Tortured Soul
View allAll Photos Tagged suffrage
The Queen's Gambit
Lift you up,
hold me down.
Whatever happens,
please stay around.
Life is a chess game,
and I think I'm your pawn
I get the feeling that soon
you'll be gone.
I understand that there are sights to be seen,
but here stands the pawn that wants to be queen.
I thought you were a king, not a knight with no sword.
Now I stand as queen because I crossed the board.
Little did I know that's how you had planned it.
Now comes the suffrage of this queen's gambit.
Molly Nixon
taken@ Quoted Memories
She campaigned for the right to vote for the women finally gained the 6th of February 1918. 8.5 millions women were allowed to vote. They gained the universal suffrage 10 years later. In 2018 Millicent Fawcett was honoured with statue in Parliament Square, London.
This is a golden-hour drone view of downtown Austin, looking northeast from where the 1st Street Bridge over Lady Bird Lake intersects with Cesar Chavez St. in front of the main entrance to Austin's City Hall.
The small six-story tower seen near the shoreline is the historic Fire Drill Tower, known today as Buford Tower. It was constructed in 1930 as a training facility for the Austin Fire Department.
Near the right edge, on the west side of The Line Hotel, is the huge Beauty of Liberty and Equality Mural commemorating women's suffrage.
The tallest building in this view is the post-modern Austonian. When completed in 2010, it was the tallest residential skyscraper in the United States west of the Mississippi.
Just below and to the left of the Austonian is the Frost Bank Building. Its distinctive crown has made it one of downtown Austin's most recognizable buildings, and it was the first skyscraper to be constructed in the United States after the 9/11 attacks.
The area shown from the shoreline to three blocks inland is known as downtown Austin's 2nd Street District. The street is home to several downtown hotels, luxury apartments, condos, and the famed Moody Theater (seen here behind City Hall), home to the longest-running music program in television history, Austin City Limits.
A cold day but very beautiful day out at Bodnant garden in North Wales, it was hard to believe to was the 2nd of January the garden looked wonderful. For all my friends who have dogs, the garden is open any day until the end of March for a long walk around the garden. Bailey loves it I just wish we lived nearer.
In September 2018 artist Trevor Leat created a willow sculpture for ‘Unbind the Wing’ our celebration of women’s suffrage at Bodnant Garden. The giant figure stands on the Lily Terrace, the centrepiece of our autumn open-air exhibition at the garden and a tribute to this centenary of votes for women.
🇫🇷 Le Parlement européen est l'organe parlementaire de l'Union européenne (UE) élu au suffrage universel direct. Il partage avec le Conseil de l'Union européenne le pouvoir législatif de l'Union européenne. Le Parlement européen est composé de 705 députés qui représentent environ 360 millions d'électeurs inscrits provenant des 27 États membres (en 2020) et répartis selon des règles fixées dans les traités. Il s'agit du second plus grand électorat du monde, derrière celui de l'Inde, et le plus grand électorat transnational
Le bâtiment est construit afin de pouvoir accueillir jusqu'à 1 000 députés européens ,( actuellement L'hémicycle dispose de 750 sièges pour les députés complété par 785 places pour le public.) auparavant, le Parlement partageait les installations du Conseil de l'Europe et l'hémicycle du Palais de l'Europe, .L’édiifice porte le nom de Louise Weiss Une passerelle a été établie au dessus de l'Ill afin de relier le Parlement au Palais de l'Europe. Le bâtiment comprend 220 000 m2 de bureaux répartis sur 20 niveaux (17 en surface et trois en sous-sol) sur un terrain de 4,5 hectares.
🇬🇧 The European Parliament is the parliamentary body of the European Union (EU) elected by direct universal suffrage. It shares the legislative power of the European Union with the Council of the European Union. The European Parliament is made up of 705 Members who represent around 360 million registered voters from the 27 Member States (in 2020), distributed according to the rules laid down in the Treaties. It is the second largest electorate in the world, after India, and the largest transnational electorate.
The building is designed to accommodate up to 1,000 MEPs (currently the hemicycle has 750 seats for MEPs and 785 seats for members of the public). Previously, the Parliament shared the facilities of the Council of Europe and the hemicycle of the Palais de l'Europe. The building is named after Louise Weiss. A footbridge has been built over the River Ill to link the Parliament to the Palais de l'Europe. The building comprises 220,000 m2 of office space spread over 20 levels (17 above ground and three underground) on a 4.5-hectare site.
🇩🇪
Das Europäische Parlament ist das in allgemeiner und direkter Wahl gewählte parlamentarische Organ der Europäischen Union (EU). Es teilt sich mit dem Rat der Europäischen Union die Gesetzgebungsbefugnis der Europäischen Union. Das Europäische Parlament besteht aus 705 Abgeordneten, die etwa 360 Millionen registrierte Wähler aus den 27 Mitgliedstaaten (im Jahr 2020) vertreten, die sich nach den in den Verträgen festgelegten Regeln verteilen. Es handelt sich um die zweitgrößte Wählerschaft der Welt, nach Indien, und die größte transnationale Wählerschaft.
Das Gebäude wurde gebaut, um bis zu 1.000 Europaabgeordneten Platz zu bieten (derzeit verfügt der Plenarsaal über 750 Sitze für die Abgeordneten und 785 Plätze für die Öffentlichkeit); zuvor teilte sich das Parlament die Einrichtungen des Europarats und den Plenarsaal des Palais de l'Europe. Das Gebäude wurde nach Louise Weiss benannt. Eine Fußgängerbrücke wurde über die Ill gebaut, um das Parlament mit dem Palais de l'Europe zu verbinden. Das Gebäude umfasst 220.000 m2 Bürofläche auf 20 Ebenen (17 oberirdische und drei unterirdische) auf einem 4,5 Hektar großen Grundstück.
🇮🇹 Il Parlamento europeo è l'organo parlamentare dell'Unione europea (UE) eletto a suffragio universale diretto. Condivide il potere legislativo dell'Unione europea con il Consiglio dell'Unione europea. Il Parlamento europeo è composto da 705 deputati che rappresentano circa 360 milioni di elettori registrati dei 27 Stati membri (nel 2020), distribuiti secondo le regole stabilite dai trattati. Si tratta del secondo elettorato più numeroso al mondo, dopo l'India, e del più grande elettorato transnazionale.
L'edificio è progettato per ospitare fino a 1.000 deputati (attualmente l'emiciclo dispone di 750 posti per i deputati e 785 posti per il pubblico). In precedenza, il Parlamento condivideva le strutture del Consiglio d'Europa e l'emiciclo del Palazzo d'Europa. L'edificio è intitolato a Louise Weiss. È stata costruita una passerella sul fiume Ill per collegare il Parlamento al Palazzo d'Europa. L'edificio comprende 220.000 m2 di uffici distribuiti su 20 livelli (17 fuori terra e tre sotterranei) su un'area di 4,5 ettari.
🇪🇸 El Parlamento Europeo es el órgano parlamentario de la Unión Europea (UE) elegido por sufragio universal directo. Comparte el poder legislativo de la Unión Europea con el Consejo de la Unión Europea. El Parlamento Europeo está compuesto por 705 diputados que representan a unos 360 millones de electores inscritos de los 27 Estados miembros (en 2020), distribuidos según las normas establecidas en los Tratados. Es el segundo mayor electorado del mundo, después de la India, y el mayor electorado transnacional.
El edificio está diseñado para albergar hasta 1.000 diputados (actualmente el hemiciclo tiene 750 asientos para diputados y 785 para el público). Anteriormente, el Parlamento compartía las instalaciones del Consejo de Europa y el hemiciclo del Palacio de Europa. El edificio lleva el nombre de Louise Weiss. Se ha construido una pasarela sobre el río Ill para unir el Parlamento con el Palacio de Europa. El edificio cuenta con 220.000 m2 de oficinas repartidos en 20 plantas (17 sobre rasante y tres subterráneas) en un terreno de 4,5 hectáreas.
Auckland Women’s Suffrage Memorial honours New Zealand women who worked towards the goal of women's suffrage achieved on 19 September 1893.
New Zealand was the first country in the world to give women the vote.
Made of over 2000 brightly coloured tiles, the suffrage memorial was designed and built in 1993 by artists Jan Morrison and Claudia Pond Eyley.
Pictured on the memorial next to the set of steps are nine women linked or representative of the New Zealand suffrage movement.
The memorial is sited in Lower Khartoum Place (re-named “Te Hā o Hine Place” in 2016) between High Street and Kitchener Street.
Prior to 1993, the rather drab but formidable site housed three sets of stairs and a multi-level water feature. The water feature is incorporated in the memorial.
In 2016, the Auckland Women’s Suffrage Memorial was scheduled as a heritage site through Auckland Council’s Unitary Plan, giving it protection in perpetuity as “a historic heritage place”.
In addition, in 2016, Waitematā Local Board re-renamed Lower Khartoum place as Te Hā o Hine Place, the name was gifted by Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei and is derived from the Maori proverb ‘Me aro koe ki te Hā o Hine-ahu-one’ translating to 'pay heed to the dignity of women’.
New Zealand celebrates Suffrage Day yearly on 19 September.
European Parliament. As the legislative body of the European Union, the European Parliament has officially had its headquarters in Strasbourg since 1999, although sessions have been held there since 1952. This is the only international institution whose members are elected by direct universal suffrage. Along with the Council of the European Union, it participates in drafting community legislation, putting forward its opinions concerning proposed texts submitted to it by the European Commission. The building you see here was built in 1998.
Frederick Douglas was arguably the most influential African American of the 19th century. A statesman, newspaper publisher, abolitionist, husband, father, orator and women's suffrage advocate, Douglas was a man of strong convictions. Born in slavery, Douglas escaped from his master after refusing to take a beating from an overseer on a Maryland plantation. He became a leading spokesman for the abolitionist movement. He turned down an invitation from John Brown to join the Harper's Ferry raid because he believed lawlessness did not help the anti-slavery cause. In 1865 he gave a speech at Hosanna Meeting House in Oxford, Pennsylvania that prompted my great-great grandfather, two of his brothers, and many of his friends to join the union army during the civil war. He was named ambassador to Haiti in 1889. Douglas and his wife Anna purchased this home in 1877, breaking a whites' only covenant. On February 20, 1895, shortly after attending a women's rights rally, Douglas died in the hallway of this home. He may have been the greatest African American leader in American history.
