Sale, or "Seven Halls," represent the interconnected corridors which formed the large cistern for the Baths of Trajan. In reality, however, the title is a misnomer as the cistern contained nine halls which would once have been filled with water from a branch of a nearby aqueduct. Nevertheless, this impressive structure had a capacity of 8 million-plus liters by some estimates, was built contemporaneously with the imperial thermae it fed, and was located slightly uphill some 75 meters from the baths themselves.
Don't miss these all-new DESIGN Insights post highlighting Phase II of my ongoing efforts to build all of Ancient Rome, circa mid-4th century CE!
😎 These insights are EXCLUSIVE to Corinthian patrons, and peel back the curtain months before these designs will be shared publicly. The renderings, on the other hand, are shared with patrons of all tiers.
Support this unprecedented project on Patreon!
Link below ➡️🔗⤵️
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#Artist #SupportArtists #SupportOnPatreon #FineArt #VisualArt #VisualArtist #SmallBusiness #SmallBusinessOwner #ArtHistory #WorldHistory #AncientHistory #ChicagoArtist #SPQR #ImperialRome #AncientRome #Rome #Roma #FestinaLente #LEGO #LEGOArchitecture #LEGOArt #LEGOArtist #InstaLEGO #WorldHeritage #Antiquity #GrecoRoman #Esquiline #SetteSale
A large complex of interconnected units is located 200 m east of the Sultan Ghari Tomb, stretching for an area of almost 8,100 sq m. A study of the built form, especially the arches and niches, ornamentation in plaster, and the plumbing services like drainage suggests a much later period of construction, than the Tughlaq period.
Lolita Dark is an Epic
Rock band with roots in Southern California and Japan formed in 2012. Their sound weaves together crunching guitar riffs, progressive bass lines, lush harmonies, and complex melodic structures in songs that reflect both angst and optimism in an increasingly interconnected world of disconnected residents.
2012 年に結成。米国・カリフォルニアを拠点とする日米双方にルーツを持つ個性派ロックバンド。壮大なハーモニーと複雑なメロディのアンサンブルを特徴的な激し いギターやプログレッシブなベースラインに乗せることにより、幻想的で独創性溢れる世界観を生み出している。バンドのフロントマンであるRay は闇と光、怒りと喜び、過去と現在、東洋と西洋など、現世に存在しうる全ての相反する事象や矛盾の「融合」を音楽を通じて表現しているという。
Fronted by Shibuya-born singer/songwriter Rayko, Lolita Dark provides the soundtrack and visuals of a world where light intersects dark, east meets west, and the past overlaps the present, depicting the, seemingly, redundant circles of our lives and universe.
The core of Lolita Dark is formed by singer/ songwriter / guitarist / multi-instrumentalist Rayko (Ray), Bassist Rain Balen, and Drummer Joey Felix who are also members of the Los Angeles rock band "Dig Jelly", and Okinawan vocalist and keyboardist Machiko (May), and guitarist Patrick Cabrera of prog metal band False Empire.
LD はバンドの中核を担うリーダー・Rayを筆頭に、苦楽を共に過ごした地元の音楽仲間であるRain Balen(Bs)、Joey Felix(Dr)、Patrick Cabrera(Gtr).沖縄出身のMay(Keys/Vocal)の移住の後、北海道出身のK−Luを加えた国際的なバンド構成。
Their first album, “Tokyo Status” was released in 2012 and featured a wide range of intensely personal, yet universal meditations on love, addiction, promise, and despair. It blazed new territory with a sonic landscape that fused Shibuya glam, European symphonic-rock, and American metal. Lolita Dark's debut CD explored the themes of Salvation, Redemption, Sanctuary, and displayed some of Rayko's internal anguish after the Great Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami ravaged her homeland.
Lolita Dark has performed at various venues including Bar Sinister, House of Blues, J-Pop events hosted by "Tune in Tokyo", and Rayko's on going event “Tokyo Status” .Lolita Dark has also performed at Anime Expo, Nan Desu Kan, Anime Los Angeles, and Pacific Media Expo, where they opened for Japanese artists BACK-ON (Avex) and D (Avex, Universal Music). Lolita Dark was also invited by NAMM 2015 to host a panel to talk about their success in finding a niche in independent music market.
Lolita Dark is working on their third release while they perform as an opener to national acts from Japan, and headlines local clubs and anime convention circuits.
全米最大の日本ポップカルチャー祭典であるAnime Expoでの鮮烈のデビューを飾る。これを期にバンドは本格始動し、ローカル誌などで多く取り上げられるようになる。Anime Expoでのライブを皮切りにBar Sinister Hollywood、Roxy、House of Blues等、数々の有名ライブハウス公演をも成功させている。また、デビュー後は矢継ぎ早 に Nan Desu Kan (Co)、Katsukon (D.C/Maryland)、Zenkaikon (PA)といった多様なコンベンション・ツ アーも取り組まれ、多くの会場での演奏を経験する。
“Mad Times”, from the "Tokyo Status" album, has been chosen for the in-production Steampunk web series “Tinker". “Wounded Angel”, the recently released song by Lolita Dark, has become the official theme song for Anime California 2014. Lolita Dark's second album, “Queen's Decade”, was released in the spring of 2014 at their opening performance for Gacharic Spin (Universal Music) at Tekko 2014.
Lolita Dark's albums and new single "Wounded Angel" are available now on iTunes and CDBaby.
Lolita Dark signed a 5 year recording/distribution contract for East Asia including Japan, Korea, and China in July 2015.
itunes.apple.com/us/artist/lolita-dark/id586389170
www.cdbaby.com/Artist/LolitaDark
Official Lolita Dark website: www.lolitadark.com/
Rayko official website: rayko.com/
2012年にはデビューアルバム「Tokyo Status」をリリース。
リリースから現在に至るまで、州外へも精力的に赴き本格的なライブ活動を行っている。このアルバムは全曲メッセージ性が強く、Rayの強烈な想いが反映されている。特に「Mad Times」というトラックは東日本大震災で被災された方々への追悼の意を込めた楽曲であり、Rayの故郷が崩壊されたことに対する悲しみや虚しさなどの感情を色濃く表現している。また、同曲は現在アメリカで制作 中の 「TINKER」というスティームパンクを題材としたウェブTVシリーズの主題歌として起用されている。(www.youtube.com/watch?v=ttWXSVs_4iI）
また、「Tokyo Status」リリース翌年の3月からはアルバムと
同名儀のファッション・ロックショーケース・イベントも月１で開催している。(www.facebook.com/TokyoStatus)
St.Paul’s Catacombs are a typical complex of interconnected, underground Roman cemeteries that were in use up to the 4th century AD. They are located on the outskirts of the old Roman capital Melite (today’s Mdina), since Roman law prohibited burials within the city. St Paul’s Catacombs represent the earliest and largest archaeological evidence of Christianity in Malta. The site was cleared and investigated in 1894 by Dr A.A. Caruana, the pioneer of Christian era archaeology in Malta.
The Catacombs of St Paul are situated in the zone of Ħal Bajjada in Rabat, in an area which is at times also called as Tad-Dlam. The site consists of two large areas called St Paul’s and Saints Paul/Agatha, and are littered with more than 30 hypogea, of which the main complex, situated within the St Paul’s cluster, comprises a complex system of interconnected passages and tombs covering an area of well over 2000 sqr metres.
