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Hogre, Bari (Italy) 2021
He was reading a PDF of an article on his laptop all crouched down in the hallway. Maybe a resident or med student. More likely, probably.
Someone sent me this in a email a while back - I just 'rediscovered' it & couldn't resist sharing it with my Flickr pals (esp the ladies) - If you're anything like me, you won't know wether to laugh or scream when you read it - I guarrantee you will gasp more than once....!
You may need to enlarge it to read the text.
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My fascination w/trees is fed by this article in today’s NYTimes Magazine. I have THE OVERSTORY, a Pulitzer Prize winner in fiction.....the audio book version of it.....
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The CFL Illustrated Souvenir Magazine was published from 1991 to 1996. The magazine included articles, photos and stats from the season.
The 1993 BC Lions finished in fourth place in the West Division with a 10–8 record. They appeared in the West semi-final but lost to the Calgary Stampeders.
The 10 BC Lions autographs are: NOTE these autographs were obtained at the 1993 BC Lions Dream Team Dinner.
1. Dave Richie - Head Coach of the BC Lions.
In 1993, Ritchie was named the head coach of the BC Lions as he took over a team that had a 3–15 record in the year prior. The Lions immediately improved and finished with a 10–8 record that year, losing the West Semi-Final to the Calgary Stampeders. In the 1994 season, after beginning the year 8–1–1, the Lions finished in third place with an 11–6–1 record. The Lions defeated the Edmonton Eskimos and then the Calgary Stampeders in the playoffs to qualify for the 82nd Grey Cup against the Baltimore Football Club. In the first ever Grey Cup game to feature an American team, Ritchie led his team to a 26–23 victory as the Lions won a Grey Cup in Vancouver for the first time in club history and were also the first West Division team to win the Grey Cup at home. In 1995, the Lions ended their season with a 10–8 record, but were defeated by the Edmonton Eskimos in the North Semi-Final.
2. Gene Gaines - Assistant Coach of the BC Lions. Hall of Fame 1994.
Eugene Carver "Gene" Gaines (June 26, 1938 – July 6, 2023) was an American professional football player who was a defensive back for 16 years in the Canadian Football League. He played for the Ottawa Rough Riders and Montreal Alouettes. He is a member of the Canadian Football Hall of Fame. Following his retirement as a player, he remained involved in coaching in the CFL.
3. VIC STEVENSON (#62)
Victor Stevenson
Height: 6-4 Weight: 255
Born: September 22, 1960 New Westminster, BC
Victor Stevenson (born September 22, 1960) is a former professional Canadian football offensive lineman who played 17 seasons in the Canadian Football League for five different teams. He was named CFL All-Star in 1992 and was a part of three Grey Cup championship teams: with the Saskatchewan Roughriders in 1989, with the British Columbia Lions in 1994 and with the Toronto Argonauts in 1996. Stevenson played college football at the University of Calgary.
4. JAMIE TARAS (#60)
Height: 6-2 Weight: 230
Born: January 31, 1966 Acton, ON
Jamie Taras (born January 31, 1966) is a Canadian former professional football player for the BC Lions of the Canadian Football League. He is currently the director of community relations with the BC Lions. Taras spent his entire 16-year career with the Lions as a fullback and offensive lineman, and played on two Grey Cup championship teams with the club. Taras played Canadian college football at the University of Western Ontario. In 2003, Taras was voted a member of the B.C. Lions All-Time Dream Team as part of the club's 50th anniversary celebration. Taras' number 60 jersey is one of eleven numbers retired by the B.C. Lions.
5. LUI PASSAGLIA (#5) Hall of Fame 2004
Height: 5-11 Weight: 180
Born: June 7, 1954 Vancouver, BC
High School: Notre Dame (Vancouver, BC)
Lui Passaglia (born June 7, 1954) is a Canadian former professional football player. He was the placekicker/punter for the BC Lions of the Canadian Football League for a record-breaking 25 years from 1976 to 2000, and scored more points in that time than any professional gridiron football player in history. He is a member of Canada's Sports Hall of Fame, the Canadian Football Hall of Fame, the British Columbia Sports Hall of Fame, and the BC Lions Wall of Fame. Passaglia's #5 jersey is one of nine numbers retired by the Lions. In 2003, Passaglia was voted a member of the BC Lions All-Time Dream Team as part of the club's 50 year anniversary celebration. In 2006, Passaglia was voted one of the CFL's Top 50 players (#30) of the league's modern era by Canadian sports network TSN.