The yellow rose became a symbol of the Womens’ Suffrage Movement in America (especially after World War 1). Zonta had its beginnings in Buffalo New York in 1919, but as far as I know, it shouldn’t be confused with the Yellow Rose Of Texas. I believe that is a different flower, but if I’m mistaken please let me know as soon as possible!
In earlier times, especially during the Victorian era, a yellow rose symbolized jealousy, dying love and infidelity. But as times changed, so did the meaning of the yellow rose. In the modern era, it's been used to convey a number of sentiments, with friendship being the main one. However, there is another possible reason that Zonta founders chose a yellow rose as the symbol of Zonta International – it was the symbol of the suffragist movement in the USA.
Zonta Rose Day, which coincides with International Women’s Day on 8th March, is a day to reflect on the worldwide voluntary work done by Zonta members to improve the status of women;, and it's suggested that you might like to send a yellow rose to someone who has made an impact in your life...!
The latest version of the Zonta rose (above) was – it appears – developed in or around 2008, is a wonderful clear yellow, is of larger than average size, and it’s yellowness intensifies when the flower is kept in water (where it will last for a long time!).
The above has been taken from www.zonta.org/Images/docs/AboutUs/Zonta%20100%20Years/App... but the actual site has much more detail if you're interested…!
In closing, I have to admit that when I took the photo in the Wellington Rose Garden, I had no idea that the Zonta Rose had so much history around it...!
Thank you for your very kind and encouraging comments beneath my photos...! Your support is very greatly appreciated.
Sculpture by Susan Hewitt and Penelope Lee in Burston Reserve, Melbourne. The sculpture is a 20 metre scroll that commemorates the “monster” petition signed by 30,000 women in 1891 as part of the women’s suffrage campaign.
These little ladies are working on getting the vote!
It took about 70 years of activism in the US to get the 19th Amendment (guaranteeing the right to vote for women) ratified. The south eastern states were those most resistant. It ended up coming down to one vote in Tennessee. Those in opposition used a variety of tactics to explain why women should not vote. One of their reasons was that when women menstruate their ability to think and problem solve decreases. I've been watching documentaries about the history of suffrage in the US. I'm so grateful for the smart, politically active women that came before me and the men that supported them. Never miss voting in an election, ladies.
It took until 1984 for all 50 states to ratify the 19th amendment!!!!!!!!!!
Suffragettes - Blythe a Day 7/15/22
Blythe dolls (Sarah Shades, Daunting Drusilla, Winterish Allure, Seeking Apelles)
Dresses - all Barbie except Drusilla's
Signs/sashes - printed on my computer
Background - scrapbook paper and printed windows/doors
Black walk - roof from a dollhouse barn (thrift store find)
Stone step - made by me
#blythe #doll #dollscene #blythediorama #blythevictorian #1:6scene #blythecostume #blythehistory #blythescene #dolldiorama #suffrage #dollsuffragettes
Newnham College, University of Cambridge. Sculpture of Mary Bateson (1865-1906) in the college library. She was an historian, suffrage activist, and alumna of the college.
"For the long work day, for the taxes we pay, for the laws we obey we want something to say," 1911.
Printer: Allied Printing Trades Council
Questions? Ask a Schlesinger Librarian
Lots of Hongkongers gathered at Chater Garden with many carrying the US flags, chanting slogans and marching to the US Consulate (8 September) to ask the United States to support Hong Kong in fighting for universal suffrage, democracy and autonomy by passing the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act.
The dedication of the Tennessee Woman Suffrage Monument is being held on the 100th anniversary of Women’s Right to Vote. The Tennessee General Assembly passed the law ratifying the 19th amendment to the United States Constitution, August 18, 1920. ~ tntribune.com/dedication-of-tennessee-woman-suffrage-monu...
Vacation Day, 03/16//2022, Nashville, TN
Leica Camera AG M Monochrom
Canon 35mm f2.0 LTM
ƒ/5.7 1/1000 800
Bain News Service,, publisher.
Mrs. B. Harriman
[1912]
1 negative : glass ; 5 x 7 in. or smaller.
Notes:
Title from data provided by the Bain News Service on the negative.
Photo shows Florence Jaffray Hurst "Daisy" Harriman, chairman and founder of the Women's National Wilson and Marshall organization with banner. The New York Times states that Mrs. Harriman was the founder and chairman of the organization which was active at least through the 1912 election. (Source: Flickr Commons project, 2009 and 2010)
Forms part of: George Grantham Bain Collection (Library of Congress).
Subjects:
Suffrage
Format: Glass negatives.
Rights Info: No known restrictions on publication.
Repository: Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA, hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print
General information about the Bain Collection is available at hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.ggbain
Higher resolution image is available (Persistent URL): hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/ggbain.10787
Call Number: LC-B2- 2441-13
Bain News Service,, publisher.
[Suffragettes with flag]
[between ca. 1910 and ca. 1915]
1 negative : glass ; 5 x 7 in. or smaller.
Notes:
Title from unverified data provided by the Bain News Service on the negatives or caption cards.
Photo shows women suffrage hikers General Rosalie Jones, Jessie Stubbs, and Colonel Ida Craft, who is wearing a bag labeled "Votes for Women pilgrim leaflets" and carrying a banner with a notice for a "Woman Suffrage Party. Mass meeting. Opera House. Brooklyn Academy of Music. January 9th at 8:15 p.m." with speakers Rev. Anna Shaw, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, and Max Eastman. (Source: Flickr Commons project, 2008)
Forms part of: George Grantham Bain Collection (Library of Congress).
Format: Glass negatives.
Rights Info: No known restrictions on publication.
Repository: Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA, hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print
General information about the Bain Collection is available at hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.ggbain
Higher resolution image is available (Persistent URL): hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/ggbain.10997
Call Number: LC-B2- 2461-15
Stranahan House is the home of Fort Lauderdale pioneers Frank and Ivy Stranahan. Built in 1901 as a trading post and converted into a residence for the Stranahans in 1906, the house is the oldest surviving structure in Broward County. It was placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1973 and today operates as a historic house museum. The House is open for guided tours at 1, 2, and 3 p.m. daily, and hosts special events throughout the year.
In 1893, at the age of 27 Frank Stranahan was hired by his cousin to manage his camp and ferry at Tarpon Bend located on the New River. He would quickly establish his own trading business with the Seminole Indians and gain the reputation of being a fair business man. Arriving via dugout canoes, large groups of Seminole families would camp at the post for days at a time. Eventually, in 1894 Frank would acquire ten acres of land for his own commercial interests and would move the trading post farther west along the river. This property became the focal point of the tiny New River settlement, of which Stranahan was now its postmaster.
By 1899, the community had grown large enough to qualify for a teacher from the county board of education. Eighteen-year-old Ivy Julia Cromartie of Lemon city (what is now Little Haiti) was hired at $48 a month for the job. Community members built the one-room schoolhouse for Ivy and her nine students. Frank and Ivy would come to know one another during the five months Ivy lived and taught at the settlement. They would marry on August 16, 1900 at her family home, and as was customary for married women at the time, Ivy gave up her paid position. Though she gave up her paid position she did not, however, give up her teaching aspirations. She instead turned her attention to the Seminole children, offering informal lessons at the trading post that respected the Tribe's traditions. Her approach quelled skeptical tribal elders' fears and formed the basis for her lifelong friendship with the Seminole people.
Frank built the present day Stranahan House in 1901; the lower floor served as a trading post and the upper floor as a community hall. By 1906 Frank's business had expanded to include a general store and bank, he would also build a new building closer to the Railroad which had arrived in 1896. The old trading post was renovated as a result into a residence for the Stranahans.
As Frank's businesses grew, so did the settlement. By 1910 the Census reports that there was 142 people living in the town. Frank and Ivy would take on many leadership roles in the social and civic life of their developing city, Ivy for instance would help found the Women's Civic improvement Association, later the Woman's club of Fort Lauderdale. Throughout the rest of her life Ivy would be involved with virtually every civic and social cause in the city.
Renamed Fort Lauderdale after the army forts that had been built during the Seminole Wars, the area was incorporated in 1911. Frank donated land for many public projects. With this new name Frank would end up selling the trading company in 1912 to focus on real estate and banking while Ivy would become president of the Florida Equal Suffrage Association in 1916. In 1924 due to her close relationship with the Seminoles, the federal government would seek out Ivy and ask for assistance in persuading the tribe to move to the reservation. She would be successful in her efforts.
In 1926, Florida's land boom had collapsed. Frank suffered extreme economic reverses that were worsened over the next three years by two devastating hurricanes. Adding to Frank's distress was the knowledge that friends and associates who had invested with him were financially ruined as well. On May 22, 1929, deeply depressed and in ill health, Frank committed suicide drowning in the New River in front of his home.
Ivy carried on, making ends meet by renting out rooms of her home and eventually leasing the lower floor to a series of restaurants. She gradually returned to her civic activism. Among her many accomplishments she became a long-term member of the city's planning and zoning committee, successfully lobbied for the Homestead Exemption law, established the Friends of the Seminoles and founded Broward County chapters of the Red Cross and Campfire Girls. Ivy remained in her home until her death on August 30, 1971 at the age of 90. The house was left to the Seventh Day Adventist church, of which Ivy had been a member since 1915 it was purchased by the Fort Lauderdale Historical Society in 1975.
With the last restaurant closed, the Historical Society of Fort Lauderdale bought the house from the Seventh Day Adventists in 1979 and for the next four years a construction project began to restore the house to its 1915 appearance. In 1981 the House became its own corporation, with a separate board of trustees. The house opened to the public in the spring of 1984.