The cluster gets its name from the myth that it was once connected with St Paul’s Grotto, which was once also partly re-cut into a Palaeochristian hypogeum. The origin of the main catacomb most probably started from a cluster of small tombs of the Punico-Roman type and hypogea which were eventually enlarged and joined haphazardly to create the complex system of passages and tombs used in the late Roman period. Although much smaller when compared to the catacombs of Rome and other large Roman centres, the catacombs of St Paul are a good example of the Maltese underground architecture, which is the result of an indigenous development which was barely influenced by overseas traditions.
The entrance to the main complex of St Paul’s Catacombs leads to two considerably large halls, adorned with pillars made to resemble Doric columns and painted plasters most of which have now disappeared. On keeping with what seems to have been a norm in most Christian catacombs, these main halls are equipped with two circular tables set in a low platform with sloping sides which resemble the reclining couch (triclinium) present in Roman houses. In all cases found in the main complex and the numerous other Christian Hypogea of the site, both table and couch are hewn out in one piece form the living rock forming a single architectural unit within an apsed recess. Although various interpretations may be found, these triclinia, or Agape tables, were probably used to host commemorative meals during the annual festival of the dead, during which the rites of burials were renewed.
The complex was probably abandoned and to some extent despoiled during the Saracenic period, when burial customs changed dramatically to suit the practices of the new conquerors. Part of the catacombs were used again during the re-Christianisation of the Island around the 13th century, when an open space was re-cut and used as a Christian shrine decorated with murals.
The catacombs were eventually abandoned and the site fell in disrepair. The main entrance was blocked off but access was still possible through an independent hypogeum in Djar Ħanżira (now Catacombs alley). It was from here that G.F. Abela probably accessed the site, which he described in his Della Descritione di Malta. The complex was however only cleared of debris in 1894 by A.A. Caruana, who cleared all the passages of rubble and surveyed the complex, including the areas appropriated by private landowners.
This musical composition and immersive installation explores the vibrational and interconnected essence of the universe. It delves into the dynamic web of waves and resonances that link all matter and energy, permeating all aspects of existence, including the sound(s) we hear and the music we create.
At the center of the installation, a cymbal vibrates. A controlled electrical signal activates the cymbal resonance modes—the unique patterns at which it intrinsically vibrates. Thus, the cymbal’s natural vibrations become audible to the visitors without any human touch. Also, drawing on interferometry, a scientific research technique, a custom laser system makes the cymbal’s vibrations visible. Fourteen reflections, arranged in a spiral fashion, “float” around the cymbal, forming a vortex-like configuration.
Credit: Camilo Martin_ Alba Triana Studio // Scientific consultant: Prof. Christophe Galland, Laboratory of Quantum and Nano-Optics Director, Institute of Physics, EPFL
Modern architecture in Beijing
The new headquarters for China Central Television, OMA's largest project to date, combines the entire process of TV-making – administration, production, broadcasting – into a single loop of interconnected activity. Rising from a common platform accommodating production facilities, two towers – one dedicated to broadcasting, one to services, research, and education – lean towards each other and eventually merge in a dramatic, seemingly impossible cantilever. CCTV's distinctive loop aims to offer an alternative to the exhausted typology of the skyscraper. In spite of their potential to incubate new cultures, programs, and ways of life, most skyscrapers accommodate merely routine activity, arranged according to predictable patterns. Formally, their expressions of verticality have proven to stunt the imagination: as verticality soars, creativity crashes. Instead of competing in the hopeless race for ultimate height and style within a traditional two-dimensional tower 'soaring' skyward, CCTV proposes a truly three-dimensional experience, culminating in a canopy that symbolically embraces the entire city. CCTV consolidates all its operations in a continuous flow, allowing each worker to be permanently aware of her colleagues – a chain of interdependence that promotes solidarity rather than isolation, collaboration instead of opposition. The loop also facilitates an unprecedented degree of public access to the production of China's media: visitors will be admitted to a dedicated path circulating through the building, connecting all elements of the program and offering spectacular views from the multiple facades towards the CBD, the Forbidden City, and the rest of Beijing.
Text: OMA
Competition: 2002; Completion: 2010
Client: China Central Television (CCTV)
Architect: OMA, Office for Metropolitan Architecture, Rotterdam, NL
Site: 20 hectares in new Central Business District, Beijing, China
Program: CCTV: total 473,000m2: administration 64,800m2, multi-purpose: 54,900m2, news broadcasting 65,000m2, broadcasting 31,800m2, production 105,400m2, loop 11,100m2, services (canteens, gym) 22,500m2, parking 59,700m2.
Budget:5 billion RMB (€ 850 million)
Tower 1: Height: 234m, 54 floors. Footprint: 40x60m,2,400m2
Tower 2: Height: 210m, 44 floors. Footprint: 40x52m, 2,000m2
Overhang bottom: 162m, 14 floors
Overhang cantilever: 75m to the west, 67m to the south
Base height: 45m, 9 floors, footprint 160x160m
Basement: -18m, 4 floors
Studio 12 Architecture transformed a small footprint of undeveloped property near Precita Park into two tall, gracefully interconnected single family homes.
The Spanish missions in California (Spanish: Misiones españolas en California) formed a series of 21 religious outposts or missions established between 1769 and 1833 in what is now the U.S. state of California. The missions were established by Catholic priests of the Franciscan order to evangelize indigenous peoples backed by the military force of the Spanish Empire. The missions were part of the expansion and settlement of New Spain through the formation of Alta California, expanding the empire into the most northern and western parts of Spanish North America. Civilian settlers and soldiers accompanied missionaries and formed settlements like the Pueblo de Los Ángeles.[2]
Indigenous peoples were forced into settlements called reductions,[3] disrupting their traditional way of life and negatively affecting as many as one thousand villages.[2] European diseases spread in the close quarters of the missions, causing mass death.[4] Abuse, malnourishment, and overworking were common.[5] At least 87,787 baptisms and 63,789 deaths occurred.[6] Indigenous peoples often resisted and rejected conversion to Christianity.[7] Some fled the missions while others formed rebellions.[7] Missionaries recorded frustrations with getting indigenous people to internalize Catholic scripture and practice.[7] Indigenous girls were taken away from their parents and housed at monjeríos.[8] The missions' role in destroying Indigenous culture has been described as cultural genocide.[5]
By 1810, Spain's king had been imprisoned by the French, and financing for military payroll and missions in California ceased.[9] In 1821, Mexico achieved independence from Spain, yet did not send a governor to California until 1824. The missions maintained authority over indigenous peoples and land holdings until the 1830s. At the peak of their influence in 1832, the coastal mission system controlled approximately one-sixth of Alta California.[10] The First Mexican Republic secularized the missions with the Mexican secularization act of 1833, which emancipated indigenous peoples from the missions. Mission lands were largely given to settlers and soldiers, along with a minority of indigenous people.[7]
The surviving mission buildings are the state of California's oldest structures and most-visited historic monuments, many of which were restored after falling into near disrepair in the early 20th century. They have become a symbol of California, appearing in many movies and television shows, and are an inspiration for Mission Revival architecture. Concerns have been raised by historians and Indigenous peoples of California about the way the mission period in California is taught in educational institutions and memorialized.[8] The oldest European settlements of California were formed around or near Spanish missions, including the four largest: Los Angeles, San Diego, San Jose, and San Francisco. Santa Barbara, and Santa Cruz were also formed near missions, and the historical imprint reached as far north as Sonoma in what became the wine country.