6. JAMES WEST (#56) Hall of Fame 2015
James Newcombe West
Height: 6-2 Weight: 220
Born: December 19, 1955 Fort Worth, TX
High School: Ross Shaw Sterling (Houston, TX)
James West is a member of the Canadian Football Hall of Fame: inducted in 2015. Linebacker: 1985-92. CFL All-Star: 1987. Division All-Star: 1987, 1988. James McCaffrey Trophy (Most Outstanding Defensive Player, East Division): 1987. James (Wild) West spent 12 years in the CFL, but his biggest impact came during his days as a vocal leader and linebacker on the dominant Bomber teams of the late 1980s / early 1990s. He was a ferocious hitter, but also had enough speed to occasionally rush the passer or drop into coverage. He had already made a name for himself with the Calgary Stampeders, earning a spot on the CFL all-star team in 1983, before he arrived in Winnipeg following a stint with the Houston Gamblers of the USFL in 1985. He is fifth on the Bombers all-time tackles list and won two Grey Cups in blue and gold, in 1988 and 1990. He joined the B.C. Lions in 1993 and retired after that season.
7. LEO GROENEWEGEN (#53)
Height: 6-5 Weight: 265
Born: August 13, 1965 Vancouver, BC
Draft: 1st round (1st overall) 1987 Ottawa Rough Riders.
Leo is a former all-star offensive lineman in the Canadian Football League. He played from 1987 to 2004 for the Ottawa Rough Riders, British Columbia Lions and Edmonton Eskimos. He was an All-Star three times and won one Grey Cup with Edmonton. He holds the CFL record for consecutive starts by a non-kicker (252). He has been a member of the Volunteer Fire Department in Nanoose Bay, British Columbia since 2008. In April of 2024 he was appointed to the position of Fire Chief.
8. KEN HAILEY (#24)
Kenneth J. Hailey
Height: 5-10 Weight: 174
Born: July 12, 1961 Oceanside, CA
Defensive back: 1983-91
CFL All-Star: 1984, 1985, 1987
Division All-Star: 1984, 1985, 1987
Ken Hailey wasn’t the biggest defensive back, but he’s always in those ‘pound-for-pound’ discussions when it comes to toughness among the all-time Bomber greats. He joined the Bombers in 1983 and spent nine seasons in Winnipeg before finishing up his career in Ottawa and B.C. He was a three-time CFL all-star.
9. DANNY BARRETT (#8)
Danny Lee Barrett
Height: 5-11 Weight: 195
Born: December 18, 1961 Boynton Beach, FL
High School: Lake Worth (FL)
Barrett enjoyed two good seasons (1992-93) with the BC Lions, throwing for over 4000 yards in 1993 and completing a new career high of 57.1%. Barrett was traded to Ottawa in March of 1994 along with DB Cory Dowdell for another longtime CFL QB, Kent Austin. Barrett retired and became an assistant coach in Calgary in 1997 and then an assistant in BC in 1998 and 1999. Injuries to the BC quarterbacks forced Barrett temporarily out of retirement in 1998 and he dressed for 15 games as the Lions backup.
Career CFL statistics:
Passing attempts: 3,078
Passing completions: 1,656
Completion percentage: 53.8%
TD–INT: 135–93
Passing yards: 23,419
Head coaching record:
Regular season: CFL: 57–68 (.456)
Postseason: CFL: 3–5 (.375)
10. DEREK MACCREADY (#79)
Height: 6-5 Weight: 265
Born: May 4, 1967 Montreal, QC
High School: Lachine (QC)
Draft: 9th round (226th overall) 1989 Detroit Lions; 1st round (6th overall) 1989 British Columbia Lions
MacCready was a first round draft pick of the BC Lions in the 1989 CFL College Draft, a pick the Lions got from Toronto for LB Tony Visco. MacCready attended the Detroit Lions training camp in 1989, and joined the BC Lions in September when he was released by Detroit. MacCready spent five seasons in BC (1989-93), though he missed all of the 1992 season due to injuries. MacCready was traded in June of 1994 to Ottawa along with a third round draft pick in the 1995 draft for DE Kent Warnock and DT Dave Chaytors. MacCready played two seasons (1994-95) in Ottawa. MacCready became a free agent after the 1995 season, and signed with BC, but was released in June before the season started. MacCready then signed with Edmonton where he played three seasons (1996-98). A free agent again, MacCready signed with Hamilton in August of 1999 for one final season.