Credit for the data above is given to the following website:
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stranahan_House
© All Rights Reserved - you may not use this image in any form without my prior permission.
Stranahan House is the home of Fort Lauderdale pioneers Frank and Ivy Stranahan. Built in 1901 as a trading post and converted into a residence for the Stranahans in 1906, the house is the oldest surviving structure in Broward County. It was placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1973 and today operates as a historic house museum. The House is open for guided tours at 1, 2, and 3 p.m. daily, and hosts special events throughout the year.
In 1893, at the age of 27 Frank Stranahan was hired by his cousin to manage his camp and ferry at Tarpon Bend located on the New River. He would quickly establish his own trading business with the Seminole Indians and gain the reputation of being a fair business man. Arriving via dugout canoes, large groups of Seminole families would camp at the post for days at a time. Eventually, in 1894 Frank would acquire ten acres of land for his own commercial interests and would move the trading post farther west along the river. This property became the focal point of the tiny New River settlement, of which Stranahan was now its postmaster.
By 1899, the community had grown large enough to qualify for a teacher from the county board of education. Eighteen-year-old Ivy Julia Cromartie of Lemon city (what is now Little Haiti) was hired at $48 a month for the job. Community members built the one-room schoolhouse for Ivy and her nine students. Frank and Ivy would come to know one another during the five months Ivy lived and taught at the settlement. They would marry on August 16, 1900 at her family home, and as was customary for married women at the time, Ivy gave up her paid position. Though she gave up her paid position she did not, however, give up her teaching aspirations. She instead turned her attention to the Seminole children, offering informal lessons at the trading post that respected the Tribe's traditions. Her approach quelled skeptical tribal elders' fears and formed the basis for her lifelong friendship with the Seminole people.
Frank built the present day Stranahan House in 1901; the lower floor served as a trading post and the upper floor as a community hall. By 1906 Frank's business had expanded to include a general store and bank, he would also build a new building closer to the Railroad which had arrived in 1896. The old trading post was renovated as a result into a residence for the Stranahans.
As Frank's businesses grew, so did the settlement. By 1910 the Census reports that there was 142 people living in the town. Frank and Ivy would take on many leadership roles in the social and civic life of their developing city, Ivy for instance would help found the Women's Civic improvement Association, later the Woman's club of Fort Lauderdale. Throughout the rest of her life Ivy would be involved with virtually every civic and social cause in the city.
Renamed Fort Lauderdale after the army forts that had been built during the Seminole Wars, the area was incorporated in 1911. Frank donated land for many public projects. With this new name Frank would end up selling the trading company in 1912 to focus on real estate and banking while Ivy would become president of the Florida Equal Suffrage Association in 1916. In 1924 due to her close relationship with the Seminoles, the federal government would seek out Ivy and ask for assistance in persuading the tribe to move to the reservation. She would be successful in her efforts.
In 1926, Florida's land boom had collapsed. Frank suffered extreme economic reverses that were worsened over the next three years by two devastating hurricanes. Adding to Frank's distress was the knowledge that friends and associates who had invested with him were financially ruined as well. On May 22, 1929, deeply depressed and in ill health, Frank committed suicide drowning in the New River in front of his home.
Ivy carried on, making ends meet by renting out rooms of her home and eventually leasing the lower floor to a series of restaurants. She gradually returned to her civic activism. Among her many accomplishments she became a long-term member of the city's planning and zoning committee, successfully lobbied for the Homestead Exemption law, established the Friends of the Seminoles and founded Broward County chapters of the Red Cross and Campfire Girls. Ivy remained in her home until her death on August 30, 1971 at the age of 90. The house was left to the Seventh Day Adventist church, of which Ivy had been a member since 1915 it was purchased by the Fort Lauderdale Historical Society in 1975.
With the last restaurant closed, the Historical Society of Fort Lauderdale bought the house from the Seventh Day Adventists in 1979 and for the next four years a construction project began to restore the house to its 1915 appearance. In 1981 the House became its own corporation, with a separate board of trustees. The house opened to the public in the spring of 1984.
Credit for the data above is given to the following website:
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stranahan_House
© All Rights Reserved - you may not use this image in any form without my prior permission.
A woven silk ribbon from 'Ladies Democratic Club Goodlettsville, Tennessee' circa around the date on the photo (1919). The Woman's National Democratic Club born out of the suffrage movement was founded in 1922.
"Macro Mondays" and "Cloth"
HMM!
And
Monday Music Mania
Loretta Lynn - We've Come A Long Way Baby
youtu.be/5qX_i-2F_AU?si=gNwRmBquYiHpVjAv
HMMM!
P.S. Be a better man than Donald Trump and vote for a Woman U.S. Presidency... vote for Kamala Harris.
For this week's theme, Brew, I chose my wife's favorite teacup (an essential container for the brewed product!). Margan received this as a gift from our local League of Women Voters for a presentation she gave last year. The story of women's suffrage is long and came to fruition on 18 August 1920, when Tennessee became the 36th state to ratify the XIX Amendment to the United States Constitution. The text of the amendment is short:
The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.
Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
In 2020, the centennials of both the XIX Amendment and the League of Women Voters will occur. Links to the history of both are below.
www.wikiwand.com/en/Nineteenth_Amendment_to_the_United_St...
www.wikiwand.com/en/League_of_Women_Voters
#MacroMondays #Brew
One of the displays at kentwell was an Edwardian setup somthing akin to Downton Abbey. some very fine fellows and ladies of such splendour to be dreamlike. They were having afternoon tea on the lawn. I left them alone and stumbled upon a tent belonging to three ladies who were part of the woman's suffrage movement and on a march to London for a grand meeting in Hyde Park.
I had a wonder time after being invited in and had a chat about the unfairness of the political stance on women being able to vote and the need for fairer workers rights for all both male and female.
Actually once out of character we did have a very good discussion about the modern feminist movement. One of the ladies daughters has a trans girlfriend and all three ladies have tran friends. Oh how society is changing.
Had to have a photo and yes I am crouching so as not to tower over the lady next to me .
Stranahan House is the home of Fort Lauderdale pioneers Frank and Ivy Stranahan. Built in 1901 as a trading post and converted into a residence for the Stranahans in 1906, the house is the oldest surviving structure in Broward County. It was placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1973 and today operates as a historic house museum. The House is open for guided tours at 1, 2, and 3 p.m. daily, and hosts special events throughout the year.
In 1893, at the age of 27 Frank Stranahan was hired by his cousin to manage his camp and ferry at Tarpon Bend located on the New River. He would quickly establish his own trading business with the Seminole Indians and gain the reputation of being a fair business man. Arriving via dugout canoes, large groups of Seminole families would camp at the post for days at a time. Eventually, in 1894 Frank would acquire ten acres of land for his own commercial interests and would move the trading post farther west along the river. This property became the focal point of the tiny New River settlement, of which Stranahan was now its postmaster.
By 1899, the community had grown large enough to qualify for a teacher from the county board of education. Eighteen-year-old Ivy Julia Cromartie of Lemon city (what is now Little Haiti) was hired at $48 a month for the job. Community members built the one-room schoolhouse for Ivy and her nine students. Frank and Ivy would come to know one another during the five months Ivy lived and taught at the settlement. They would marry on August 16, 1900 at her family home, and as was customary for married women at the time, Ivy gave up her paid position. Though she gave up her paid position she did not, however, give up her teaching aspirations. She instead turned her attention to the Seminole children, offering informal lessons at the trading post that respected the Tribe's traditions. Her approach quelled skeptical tribal elders' fears and formed the basis for her lifelong friendship with the Seminole people.
Frank built the present day Stranahan House in 1901; the lower floor served as a trading post and the upper floor as a community hall. By 1906 Frank's business had expanded to include a general store and bank, he would also build a new building closer to the Railroad which had arrived in 1896. The old trading post was renovated as a result into a residence for the Stranahans.
As Frank's businesses grew, so did the settlement. By 1910 the Census reports that there was 142 people living in the town. Frank and Ivy would take on many leadership roles in the social and civic life of their developing city, Ivy for instance would help found the Women's Civic improvement Association, later the Woman's club of Fort Lauderdale. Throughout the rest of her life Ivy would be involved with virtually every civic and social cause in the city.
Renamed Fort Lauderdale after the army forts that had been built during the Seminole Wars, the area was incorporated in 1911. Frank donated land for many public projects. With this new name Frank would end up selling the trading company in 1912 to focus on real estate and banking while Ivy would become president of the Florida Equal Suffrage Association in 1916. In 1924 due to her close relationship with the Seminoles, the federal government would seek out Ivy and ask for assistance in persuading the tribe to move to the reservation. She would be successful in her efforts.
In 1926, Florida's land boom had collapsed. Frank suffered extreme economic reverses that were worsened over the next three years by two devastating hurricanes. Adding to Frank's distress was the knowledge that friends and associates who had invested with him were financially ruined as well. On May 22, 1929, deeply depressed and in ill health, Frank committed suicide drowning in the New River in front of his home.
Ivy carried on, making ends meet by renting out rooms of her home and eventually leasing the lower floor to a series of restaurants. She gradually returned to her civic activism. Among her many accomplishments she became a long-term member of the city's planning and zoning committee, successfully lobbied for the Homestead Exemption law, established the Friends of the Seminoles and founded Broward County chapters of the Red Cross and Campfire Girls. Ivy remained in her home until her death on August 30, 1971 at the age of 90. The house was left to the Seventh Day Adventist church, of which Ivy had been a member since 1915 it was purchased by the Fort Lauderdale Historical Society in 1975.
With the last restaurant closed, the Historical Society of Fort Lauderdale bought the house from the Seventh Day Adventists in 1979 and for the next four years a construction project began to restore the house to its 1915 appearance. In 1981 the House became its own corporation, with a separate board of trustees. The house opened to the public in the spring of 1984.
Credit for the data above is given to the following website:
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stranahan_House
© All Rights Reserved - you may not use this image in any form without my prior permission.