Alta California mission planning, structure and culture
Coastal mission chain, planning and overview
Prior to 1754, grants of mission lands were made directly by the Spanish Crown. But, given the remote locations and the inherent difficulties in communicating with the territorial governments, he delegated authority to make grants to the viceroys of New Spain.[11] During the reign of King Charles III, they granted lands to allow establishing the Alta California missions. They were motivated in part by presence of Russian fur traders along the California coast in the mid 1700s.[12]
The missions were to be interconnected by an overland route which later became known as the Camino Real. The detailed planning and direction of the missions was to be carried out by Friar Junípero Serra, O.F.M. (who, in 1767, along with his fellow priests, had taken control over a group of missions in Baja California Peninsula previously administered by the Jesuits). After Serra's death, Rev. Fermín Francisco de Lasuén established nine more mission sites, from 1786 through 1798; others established the last three compounds, along with at least five asistencias (mission assistance outposts).[13]
Shelved plans for additional mission chains
Work on the coastal mission chain was concluded in 1823, completed after Serra's death in 1784. Plans to build a twenty-second mission in Santa Rosa in 1827 were canceled.[notes 1][citation needed]
The Rev. Pedro Estévan Tápis proposed establishing a mission on one of the Channel Islands in the Pacific Ocean off San Pedro Harbor in 1784, with either Santa Catalina or Santa Cruz (known as Limú to the Tongva residents) being the most likely locations, the reasoning being that an offshore mission might have attracted potential people to convert who were not living on the mainland, and could have been an effective measure to restrict smuggling operations.[14] Governor José Joaquín de Arrillaga approved the plan the following year; however, an outbreak of sarampión (measles) killing some 200 Tongva people coupled with a scarcity of land for agriculture and potable water left the success of such a venture in doubt, so no effort to found an island mission was ever made.[citation needed]
In September 1821, the Rev. Mariano Payeras, "Comisario Prefecto" of the California missions, visited Cañada de Santa Ysabel east of Mission San Diego de Alcalá as part of a plan to establish an entire chain of inland missions. The Santa Ysabel Asistencia had been founded in 1818 as a "mother" mission. However, the plan's expansion never came to fruition.[citation needed]
Mission sites, selection and layout
Main article: Architecture of the California missions
Mission San Luis Rey de Francia, circa 1910. This mission is architecturally distinctive because of the strong Moorish lines exhibited.
The Missionaries as They Came and Went. Franciscans of the California missions donned gray habits, in contrast to the brown that is typically worn today.[15]
In addition to the presidio (royal fort) and pueblo (town), the misión was one of the three major agencies employed by the Spanish sovereign to extend its borders and consolidate its colonial territories. Asistencias ("satellite" or "sub" missions, sometimes referred to as "contributing chapels") were small-scale missions that regularly conducted Mass on days of obligation but lacked a resident priest;[16] as with the missions, these settlements were typically established in areas with high concentrations of potential native converts.[17] The Spanish Californians had never strayed from the coast when establishing their settlements; Mission Nuestra Señora de la Soledad was located farthest inland, being only some thirty miles (48 kilometers) from the shore.[18] Each frontier station was forced to be self-supporting, as existing means of supply were inadequate to maintain a colony of any size. California was months away from the nearest base in colonized Mexico, and the cargo ships of the day were too small to carry more than a few months' rations in their holds. To sustain a mission, the padres required converted Native Americans, called neophytes, to cultivate crops and tend livestock in the volume needed to support a fair-sized establishment. The scarcity of imported materials, together with a lack of skilled laborers, compelled the missionaries to employ simple building materials and methods in the construction of mission structures.
A drawing of Mission San Carlos Borromeo de Carmelo prepared by Captain George Vancouver depicts the grounds as they appeared in November 1792. From A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World.
Although the missions were considered temporary ventures by the Spanish hierarchy, the development of an individual settlement was not simply a matter of "priestly whim." The founding of a mission followed longstanding rules and procedures; the paperwork involved required months, sometimes years of correspondence, and demanded the attention of virtually every level of the bureaucracy. Once empowered to erect a mission in a given area, the men assigned to it chose a specific site that featured a good water supply, plenty of wood for fires and building materials, and ample fields for grazing herds and raising crops. The padres blessed the site, and with the aid of their military escort fashioned temporary shelters out of tree limbs or driven stakes, roofed with thatch or reeds (cañas). It was these simple huts that ultimately gave way to the stone and adobe buildings that exist to the present.
The first priority when beginning a settlement was the location and construction of the church (iglesia). The majority of mission sanctuaries were oriented on a roughly east–west axis to take the best advantage of the sun's position for interior illumination; the exact alignment depended on the geographic features of the particular site. Once the spot for the church had been selected, its position was marked and the remainder of the mission complex was laid out. The workshops, kitchens, living quarters, storerooms, and other ancillary chambers were usually grouped in the form of a quadrangle, inside which religious celebrations and other festive events often took place. The cuadrángulo was rarely a perfect square because the missionaries had no surveying instruments at their disposal and simply measured off all dimensions by foot. Some fanciful accounts regarding the construction of the missions claimed that tunnels were incorporated in the design, to be used as a means of emergency egress in the event of attack; however, no historical evidence (written or physical) has ever been uncovered to support these assertions.[19][notes 2]
Franciscans and native conscription
An illustration depicts the death of the Rev. Luís Jayme by angry locals at Mission San Diego de Alcalá, November 4, 1775.[20] The independence uprising was the first of a dozen similar incidents that took place in Alta California during the Mission Period; however, most rebellions tended to be localized and short-lived due to the Spaniards' superior weaponry (native resistance more often took the form of non-cooperation (in forced labor), return to their homelands (desertion of forced relocation), and raids on mission livestock).[21][22][notes 3][23][notes 4]
The Alta California missions, known as reductions (reducciones) or congregations (congregaciones), were settlements founded by the Spanish colonizers of the New World with the purpose of totally assimilating indigenous populations into European culture and the Catholic religion. It was a doctrine established in 1531, which based the Spanish state's right over the land and persons of the Indies on the Papal charge to evangelize them. It was employed wherever the indigenous populations were not already concentrated in native pueblos. Indians were congregated around the mission proper through forced resettlement, in which the Spanish "reduced" them from what they perceived to be a free "undisciplined'" state with the ambition of converting them into "civilized" members of colonial society.[24] The civilized and disciplined culture of the natives, developed over 8,000 years, was not considered. A total of 146 Friars Minor, mostly Spaniards by birth, were ordained as priests and served in California between 1769 and 1845. Sixty-seven missionaries died at their posts (two as martyrs: Padres Luis Jayme and Andrés Quintana), while the remainder returned to Europe due to illness, or upon completing their ten-year service commitment.[25] As the rules of the Franciscan Order forbade friars to live alone, two missionaries were assigned to each settlement, sequestered in the mission's convento.[26] To these the governor assigned a guard of five or six soldiers under the command of a corporal, who generally acted as steward of the mission's temporal affairs, subject to the priests' direction.[27]
Indians were initially attracted into the mission compounds by gifts of food, colored beads, bits of bright cloth, and trinkets. Once a Native American "gentile" was baptized, they were labeled a neophyte, or new believer. This happened only after a brief period during which the initiates were instructed in the most basic aspects of the Catholic faith. But, while many natives were lured to join the missions out of curiosity and sincere desire to participate and engage in trade, many found themselves trapped once they were baptized.[28] On the other hand, Indians staffed the militias at each mission[29] and had a role in mission governance.