The Effect of the Civil War on Southern Marriage Patterns
In 1864, the editor of the Southern Literary Messenger received a letter from H. R., who identified herself as an eighteen-year-old, unmarried woman from Buckingham County, Virginia. Hattie, as the editor called the anonymous letter writer, admitted suffering from a “chill feeling of despair” brought on by the “execrable war.” She wrote that: "The reflection has been brought to my mind with great force that after this war is closed, how vast a difference there will be in the numbers of males and females. Having made up my mind not to be an old maid, and having only a moderate fortune and less beauty. I fear I shall find it rather difficult to accomplish my wishes."
Social historians of the Civil War have generally agreed that fears like Hattie’s were well grounded in demographic realities. The deaths of huge numbers of men, Nancy Cott has argued, rendered “the assumption that every woman would be a wife … questionable, perhaps untenable.”
The death rate was especially great in the Confederacy, which lost approximately one in five white men of military age in the conflict. Catherine Clinton has stated that the reduced population of young men “demographically deprived” southern women of husbands.
Drew Gilpin Faust, in her study of elite southern white women during the war, has argued that the loss of such a large proportion of the South’s male population undermined the region’s established pattern of family formation and threatened the identity of white women as wives and mothers. A generation of southern women faced the prospect of becoming spinsters reliant on their families for support.
Similarly, in a recent study of white southern womanhood in the late nineteenth century, Jane Turner Censer has expressed the notion that the Civil War “constituted a watershed” in the likelihood of marriage for southern white women.
. . . Despite the obvious hindrance that military service posed to courtship and marriage, observers frequently noted that the war acted as a catalyst for marriage. Bell Irvin Wiley’s early social histories of Confederate and Union soldiers document the obsession of unmarried men with the possibility of losing a fiancée or not finding a wife after the war. Letters to relatives were replete with inquiries about who was marrying whom and exhortations to local women not to marry other suitors, especially slackers and men exempt from the draft.
Green Berry Samuels, for example, wrote to his future wife Kathleen Boone in April 1861, begging her, “Dont be so cruel as to fall in love with some of the nice young men about F. Royal whilst I am gone away to fight the battles of Va.” In a subsequent letter, Samuels had harsh words for men who stayed home. “Should Mr. Lehew tease you about my being at Harpers Ferry, tell him you would not have a sweetheart unless he was willing to risk his life in defense of his country and also that you would never marry any man who staid at home and had nothing better to do than teaze the ladies.”
A flurry of marriages occurred early in the war, whenever men went on furlough, and then again at the end of the war. Richmond, the Confederate capital, hosted hundreds of wartime marriages, leading observers to marvel at the “marriage frenzy.” In 1863, after receiving a visit from her engaged nephew, who had lost a leg during the war, Judith McGuire of Virginia wrote, “I believe that neither war, pestilence, nor famine could put an end to the marrying and giving in marriage which is constantly going on. Strange that these sons of Mars can so assiduously devote themselves to Cupid and Hymen; but every respite, every furlough, must be thus employed.” In early 1865, McGuire again commented on “a perfect mania on the subject of matrimony. Some of the churches may be seen open and lighted almost every night for bridals, and wherever I turn I hear of marriages in prospect." As she traveled home with a group of other southerners at the war’s end, Kate Cumming heard a soldier declare that “the first thing he intended doing, after he arrived home, was to get married. I heard many of the soldiers say the same.”
As time passed and casualties mounted, some women became resigned to life without a husband. Others were willing to compromise on acceptable partners. In 1862 Ada Bacot complained of “two fashions which have crept into society … [t]hat of marrieng for money, & that of a woman marrieng a man younger than herself.” Military service conferred cachet upon the soldier, often regardless of his class. After the war, wealth became less important in the economically devastated South when contracting marriages, and many women married below their social class. Susan Bradford Eppes met her “Soldier in Gray” following the battle of Gettysburg, and they married after the war. “I hope we will not have too much trouble with my trousseau,” she remarked. “I wish they were willing for me to have only simple clothes for I am marrying a poor man and I do not ever intend to live beyond his means. Father would be willing but Mother and the sisters think, because they had these clothes I must have them, too.”