Women in academic dress marching in a suffrage parade in New York City, 1910.
Photographer: Jessie Tarbox Beals
Questions? Ask a Schlesinger Librarian
Here Jamari appears like a quixotic apparition; a feminine ideal or oracle, perhaps? Her balletic pose is probably born of "suffrage" more than graceful delicacy, but that is the nature of dance! I liked the presence of a costume designer in the photo, helping to create a meticulous illusion of beauty. As cosmetic as the theatre can be and as hard working as performers have to be, the stage continues to call us to "tread the boards" in order to perform a representational version of human experience.
Recently I am doing a lot of Bhangra dancing as well as Salsa, although Salsa seems to be gradually being shunned for the less elegant Kizomba, and I am becoming drawn more to the idea of the heartbeat as an intrinsic time-signature in both dance and music. Whereas the heartbeat is often used rythmically to denote romance in music, the presence of an enduring pulse seems more important today in dance and music than ever before.
How we ever got so romantic I don't know, but the ebb and flow of the heartbeat seems to echo through cities, reverberate in concert halls and pulse steadily through pop music. As a dancer, it should come as no surprise that my attention is often focused on my breath and heartbeat, however increasingly my timing is shaped by the response of my heart rate to the continuous flux of musical tempos.
Thank you to Jlior for letting me use her photo in this image.
:-)
Simon
Gold suffrage banner with 'Votes for Women' in black type.
Printer: Allied Printing Trades Council
Questions? Ask a Schlesinger Librarian
On March 3, 1913, the Women's Suffrage march was held on Pennsylvania Avenue, a day before Woodrow Wilson's inauguration. Seven years later, the 19th amendment to the Constitution was enacted, guaranteeing women the right to vote. Vintage postcard.
Monument de la République
Place de la République, Paris 3e
Autres photos de Paris ici / other photos of Paris here : www.flickr.com/photos/140051458@N06/albums/72157680820156516
#1241
Celebrating the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment in Baker City Oregon with the Baker City AAUW
The Struggle for Women’s Suffrage performed as reader’s theater by some of the amazing women of the AAUW (American Association of University Women) Baker City, (and one guest narrator). An amazing and timely performance celebrating the fight for equal rights at at the polls on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment.
HAPPY BIRTHDAY
ISRAEL CELEBRATE 67 INDEPENDENCE DAY 2015 - 5775
Israel (/ˈɪzreɪəl/ or /ˈɪzriːəl/; Hebrew: יִשְׂרָאֵל Yisrā'el; Arabic: إِسْرَائِيل Isrāʼīl), officially the State of Israel (Hebrew: מְדִינַת יִשְׂרָאֵל Medīnat Yisrā'el [mediˈnat jisʁaˈʔel] ( listen); Arabic: دولة إِسْرَائِيل Dawlat Isrāʼīl [dawlat ʔisraːˈʔiːl]), is a sovereign state in Western Asia. The country is situated in the Middle East at the southeastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea and the northern shore of the Gulf of Aqaba in the Red Sea. It shares land borders with Lebanon to the north, Syria in the northeast, Jordan on the east, the Palestinian territories (which are claimed by the State of Palestine and are partially controlled by Israel) comprising the West Bank and Gaza Strip[8] to the east and west, respectively, and Egypt to the southwest. It contains geographically diverse features within its relatively small area.[9][10] Israel's financial and technology center is Tel Aviv[11] while Jerusalem is both the self-designated capital and most populous individual city under the country's governmental administration. Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem is internationally unrecognized.[note 1][12][13]
On 29 November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly recommended the adoption and implementation of the Partition Plan for Mandatory Palestine. This UN plan specified borders for new Arab and Jewish states and also specified an area of Jerusalem and its environs which was to be administered by the UN under an international regime.[14][15] The end of the British Mandate for Palestine was set for midnight on 14 May 1948. That day, David Ben-Gurion, the executive head of the Zionist Organization and president of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, declared "the establishment of a Jewish state in Eretz Israel, to be known as the State of Israel," which would start to function from the termination of the mandate.[16][17][18] The borders of the new state were not specified in the declaration.[15][19] Neighboring Arab armies invaded the former British mandate on the next day and fought the Israeli forces.[20][21] Israel has since fought several wars with neighboring Arab states,[22] in the course of which it has occupied the West Bank, Sinai Peninsula (1956–57, 1967–82), part of Southern Lebanon (1982–2000), Gaza Strip (1967–2005; still considered occupied after 2005 disengagement) and the Golan Heights. It extended its laws to the Golan Heights and East Jerusalem, but not the West Bank.[23][24][25][26] Efforts to resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict have not resulted in peace. However, peace treaties between Israel and both Egypt and Jordan have successfully been signed. Israel's occupation of Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem is the world's longest military occupation in modern times.[note 2][28]
The population of Israel, as defined by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, was estimated in 2016 to be 8,476,600 people. It is the world's only Jewish-majority state, with 6,345,400 citizens, or 74.9%, being designated as Jewish. The country's second largest group of citizens are denoted as Arabs, numbering 1,760,400 people (including the Druze and most East Jerusalem Arabs).[1][2] The great majority of Israeli Arabs are Sunni Muslims, including significant numbers of semi-settled Negev Bedouins; the rest are Christians and Druze. Other far smaller minorities include Arameans, Assyrians, Samaritans, Armenians, Circassians and several hundred naturalized Vietnamese boat people. Israel also hosts a significant population of non-citizen foreign workers and asylum seekers from Africa and Asia,[29] including Black Hebrew Israelites and Illegal migrants from Sudan, Eritrea and other Sub-Saharan Africans.[30]
In its Basic Laws, Israel defines itself as a Jewish and democratic state.[31] Israel is a representative democracy[32] with a parliamentary system, proportional representation and universal suffrage.[33][34] The prime minister serves as head of government and the Knesset serves as the legislature. Israel is a developed country and an OECD member,[35] with the 35th-largest economy in the world by nominal gross domestic product as of 2015. The country benefits from a highly skilled workforce and is among the most educated countries in the world with the one of the highest percentage of its citizens holding a tertiary education degree.[36][37] The country has the highest standard of living in the Middle East and the fourth highest in Asia,[38][39][40] and has one of the highest life expectancies in the world.[41]
A die-cut Valentine greeting card with a suffragette girl giving a soapbox speech about women's voting rights. It wasn't until the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1920 that women in the United States had the right to vote.
For another copy of this card, see "No Votes No Hearts," Comic Valentine, ca. 1910-1920.
Votes for Women—No Votes, No Hearts.
If words could tell of all the love within this heart of mine.
I'd keep on speaking till I'd won you for my Valentine.
In 1889, Rose Scott and Mary Windeyer helped to found the Women's Literary Society in Sydney, which grew into the Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales in 1891.
Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales, 1902, back row, standing (L to R) Mrs Jackson (President of the Redfern Branch), Mrs Wynn (President of the Annandale Branch), Miss Caldwell (Camperdown), Mrs T. Parkes (President of the Toxteth League), Mrs Hansen (President of the Newtown Branch). Middle row, seated, Mrs McDonald (President of the Glebe Branch), Miss Annie Golding (Organising Secretary of the United Branches), Mrs Chapman (Secretary of the Redfern Branch), front row, seated, Mrs C. Martel (Recording Secretary of the Central League), Miss Belle Golding (Secretary of the Newtown Branch), Mrs Dickie (ex-President of the Newtown League), Mrs Dwyer (Secretary of the Camperdown Branch).
Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales, 1902, by Freeman Studio, State Library of New South Wales ON 219 archival.sl.nsw.gov.au/Details/archive/110312671
52 Weeks of 2018
Week No: 44
Theme: Surreal Scene
Category: Creative
Our Daily Challenge: Famous Ghosts
The Declaration of Independence became a reality on July 4th, 1776. In this treasured document it states that “all men are created equal”, but alas they did not mean that to be true for women nor for slaves or any peoples of color. Women did not win the right to vote until 1920, a FULL 144 years later. Unfortunately that right was not given easily. Many brave women endured beatings and jail for the simple desire to vote like a man. I thank these courageous women who fought for women’s suffrage. My intent in this image was to depict the famous ghosts of all those hard suffering women. I once again honor their memories by voting in this election and all elections. I also implore all to vote especially women. We have a strong voice if we all exercise our rights and let our leaders know our wishes. Please, Ladies, VOTE!
Thank you so much for your views, comments and favs. I really do appreciate every one!
My images are posted here for your enjoyment only. All rights are reserved. Please contact me through flickr if you are interested in using one.
Bodnant Gardens, North Wales.
Completed in 2018 this 18 ft (5.5 metres) willow sculpture by Trevor Leat celebrates the Womens Suffrage movement and its connection with Bodnant.
Laura McLaren inherited the garden and estate in 1895 and besides being a respected gardener she was also much involved with the Womens Suffrage movement as were her daughters Florence and Elsie.
_MG_1274 1600
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.
Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while not directly involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath has been controversial. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü and was honored with a state funeral.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.
The Turkish War of Independence (19 May 1919 – 24 July 1923) was a series of military campaigns and a revolution waged by the Turkish National Movement, after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and partitioned following its defeat in World War I. The conflict was between the Turkish Nationalists against Allied and separatist forces over the application of Wilsonian principles, especially national self-determination, in post-World War I Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. The revolution concluded the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; the Ottoman monarchy and the Islamic caliphate were abolished, and the Republic of Turkey was declared in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This resulted in a transfer of vested sovereignty from the sultan-caliph to the nation, setting the stage for Republican Turkey's period of nationalist revolutionary reform.
While World War I ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mudros, the Allied Powers continued occupying and securing land per the Sykes–Picot Agreement, as well as to facilitate the prosecution of former members of the Committee of Union and Progress and those involved in the Armenian genocide. Ottoman military commanders therefore refused orders from both the Allies and the Ottoman government to surrender and disband their forces. In an atmosphere of turmoil throughout the remainder of the empire, sultan Mehmed VI dispatched Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), a well-respected and high-ranking general, to Anatolia to restore order; however, Mustafa Kemal became an enabler and eventually leader of Turkish Nationalist resistance against the Ottoman government, Allied powers, and separatists.