Georg von Langsdorff, an early visitor to California, sketched a group of Costeño dancers at Mission San José in 1806. "The hair of these people is very coarse, thick, and stands erect; in some it is powdered with down feathers," Langsdorff noted. "Their bodies are fantastically painted with charcoal dust, red clay, and chalk. The foremost dancer is ornamented all over with down feathers, which gives him a monkey-like appearance; the hindermost has had the whimsical idea of painting his body to imitate the uniform of a Spanish soldier, with his boots, stockings, breeches, and upper garments."[30]
To the padres, a baptized Indian person was no longer free to move about the country, but had to labor and worship at the mission under the strict observance of the priests and overseers, who herded them to daily masses and labors. If an Indian did not report for their duties for a period of a few days, they were searched for, and if it was discovered that they had left without permission, they were considered runaways. Large-scale military expeditions were organized to round up the escaped neophytes. Sometimes, the Franciscans allowed neophytes to escape the missions, or they would allow them to visit their home village. However, the Franciscans would only allow this so that they could secretly follow the neophytes. Upon arriving to the village and capturing the runaways, they would take back Indians to the missions, sometimes as many as 200 to 300 Indians.[31]
On one occasion," writes Hugo Reid, "they went as far as the present Rancho del Chino, where they tied and whipped every man, woman and child in the lodge, and drove part of them back.... On the road they did the same with those of the lodge at San Jose. On arriving home the men were instructed to throw their bows and arrows at the feet of the priest, and make due submission. The infants were then baptized, as were also all children under eight years of age; the former were left with their mothers, but the latter kept apart from all communication with their parents. The consequence was, first, the women consented to the rite and received it, for the love they bore their children; and finally the males gave way for the purpose of enjoying once more the society of wife and family. Marriage was then performed, and so this contaminated race, in their own sight and that of their kindred, became followers of Christ.[28]
A total of 20,355 natives were "attached" to the California missions in 1806 (the highest figure recorded during the Mission Period); under Mexican rule the number rose to 21,066 (in 1824, the record year during the entire era of the Franciscan missions).[32][notes 5] During the entire period of Mission rule, from 1769 to 1834, the Franciscans baptized 53,600 adult Indians and buried 37,000. Dr. Cook estimates that 15,250 or 45% of the population decrease was caused by disease. Two epidemics of measles, one in 1806 and the other in 1828, caused many deaths. The mortality rates were so high that the missions were constantly dependent upon new conversions.[28]
Young native women were required to reside in the monjerío (or "nunnery") under the supervision of a trusted Indian matron who bore the responsibility for their welfare and education. Women only left the convent after they had been "won" by an Indian suitor and were deemed ready for marriage. Following Spanish custom, courtship took place on either side of a barred window. After the marriage ceremony the woman moved out of the mission compound and into one of the family huts.[33] These "nunneries" were considered a necessity by the priests, who felt the women needed to be protected from the men, both Indian and de razón ("instructed men", i.e. Europeans). The cramped and unsanitary conditions the girls lived in contributed to the fast spread of disease and population decline. So many died at times that many of the Indian residents of the missions urged the priests to raid new villages to supply them with more women.[6]
Death rate at the missions
As of December 31, 1832 (the peak of the mission system's development) the mission padres had performed a combined total of 87,787 baptisms and 24,529 marriages, and recorded 63,789 deaths.[6] The death rate at the missions, particularly of children, was very high and the majority of children baptized did not survive childhood.[34][35] At Mission San Gabriel, for instance, three of four children died before reaching the age of two.[36]
The high rate of death at the missions have been attributed to several factors, including disease, torture, overworking, malnourishment, and cultural genocide.[5] Forcing native people into close quarters at the missions spread disease quickly. While being kept at the missions, native people were transitioned to a Spanish diet that left them more unable to ward off diseases, the most common being dysentery, fevers with unknown causes, and venereal disease.[4]
The death rate has been compared to that of other atrocities. American author and lawyer Carey McWilliams argued that "the Franciscan padres eliminated Indians with the effectiveness of Nazis operating concentration camps."[37] At least 90,000 Indigenous peoples were kept in well-guarded mission compounds throughout the state as de facto slaves.[39] The policy of the Franciscans was to keep them constantly occupied. Bells were vitally important to daily life at any mission. The bells were rung at mealtimes, to call the Mission residents to work and to religious services, during births and funerals, to signal the approach of a ship or returning missionary, and at other times; novices were instructed in the intricate rituals associated with the ringing the mission bells. The daily routine began with sunrise Mass and morning prayers, followed by instruction of the natives in the teachings of the Roman Catholic faith. After a breakfast of atole, the able-bodied men and women were assigned their tasks for the day. The women were committed to dressmaking, knitting, weaving, embroidering, laundering, and cooking, while some of the stronger girls ground flour or carried adobe bricks (weighing 55 lb, or 25 kg each) to the men engaged in building. The men worked a variety of jobs, having learned from the missionaries how to plow, sow, irrigate, cultivate, reap, thresh, and glean. They were taught to build adobe houses, tan leather hides, shear sheep, weave rugs and clothing from wool, make ropes, soap, paint, and other useful duties.[citation needed]
"Ya Viene El Alba" ("The Dawn Already Comes"), typical of the hymns sung at the missions.[40]
The work day was six hours, interrupted by dinner (lunch) around 11:00 a.m. and a two-hour siesta, and ended with evening prayers and the rosary, supper, and social activities. About 90 days out of each year were designated as religious or civil holidays, free from manual labor. The labor organization of the missions resembled a slave plantation in many respects.[41][notes 6] Foreigners who visited the missions remarked at how the priests' control over the Indians appeared excessive, but necessary given the white men's isolation and numeric disadvantage.[42][notes 7] Subsequently, the Missions operated under strict and harsh conditions; A 'light' punishment would've been considered 25 lashings (azotes).[43] Indians were not paid wages as they were not considered free laborers and, as a result, the missions were able to profit from the goods produced by the Mission Indians to the detriment of the other Spanish and Mexican settlers of the time who could not compete economically with the advantage of the mission system.[44]
The Franciscans began to send neophytes to work as servants of Spanish soldiers in the presidios. Each presidio was provided with land, el rancho del rey, which served as a pasture for the presidio livestock and as a source of food for the soldiers. Theoretically the soldiers were supposed to work on this land themselves but within a few years the neophytes were doing all the work on the presidio farm and, in addition, were serving domestics for the soldiers. While the fiction prevailed that neophytes were to receive wages for their work, no attempt was made to collect the wages for these services after 1790. It is recorded that the neophytes performed the work "under unmitigated compulsion."[28]
In recent years, much debate has arisen about the priests' treatment of the Indians during the Mission period, and many believe that the California mission system is directly responsible for the decline of the native cultures.[42][notes 8] From the perspective of the Spanish priest, their efforts were a well-meaning attempt to improve the lives of the heathen natives.[45][notes 9][46][notes 10]