Some southern women in areas occupied by the enemy risked social ostracism by courting and marrying Union soldiers. Historians of the occupied South have written, “Letters and diaries of Union men in every occupied community reveal considerable social intercourse between Federals and ‘secesh’ girls which in a good many instances led to romances and marriages.”
The shortage of suitable men after the war gave those remaining many choices of women to marry, allowing widowers to remarry and others to try to escape their former obligations. Though more evidence is needed to draw concrete conclusions, a few northern and southern men may have attempted to remarry without divorce. Southerner Anna Bragg related to her husband news of a widower with three children remarrying and also described the wedding of Captain Paine to Miss Mary Frincks. “Some say he has a wife and child living,” Anna Bragg noted. A Union chaplain turned down the request of a woman who “had the hardihood to ask me to marry her to a man who confesses that he has a wife in Reading Pa. and who says his wife has had a ‘nigger baby’ since he came to the army.
After the war, white southerners responded to interracial marriage with violence. In 1870 Frances Harper, who had been an abolitionist, described a conversation with a black man whose son had “married a white woman, or girl, and was shot down, and there was, as I understand, no investigation by the jury; and a number of cases have occurred of murders, for which the punishment has been very lax, or not at all … .”
Widespread fears that emancipation would increase the incidence of interracial sexual encounters led states to pass more laws prohibiting interracial marriage “during the Civil War and Reconstruction than in any comparably short period.”34 The deaths of so many young men during the war probably contributed to such fears. John Blassingame, for example, has argued that the death of white men in the war led to a postwar increase in sexual contacts between white women and black men in New Orleans. The number of interracial unions no doubt remained quite small. Although instances of interracial marriage and cohabitation occurred during Reconstruction in numbers large enough to suggest some initial level of toleration from white neighbors, the vast majority of white women—confronted with the possibility of violence, rigid enforcement of miscegenation laws, and the vast social distance between themselves and black men—married white men.
Not only the deaths of white men but also their wounds affected the prospects for marriage in the aftermath of the war. One of the most important roles of nurses, official matrons, and volunteer hospital visitors was to help wounded men cope with the psychological impact of their injuries. “I constantly hear the unmarried ones,” wrote Kate Cumming, a nurse describing her amputee patients, “wondering if the girls will marry them now.” Years after the war, another southern nurse, Fannie Beers, had “never forgiven” a “heartless girl” who rejected her betrothed. The young man had suffered a facial wound and lost a leg. He told Beers about his engagement to “one of the prettiest … girls in ‘Massissip’” and asked her to write a letter telling the young woman about his wounds. While they awaited his fiancée’s reply, Beers eased the wounded man’s worries that he would have to “let her off” by relating “instances of women who only loved more because the object of their affection had been unfortunate.” She later regretted nurturing his hopes, for it was her “misfortune to read to him a very cold letter from his lady-love, who declined to marry ‘a cripple.’” Though “inconsolable” for a short time, he soon decided that she would not have been a good wife. As for southern women, faced with the choice of marrying amputees or cripples, men from lower social classes, or no one at all, some of these women ultimately married disabled veterans.
Letter writers and diary keepers commented frequently on wartime marriage, but after the war many of them stopped writing; the resulting silence created a gap in evidence about postwar marriage patterns. During the war, many Americans sensed that they were living through exciting, unique times. In order to record their experiences and reactions, they started keeping personal diaries, only to stop writing when the conflict ended. Many southerners stopped confiding to diaries because the humiliation and pain of defeat left them unable or unwilling to express themselves in writing. Furthermore, letter writing decreased from wartime levels as soldiers and refugees returned home. Women, especially, avoided recording events and sentiments that could be perceived as dishonoring Confederate veterans and their military service, and imbalanced sex ratios and the marriage squeeze may have served to remind southerners of their loss
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Designer: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe New Year Picture Creation Group (上海人民美术出版社年画创作组)
1967, July
We will always study the "three constantly read articles"
Yongyuan xuexi "lao san pian" (永远学习‘老三篇’)
Call nr.: BG E13/973 (Landsberger collection)
More? See: chineseposters.net/themes/mao-three-articles
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