In an attempt to establish control over the power vacuum in Anatolia, the Allies agreed to launch a Greek peacekeeping force into Anatolia and occupy Smyrna (İzmir), inflaming sectarian tensions and beginning the Turkish War of Independence. A nationalist counter government led by Mustafa Kemal was established in Ankara when it became clear the Ottoman government was appeasing the Allied powers. The Allies soon pressured the Ottoman government in Constantinople to suspend the Constitution, shutter Parliament, and sign the Treaty of Sèvres, a treaty unfavorable to Turkish interests that the "Ankara government" declared illegal.
In the ensuing war, Turkish and Syrian forces defeated the French in the south, and remobilized army units went on to partition Armenia with the Bolsheviks, resulting in the Treaty of Kars (October 1921). The Western Front of the independence war is known as the Greco-Turkish War, in which Greek forces at first encountered unorganized resistance. However, İsmet Pasha (İnönü)'s organization of militia into a regular army paid off when Ankara forces fought the Greeks in the First and Second Battle of İnönü. The Greek army emerged victorious in the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and decided to drive on the Nationalist capital of Ankara, stretching their supply lines. The Turks checked their advance in the Battle of Sakarya and eventually counter-attacked in the Great Offensive, which expelled Greek forces from Anatolia in the span of three weeks. The war effectively ended with the recapture of İzmir and the Chanak Crisis, prompting the signing of another armistice in Mudanya.
The Grand National Assembly in Ankara was recognized as the legitimate Turkish government, which signed the Treaty of Lausanne (July 1923), a treaty more favorable to Turkey than the Sèvres Treaty. The Allies evacuated Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Ottoman government was overthrown and the monarchy abolished, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (which remains Turkey's primary legislative body today) declared the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. With the war, a population exchange between Greece and Turkey, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms, the Turks created the modern, secular nation-state of Turkey. On 3 March 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was also abolished.
The ethnic demographics of the modern Turkish Republic were significantly impacted by the earlier Armenian genocide and the deportations of Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian Rum people. The Turkish Nationalist Movement carried out massacres and deportations to eliminate native Christian populations—a continuation of the Armenian genocide and other ethnic cleansing operations during World War I. Following these campaigns of ethnic cleansing, the historic Christian presence in Anatolia was destroyed, in large part, and the Muslim demographic had increased from 80% to 98%.
Following the chaotic politics of the Second Constitutional Era, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Committee of Union and Progress in a coup in 1913, and then further consolidated its control after the assassination of Mahmud Shevket Pasha.[citation needed] Founded as a radical revolutionary group seeking to prevent a collapse of the Ottoman Empire, by the eve of World War I it decided that the solution was to implement nationalist and centralizing policies. The CUP reacted to the losses of land and the expulsion of Muslims from the Balkan Wars by turning even more nationalistic. Part of its effort to consolidate power was to proscribe and exile opposition politicians from the Freedom and Accord Party to remote Sinop.
The Unionists brought the Ottoman Empire into World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, during which a genocidal campaign was waged against Ottoman Christians, namely Armenians, Pontic Greeks, and Assyrians. It was based on an alleged conspiracy that the three groups would rebel on the side of the Allies, so collective punishment was applied. A similar suspicion and suppression from the Turkish nationalist government was directed towards the Arab and Kurdish populations, leading to localized rebellions. The Entente powers reacted to these developments by charging the CUP leaders, commonly known as the Three Pashas, with "Crimes against humanity" and threatened accountability. They also had imperialist ambitions on Ottoman territory, with a major correspondence over a post-war settlement in the Ottoman Empire being leaked to the press as the Sykes–Picot Agreement. With Saint Petersburg's exit from World War I and descent into civil war, driven in part from the Ottomans' closure of the Turkish straits of goods bound to Russia, a new imperative was given to the Entente powers to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war to restart the Eastern Front.
World War I would be the nail in the coffin of Ottomanism, a monarchist and multicultural nationalism. Mistreatment of non-Turk groups after 1913, and the general context of great socio-political upheaval that occurred in the aftermath of World War I, meant many minorities now wished to divorce their future from imperialism to form futures of their own by separating into (often republican) nation-states.
In the summer months of 1918, the leaders of the Central Powers realized that the Great War was lost, including the Ottomans'. Almost simultaneously the Palestinian Front and then the Macedonian Front collapsed. The sudden decision by Bulgaria to sign an armistice cut communications from Constantinople (İstanbul) to Vienna and Berlin, and opened the undefended Ottoman capital to Entente attack. With the major fronts crumbling, Unionist Grand Vizier Talât Pasha intended to sign an armistice, and resigned on 8 October 1918 so that a new government would receive less harsh armistice terms. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918, ending World War I for the Ottoman Empire. Three days later, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—which governed the Ottoman Empire as a one-party state since 1913—held its last congress, where it was decided the party would be dissolved. Talât, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and five other high-ranking members of the CUP escaped the Ottoman Empire on a German torpedo boat later that night, plunging the country into a power vacuum.
The armistice was signed because the Ottoman Empire had been defeated in important fronts, but the military was intact and retreated in good order. Unlike other Central Powers, the Allies did not mandate an abdication of the imperial family as a condition for peace, nor did they request the Ottoman Army to dissolve its general staff. Though the army suffered from mass desertion throughout the war which led to banditry, there was no threat of mutiny or revolutions like in Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia. This is despite famine and economic collapse that was brought on by the extreme levels of mobilization, destruction from the war, disease, and mass murder since 1914.
Due to the Turkish nationalist policies pursued by the CUP against Ottoman Christians by 1918 the Ottoman Empire held control over a mostly homogeneous land of Muslims from Eastern Thrace to the Persian border. These included mostly Turks, as well as Kurds, Circassians, and Muhacir groups from Rumeli. Most Muslim Arabs were now outside of the Ottoman Empire and under Allied occupation, with some "imperialists" still loyal to the Ottoman Sultanate-Caliphate, and others wishing for independence or Allied protection under a League of Nations mandate. Sizable Greek and Armenian minorities remained within its borders, and most of these communities no longer wished to remain under the Empire.
On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to an end. The Ottoman Army was to demobilize, its navy and air force handed to the Allies, and occupied territory in the Caucasus and Persia to be evacuated. Critically, Article VII granted the Allies the right to occupy forts controlling the Turkish Straits and the vague right to occupy "in case of disorder" any territory if there were a threat to security. The clause relating to the occupation of the straits was meant to secure a Southern Russian intervention force, while the rest of the article was used to allow for Allied controlled peace-keeping forces. There was also a hope to follow through punishing local actors that carried out exterminatory orders from the CUP government against Armenian Ottomans. For now, the House of Osman escaped the fates of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Romanovs to continue ruling their empire, though at the cost of its remaining sovereignty.
On 13 November 1918, a French brigade entered Constantinople to begin a de facto occupation of the Ottoman capital and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of British, French, Italian and Greek ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day, totaling 50,000 troops in Constantinople. The Allied Powers stated that the occupation was temporary and its purpose was to protect the monarchy, the caliphate and the minorities. Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe—the British signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the Ottoman government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Constantinople". However, dismantling the government and partitioning the Ottoman Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.
A wave of seizures took place in the rest of the country in the following months. Citing Article VII, British forces demanded that Turkish troops evacuate Mosul, claiming that Christian civilians in Mosul and Zakho were killed en masse. In the Caucasus, Britain established a presence in Menshevik Georgia and the Lori and Aras valleys as peace-keepers. On 14 November, joint Franco-Greek occupation was established in the town of Uzunköprü in Eastern Thrace as well as the railway axis until the train station of Hadımköy on the outskirts of Constantinople. On 1 December, British troops based in Syria occupied Kilis, Marash, Urfa and Birecik. Beginning in December, French troops began successive seizures of the province of Adana, including the towns of Antioch, Mersin, Tarsus, Ceyhan, Adana, Osmaniye, and İslâhiye, incorporating the area into the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration North while French forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Black Sea ports of Zonguldak and Karadeniz Ereğli commanding Turkey's coal mining region. These continued seizures of land prompted Ottoman commanders to refuse demobilization and prepare for the resumption of war.
The British similarly asked Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) to turn over the port of Alexandretta (İskenderun), which he reluctantly did, following which he was recalled to Constantinople. He made sure to distribute weapons to the population to prevent them from falling into the hands of Allied forces. Some of these weapons were smuggled to the east by members of Karakol, a successor to the CUP's Special Organization, to be used in case resistance was necessary in Anatolia. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia.
Other commanders began refusing orders from the Ottoman government and the Allied powers. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Constantinople, Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) brought XX Corps under his command. He marched first to Konya and then to Ankara to organise resistance groups, such as the Circassian çetes he assembled with guerilla leader Çerkes Ethem. Meanwhile, Kazım Karabekir Pasha refused to surrender his intact and powerful XV Corps in Erzurum. Evacuation from the Caucusus, puppet republics and Muslim militia groups were established in the army's wake to hamper with the consolidation of the new Armenian state. Elsewhere in the country, regional nationalist resistance organizations known as Şuras –meaning "councils", not unlike soviets in revolutionary Russia– were founded, most pledging allegiance to the Defence of National Rights movement that protested continued Allied occupation and appeasement by the Sublime Porte.
Following the occupation of Constantinople, Mehmed VI Vahdettin dissolved the Chamber of Deputies which was dominated by Unionists elected back in 1914, promising elections for the next year. Vahdettin just ascended to the throne only months earlier with the death of Mehmed V Reşad. He was disgusted with the policies of the CUP, and wished to be a more assertive sovereign than his diseased half brother. Greek and Armenian Ottomans declared the termination of their relationship with the Ottoman Empire through their respective patriarchates, and refused to partake in any future election. With the collapse of the CUP and its censorship regime, an outpouring of condemnation against the party came from all parts of Ottoman media.