The missionaries of California were by-and-large well-meaning, devoted men...[whose] attitudes toward the Indians ranged from genuine (if paternalistic) affection to wrathful disgust. They were ill-equipped—nor did most truly desire—to understand complex and radically different Native American customs. Using European standards, they condemned the Indians for living in a "wilderness," for worshipping false gods or no God at all, and for having no written laws, standing armies, forts, or churches.[47]
Franciscan violence against the native population
The Franciscan arrival to Alta California came with a wave of torture, rape, and murder towards the native population of California.[citation needed] Native Californians, attracted to the Missions by the promise of food and gifts,[citation needed] were forcibly prevented from leaving. Any who attempted to escape was usually given a severe beating and put in shackles. Any form of Native rebellion was met with force due to numerical disadvantage facing the Franciscans.[48]
When Native Women attempted to abort their unborn children – which they had conceived as a byproduct of rape, the Friars would have them beaten, chained in iron, shaved, and stipulated to stand in-front of the altar each mass with a decorated wooden newborn.[48]
This trend of violence was due to the Franciscans' desire for a greater Hispanicized population in Alta California, both for protection against a foreign invasion and for a labor force to benefit the Spanish Empire. As a result a higher emphasis of Native reproduction was a duty taken on by the Spanish Fransicans. Tejana born feminist historian Antonia Castañeda wrote about the treatment that would occur in Mission Santa Cruz:[49]
Father Olbes at Mission Santa Cruz ordered an infertile couple to have sexual intercourse in his presence because he did not believe they could not have children. The couple refused, but Olbes forcibly inspected the man's penis to learn 'whether or not it was in good order' and tried to inspect the woman's genitalia. She refused, fought with him, and tried to bite him. Olbes ordered that she be tied by the hands, and given fifty lashes, shackled, and locked up in the monjerío (women's dormitory). He then had a monigote made and commanded that she "treat the doll as though it were a child and carry it in the presence of everyone for nine days." While the woman was beaten and her sexuality demeaned, the husband, who had been intimate with another woman, was ridiculed and humiliated. A set of cow horns was tied to his head with leather thongs, thereby converting him into a cuckold, and he was herded to daily Mass in cow horns and fetters.
Franciscan Priests would also forbid any form of native culture in the Mission system. This would include but not be limited to, songs, dances, and ceremonies. They objectified the destruction of any form of morality, ideology or personality that characterized the Native life. Women, in particular, would face a higher degree of punishment. Those who did not comply with the Missions demands would be labeled a witch, dehumanizing them for further violence.[citation needed]
University of Chicago Professor Ramon Guttiriez wrote:[49]: 701
One can interpret the whole history of the persecution of Indian women as witches ... as a struggle over [these] competing ways of defining the body and of regulating procreation as the church endeavored to constrain the expression of desire within boundaries that clerics defined proper and acceptable.
Mission industries
A view of the Catalan forges at Mission San Juan Capistrano, the oldest existing facilities (circa 1790s) of their kind in the State of California. The sign at the lower right-hand corner proclaims the site as being "...part of Orange County's first industrial complex."
The goal of the missions was, above all, to become self-sufficient in relatively short order. Farming, therefore, was the most important industry of any mission. Barley, maize, and wheat were among the most common crops grown. Cereal grains were dried and ground by stone into flour. Even today, California is well known for the abundance and many varieties of fruit trees that are cultivated throughout the state. The only fruits indigenous to the region, however, consisted of wild berries or grew on small bushes. Spanish missionaries brought fruit seeds over from Europe, many of which had been introduced from Asia following earlier expeditions to the continent; orange, grape, apple, peach, pear, and fig seeds were among the most prolific of the imports. Grapes were also grown and fermented into wine for sacramental use and again, for trading. The specific variety, called the Criolla or Mission grape, was first planted at Mission San Juan Capistrano in 1779; in 1783, the first wine produced in Alta California emerged from the mission's winery. Ranching also became an important mission industry as cattle and sheep herds were raised.[citation needed]
Mission San Gabriel Arcángel unknowingly witnessed the origin of the California citrus industry with the planting of the region's first significant orchard in 1804, though the commercial potential of citrus was not realized until 1841.[50] Olives (first cultivated at Mission San Diego de Alcalá) were grown, cured, and pressed under large stone wheels to extract their oil, both for use at the mission and to trade for other goods. The Rev. Serra set aside a portion of the Mission Carmel gardens in 1774 for tobacco plants, a practice that soon spread throughout the mission system.[51][notes 11]
It was also the missions' responsibility to provide the Spanish forts, or presidios, with the necessary foodstuffs, and manufactured goods to sustain operations. It was a constant point of contention between missionaries and the soldiers as to how many fanegas[52] of barley, or how many shirts or blankets the mission had to provide the garrisons on any given year. At times these requirements were hard to meet, especially during years of drought, or when the much anticipated shipments from the port of San Blas failed to arrive. The Spaniards kept meticulous records of mission activities, and each year reports submitted to the Father-Presidente summarizing both the material and spiritual status at each of the settlements.[citation needed]
Natives utilize a primitive plow to prepare a field for planting near Mission San Diego de Alcalá.
Livestock was raised, not only for the purpose of obtaining meat, but also for wool, leather, and tallow, and for cultivating the land. In 1832, at the height of their prosperity, the missions collectively owned:[53]
151,180 head of cattle;
137,969 sheep;
14,522 horses;
1,575 mules or burros;
1,711 goats; and
1,164 swine.
All these grazing animals were originally brought up from Mexico. A great many Indians were required to guard the herds and flocks on the mission ranches, which created the need for "...a class of horsemen scarcely surpassed anywhere."[27] These animals multiplied beyond the settler's expectations, often overrunning pastures and extending well-beyond the domains of the missions. The giant herds of horses and cows took well to the climate and the extensive pastures of the Coastal California region, but at a heavy price for the California Native American people. The uncontrolled spread of these new herds, and associated invasive exotic plant species, quickly exhausted the native plants in the grasslands,[54] and the chaparral and woodlands that the Indians depended on for their seed, foliage, and bulb harvests. The grazing-overgrazing problems were also recognized by the Spaniards, who periodically had extermination parties cull and kill thousands of excess livestock, when herd populations grew beyond their control or the land's capacity. Years with a severe drought did this also.[citation needed]
Mission kitchens and bakeries prepared and served thousands of meals each day. Candles, soap, grease, and ointments were all made from tallow (rendered animal fat) in large vats located just outside the west wing. Also situated in this general area were vats for dyeing wool and tanning leather, and primitive looms for weaving. Large bodegas (warehouses) provided long-term storage for preserved foodstuffs and other treated materials.[citation needed]
Mission Santa Barbara's lavandería was constructed by Chumash neophytes around 1806.
Each mission had to fabricate virtually all of its construction materials from local materials. Workers in the carpintería (carpentry shop) used crude methods to shape beams, lintels, and other structural elements; more skilled artisans carved doors, furniture, and wooden implements. For certain applications bricks (ladrillos) were fired in ovens (kilns) to strengthen them and make them more resistant to the elements; when tejas (roof tiles) eventually replaced the conventional jacal roofing (densely packed reeds) they were placed in the kilns to harden them as well. Glazed ceramic pots, dishes, and canisters were also made in mission kilns.[citation needed]
Prior to the establishment of the missions, the native peoples knew only how to utilize bone, seashells, stone, and wood for building, tool making, weapons, and so forth. The missionaries established manual training in European skills and methods; in agriculture, mechanical arts, and the raising and care of livestock. Everything consumed and otherwise utilized by the natives was produced at the missions under the supervision of the padres; thus, the neophytes not only supported themselves, but after 1811 sustained the entire military and civil government of California.[55] The foundry at Mission San Juan Capistrano was the first to introduce the Indians to the Iron Age. The blacksmith used the mission's forges (California's first) to smelt and fashion iron into everything from basic tools and hardware (such as nails) to crosses, gates, hinges, even cannon for mission defense. Iron in particular was a commodity that the mission acquired solely through trade, as the missionaries had neither the know-how nor technology to mine and process metal ores.[citation needed]
No study of the missions is complete without mention of their extensive water supply systems. Stone zanjas (aqueducts, sometimes spanning miles, brought fresh water from a nearby river or spring to the mission site. Open or covered lined ditches and/or baked clay pipes, joined together with lime mortar or bitumen, gravity-fed the water into large cisterns and fountains, and emptied into waterways where the force of the water was used to turn grinding wheels and other simple machinery, or dispensed for use in cleaning. Water used for drinking and cooking was allowed to trickle through alternate layers of sand and charcoal to remove the impurities. One of the best-preserved mission water systems is at Mission Santa Barbara.[56]
History
Beginning in 1492 with the voyages of Christopher Columbus, the Kingdom of Spain sought to establish missions to convert indigenous people in Nueva España (New Spain), which consisted of the Caribbean, Mexico, and most of what is now the Southwestern United States) to Catholicism. This would facilitate colonization of these lands awarded to Spain by the Catholic Church, including that region later known as Alta California.[notes 12][notes 13][57][notes 14]
Early Spanish exploration
Only 48 years after Columbus discovered the Americas for Europe, Francisco Vázquez de Coronado set out from Compostela, New Spain on February 23, 1540, at the head of a large expedition. Accompanied by 400 European men-at-arms (mostly Spaniards), 1,300 to 2,000 Mexican Indian allies, several Indian and African slaves, and four Franciscan friars, he traveled from Mexico through parts of the southwestern United States to present-day Kansas between 1540 and 1542.[58][59] Two years later on 27 June 1542, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo set out from Navidad, Mexico and sailed up the coast of Baja California and into the region of Alta California.[60]
Secret English claims
Unknown to Spain, Sir Francis Drake, an English privateer who raided Spanish treasure ships and colonial settlements, claimed the Alta California region as Nova Albion for the English Crown in 1579, a full generation before the first English landing in Jamestown in 1607. During his circumnavigation of the world, Drake anchored in a harbor just north of present-day San Francisco, California, establishing friendly relations with the Coastal Miwok and claiming the territory for Queen Elizabeth I. However, Drake sailed back to England and England (and later Britain) never pressed for any sort of claim regarding the region.[61][62][63][64]
Russian exploration
However, it was not until 1741 that the Spanish monarchy of King Philip V was stimulated to consider how to protect his claims to Alta California. Philip was spurred on when the territorial ambitions of the Russian Empire were expressed in the Vitus Bering expedition along the western coast on the North American continent.[65][66][notes 15][67][notes 16]
Spanish expansion
California represents the "high-water mark" of Spanish expansion in North America as the last and northernmost colony on the continent.[68] The mission system arose in part from the need to control Spain's ever-expanding holdings in the New World. Realizing that the colonies required a literate population base that the mother country could not supply, the Spanish government (with the cooperation of the Church) established a network of missions to convert the indigenous population to Christianity. They aimed to make converts and tax-paying citizens of those they conquered.[46][notes 17] To make them into Spanish citizens and productive inhabitants, the Spanish government and the Church required the indigenous people to learn Spanish language and vocational skills along with Christian teachings.[69]
Estimates for the pre-contact indigenous population in California are based on a number of different sources and vary substantially, from as few as 133,000,[70] to 225,000,[71] to as many as 705,000 representating more than 100 separate tribes or nations.[72][73][notes 18][notes 19]
On January 29, 1767, Spain's King Charles III ordered the new governor Gaspar de Portolá to forcibly expel the Jesuits, who operated under the authority of the Pope and had established a chain of fifteen missions on the Baja California Peninsula.[74][notes 20] Visitador General José de Gálvez engaged the Franciscans, under the leadership of Friar Junípero Serra, to take charge of those outposts on March 12, 1768.[75] The padres closed or consolidated several of the existing settlements, and also founded Misión San Fernando Rey de España de Velicatá (the only Franciscan mission in all of Baja California) and the nearby Visita de la Presentación in 1769. This plan, however, changed within a few months after Gálvez received the following orders: "Occupy and fortify San Diego and Monterey for God and the King of Spain."[76] The Church ordered the priests of the Dominican Order to take charge of the Baja California missions so the Franciscans could concentrate on founding new missions in Alta California.
Mission period (1769–1833)
The first recorded baptisms in Alta California were performed in "The Canyon of the Little Christians."[77]
On July 14, 1769, Gálvez sent the Portolá expedition out from Loreto to explore lands to the north. Leader Gaspar de Portolá was accompanied by a group of Franciscans led by Junípero Serra. Serra's plan was to extend the string of missions north from the Baja California peninsula, connected by an established road and spaced a day's travel apart. The first Alta California mission and presidio were founded at San Diego, the second at Monterey.[78]
En route to Monterey, the Rev. Francisco Gómez and the Rev. Juan Crespí came across a Native settlement wherein two young girls were dying: one, a baby, said to be "dying at its mother's breast," the other a small girl suffering of burns. On July 22, Gómez baptized the baby, naming her Maria Magdalena, while Crespí baptized the older child, naming her Margarita. These were the first recorded baptisms in Alta California.[79] Crespi dubbed the spot Los Cristianos.[77][notes 21] The group continued northward but missed Monterey Harbor and returned to San Diego on January 24, 1770. Near the end of 1769 the Portolá expedition had reached its most northerly point at present-day San Francisco. In following years, the Spanish Crown sent a number of follow-up expeditions to explore more of Alta California.