A general amnesty was soon issued, allowing the exiled and imprisoned dissidents persecuted by the CUP to return to Constantinople. Vahdettin invited the pro-Palace politician Damat Ferid Pasha, leader of the reconstituted Freedom and Accord Party, to form a government, whose members quickly set out to purge the Unionists from the Ottoman government. Ferid Pasha hoped that his Anglophilia and an attitude of appeasement would induce less harsh peace terms from the Allied powers. However, his appointment was problematic for nationalists, many being members of the liquidated committee that were surely to face trial. Years of corruption, unconstitutional acts, war profiteering, and enrichment from ethnic cleansing and genocide by the Unionists soon became basis of war crimes trials and courts martial trials held in Constantinople.[citation needed] While many leading Unionists were sentenced lengthy prison sentences, many made sure to escape the country before Allied occupation or to regions that the government now had minimal control over; thus most were sentenced in absentia. The Allies encouragement of the proceedings and the use of British Malta as their holding ground made the trials unpopular. The partisan nature of the trials was not lost on observers either. The hanging of the Kaymakam of Boğazlıyan district Mehmed Kemal resulted in a demonstration against the courts martials trials.
With all the chaotic politics in the capital and uncertainty of the severity of the incoming peace treaty, many Ottomans looked to Washington with the hope that the application of Wilsonian principles would mean Constantinople would stay Turkish, as Muslims outnumbered Christians 2:1. The United States never declared war on the Ottoman Empire, so many imperial elite believed Washington could be a neutral arbiter that could fix the empire's problems. Halide Edip (Adıvar) and her Wilsonian Principles Society led the movement that advocated for the empire to be governed by an American League of Nations Mandate (see United States during the Turkish War of Independence). American diplomats attempted to ascertain a role they could play in the area with the Harbord and King–Crane Commissions. However, with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's health, the United States diplomatically withdrew from the Middle East to focus on Europe, leaving the Entente powers to construct a post-Ottoman order.
The Entente would have arrived at Constantinople to discover an administration attempting to deal with decades of accumulated refugee crisis. The new government issued a proclamation allowing for deportees to return to their homes, but many Greeks and Armenians found their old homes occupied by desperate Rumelian and Caucasian Muslim refugees which were settled in their properties during the First World War. Ethnic conflict restarted in Anatolia; government officials responsible for resettling Christian refugees often assisted Muslim refugees in these disputes, prompting European powers to continue bringing Ottoman territory under their control. Of the 800,000 Ottoman Christian refugees, approximately over half returned to their homes by 1920. Meanwhile 1.4 million refugees from the Russian Civil War would pass through the Turkish straits and Anatolia, with 150,000 White émigrés choosing to settle in Istanbul for short or long term (see Evacuation of the Crimea). Many provinces were simply depopulated from years of fighting, conscription, and ethnic cleansing (see Ottoman casualties of World War I). The province of Yozgat lost 50% of its Muslim population from conscription, while according to the governor of Van, almost 95% of its prewar residents were dead or internally displaced.
Administration in much of the Anatolian and Thracian countryside would soon all but collapse by 1919. Army deserters who turned to banditry essentially controlled fiefdoms with tacit approval from bureaucrats and local elites. An amnesty issued in late 1918 saw these bandits strengthen their positions and fight amongst each other instead of returning to civilian life. Albanian and Circassian muhacirs resettled by the government in northwestern Anatolia and Kurds in southeastern Anatolia were engaged in blood feuds that intensified during the war and were hesitant to pledge allegiance to the Defence of Rights movement, and only would if officials could facilitate truces. Various Muhacir groups were suspicious of the continued Ittihadist ideology in the Defence of Rights movement, and the potential for themselves to meet fates 'like the Armenians' especially as warlords hailing from those communities assisted the deportations of the Christians even though as many commanders in the Nationalist movement also had Caucasian and Balkan Muslim ancestry.
With Anatolia in practical anarchy and the Ottoman army being questionably loyal in reaction to Allied land seizures, Mehmed VI established the military inspectorate system to reestablish authority over the remaining empire. Encouraged by Karabekir and Edmund Allenby, he assigned Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate –based in Erzurum– to restore order to Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919, with his first assignment to suppress a rebellion by Greek rebels around the city of Samsun.
Mustafa Kemal was a well known, well respected, and well connected army commander, with much prestige coming from his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar"—for his role in the Gallipoli Campaign—and his title of "Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan" gained in the last months of WWI. This choice would seem curious, as he was a nationalist and a fierce critic of the government's accommodating policy to the Entente powers. He was also an early member of the CUP. However Kemal Pasha did not associate himself with the fanatical faction of the CUP, many knew that he frequently clashed with the radicals of the Central Committee like Enver. He was therefore sidelined to the periphery of power throughout the Great War; after the CUP's dissolution he vocally aligned himself with moderates that formed the Liberal People's Party instead of the rump radical faction which formed the Renewal Party (both parties would be banned in May 1919 for being successors of the CUP). All these reasons allowed him to be the most legitimate nationalist for the sultan to placate. In this new political climate, he sought to capitalize on his war exploits to attain a better job, indeed several times he unsuccessfully lobbied for his inclusion in cabinet as War Minister. His new assignment gave him effective plenipotentiary powers over all of Anatolia which was meant to accommodate him and other nationalists to keep them loyal to the government.
Mustafa Kemal had earlier declined to become the leader of the Sixth Army headquartered in Nusaybin. But according to Patrick Balfour, through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, he became the inspector of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of remaining Ottoman forces. Kemal had an abundance of connections and personal friends concentrated in the post-armistice War Ministry, a powerful tool that would help him accomplish his secret goal: to lead a nationalist movement to safeguard Turkish interests against the Allied powers and a collaborative Ottoman government.
The day before his departure to Samsun on the remote Black Sea coast, Kemal had one last audience with Sultan Vahdettin, where he affirmed his loyalty to the sultan-caliph. It was in this meeting that they were informed of the botched occupation ceremony of Smyrna (İzmir) by the Greeks. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma on the evening of 16 May 1919.
On 19 January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference was first held, at which Allied nations set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Ottoman Empire. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey", was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. France expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon, Syria, and a portion of southeastern Anatolia based on the Sykes–Picot Agreement.
Greece justified their territorial claims of Ottoman land through the Megali Idea as well as international sympathy from the suffering of Ottoman Greeks in 1914 and 1917–1918. Privately, Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos had British prime minister David Lloyd George's backing not least from Greece's entrance to WWI on the Allied side, but also from his charisma and charming personality. Greece's participation in the Allies' Southern Russian intervention also earned it favors in Paris. His demands included parts of Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada), Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna (İzmir), all of which had large Greek populations. Venizelos also advocated a large Armenian state to check a post-war Ottoman Empire. Greece wanted to incorporate Constantinople, but Entente powers did not give permission. Damat Ferid Pasha went to Paris on behalf of the Ottoman Empire hoping to minimize territorial losses using Fourteen Points rhetoric, wishing for a return to status quo ante bellum, on the basis that every province of the Empire holds Muslim majorities. This plea was met with ridicule.
At the Paris Peace Conference, competing claims over Western Anatolia by Greek and Italian delegations led Greece to land the flagship of the Greek Navy at Smyrna, resulting in the Italian delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Italy responded to the possible idea of Greek incorporation of Western Anatolia by sending a warship to Smyrna as a show of force against the Greek campaign. A large Italian force also landed in Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna per Article VII, ostensibly as a peacekeeping force to keep stability in the region. Venizelos's rhetoric was more directed against the CUP regime than the Turks as a whole, an attitude not always shared in the Greek military: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic [İttihadist] Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would control a zone around Smyrna and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor.
Most historians mark the Greek landing at Smyrna on 15 May 1919 as the start date of the Turkish War of Independence as well as the start of the "Kuva-yi Milliye Phase". The occupation ceremony from the outset was tense from nationalist fervor, with Ottoman Greeks greeting the soldiers with an ecstatic welcome, and Ottoman Muslims protesting the landing. A miscommunication in Greek high command led to an Evzone column marching by the municipal Turkish barracks. The nationalist journalist Hasan Tahsin fired the "first bullet"[note 4] at the Greek standard bearer at the head of the troops, turning the city into a warzone. Süleyman Fethi Bey was murdered by bayonet for refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" (meaning "long live Venizelos"), and 300–400 unarmed Turkish soldiers and civilians and 100 Greek soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded.
Greek troops moved from Smyrna outwards to towns on the Karaburun peninsula; to Selçuk, situated a hundred kilometres south of the city at a key location that commands the fertile Küçük Menderes River valley; and to Menemen towards the north. Guerilla warfare commenced in the countryside, as Turks began to organize themselves into irregular guerilla groups known as Kuva-yi Milliye (national forces), which were soon joined by Ottoman soldiers, bandits, and disaffected farmers. Most Kuva-yi Milliye bands were led by rogue military commanders and members of the Special Organization. The Greek troops based in cosmopolitan Smyrna soon found themselves conducting counterinsurgency operations in a hostile, dominantly Muslim hinterland. Groups of Ottoman Greeks also formed contingents that cooperated with the Greek Army to combat Kuva-yi Milliye within the zone of control. A massacre of Turks at Menemen was followed up with a battle for the town of Aydın, which saw intense intercommunal violence and the razing of the city. What was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission of Western Anatolia instead inflamed ethnic tensions and became a counterinsurgency.
The reaction of Greek landing at Smyrna and continued Allied seizures of land served to destabilize Turkish civil society. Ottoman bureaucrats, military, and bourgeoisie trusted the Allies to bring peace, and thought the terms offered at Mudros were considerably more lenient than they actually were. Pushback was potent in the capital, with 23 May 1919 being largest of the Sultanahmet Square demonstrations organized by the Turkish Hearths against the Greek occupation of Smyrna, the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history at that point. The Ottoman government condemned the landing, but could do little about it. Ferid Pasha tried to resign, but was urged by the sultan to stay in his office.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his colleagues stepped ashore in Samsun on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mıntıka Palace Hotel. British troops were present in Samsun, and he initially maintained cordial contact. He had assured Damat Ferid about the army's loyalty towards the new government in Constantinople. However, behind the government's back, Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged discreet mass meetings, made fast connections via telegraph with the army units in Anatolia, and began to form links with various Nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Kemal and his staff moved to Havza. It was there that he first showed the flag of the resistance.