Spain also settled the California region with a number of African and mulatto Catholics, including at least ten of the recently re-discovered Los Pobladores, the founders of Los Angeles in 1781.[80]
Captain Fernando Rivera y Moncada violated ecclesiastical asylum at Mission San Diego de Alcalá on March 26, 1776, when he forcibly removed a 'neophyte' in direct defiance of the padres. Missionary Pedro Font later described the scene: "...Rivera entered the chapel with drawn sword...con la espada desnuda en la mano." Rivera y Moncada was subsequently excommunicated from the Catholic Church for his actions.[81]
Organization
The original intent was for each mission to be turned over to a secular clergy and all the common mission lands distributed amongst the native population within ten years after its founding. This policy was based upon Spain's experience with the more advanced tribes in Mexico, Central America, and Peru.[82]
In time, it became apparent to the Rev. Serra and his associates that the natives on the northern frontier in Alta California required a much longer period of acclimatization.[27] None of the California missions ever attained complete self-sufficiency, and required continued (albeit modest) financial support from mother Spain.[83]
Financial support
Mission development was financed out of El Fondo Piadoso de las Californias (The Pious Fund of the Californias to enable the missionaries to propagate the Catholic faith in the area then known as California. The fund originated in 1697 and consisted of voluntary donations from individuals and religious bodies in Mexico to members of the Society of Jesus.[84]
With the onset of the Mexican War of Independence in 1810, support from the Pious Fund largely disappeared. Missions and converts were left on their own.[85]
Indigenous labor
In 1800, native labor conprised the backbone of the colonial economy. Possibly "the worst epidemic of the Spanish Era in California" occurred between March and May of 1806 when a measles epidemic and related complications killed one-quarter of the mission native population in the San Francisco Bay Area.[86]
In 1811, the Spanish Viceroy in Mexico sent an interrogatorio (questionnaire) to all of the missions in Alta California regarding the customs, disposition, and condition of the Mission Indians.[87] The replies varied greatly in the length, spirit, and even the value of the information provided. They were collected and prefaced by the Father-Presidente with a short general statement or abstract; the compilation was thereupon forwarded to the viceregal government.[88][notes 22] The contemporary nature of the responses, no matter how incomplete or biased some may be, are nonetheless of considerable value to modern ethnologists.
Pablo Tac, who lived at Mission San Luis Rey in the 1820s and 1830s, penned this drawing depicting two young men wearing skirts of twine and feathers with feather decorations on their heads, rattles in their hands, and (perhaps) painted decorations on their bodies.[89]
Russian settlements
Russian colonization of the Americas extended as far south as present-day Graton, Point Arena, and Tomales Bay. Chernyk, the farming community near Graton, was about 30 miles (48 km) from present-day Sonoma, California. It had a barracks, agricultural buildings, fields of grain and vegetables, an orchard and a vineyard.[90] Their primary location was at Fort Ross (krepost' rus), an agricultural, scientific, and fur trading settlement located on the coast.[91] When they exterminated the sea otter and seal populations, they failed in the ambition to supply Russia’s Alaskan settlements from California and left the area.[90]
Pirate attacks
In November and December 1818, several of the missions were attacked by Hipólito Bouchard, "California's only pirate."[notes 23] A French privateer sailing under the flag of Argentina, Pirata Buchar (as Bouchard was known to the locals) worked his way down the California coast, conducting raids on the installations at Monterey, Santa Barbara, and San Juan Capistrano, with limited success.[92] Upon hearing of the attacks, many mission priests (along with a few government officials) sought refuge at Mission Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, the mission chain's most isolated outpost. Ironically, Mission Santa Cruz (though ultimately ignored by the marauders) was ignominiously sacked and vandalized by local residents who were entrusted with securing the church's valuables.[93]
Expansion stopped
By 1819, Spain decided to limit its "reach" in the New World to Northern California due to the costs involved in sustaining these remote outposts; the northernmost settlement therefore is Mission San Francisco Solano, founded in Sonoma in 1823.[94][notes 24]
An attempt to found a twenty-second mission in Santa Rosa in 1827 was aborted.[94][notes 25][notes 26][95][notes 27] In 1833, the final group of missionaries arrived in Alta California. These were Mexican-born (rather than Spaniards), and had been trained at the Apostolic College of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Zacatecas. Among these friars was Francisco García Diego y Moreno, who would become the first bishop of the Diocese of Both Californias. These friars would bear the brunt of the changes brought on by secularization and the U.S. occupation, and many would be marked by allegations of corruption.[96]
Chumash revolt
The Chumash people revolted against the Spanish presence in 1824. The Chumash planned a coordinated rebellion at three missions. Due to an incident with a soldier at Mission Santa Inés, the rebellion began on Saturday, February 21. The Chumash withdrew from Mission Santa Inés upon the arrival of military reinforcements, then attacked Mission La Purisima from inside, forced the garrison to surrender, and allowed the garrison, their families, and the mission priest to depart for Santa Inés. The next day, the Chumash of Mission Santa Barbara captured the mission from within without bloodshed, repelled a military attack on the mission, and then retreated from the mission to the hills. The Chumash continued to occupy Mission La Purisima until a Mexican military unit attacked people on March 16 and forced them to surrender. Two military expeditions were sent after the Chumash in the hills; the first did not find them and the second negotiated with the Chumash and convinced a majority to return to the missions by June 28.[97]
Secularization
Further information: Mexican secularization act of 1833
As the Mexican republic matured, calls for the secularization ("disestablishment") of the missions increased.[98][notes 28]
José María de Echeandía, the first native Mexican elected Governor of Alta California issued a "Proclamation of Emancipation" (or "Prevenciónes de Emancipacion") on July 25, 1826.[99] All Indians within the military districts of San Diego, Santa Barbara, and Monterey who were found qualified were freed from missionary rule and made eligible to become Mexican citizens. Those who wished to remain under mission tutelage were exempted from most forms of corporal punishment.[100][101][notes 29] By 1830, even the neophyte populations themselves appeared confident in their own abilities to operate the mission ranches and farms independently; the padres, however, doubted the capabilities of their charges in this regard.[102]
Accelerating immigration, both Mexican and foreign, increased pressure on the Alta California government to seize the mission properties and dispossess the natives in accordance with Echeandía's directive.[103][notes 30] Despite the fact that Echeandía's emancipation plan was met with little encouragement from the novices who populated the southern missions, he was nonetheless determined to test the scheme on a large scale at Mission San Juan Capistrano. To that end, he appointed a number of comisionados (commissioners) to oversee the emancipation of the Indians.[104] The Mexican government passed legislation on December 20, 1827 that mandated the expulsion of all Spaniards younger than sixty years of age from Mexican territories; Governor Echeandía nevertheless intervened on behalf of some of the missionaries to prevent their deportation once the law took effect in California.[105]
Upon arriving in Monterey, California in April 1832,[106][107] Thomas O. Larkin found the economics of land and commerce were controlled by the Spanish missions, presidios, pueblos, and a few ranchos.[108]
The lands of each mission joined those of other missions on either side, so that all were connected, or, in other words, the missionaries occupied all the land along the coast, except the presidios, the three pueblos and their lands, and a few ranchos which were held by virtue of grants from the King of Spain.... The missionaries objected to any settlements in the country but the missions; the presidios they regarded as a necessary evil.
Governor José Figueroa (who took office in 1833) initially attempted to keep the mission system intact, but the Mexican Congress passed An Act for the Secularization of the Missions of California on August 17, 1833 when liberal Valentín Gómez Farías was in office.[109][notes 31]
The Act also provided for the colonization of both Alta and Baja California, the expenses of this latter move to be borne by the proceeds gained from the sale of the mission property to private interests.