Mustafa Kemal wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. His credentials and the importance of his position were not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he met with various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Pasha, Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuat Pasha, and Refet Pasha and issued the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919). Ottoman provincial authorities were notified via telegraph that the unity and independence of the nation was at risk, and that the government in Constantinople was compromised. To remedy this, a congress was to take place in Erzurum between delegates of the Six Vilayets to decide on a response, and another congress would take place in Sivas where every Vilayet should send delegates. Sympathy and an lack of coordination from the capital gave Mustafa Kemal freedom of movement and telegraph use despite his implied anti-government tone.
On 23 June, High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realising the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about the Pasha to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst of the British occupation force in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with the Brigade of Gurkhas. When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the armistice that he had signed and was assigned to another position on 5 August 1919. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced them that Mustafa Kemal was right.
By early July, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received telegrams from the sultan and Calthorpe, asking him and Refet to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Constantinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the sultan's plans. Before resigning from his position, he dispatched a circular to all nationalist organizations and military commanders to not disband or surrender unless for the latter if they could be replaced by cooperative nationalist commanders. Now only a civilian stripped of his command, Mustafa Kemal was at the mercy of the new inspector of Third Army (renamed from Ninth Army) Karabekir Pasha, indeed the War Ministry ordered him to arrest Kemal, an order which Karabekir refused. The Erzurum Congress was a meeting of delegates and governors from the six Eastern Vilayets. They drafted the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which envisioned new borders for the Ottoman Empire by applying principles of national self-determination per Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the abolition of the capitulations. The Erzurum Congress concluded with a circular that was effectively a declaration of independence: All regions within Ottoman borders upon the signing of the Mudros Armistice were indivisible from the Ottoman state –Greek and Armenian claims on Thrace and Anatolia were moot– and assistance from any country not coveting Ottoman territory was welcome. If the government in Constantinople was not able to attain this after electing a new parliament, they insisted a provisional government should be promulgated to defend Turkish sovereignty. The Committee of Representation was established as a provisional executive body based in Anatolia, with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its chairman.
Following the congress, the Committee of Representation relocated to Sivas. As announced in the Amasya Circular, a new congress was held there in September with delegates from all Anatolian and Thracian provinces. The Sivas Congress repeated the points of the National Pact agreed to in Erzurum, and united the various regional Defence of National Rights Associations organizations, into a united political organisation: Anatolia and Rumeli Defence of Rights Association (A-RMHC), with Mustafa Kemal as its chairman. In an effort show his movement was in fact a new and unifying movement, the delegates had to swear an oath to discontinue their relations with the CUP and to never revive the party (despite most present in Sivas being previous members).[120] It was also decided there that the Ottoman Empire should not be a League of Nations mandate under the United States, especially after the U.S Senate failed to ratify American membership in the League.
Momentum was now on the Nationalists' side. A plot by a loyalist Ottoman governor and a British intelligence officer to arrest Kemal before the Sivas Congress led to the cutting of all ties with the Ottoman government until a new election would be held in the lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1919, the last Ottoman governor loyal to Constantinople fled his province. Fearing the outbreak of hostilities, all British troops stationed in the Black Sea coast and Kütahya were evacuated. Damat Ferid Pasha resigned, and the sultan replaced him with a general with nationalist credentials: Ali Rıza Pasha. On 16 October 1919, Ali Rıza and the Nationalists held negotiations in Amasya. They agreed in the Amasya Protocol that an election would be called for the Ottoman Parliament to establish national unity by upholding the resolutions made in the Sivas Congress, including the National Pact.
By October 1919, the Ottoman government only held de facto control over Constantinople; the rest of the Ottoman Empire was loyal to Kemal's movement to resist a partition of Anatolia and Thrace. Within a few months Mustafa Kemal went from General Inspector of the Ninth Army to a renegade military commander discharged for insubordination to leading a homegrown anti-Entente movement that overthrew a government and driven it into resistance.
In December 1919, an election was held for the Ottoman parliament, with polls only open in unoccupied Anatolia and Thrace. It was boycotted by Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians and the Freedom and Accord Party, resulting in groups associated with the Turkish Nationalist Movement winning, including the A-RMHC. The Nationalists' obvious links to the CUP made the election especially polarizing and voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing in favor of the Kemalists were regular occurrences in rural provinces. This controversy led to many of the nationalist MPs organizing the National Salvation Group separate from Kemal's movement, which risked the nationalist movement splitting in two.
Mustafa Kemal was elected an MP from Erzurum, but he expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal and the Committee of Representation moved from Sivas to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Constantinople to attend the parliament.
Though Ali Rıza Pasha called the election as per the Amasya Protocol to keep unity between the "Istanbul government" and "Ankara government", he was wrong to think the election could bring him any legitimacy. The Ottoman parliament was under the de facto control of the British battalion stationed at Constantinople and any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the battalion's commanding officer. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.
On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey was in Ankara in the name of the Committee of Representation. On 28 January the MPs from both sides of the isle secretly met to endorse the National Pact as a peace settlement. They added to the points passed in Sivas, calling for plebiscites to be held in West Thrace; Batum, Kars, and Ardahan, and Arab lands on whether to stay in the Empire or not. Proposals were also made to elect Kemal president of the Chamber;[clarification needed] however, this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies would be forcefully dissolved for passing the National Pact anyway. The National Pact solidified Nationalist interests, which were in conflict with the Allied plans.
From February to April, leaders of Britain, France, and Italy met in London to discuss the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the crisis in Anatolia. The British began to sense that the elected Ottoman government was under Kemalist influence and if left unchecked, the Entente could once again find themselves at war with the Empire. The Ottoman government was not doing all that it could to suppress the Nationalists.
Mustafa Kemal manufactured a crisis to pressure the Istanbul government to pick a side by deploying Kuva-yi Milliye towards İzmit. The British, concerned about the security of the Bosporus Strait, demanded Ali Rıza Pasha to reassert control over the area, to which he responded with his resignation to the sultan.
As they were negotiating the partition of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies were growing increasingly concerned about the Turkish National Movement. To this end, the Allied occupational authorities in Istanbul began to plan a raid to arrest nationalist politicians and journalists along with occupying military and police installations and government buildings. On 16 March 1920, the coup was carried out; several Royal Navy warships were anchored in the Galata Bridge to support British forces, including the Indian Army, while they carried out the arrests and occupied several government buildings in the early hours of the morning.
An Indian Army operation, the Şehzadebaşı raid, resulted in 5 Ottoman soldiers from the 10th Infantry Division being killed when troops raided their barracks. Among those arrested were the senior leadership of the Turkish National Movement and former members of the CUP. 150 arrested Turkish politicians accused of war crimes were interned in Malta and became known as the Malta exiles.
Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the Nationalist organisations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to counter Allied movements was to organise protests. He declared "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence – its entire future".
On 18 March, the Chamber of Deputies declared that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members, and dissolved itself. Mehmed VI confirmed this and declared the end of Constitutional Monarchy and a return to absolutism. University students were forbidden from joining political associations inside and outside the classroom. With the lower elected Chamber of Deputies shuttered, the Constitution terminated, and the capital occupied; Sultan Vahdettin, his cabinet, and the appointed Senate were all that remained of the Ottoman government, and were basically a puppet regime of the Allied powers. Grand Vizier Salih Hulusi Pasha declared Mustafa Kemal's struggle legitimate, and resigned after less than a month in office. In his place, Damat Ferid Pasha returned to the premiership. The Sublime Porte's decapitation by the Entente allowed Mustafa Kemal to consolidate his position as the sole leader of Turkish resistance against the Allies, and to that end made him the legitimate representative of the Turkish people.
The strong measures taken against the Nationalists by the Allies in March 1920 began a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a new parliament to represent the Ottoman (Turkish) people, which would convene in Ankara. With the proclamation of the counter-government, Kemal would then ask the sultan to accept its authority. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the caliph from the Allies. He found an ally in the Khilafat movement of British India, where Indians protested Britain's planned dismemberment of Turkey. A committee was also started for sending funds to help the soon to be proclaimed Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip and Abdülhak Adnan (Adıvar), Mustafa İsmet Pasha (İnönü), Mustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), many of Kemal's allies in the Ministry of War, and Celalettin Arif, the president of the now shuttered Chamber of Deputies. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as he declared that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally.
Some 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced the establishment of a new parliament in Ankara known as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNA) that was dominated by the A-RMHC.[citation needed] The parliament included Turks, Circassians, Kurds, and one Jew. They met in a building that used to serve as the provincial headquarters of the local CUP chapter. The inclusion of "Turkey" in its name reflected a increasing trend of new ways Ottoman citizens thought of their country, and was the first time it was formally used as the name of the country. On 23 April, the assembly, assuming full governmental powers, gathered for the first time, electing Mustafa Kemal its first Speaker and Prime Minister.
Hoping to undermine the Nationalist Movement, Mehmed VI issued a fatwa to qualify the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, calling for the death of its leaders. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the Nationalist Movement as they committed apostasy. The mufti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi issued a simultaneous fatwa, declaring that the caliphate was under the control of the Entente and the Ferid Pasha government. In this text, the Nationalist Movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultanate and the caliphate from its enemies. In reaction to the desertion of several prominent figures to the Nationalist Movement, Ferid Pasha ordered Halide Edip, Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal to be sentenced to death in absentia for treason.