For instance, after Mexican independence, the Mexican government confiscated Franciscan lands and decommissioned them. This, however, did not see the end of Native plight since further dislocation and abuse occurred under Mexican control. Most of the confiscated Franciscan lands were given out as grants to white settlers or well connected Mexicans, while Native Californians continued to occupy the land as a labor force.[110]
Mission San Juan Capistrano was the very first to feel the effects of secularization when, on August 9, 1834 Governor Figueroa issued his "Decree of Confiscation."[111] Nine other settlements quickly followed, with six more in 1835; San Buenaventura and San Francisco de Asís were among the last to succumb, in June and December 1836, respectively.[112] The Franciscans soon thereafter abandoned most of the missions, taking with them almost everything of value, after which the locals typically plundered the mission buildings for construction materials. Former mission pasture lands were divided into large land grants called ranchos, greatly increasing the number of private land holdings in Alta California.
Rancho period (1834–1849)
Main article: Ranchos of California
The Indian towns at San Juan Capistrano, San Dieguito, and Las Flores continued for some time under a provision in Gobernador Echeandía's 1826 Proclamation that allowed for the partial conversion of missions to pueblos.[113]
According to one estimate, the native population in and around the missions proper was approximately 80,000 at the time of the confiscation; others claim that the statewide population had dwindled to approximately 100,000 by the early 1840s, due in no small part to the natives' exposure to European diseases, and from the Franciscan practice of cloistering women in the convento and controlling sexuality during the child-bearing age. (Baja California Territory experienced a similar reduction in native population resulting from Spanish colonization efforts there).[114]
Illuminated choir missals on display at Mission San Luis Rey de Francia in 1913.[115]
Pío de Jesús Pico, the last Mexican Governor of Alta California, found upon taking office that there were few funds available to carry on the affairs of the province. He prevailed upon the assembly to pass a decree authorizing the renting or the sale of all mission property, reserving only the church, a curate's house, and a building for a courthouse. The expenses of conducting the services of the church were to be provided from the proceeds, but there was no disposition made as to what should be done to secure the funds for that purpose.
After secularization, Father-Presidente Narciso Durán transferred the missions' headquarters to Santa Bárbara, thereby making Mission Santa Bárbara the repository of some 3,000 original documents that had been scattered through the California missions. The Mission archive is the oldest library in the State of California that still remains in the hands of its founders, the Franciscans (it is the only mission where they have maintained an uninterrupted presence). Beginning with the writings of Hubert Howe Bancroft, the library has served as a center for historical study of the missions for more than a century. In 1895, journalist and historian Charles Fletcher Lummis criticized the Act and its results, saying:
Disestablishment—a polite term for robbery—by Mexico (rather than by native Californians misrepresenting the Mexican government) in 1834, was the death blow of the mission system. The lands were confiscated; the buildings were sold for beggarly sums, and often for beggarly purposes. The Indian converts were scattered and starved out; the noble buildings were pillaged for their tiles and adobes...[116]
California statehood (1850 and beyond)
Hugo Reid, an outspoken critic of the mission system and its effects on the native populations, at Rancho Santa Anita circa 1850.
Precise figures relating to the population decline of California indigenes are not available. One writer, Gregory Orfalea, estimates that pre-contact population was reduced by 33 percent during Spanish and Mexican rule, mostly through introduction of European diseases, but much more after the United States takeover in 1848. By 1870, the loss of indigenous lives had become catastrophic. Up to 80 percent died, leaving a population of about 30,000 in 1870. Orfalea claims that nearly half of the native deaths after 1848 were murder.[71]
In 1837–38, a major smallpox epidemic devastated native tribes north of San Francisco Bay, in the jurisdiction of Mission San Francisco Solano. General Mariano Vallejo estimated that 70,000 died from the disease.[117] Vallejo's ally, chief Sem-Yeto, was one of the few natives to be vaccinated, and one of the few to survive.
When the mission properties were secularized between 1834 and 1838, the approximately 15,000 resident neophytes lost whatever protection the mission system afforded them. While under the secularization laws the natives were to receive up to one-half of the mission properties, this never happened. The natives lost whatever stock and movable property they may have accumulated. When California became a U.S. state, California law stripped them of legal title to the land. In the Act of September 30, 1850, Congress appropriated funds to allow the President to appoint three Commissioners, O. M. Wozencraft, Redick McKee and George W. Barbour, to study the California situation and "...negotiate treaties with the various Indian tribes of California." Treaty negotiations ensued during the period between March 19, 1851 and January 7, 1852, during which the Commission interacted with 402 Indian chiefs and headmen (representing approximately one-third to one-half of the California tribes) and entered into eighteen treaties.[118]
California Senator William M. Gwin's Act of March 3, 1851 created the Public Land Commission, whose purpose was to determine the validity of Spanish and Mexican land grants in California.[119] On February 19, 1853 Archbishop Joseph Sadoc Alemany filed petitions for the return of all former mission lands in the state. Ownership of 1,051.44 acres (4.2550 km2) (essentially exact area of land occupied by the original mission buildings, cemeteries, and gardens) was subsequently conveyed to the Church, along with the Cañada de los Pinos (or College Rancho) in Santa Barbara County comprising 35,499.73 acres (143.6623 km2), and La Laguna in San Luis Obispo County, consisting of 4,157.02 acres (16.8229 km2).[120] As the result of a U.S. government investigation in 1873, a number of Indian reservations were assigned by executive proclamation in 1875. The commissioner of Indian affairs reported in 1879 that the number of Mission Indians in the state was down to around 3,000.[121]
Legacy and Native American controversy
Main articles: California mission clash of cultures and Population of Native California
The California Department of Education's treatment of the missions in the department's elementary curriculum is controversial. In the tradition of historical revisionism, it has been alleged[who?] that the curriculum "waters down" the harsh treatment of Native Americans.[citation needed] Some modern anthropologists cite a cultural bias on the part of the missionaries that blinded them to the natives' plight and caused them to develop strong negative opinions of the California Indians.[122][notes 32] European diseases like influenza, measles, tuberculosis, gonorrhea, and dysentery caused a significant population reduction from the first encounter through the 19th century as California Native Americans had no immunity to these diseases.[123] These deaths, however, where only made worse by the treatment Native Californians faced at the hands of Settlers. Associate professor Benjamin Madly at the University of California, Los Angeles wrote:[124]
Between 1846 and 1870, California's Indian population plunged from perhaps 150,000 to 30,000. Diseases, dislocation, and starvation caused many of these deaths. However, abduction, unfree labor, mass death on reservations, individual homicides, battles, and massacres also took thousands of lives and hindered reproduction.
The impact that the original Spanish system of colonization had on modern day California cannot be overstated.[citation needed] Although the certain cooperation between Church and State that was part and parcel of the original California mission system was soon discarded by the Mexican government, it nonetheless provided a foundation upon which later forms of government would soon be established.[125] The early missions and their sub-missions formed the nuclei of what would later become the major metropolitan areas of San Francisco and Los Angeles, as well as many other smaller municipalities.[126]
In addition to clearing the way for Spanish, Mexican, and later American settlers, the early Spanish mission system established the viability of the early Western economies of cattle and agriculture which survive in modern form in the state to this day. The Spanish mission system acted to "settle and Westernize" California, but did so very much at the expense of the earlier Native American Culture of California that had preceded the Spanish mission system.[127][128] Wikipedia
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