On 28 April the sultan raised 4,000 soldiers known as the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye (Caliphate Army) to combat the Nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, another force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants were initially deployed in İznik. The sultan's government sent the forces under the name of the Caliphate Army to the revolutionaries to arouse counterrevolutionary sympathy. The British, being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counteract the revolutionaries. The Nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many smaller units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat and Refet Pasha.
Anatolia had many competing forces on its soil: British troops, Nationalist militia (Kuva-yi Milliye), the sultan's army (Kuva-yi İnzibatiye), and Anzavur's bands. On 13 April 1920, an uprising supported by Anzavur against the GNA occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the fatwa. Within days the rebellion spread to Bolu and Gerede. The movement engulfed northwestern Anatolia for about a month. On 14 June, Nationalist militia fought a pitched battle near İzmit against the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye, Anzavur's bands, and British units. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye deserted and joined the Nationalist militia. Anzavur was not so lucky, as the Nationalists tasked Ethem the Circassian with crushing Anzavur's revolt. This revealed the sultan did not have the unwavering support of his own men and allies. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held their position. For now, Istanbul was out of Ankara's grasp.
The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. British forces conducted combat operations on the Nationalists and the Royal Air Force carried out aerial bombardments against the positions, which forced Nationalist forces to temporarily retreat to more secure missions. The British commander in Turkey, General George Milne—, asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish Nationalists. The report, signed by French Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, concluded that 27 divisions were necessary, but the British army did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the British public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.
The British accepted the fact that a nationalist movement could not be defeated without deployment of consistent and well-trained forces. On 25 June, the forces originating from Kuva-i İnzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The British realised that the best option to overcome these Turkish Nationalists was to use a force that was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor already occupying its territory: Greece.
Eleftherios Venizelos, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Anatolia, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the hope that fighting would stop. The subsequent treaty of Sèvres in August 1920 confirmed the Arab provinces of the empire would be reorganized into new nations given to Britain and France in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while the rest of the Empire would be partitioned between Greece, Italy, France (via Syrian mandate), Britain (via Iraqi mandate), Armenia (potentially under an American mandate), and Georgia. Smyrna would hold a plebiscite on whether to stay with Greece or Turkey, and the Kurdistan region would hold one on the question of independence. British, French, and Italian spheres of influence would also extend into Anatolia beyond the land concessions. The old capital of Constantinople as well as the Dardanelles would be under international League of Nations control.
However, the treaty could never come into effect. The treaty was extremely unpopular, with protests against the final document held even before its release in Sultanahmet square. Though Mehmed VI and Ferid Pasha loathed the treaty, they did not want Istanbul to join Ankara in nationalist struggle. The Ottoman government and Greece never ratified it. Though Ferid Pasha signed the treaty, the Ottoman Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the sultan, refused to ratify the treaty. Greece disagreed on the borders drawn. The other allies began to fracture their support of the settlement immediately. Italy started openly supporting the Nationalists with arms by the end of 1920, and the French signed another separate peace treaty with Ankara only months later.
Kemal's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Sèvres by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected sultan, but from the Turkish people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the sultan's signature of the Treaty of Sèvres would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the sultan, the document gave Kemal ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Turks for justified resistance against Istanbul.
In contrast to the Eastern and Western fronts, it was mostly unorganized Kuva-yi Milliye which were fighting in the Southern Front against France. They had help from the Syrians, who were fighting their own war with the French.
The British troops which occupied coastal Syria by the end of World War I were replaced by French troops over 1919, with the Syrian interior going to Faisal bin Al-Hussein's self-proclaimed Arab Kingdom of Syria. France which wanted to take control of all of Syria and Cilicia. There was also a desire facilitate the return of Armenian refugees in the region to their homes, and the occupation force consisted of the French Armenian Legion as well as various Armenian militia groups. 150,000 Armenians were repatriated to their homes within months of French occupation. On 21 January 1920, a Turkish Nationalist uprising and siege occurred against the French garrison in Marash. The French position untenable they retreated to Islahiye, resulting in a massacre of many Armenians by Turkish militia. A grueling siege followed in Antep which featured intense sectarian violence between Turks and Armenians. After a failed uprising by the Nationalists in Adana, by 1921, the French and Turks signed an armistice and eventually a treaty was brokered demarcating the border between the Ankara government and French controlled Syria. In the end, there was a mass exodus of Cilician Armenians to French controlled Syria, Previous Armenian survivors of deportation found themselves again as refugees and families which avoided the worst of the six years violence were forced from their homes, ending thousands of years of Christian presence in Southern Anatolia.[146] With France being the first Allied power to recognize and negotiate with the Ankara government only months after signing the Treaty of Sèvres, it was the first to break from the coordinated Allied approach to the Eastern question. In 1923 the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under French authority would be proclaimed in former Ottoman territory.
Some efforts to coordinate between Turkish Nationalists and the Syrian rebels persisted from 1920 to 1921, with the Nationalists supporting the Faisal's kingdom through Ibrahim Hanunu and Alawite groups which were also fighting the French. While the French conquered Syria, Cilicia had to be abandoned.
Kuva-yi Milliye also engaged with British forces in the "Al-Jazira Front," primarily in Mosul. Ali İhsan Pasha (Sabis) and his forces defending Mosul would surrender to the British in October 1918, but the British ignored the armistice and seized the city, following which the pasha also ignored the armistice and distributed weapons to the locals. Even before Mustafa Kemal's movement was fully organized, rogue commanders found allies in Kurdish tribes. The Kurds detested the taxes and centralization the British demanded, including Shaykh Mahmud of the Barzani family. Having previously supported the British invasion of Mesopotamia to become the governor of South Kurdistan, Mahmud revolted but was apprehended by 1919. Without legitimacy to govern the region, he was released from captivity to Sulaymaniyah, where he again declared an uprising against the British as the King of Kurdistan. Though an alliance existed with the Turks, little material support came to him from Ankara, and by 1923 there was a desire to cease hostilities between the Turks and British at Barzanji's expense. Mahmud was overthrown in 1924, and after a 1926 plebiscite, Mosul was awarded to British-controlled Iraq.
Since 1917, the Caucasus was in a chaotic state. The border of newly independent Armenia and the Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (4 June 1918). To the east, Armenia was at war with the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic after the breakup of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, and received support from Anton Denikin's White Russian Army. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn, which mandated the evacuation of the Ottoman army back to its 1914 borders. Right after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, pro-Ottoman provisional republics were proclaimed in Kars and Aras which were subsequently invaded by Armenia. Ottoman soldiers were convinced not to demobilize lest the area become a 'second Macedonia'.[149] Both sides of the new borders had massive refugee populations and famine, which were compounded by the renewed and more symmetric sectarian violence (See Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia (1917–1921) and Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan). There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Allied Powers on reshaping the border. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer territories to Armenia based on the principles of national self-determination. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920).
Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, commander of the XV corps, encountered Muslim refugees fleeing from the Armenian army, but did not have the authority to cross the border. Karabekir's two reports (30 May and 4 June 1920) outlined the situation in the region. He recommended redrawing the eastern borders, especially around Erzurum. The Russian government was receptive to this and demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. However, Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish Nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami (Kunduh) was assigned to negotiate with the Bolsheviks.
On 24 September 1920, Karabekir's XV corps and Kurdish militia advance on Kars, blowing through Armenian opposition, and then Alexandropol. With an advance on Yerevan imminent, on 28 November 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Gekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government surrendered to Bolshevik forces, ending the conflict.
The Treaty of Alexandropol (2—3 December 1920) was the first treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. The 10th article in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres and its allotted partition of Anatolia. The agreement was signed with representatives of the former government of Armenia, which by that time had no de jure or de facto power in Armenia, since Soviet rule was already established in the country. On 16 March 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.
Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.
In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.
The ‘Face of Suffrage’ artwork, a floor-based, 200 metre-square photo mosaic, is made up of more than 3,700 images of females from across the West Midlands and beyond. When viewed from above, it shows Hilda Burkitt, a leading face from the suffrage movement in the West Midlands. Evaline Hilda Burkitt was born in Wolverhampton in 1876 and died in 1955. She was the first suffragette to be forcibly fed a total of 292 times and had a job at the Birmingham WSPU (Women’s Social and Political Union) headquarters, in Ethel Street, near New Street station. Hilda threw a stone at Prime Minister Herbert Asquith’s train as it pulled out of Birmingham New Street after he attended a male-only budget meeting and she was imprisoned at Winson Green prison.
The image is made up of a combination of historical pictures of women involved in the suffragette movement from the West Midlands in the early 1900s and of females today using photographs submitted by the public be part of the commemoration. The artwork will be on display until Friday 14 December – the day which marks the 100th anniversary of women voting for the first time.
1913AD, 4th June, Epsom, England. Emily Davison attempts to grab the bridle of Anmer, a horse owned by King George V.
Since 1906AD Emil Davison had been a member of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) which had been formed in 1903AD by Emmeline Pankhurst. The Union felt strongly that militant and confrontational tactics were needed in order to achieve women's suffrage (the right for women to vote)
Quiet why Emily Davison attended the derby at Epsom is unknown. It is considered by today's historians that she wanted to gain attention to the cause. However having jumped into the race track she collided with the horse and fell to the ground. She was then trampled by its hoofs as it also fell. The jockey, Herbert Jones, was thrown but had his foot caught in the stirrup. The horse then did a somersault, got up, and resumed running the race, dragging the unconscious Jones before his foot came loose. Those watching tried unsuccessfully to revive both Davison and Jones, they were carried off by ambulances. Emil Davison died 4 days later while Herbert ones recovered.
As a consequence of the collision the Woman's suffrage gained male political support. In 1918AD The Representation of the People Act was passed, this allowed women over the age of 30 to vote. And this was extended to woman over 21 in 1928AD when 'The Representation of the People Act' was passed.
Celebrating the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment in Baker City Oregon with the Baker City AAUW
The Struggle for Women’s Suffrage performed as reader’s theater by some of the amazing women of the AAUW (American Association of University Women) Baker City, (and one guest narrator). An amazing and timely performance celebrating the fight for equal rights at at the polls on the eve of the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment.