Rendering of interior composition with black, out-of-scale drawing stick.

redrawed in Inkscape

SVG: webfile.ru/4420462

I drew this in Photoshop on my Surface Pro 4. I took both the main font from the Zork I game art I bought from Gog.com. The people with the lamp and the monsters in the dark were my redrawing from a google search of Zork Art.

Victorian Alpine Huts survey, for Parks Victoria 1994-5.

This hut is located on Grazing Block 25 which was held by HB Duane around 1900 followed by FA & PH Howman of Eskdale in the 1920s who were later joined by JK Kelley{ 1092/121}. L Prichard of Mitta Mitta had it in the 1930s when the lease boundaries were disputed with adjoining leaseholder, Maddison. Maddison & Neilson took the block in 1934-5 but Prichard & Hodgkin won it back in the following year. Hodgkin & Yea of Eskdale took it in the early 1940s but by then the Soil Conservation Board was undertaking its investigation into erosion in the alps. In 1946 the Bogong High Plains Advisory Committee recommended that all leases be cancelled in the area and reissued with new conditions limiting stock numbers. The limit on this block was suggested at 350 cattle or horses (no sheep allowed) and the tenure was strictly 25 November to 30 April{ ibid. departmental note 9.10.46}. the area was also reduced from 8700 acres to 8100, along with a general redrawing of grazing block boundaries. The Soil Conservation Authority requested GB 24,25 be terminated at the end of 1956-7, allowing a years grace if fencing was carried out on the Eskdale Spur to exclude the Kiewa Scheme catchment. Grazing Block 25 was cancelled October 1957. The Ski Club of Victoria applied in April 1934 to erect a hut on the staircase spur. Its function would be to render a winter ascent of Mt Bogong easier so as to attract `the average ski runner who may consider conditions at the present time too difficult'{ HO 19905 applic. letter 11.4.34}. Except for three one day visits, this mountain has never been skied on' yet the club's members had established that there was `excellent extensive skiing' to be had on the mountain, being the highest point in Victoria. The Lands Department noted that the intended site was held under a grazing licence but otherwise they had no objection although they thought that the Tourist Committee could be consulted{ ibid.}. In July the club (via secretary, Ernest E Tyler) furnished the department with a map which showed the intended site, noting that they had other huts in mind which totalled three and hence hoped that they might achieve some discount on the annual fee of one guinea per hut (one at the top of staircase spur and another larger club chalet in Camp Valley). The club membership was then 500. `We deeply appreciate your action in this matter..members of the club feel sure that Mt Bogong will prove one of the best skiing mountains in the State..' The club journal outlined their plan for the mountain: 1. The placing of a "bivouac" on the Staircase Spur at 4800' 2. The clearance of snow gums from a portion of the spur 3. Erection of snow poles from a position above the "Gap" to Camp Valley. 4. The building of a Club hut in Camp Valley. 5. If it is found necessary at a later date, a second hut could be built on the staircase, "Bogong Gap" 6000 feet.{ Cleve Cole in `The Victorian Ski Year Book 1934', p121f} They were successful but the weather deterred erection of the hut immediately, meaning that the next target date was November 1934, with completion made in March 1935. The choice of site was guided by the hut's builder Walter Maddison and the financing of the hut's construction came from Tawonga residents and `city admirers of the mountain'. The hut was built using a split timber (woollybut) frame and corrugated iron cladding{ Stephenson (1982): 355f}. The snow poles would be next on the program along with the clearing of `a wide pathway' through the snow gums but lack of money would put this back another year. Cleve Cole wrote of this hut's construction as one of the improvements resulting from the Bogong Development Scheme. Cole wrote also of a typical ski journey up the mountain: `The approach to Bogong via the Staircase Spur commences at Tawonga which may be reached by rail to Bright or Wodonga. From the former a car would need to be hired; from the latter a regular mail and passenger service is conducted.' `An early start, say daybreak, should be made when private transport is used, as the 210 miles from Melbourne to Tawonga will take approximately seven hours. At the latter place horses are hired and a five-hour journey along Mountain Creek and up the Staircase Spur, a distance of ten miles, should bring you to the "bivouac" before nightfall. From here, weather permitting, an early start is recommended next day. The climb to the summit ridge, which involves an increase of 1700' in altitude, is sure to prove strenuous, and ample time should be allowed for the journey which will take at least three hours..' A photograph of a hut near this site (c1937) shows a gabled corrugated iron clad hut with a single doorway and a detached timber-framed fireplace at one end{ Stephenson: 217}. It was the scene of many bush-walks and ski tours to the summit of Mt Bogong and the place sought by Cleve Cole, Mick Hull and Howard Michell in August 1936 in their ill-fated journey from the summit. A similar unsuccessful bid was made from the second Bivouac Hut to the summit by Georgine Gadsen, John McRae and Ted Welch in 1943{ Stephenson: 212; Stephenson (1982): 270f}. The first bivouac had been destroyed in the 1939 fires and, being insured, was re-erected March 1939{ ibid. SCV letter 10.5.40}. By then the club had also erected Summit Hut (1938) and Cleve Cole Hut (1938), completing the development of three sites although their intended hut in Rocky Valley had not been built because of the club's interest in acquiring an SEC hut built some two years ago in that location. Cope Hut had been built by the Public Works Department for tourists but they were reluctant to continue maintenance of the hut. The SCV had been made an unofficial managers of the hut. By 1940 they planned another two huts, one at the head of the Bogong Creek and one at Bogong Gap but encountered a new attitude in the Lands Department. The department pointed out that in January 1938, an area had been withdrawn from occupation to serve the SEC's Kiewa scheme. The SCV was dismayed, querying if all hut occupancies were to be withdrawn on the mountain{ SCV letter 13.6.40}. nevertheless, by the late 1940s, the SCV held Bivouac, Summit, Cleve Cole, West Peak and Bogong Gap huts{ LDV note 3.1948}. The second Bivouac Hut was burnt, along with Maddison's (cattleman's hut, thought built 19th century, Camp Valley) and Summit huts in October 1978. Headlines included "Environmental Vandals on the Rampage" and "Alpine Huts Burned Down `Green group blamed'" highlighting the tension which had developed among user groups on the mountain. The claim was made by the Mt Bogong Club secretary, Keith Fizelle: `It appears they have been burned by somebody who does not think the huts should be on the mountain'{ `Sydney Morning Mail' 19.12.78: 3}. Ironically, the club had been seeking a replacement for Summit Hut since 1972 with little success because of the unfortunate precedent created by the erection of Michell Hut{ see HO 31617 SCA letter 27.4.72, submission 9.6.72}. The Lands Department handed over administration of the mountain to the National Parks Service in 1981 and this hut was replaced by the Service in that year{ ibid.: 233; NPS, `Bogong National Park' (1983): 45}. The NPS described the new hut as simple gabled hut 6x3m, clad with timber (treated with fire retardant) but the service had no plans to replace Maddison's or Summit huts{ NPS letter 2.9.80}. At that time it was heavily used by walkers and skiers and an important refuge{ ibid.}. The door and an air lock were at the north-west end and inside was a pot bell stove, the plan measuring 6x3m (actually 5mx3.3m), wall height 2.4m{ ibid.}. Tatnall's photograph shows a gabled hut (shallow pitch) clad with horizontal boarding (?) and equipped with deep eaves{ Tatnall photo #17, SLV}.

This photograph shows the cockipt with an open canopy to give a full sense of the scale and proportions. The fig is sitting at the front of the craft.

 

I'll also point out some nice finishing touches on styling: The classic space lego "Bumblebee" pattern is tucked mind-ship, where I used "Chima" Bright Light Orange and Trans-Black slopes for a more rounded and three dimensional look.

 

I've collected all the classic space sets between 1978 and 1984 and wanted to pay homage to the lineage by photographing the "moon and ship" logo from a large piece (www.bricklink.com/v2/catalog/catalogitem.page?P=3939p91, then diligently redrawing it in Adobe Illustrator. I ordered a set of custom stickers from Moo with matching brick colors.

 

You'll see the stickers just behind the cockpit and on the "nacelle" thusters.

 

----------------------

 

This is part of a walkthrough Album of a Lego MoC (My own Creation) called the Chrysalis. It took about two months, and a few hundred hours.

www.flickr.com/photos/kanemoto/albums/72157680243394264

 

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NOTES

This is a 24 MP-ish image, so you can zoom or view original size to see each individual brick if you are curious about the technique or structure.

This leaf once belonged to a small Missal, and was created in the late eleventh or early twelfth century. The distinct style of its miniature suggests it was made in Southern Germany, or possibly in the Tyrol region of Austria, where line drawing in colored inks had developed into a regional style. The recto depicts the Crucifixion, and the later redrawing of Christ, especially apparent in his face and feet, suggests it had been worn down through pious touch. On the verso is found the opening text for the Canon of the Mass, introduced by a historiated initial "T" containing a standing man wearing a short skirt. That the manuscript was well-used is attested to both by the heavy wear to the parchment, and by the two original manuscript tabs that were created as page markers for this important text and image.

 

To explore fully digitized manuscripts with a virtual page-turning application, please visit Walters Ex Libris.

My own take on how we managed to take record, team, vision and a super campaign strategy to redraw the political map of Scotland in a historical election: www.notosh.com/2011/05/we-made-history-the-best-new-media...

Victorian Alpine Huts survey, for Parks Victoria 1994-5.

This hut is located on Grazing Block 25 which was held by HB Duane around 1900 followed by FA & PH Howman of Eskdale in the 1920s who were later joined by JK Kelley{ 1092/121}. L Prichard of Mitta Mitta had it in the 1930s when the lease boundaries were disputed with adjoining leaseholder, Maddison. Maddison & Neilson took the block in 1934-5 but Prichard & Hodgkin won it back in the following year. Hodgkin & Yea of Eskdale took it in the early 1940s but by then the Soil Conservation Board was undertaking its investigation into erosion in the alps. In 1946 the Bogong High Plains Advisory Committee recommended that all leases be cancelled in the area and reissued with new conditions limiting stock numbers. The limit on this block was suggested at 350 cattle or horses (no sheep allowed) and the tenure was strictly 25 November to 30 April{ ibid. departmental note 9.10.46}. the area was also reduced from 8700 acres to 8100, along with a general redrawing of grazing block boundaries. The Soil Conservation Authority requested GB 24,25 be terminated at the end of 1956-7, allowing a years grace if fencing was carried out on the Eskdale Spur to exclude the Kiewa Scheme catchment. Grazing Block 25 was cancelled October 1957. The Ski Club of Victoria applied in April 1934 to erect a hut on the staircase spur. Its function would be to render a winter ascent of Mt Bogong easier so as to attract `the average ski runner who may consider conditions at the present time too difficult'{ HO 19905 applic. letter 11.4.34}. Except for three one day visits, this mountain has never been skied on' yet the club's members had established that there was `excellent extensive skiing' to be had on the mountain, being the highest point in Victoria. The Lands Department noted that the intended site was held under a grazing licence but otherwise they had no objection although they thought that the Tourist Committee could be consulted{ ibid.}. In July the club (via secretary, Ernest E Tyler) furnished the department with a map which showed the intended site, noting that they had other huts in mind which totalled three and hence hoped that they might achieve some discount on the annual fee of one guinea per hut (one at the top of staircase spur and another larger club chalet in Camp Valley). The club membership was then 500. `We deeply appreciate your action in this matter..members of the club feel sure that Mt Bogong will prove one of the best skiing mountains in the State..' The club journal outlined their plan for the mountain: 1. The placing of a "bivouac" on the Staircase Spur at 4800' 2. The clearance of snow gums from a portion of the spur 3. Erection of snow poles from a position above the "Gap" to Camp Valley. 4. The building of a Club hut in Camp Valley. 5. If it is found necessary at a later date, a second hut could be built on the staircase, "Bogong Gap" 6000 feet.{ Cleve Cole in `The Victorian Ski Year Book 1934', p121f} They were successful but the weather deterred erection of the hut immediately, meaning that the next target date was November 1934, with completion made in March 1935. The choice of site was guided by the hut's builder Walter Maddison and the financing of the hut's construction came from Tawonga residents and `city admirers of the mountain'. The hut was built using a split timber (woollybut) frame and corrugated iron cladding{ Stephenson (1982): 355f}. The snow poles would be next on the program along with the clearing of `a wide pathway' through the snow gums but lack of money would put this back another year. Cleve Cole wrote of this hut's construction as one of the improvements resulting from the Bogong Development Scheme. Cole wrote also of a typical ski journey up the mountain: `The approach to Bogong via the Staircase Spur commences at Tawonga which may be reached by rail to Bright or Wodonga. From the former a car would need to be hired; from the latter a regular mail and passenger service is conducted.' `An early start, say daybreak, should be made when private transport is used, as the 210 miles from Melbourne to Tawonga will take approximately seven hours. At the latter place horses are hired and a five-hour journey along Mountain Creek and up the Staircase Spur, a distance of ten miles, should bring you to the "bivouac" before nightfall. From here, weather permitting, an early start is recommended next day. The climb to the summit ridge, which involves an increase of 1700' in altitude, is sure to prove strenuous, and ample time should be allowed for the journey which will take at least three hours..' A photograph of a hut near this site (c1937) shows a gabled corrugated iron clad hut with a single doorway and a detached timber-framed fireplace at one end{ Stephenson: 217}. It was the scene of many bush-walks and ski tours to the summit of Mt Bogong and the place sought by Cleve Cole, Mick Hull and Howard Michell in August 1936 in their ill-fated journey from the summit. A similar unsuccessful bid was made from the second Bivouac Hut to the summit by Georgine Gadsen, John McRae and Ted Welch in 1943{ Stephenson: 212; Stephenson (1982): 270f}. The first bivouac had been destroyed in the 1939 fires and, being insured, was re-erected March 1939{ ibid. SCV letter 10.5.40}. By then the club had also erected Summit Hut (1938) and Cleve Cole Hut (1938), completing the development of three sites although their intended hut in Rocky Valley had not been built because of the club's interest in acquiring an SEC hut built some two years ago in that location. Cope Hut had been built by the Public Works Department for tourists but they were reluctant to continue maintenance of the hut. The SCV had been made an unofficial managers of the hut. By 1940 they planned another two huts, one at the head of the Bogong Creek and one at Bogong Gap but encountered a new attitude in the Lands Department. The department pointed out that in January 1938, an area had been withdrawn from occupation to serve the SEC's Kiewa scheme. The SCV was dismayed, querying if all hut occupancies were to be withdrawn on the mountain{ SCV letter 13.6.40}. nevertheless, by the late 1940s, the SCV held Bivouac, Summit, Cleve Cole, West Peak and Bogong Gap huts{ LDV note 3.1948}. The second Bivouac Hut was burnt, along with Maddison's (cattleman's hut, thought built 19th century, Camp Valley) and Summit huts in October 1978. Headlines included "Environmental Vandals on the Rampage" and "Alpine Huts Burned Down `Green group blamed'" highlighting the tension which had developed among user groups on the mountain. The claim was made by the Mt Bogong Club secretary, Keith Fizelle: `It appears they have been burned by somebody who does not think the huts should be on the mountain'{ `Sydney Morning Mail' 19.12.78: 3}. Ironically, the club had been seeking a replacement for Summit Hut since 1972 with little success because of the unfortunate precedent created by the erection of Michell Hut{ see HO 31617 SCA letter 27.4.72, submission 9.6.72}. The Lands Department handed over administration of the mountain to the National Parks Service in 1981 and this hut was replaced by the Service in that year{ ibid.: 233; NPS, `Bogong National Park' (1983): 45}. The NPS described the new hut as simple gabled hut 6x3m, clad with timber (treated with fire retardant) but the service had no plans to replace Maddison's or Summit huts{ NPS letter 2.9.80}. At that time it was heavily used by walkers and skiers and an important refuge{ ibid.}. The door and an air lock were at the north-west end and inside was a pot bell stove, the plan measuring 6x3m (actually 5mx3.3m), wall height 2.4m{ ibid.}. Tatnall's photograph shows a gabled hut (shallow pitch) clad with horizontal boarding (?) and equipped with deep eaves{ Tatnall photo #17, SLV}.

i redrawed mouth and eyes shapes! =D

 

eyes by poetic colors

skin by Free Speerit

hair by Halnina (is the name right?)

dress by paper couture

 

update: new version =D

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.

 

Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while not directly involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath has been controversial. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.

 

As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü and was honored with a state funeral.

 

In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.

 

The Turkish War of Independence (19 May 1919 – 24 July 1923) was a series of military campaigns and a revolution waged by the Turkish National Movement, after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and partitioned following its defeat in World War I. The conflict was between the Turkish Nationalists against Allied and separatist forces over the application of Wilsonian principles, especially national self-determination, in post-World War I Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. The revolution concluded the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; the Ottoman monarchy and the Islamic caliphate were abolished, and the Republic of Turkey was declared in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This resulted in a transfer of vested sovereignty from the sultan-caliph to the nation, setting the stage for Republican Turkey's period of nationalist revolutionary reform.

 

While World War I ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mudros, the Allied Powers continued occupying and securing land per the Sykes–Picot Agreement, as well as to facilitate the prosecution of former members of the Committee of Union and Progress and those involved in the Armenian genocide. Ottoman military commanders therefore refused orders from both the Allies and the Ottoman government to surrender and disband their forces. In an atmosphere of turmoil throughout the remainder of the empire, sultan Mehmed VI dispatched Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), a well-respected and high-ranking general, to Anatolia to restore order; however, Mustafa Kemal became an enabler and eventually leader of Turkish Nationalist resistance against the Ottoman government, Allied powers, and separatists.

 

In an attempt to establish control over the power vacuum in Anatolia, the Allies agreed to launch a Greek peacekeeping force into Anatolia and occupy Smyrna (İzmir), inflaming sectarian tensions and beginning the Turkish War of Independence. A nationalist counter government led by Mustafa Kemal was established in Ankara when it became clear the Ottoman government was appeasing the Allied powers. The Allies soon pressured the Ottoman government in Constantinople to suspend the Constitution, shutter Parliament, and sign the Treaty of Sèvres, a treaty unfavorable to Turkish interests that the "Ankara government" declared illegal.

 

In the ensuing war, Turkish and Syrian forces defeated the French in the south, and remobilized army units went on to partition Armenia with the Bolsheviks, resulting in the Treaty of Kars (October 1921). The Western Front of the independence war is known as the Greco-Turkish War, in which Greek forces at first encountered unorganized resistance. However, İsmet Pasha (İnönü)'s organization of militia into a regular army paid off when Ankara forces fought the Greeks in the First and Second Battle of İnönü. The Greek army emerged victorious in the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and decided to drive on the Nationalist capital of Ankara, stretching their supply lines. The Turks checked their advance in the Battle of Sakarya and eventually counter-attacked in the Great Offensive, which expelled Greek forces from Anatolia in the span of three weeks. The war effectively ended with the recapture of İzmir and the Chanak Crisis, prompting the signing of another armistice in Mudanya.

 

The Grand National Assembly in Ankara was recognized as the legitimate Turkish government, which signed the Treaty of Lausanne (July 1923), a treaty more favorable to Turkey than the Sèvres Treaty. The Allies evacuated Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Ottoman government was overthrown and the monarchy abolished, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (which remains Turkey's primary legislative body today) declared the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. With the war, a population exchange between Greece and Turkey, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms, the Turks created the modern, secular nation-state of Turkey. On 3 March 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was also abolished.

 

The ethnic demographics of the modern Turkish Republic were significantly impacted by the earlier Armenian genocide and the deportations of Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian Rum people. The Turkish Nationalist Movement carried out massacres and deportations to eliminate native Christian populations—a continuation of the Armenian genocide and other ethnic cleansing operations during World War I. Following these campaigns of ethnic cleansing, the historic Christian presence in Anatolia was destroyed, in large part, and the Muslim demographic had increased from 80% to 98%.

 

Following the chaotic politics of the Second Constitutional Era, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Committee of Union and Progress in a coup in 1913, and then further consolidated its control after the assassination of Mahmud Shevket Pasha.[citation needed] Founded as a radical revolutionary group seeking to prevent a collapse of the Ottoman Empire, by the eve of World War I it decided that the solution was to implement nationalist and centralizing policies. The CUP reacted to the losses of land and the expulsion of Muslims from the Balkan Wars by turning even more nationalistic. Part of its effort to consolidate power was to proscribe and exile opposition politicians from the Freedom and Accord Party to remote Sinop.

 

The Unionists brought the Ottoman Empire into World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, during which a genocidal campaign was waged against Ottoman Christians, namely Armenians, Pontic Greeks, and Assyrians. It was based on an alleged conspiracy that the three groups would rebel on the side of the Allies, so collective punishment was applied. A similar suspicion and suppression from the Turkish nationalist government was directed towards the Arab and Kurdish populations, leading to localized rebellions. The Entente powers reacted to these developments by charging the CUP leaders, commonly known as the Three Pashas, with "Crimes against humanity" and threatened accountability. They also had imperialist ambitions on Ottoman territory, with a major correspondence over a post-war settlement in the Ottoman Empire being leaked to the press as the Sykes–Picot Agreement. With Saint Petersburg's exit from World War I and descent into civil war, driven in part from the Ottomans' closure of the Turkish straits of goods bound to Russia, a new imperative was given to the Entente powers to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war to restart the Eastern Front.

 

World War I would be the nail in the coffin of Ottomanism, a monarchist and multicultural nationalism. Mistreatment of non-Turk groups after 1913, and the general context of great socio-political upheaval that occurred in the aftermath of World War I, meant many minorities now wished to divorce their future from imperialism to form futures of their own by separating into (often republican) nation-states.

 

In the summer months of 1918, the leaders of the Central Powers realized that the Great War was lost, including the Ottomans'. Almost simultaneously the Palestinian Front and then the Macedonian Front collapsed. The sudden decision by Bulgaria to sign an armistice cut communications from Constantinople (İstanbul) to Vienna and Berlin, and opened the undefended Ottoman capital to Entente attack. With the major fronts crumbling, Unionist Grand Vizier Talât Pasha intended to sign an armistice, and resigned on 8 October 1918 so that a new government would receive less harsh armistice terms. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918, ending World War I for the Ottoman Empire. Three days later, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—which governed the Ottoman Empire as a one-party state since 1913—held its last congress, where it was decided the party would be dissolved. Talât, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and five other high-ranking members of the CUP escaped the Ottoman Empire on a German torpedo boat later that night, plunging the country into a power vacuum.

 

The armistice was signed because the Ottoman Empire had been defeated in important fronts, but the military was intact and retreated in good order. Unlike other Central Powers, the Allies did not mandate an abdication of the imperial family as a condition for peace, nor did they request the Ottoman Army to dissolve its general staff. Though the army suffered from mass desertion throughout the war which led to banditry, there was no threat of mutiny or revolutions like in Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia. This is despite famine and economic collapse that was brought on by the extreme levels of mobilization, destruction from the war, disease, and mass murder since 1914.

 

Due to the Turkish nationalist policies pursued by the CUP against Ottoman Christians by 1918 the Ottoman Empire held control over a mostly homogeneous land of Muslims from Eastern Thrace to the Persian border. These included mostly Turks, as well as Kurds, Circassians, and Muhacir groups from Rumeli. Most Muslim Arabs were now outside of the Ottoman Empire and under Allied occupation, with some "imperialists" still loyal to the Ottoman Sultanate-Caliphate, and others wishing for independence or Allied protection under a League of Nations mandate. Sizable Greek and Armenian minorities remained within its borders, and most of these communities no longer wished to remain under the Empire.

 

On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to an end. The Ottoman Army was to demobilize, its navy and air force handed to the Allies, and occupied territory in the Caucasus and Persia to be evacuated. Critically, Article VII granted the Allies the right to occupy forts controlling the Turkish Straits and the vague right to occupy "in case of disorder" any territory if there were a threat to security. The clause relating to the occupation of the straits was meant to secure a Southern Russian intervention force, while the rest of the article was used to allow for Allied controlled peace-keeping forces. There was also a hope to follow through punishing local actors that carried out exterminatory orders from the CUP government against Armenian Ottomans. For now, the House of Osman escaped the fates of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Romanovs to continue ruling their empire, though at the cost of its remaining sovereignty.

 

On 13 November 1918, a French brigade entered Constantinople to begin a de facto occupation of the Ottoman capital and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of British, French, Italian and Greek ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day, totaling 50,000 troops in Constantinople. The Allied Powers stated that the occupation was temporary and its purpose was to protect the monarchy, the caliphate and the minorities. Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe—the British signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the Ottoman government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Constantinople". However, dismantling the government and partitioning the Ottoman Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.

 

A wave of seizures took place in the rest of the country in the following months. Citing Article VII, British forces demanded that Turkish troops evacuate Mosul, claiming that Christian civilians in Mosul and Zakho were killed en masse. In the Caucasus, Britain established a presence in Menshevik Georgia and the Lori and Aras valleys as peace-keepers. On 14 November, joint Franco-Greek occupation was established in the town of Uzunköprü in Eastern Thrace as well as the railway axis until the train station of Hadımköy on the outskirts of Constantinople. On 1 December, British troops based in Syria occupied Kilis, Marash, Urfa and Birecik. Beginning in December, French troops began successive seizures of the province of Adana, including the towns of Antioch, Mersin, Tarsus, Ceyhan, Adana, Osmaniye, and İslâhiye, incorporating the area into the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration North while French forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Black Sea ports of Zonguldak and Karadeniz Ereğli commanding Turkey's coal mining region. These continued seizures of land prompted Ottoman commanders to refuse demobilization and prepare for the resumption of war.

 

The British similarly asked Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) to turn over the port of Alexandretta (İskenderun), which he reluctantly did, following which he was recalled to Constantinople. He made sure to distribute weapons to the population to prevent them from falling into the hands of Allied forces. Some of these weapons were smuggled to the east by members of Karakol, a successor to the CUP's Special Organization, to be used in case resistance was necessary in Anatolia. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia.

 

Other commanders began refusing orders from the Ottoman government and the Allied powers. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Constantinople, Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) brought XX Corps under his command. He marched first to Konya and then to Ankara to organise resistance groups, such as the Circassian çetes he assembled with guerilla leader Çerkes Ethem. Meanwhile, Kazım Karabekir Pasha refused to surrender his intact and powerful XV Corps in Erzurum. Evacuation from the Caucusus, puppet republics and Muslim militia groups were established in the army's wake to hamper with the consolidation of the new Armenian state. Elsewhere in the country, regional nationalist resistance organizations known as Şuras –meaning "councils", not unlike soviets in revolutionary Russia– were founded, most pledging allegiance to the Defence of National Rights movement that protested continued Allied occupation and appeasement by the Sublime Porte.

 

Following the occupation of Constantinople, Mehmed VI Vahdettin dissolved the Chamber of Deputies which was dominated by Unionists elected back in 1914, promising elections for the next year. Vahdettin just ascended to the throne only months earlier with the death of Mehmed V Reşad. He was disgusted with the policies of the CUP, and wished to be a more assertive sovereign than his diseased half brother. Greek and Armenian Ottomans declared the termination of their relationship with the Ottoman Empire through their respective patriarchates, and refused to partake in any future election. With the collapse of the CUP and its censorship regime, an outpouring of condemnation against the party came from all parts of Ottoman media.

 

A general amnesty was soon issued, allowing the exiled and imprisoned dissidents persecuted by the CUP to return to Constantinople. Vahdettin invited the pro-Palace politician Damat Ferid Pasha, leader of the reconstituted Freedom and Accord Party, to form a government, whose members quickly set out to purge the Unionists from the Ottoman government. Ferid Pasha hoped that his Anglophilia and an attitude of appeasement would induce less harsh peace terms from the Allied powers. However, his appointment was problematic for nationalists, many being members of the liquidated committee that were surely to face trial. Years of corruption, unconstitutional acts, war profiteering, and enrichment from ethnic cleansing and genocide by the Unionists soon became basis of war crimes trials and courts martial trials held in Constantinople.[citation needed] While many leading Unionists were sentenced lengthy prison sentences, many made sure to escape the country before Allied occupation or to regions that the government now had minimal control over; thus most were sentenced in absentia. The Allies encouragement of the proceedings and the use of British Malta as their holding ground made the trials unpopular. The partisan nature of the trials was not lost on observers either. The hanging of the Kaymakam of Boğazlıyan district Mehmed Kemal resulted in a demonstration against the courts martials trials.

 

With all the chaotic politics in the capital and uncertainty of the severity of the incoming peace treaty, many Ottomans looked to Washington with the hope that the application of Wilsonian principles would mean Constantinople would stay Turkish, as Muslims outnumbered Christians 2:1. The United States never declared war on the Ottoman Empire, so many imperial elite believed Washington could be a neutral arbiter that could fix the empire's problems. Halide Edip (Adıvar) and her Wilsonian Principles Society led the movement that advocated for the empire to be governed by an American League of Nations Mandate (see United States during the Turkish War of Independence). American diplomats attempted to ascertain a role they could play in the area with the Harbord and King–Crane Commissions. However, with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's health, the United States diplomatically withdrew from the Middle East to focus on Europe, leaving the Entente powers to construct a post-Ottoman order.

 

The Entente would have arrived at Constantinople to discover an administration attempting to deal with decades of accumulated refugee crisis. The new government issued a proclamation allowing for deportees to return to their homes, but many Greeks and Armenians found their old homes occupied by desperate Rumelian and Caucasian Muslim refugees which were settled in their properties during the First World War. Ethnic conflict restarted in Anatolia; government officials responsible for resettling Christian refugees often assisted Muslim refugees in these disputes, prompting European powers to continue bringing Ottoman territory under their control. Of the 800,000 Ottoman Christian refugees, approximately over half returned to their homes by 1920. Meanwhile 1.4 million refugees from the Russian Civil War would pass through the Turkish straits and Anatolia, with 150,000 White émigrés choosing to settle in Istanbul for short or long term (see Evacuation of the Crimea). Many provinces were simply depopulated from years of fighting, conscription, and ethnic cleansing (see Ottoman casualties of World War I). The province of Yozgat lost 50% of its Muslim population from conscription, while according to the governor of Van, almost 95% of its prewar residents were dead or internally displaced.

 

Administration in much of the Anatolian and Thracian countryside would soon all but collapse by 1919. Army deserters who turned to banditry essentially controlled fiefdoms with tacit approval from bureaucrats and local elites. An amnesty issued in late 1918 saw these bandits strengthen their positions and fight amongst each other instead of returning to civilian life. Albanian and Circassian muhacirs resettled by the government in northwestern Anatolia and Kurds in southeastern Anatolia were engaged in blood feuds that intensified during the war and were hesitant to pledge allegiance to the Defence of Rights movement, and only would if officials could facilitate truces. Various Muhacir groups were suspicious of the continued Ittihadist ideology in the Defence of Rights movement, and the potential for themselves to meet fates 'like the Armenians' especially as warlords hailing from those communities assisted the deportations of the Christians even though as many commanders in the Nationalist movement also had Caucasian and Balkan Muslim ancestry.

 

With Anatolia in practical anarchy and the Ottoman army being questionably loyal in reaction to Allied land seizures, Mehmed VI established the military inspectorate system to reestablish authority over the remaining empire. Encouraged by Karabekir and Edmund Allenby, he assigned Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate –based in Erzurum– to restore order to Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919, with his first assignment to suppress a rebellion by Greek rebels around the city of Samsun.

 

Mustafa Kemal was a well known, well respected, and well connected army commander, with much prestige coming from his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar"—for his role in the Gallipoli Campaign—and his title of "Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan" gained in the last months of WWI. This choice would seem curious, as he was a nationalist and a fierce critic of the government's accommodating policy to the Entente powers. He was also an early member of the CUP. However Kemal Pasha did not associate himself with the fanatical faction of the CUP, many knew that he frequently clashed with the radicals of the Central Committee like Enver. He was therefore sidelined to the periphery of power throughout the Great War; after the CUP's dissolution he vocally aligned himself with moderates that formed the Liberal People's Party instead of the rump radical faction which formed the Renewal Party (both parties would be banned in May 1919 for being successors of the CUP). All these reasons allowed him to be the most legitimate nationalist for the sultan to placate. In this new political climate, he sought to capitalize on his war exploits to attain a better job, indeed several times he unsuccessfully lobbied for his inclusion in cabinet as War Minister. His new assignment gave him effective plenipotentiary powers over all of Anatolia which was meant to accommodate him and other nationalists to keep them loyal to the government.

 

Mustafa Kemal had earlier declined to become the leader of the Sixth Army headquartered in Nusaybin. But according to Patrick Balfour, through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, he became the inspector of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of remaining Ottoman forces. Kemal had an abundance of connections and personal friends concentrated in the post-armistice War Ministry, a powerful tool that would help him accomplish his secret goal: to lead a nationalist movement to safeguard Turkish interests against the Allied powers and a collaborative Ottoman government.

 

The day before his departure to Samsun on the remote Black Sea coast, Kemal had one last audience with Sultan Vahdettin, where he affirmed his loyalty to the sultan-caliph. It was in this meeting that they were informed of the botched occupation ceremony of Smyrna (İzmir) by the Greeks. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma on the evening of 16 May 1919.

 

On 19 January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference was first held, at which Allied nations set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Ottoman Empire. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey", was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. France expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon, Syria, and a portion of southeastern Anatolia based on the Sykes–Picot Agreement.

 

Greece justified their territorial claims of Ottoman land through the Megali Idea as well as international sympathy from the suffering of Ottoman Greeks in 1914 and 1917–1918. Privately, Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos had British prime minister David Lloyd George's backing not least from Greece's entrance to WWI on the Allied side, but also from his charisma and charming personality. Greece's participation in the Allies' Southern Russian intervention also earned it favors in Paris. His demands included parts of Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada), Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna (İzmir), all of which had large Greek populations. Venizelos also advocated a large Armenian state to check a post-war Ottoman Empire. Greece wanted to incorporate Constantinople, but Entente powers did not give permission. Damat Ferid Pasha went to Paris on behalf of the Ottoman Empire hoping to minimize territorial losses using Fourteen Points rhetoric, wishing for a return to status quo ante bellum, on the basis that every province of the Empire holds Muslim majorities. This plea was met with ridicule.

 

At the Paris Peace Conference, competing claims over Western Anatolia by Greek and Italian delegations led Greece to land the flagship of the Greek Navy at Smyrna, resulting in the Italian delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Italy responded to the possible idea of Greek incorporation of Western Anatolia by sending a warship to Smyrna as a show of force against the Greek campaign. A large Italian force also landed in Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna per Article VII, ostensibly as a peacekeeping force to keep stability in the region. Venizelos's rhetoric was more directed against the CUP regime than the Turks as a whole, an attitude not always shared in the Greek military: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic [İttihadist] Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would control a zone around Smyrna and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor.

 

Most historians mark the Greek landing at Smyrna on 15 May 1919 as the start date of the Turkish War of Independence as well as the start of the "Kuva-yi Milliye Phase". The occupation ceremony from the outset was tense from nationalist fervor, with Ottoman Greeks greeting the soldiers with an ecstatic welcome, and Ottoman Muslims protesting the landing. A miscommunication in Greek high command led to an Evzone column marching by the municipal Turkish barracks. The nationalist journalist Hasan Tahsin fired the "first bullet"[note 4] at the Greek standard bearer at the head of the troops, turning the city into a warzone. Süleyman Fethi Bey was murdered by bayonet for refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" (meaning "long live Venizelos"), and 300–400 unarmed Turkish soldiers and civilians and 100 Greek soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded.

 

Greek troops moved from Smyrna outwards to towns on the Karaburun peninsula; to Selçuk, situated a hundred kilometres south of the city at a key location that commands the fertile Küçük Menderes River valley; and to Menemen towards the north. Guerilla warfare commenced in the countryside, as Turks began to organize themselves into irregular guerilla groups known as Kuva-yi Milliye (national forces), which were soon joined by Ottoman soldiers, bandits, and disaffected farmers. Most Kuva-yi Milliye bands were led by rogue military commanders and members of the Special Organization. The Greek troops based in cosmopolitan Smyrna soon found themselves conducting counterinsurgency operations in a hostile, dominantly Muslim hinterland. Groups of Ottoman Greeks also formed contingents that cooperated with the Greek Army to combat Kuva-yi Milliye within the zone of control. A massacre of Turks at Menemen was followed up with a battle for the town of Aydın, which saw intense intercommunal violence and the razing of the city. What was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission of Western Anatolia instead inflamed ethnic tensions and became a counterinsurgency.

 

The reaction of Greek landing at Smyrna and continued Allied seizures of land served to destabilize Turkish civil society. Ottoman bureaucrats, military, and bourgeoisie trusted the Allies to bring peace, and thought the terms offered at Mudros were considerably more lenient than they actually were. Pushback was potent in the capital, with 23 May 1919 being largest of the Sultanahmet Square demonstrations organized by the Turkish Hearths against the Greek occupation of Smyrna, the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history at that point. The Ottoman government condemned the landing, but could do little about it. Ferid Pasha tried to resign, but was urged by the sultan to stay in his office.

 

Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his colleagues stepped ashore in Samsun on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mıntıka Palace Hotel. British troops were present in Samsun, and he initially maintained cordial contact. He had assured Damat Ferid about the army's loyalty towards the new government in Constantinople. However, behind the government's back, Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged discreet mass meetings, made fast connections via telegraph with the army units in Anatolia, and began to form links with various Nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Kemal and his staff moved to Havza. It was there that he first showed the flag of the resistance.

 

Mustafa Kemal wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. His credentials and the importance of his position were not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he met with various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Pasha, Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuat Pasha, and Refet Pasha and issued the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919). Ottoman provincial authorities were notified via telegraph that the unity and independence of the nation was at risk, and that the government in Constantinople was compromised. To remedy this, a congress was to take place in Erzurum between delegates of the Six Vilayets to decide on a response, and another congress would take place in Sivas where every Vilayet should send delegates. Sympathy and an lack of coordination from the capital gave Mustafa Kemal freedom of movement and telegraph use despite his implied anti-government tone.

 

On 23 June, High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realising the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about the Pasha to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst of the British occupation force in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with the Brigade of Gurkhas. When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the armistice that he had signed and was assigned to another position on 5 August 1919. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced them that Mustafa Kemal was right.

 

By early July, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received telegrams from the sultan and Calthorpe, asking him and Refet to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Constantinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the sultan's plans. Before resigning from his position, he dispatched a circular to all nationalist organizations and military commanders to not disband or surrender unless for the latter if they could be replaced by cooperative nationalist commanders. Now only a civilian stripped of his command, Mustafa Kemal was at the mercy of the new inspector of Third Army (renamed from Ninth Army) Karabekir Pasha, indeed the War Ministry ordered him to arrest Kemal, an order which Karabekir refused. The Erzurum Congress was a meeting of delegates and governors from the six Eastern Vilayets. They drafted the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which envisioned new borders for the Ottoman Empire by applying principles of national self-determination per Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the abolition of the capitulations. The Erzurum Congress concluded with a circular that was effectively a declaration of independence: All regions within Ottoman borders upon the signing of the Mudros Armistice were indivisible from the Ottoman state –Greek and Armenian claims on Thrace and Anatolia were moot– and assistance from any country not coveting Ottoman territory was welcome. If the government in Constantinople was not able to attain this after electing a new parliament, they insisted a provisional government should be promulgated to defend Turkish sovereignty. The Committee of Representation was established as a provisional executive body based in Anatolia, with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its chairman.

 

Following the congress, the Committee of Representation relocated to Sivas. As announced in the Amasya Circular, a new congress was held there in September with delegates from all Anatolian and Thracian provinces. The Sivas Congress repeated the points of the National Pact agreed to in Erzurum, and united the various regional Defence of National Rights Associations organizations, into a united political organisation: Anatolia and Rumeli Defence of Rights Association (A-RMHC), with Mustafa Kemal as its chairman. In an effort show his movement was in fact a new and unifying movement, the delegates had to swear an oath to discontinue their relations with the CUP and to never revive the party (despite most present in Sivas being previous members).[120] It was also decided there that the Ottoman Empire should not be a League of Nations mandate under the United States, especially after the U.S Senate failed to ratify American membership in the League.

 

Momentum was now on the Nationalists' side. A plot by a loyalist Ottoman governor and a British intelligence officer to arrest Kemal before the Sivas Congress led to the cutting of all ties with the Ottoman government until a new election would be held in the lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1919, the last Ottoman governor loyal to Constantinople fled his province. Fearing the outbreak of hostilities, all British troops stationed in the Black Sea coast and Kütahya were evacuated. Damat Ferid Pasha resigned, and the sultan replaced him with a general with nationalist credentials: Ali Rıza Pasha. On 16 October 1919, Ali Rıza and the Nationalists held negotiations in Amasya. They agreed in the Amasya Protocol that an election would be called for the Ottoman Parliament to establish national unity by upholding the resolutions made in the Sivas Congress, including the National Pact.

 

By October 1919, the Ottoman government only held de facto control over Constantinople; the rest of the Ottoman Empire was loyal to Kemal's movement to resist a partition of Anatolia and Thrace. Within a few months Mustafa Kemal went from General Inspector of the Ninth Army to a renegade military commander discharged for insubordination to leading a homegrown anti-Entente movement that overthrew a government and driven it into resistance.

 

In December 1919, an election was held for the Ottoman parliament, with polls only open in unoccupied Anatolia and Thrace. It was boycotted by Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians and the Freedom and Accord Party, resulting in groups associated with the Turkish Nationalist Movement winning, including the A-RMHC. The Nationalists' obvious links to the CUP made the election especially polarizing and voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing in favor of the Kemalists were regular occurrences in rural provinces. This controversy led to many of the nationalist MPs organizing the National Salvation Group separate from Kemal's movement, which risked the nationalist movement splitting in two.

 

Mustafa Kemal was elected an MP from Erzurum, but he expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal and the Committee of Representation moved from Sivas to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Constantinople to attend the parliament.

 

Though Ali Rıza Pasha called the election as per the Amasya Protocol to keep unity between the "Istanbul government" and "Ankara government", he was wrong to think the election could bring him any legitimacy. The Ottoman parliament was under the de facto control of the British battalion stationed at Constantinople and any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the battalion's commanding officer. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.

 

On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey was in Ankara in the name of the Committee of Representation. On 28 January the MPs from both sides of the isle secretly met to endorse the National Pact as a peace settlement. They added to the points passed in Sivas, calling for plebiscites to be held in West Thrace; Batum, Kars, and Ardahan, and Arab lands on whether to stay in the Empire or not. Proposals were also made to elect Kemal president of the Chamber;[clarification needed] however, this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies would be forcefully dissolved for passing the National Pact anyway. The National Pact solidified Nationalist interests, which were in conflict with the Allied plans.

 

From February to April, leaders of Britain, France, and Italy met in London to discuss the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the crisis in Anatolia. The British began to sense that the elected Ottoman government was under Kemalist influence and if left unchecked, the Entente could once again find themselves at war with the Empire. The Ottoman government was not doing all that it could to suppress the Nationalists.

 

Mustafa Kemal manufactured a crisis to pressure the Istanbul government to pick a side by deploying Kuva-yi Milliye towards İzmit. The British, concerned about the security of the Bosporus Strait, demanded Ali Rıza Pasha to reassert control over the area, to which he responded with his resignation to the sultan.

 

As they were negotiating the partition of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies were growing increasingly concerned about the Turkish National Movement. To this end, the Allied occupational authorities in Istanbul began to plan a raid to arrest nationalist politicians and journalists along with occupying military and police installations and government buildings. On 16 March 1920, the coup was carried out; several Royal Navy warships were anchored in the Galata Bridge to support British forces, including the Indian Army, while they carried out the arrests and occupied several government buildings in the early hours of the morning.

 

An Indian Army operation, the Şehzadebaşı raid, resulted in 5 Ottoman soldiers from the 10th Infantry Division being killed when troops raided their barracks. Among those arrested were the senior leadership of the Turkish National Movement and former members of the CUP. 150 arrested Turkish politicians accused of war crimes were interned in Malta and became known as the Malta exiles.

 

Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the Nationalist organisations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to counter Allied movements was to organise protests. He declared "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence – its entire future".

 

On 18 March, the Chamber of Deputies declared that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members, and dissolved itself. Mehmed VI confirmed this and declared the end of Constitutional Monarchy and a return to absolutism. University students were forbidden from joining political associations inside and outside the classroom. With the lower elected Chamber of Deputies shuttered, the Constitution terminated, and the capital occupied; Sultan Vahdettin, his cabinet, and the appointed Senate were all that remained of the Ottoman government, and were basically a puppet regime of the Allied powers. Grand Vizier Salih Hulusi Pasha declared Mustafa Kemal's struggle legitimate, and resigned after less than a month in office. In his place, Damat Ferid Pasha returned to the premiership. The Sublime Porte's decapitation by the Entente allowed Mustafa Kemal to consolidate his position as the sole leader of Turkish resistance against the Allies, and to that end made him the legitimate representative of the Turkish people.

 

The strong measures taken against the Nationalists by the Allies in March 1920 began a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a new parliament to represent the Ottoman (Turkish) people, which would convene in Ankara. With the proclamation of the counter-government, Kemal would then ask the sultan to accept its authority. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the caliph from the Allies. He found an ally in the Khilafat movement of British India, where Indians protested Britain's planned dismemberment of Turkey. A committee was also started for sending funds to help the soon to be proclaimed Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip and Abdülhak Adnan (Adıvar), Mustafa İsmet Pasha (İnönü), Mustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), many of Kemal's allies in the Ministry of War, and Celalettin Arif, the president of the now shuttered Chamber of Deputies. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as he declared that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally.

 

Some 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced the establishment of a new parliament in Ankara known as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNA) that was dominated by the A-RMHC.[citation needed] The parliament included Turks, Circassians, Kurds, and one Jew. They met in a building that used to serve as the provincial headquarters of the local CUP chapter. The inclusion of "Turkey" in its name reflected a increasing trend of new ways Ottoman citizens thought of their country, and was the first time it was formally used as the name of the country. On 23 April, the assembly, assuming full governmental powers, gathered for the first time, electing Mustafa Kemal its first Speaker and Prime Minister.

 

Hoping to undermine the Nationalist Movement, Mehmed VI issued a fatwa to qualify the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, calling for the death of its leaders. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the Nationalist Movement as they committed apostasy. The mufti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi issued a simultaneous fatwa, declaring that the caliphate was under the control of the Entente and the Ferid Pasha government. In this text, the Nationalist Movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultanate and the caliphate from its enemies. In reaction to the desertion of several prominent figures to the Nationalist Movement, Ferid Pasha ordered Halide Edip, Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal to be sentenced to death in absentia for treason.

 

On 28 April the sultan raised 4,000 soldiers known as the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye (Caliphate Army) to combat the Nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, another force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants were initially deployed in İznik. The sultan's government sent the forces under the name of the Caliphate Army to the revolutionaries to arouse counterrevolutionary sympathy. The British, being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counteract the revolutionaries. The Nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many smaller units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat and Refet Pasha.

 

Anatolia had many competing forces on its soil: British troops, Nationalist militia (Kuva-yi Milliye), the sultan's army (Kuva-yi İnzibatiye), and Anzavur's bands. On 13 April 1920, an uprising supported by Anzavur against the GNA occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the fatwa. Within days the rebellion spread to Bolu and Gerede. The movement engulfed northwestern Anatolia for about a month. On 14 June, Nationalist militia fought a pitched battle near İzmit against the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye, Anzavur's bands, and British units. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye deserted and joined the Nationalist militia. Anzavur was not so lucky, as the Nationalists tasked Ethem the Circassian with crushing Anzavur's revolt. This revealed the sultan did not have the unwavering support of his own men and allies. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held their position. For now, Istanbul was out of Ankara's grasp.

 

The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. British forces conducted combat operations on the Nationalists and the Royal Air Force carried out aerial bombardments against the positions, which forced Nationalist forces to temporarily retreat to more secure missions. The British commander in Turkey, General George Milne—, asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish Nationalists. The report, signed by French Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, concluded that 27 divisions were necessary, but the British army did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the British public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.

 

The British accepted the fact that a nationalist movement could not be defeated without deployment of consistent and well-trained forces. On 25 June, the forces originating from Kuva-i İnzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The British realised that the best option to overcome these Turkish Nationalists was to use a force that was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor already occupying its territory: Greece.

 

Eleftherios Venizelos, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Anatolia, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the hope that fighting would stop. The subsequent treaty of Sèvres in August 1920 confirmed the Arab provinces of the empire would be reorganized into new nations given to Britain and France in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while the rest of the Empire would be partitioned between Greece, Italy, France (via Syrian mandate), Britain (via Iraqi mandate), Armenia (potentially under an American mandate), and Georgia. Smyrna would hold a plebiscite on whether to stay with Greece or Turkey, and the Kurdistan region would hold one on the question of independence. British, French, and Italian spheres of influence would also extend into Anatolia beyond the land concessions. The old capital of Constantinople as well as the Dardanelles would be under international League of Nations control.

 

However, the treaty could never come into effect. The treaty was extremely unpopular, with protests against the final document held even before its release in Sultanahmet square. Though Mehmed VI and Ferid Pasha loathed the treaty, they did not want Istanbul to join Ankara in nationalist struggle. The Ottoman government and Greece never ratified it. Though Ferid Pasha signed the treaty, the Ottoman Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the sultan, refused to ratify the treaty. Greece disagreed on the borders drawn. The other allies began to fracture their support of the settlement immediately. Italy started openly supporting the Nationalists with arms by the end of 1920, and the French signed another separate peace treaty with Ankara only months later.

 

Kemal's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Sèvres by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected sultan, but from the Turkish people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the sultan's signature of the Treaty of Sèvres would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the sultan, the document gave Kemal ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Turks for justified resistance against Istanbul.

 

In contrast to the Eastern and Western fronts, it was mostly unorganized Kuva-yi Milliye which were fighting in the Southern Front against France. They had help from the Syrians, who were fighting their own war with the French.

 

The British troops which occupied coastal Syria by the end of World War I were replaced by French troops over 1919, with the Syrian interior going to Faisal bin Al-Hussein's self-proclaimed Arab Kingdom of Syria. France which wanted to take control of all of Syria and Cilicia. There was also a desire facilitate the return of Armenian refugees in the region to their homes, and the occupation force consisted of the French Armenian Legion as well as various Armenian militia groups. 150,000 Armenians were repatriated to their homes within months of French occupation. On 21 January 1920, a Turkish Nationalist uprising and siege occurred against the French garrison in Marash. The French position untenable they retreated to Islahiye, resulting in a massacre of many Armenians by Turkish militia. A grueling siege followed in Antep which featured intense sectarian violence between Turks and Armenians. After a failed uprising by the Nationalists in Adana, by 1921, the French and Turks signed an armistice and eventually a treaty was brokered demarcating the border between the Ankara government and French controlled Syria. In the end, there was a mass exodus of Cilician Armenians to French controlled Syria, Previous Armenian survivors of deportation found themselves again as refugees and families which avoided the worst of the six years violence were forced from their homes, ending thousands of years of Christian presence in Southern Anatolia.[146] With France being the first Allied power to recognize and negotiate with the Ankara government only months after signing the Treaty of Sèvres, it was the first to break from the coordinated Allied approach to the Eastern question. In 1923 the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under French authority would be proclaimed in former Ottoman territory.

 

Some efforts to coordinate between Turkish Nationalists and the Syrian rebels persisted from 1920 to 1921, with the Nationalists supporting the Faisal's kingdom through Ibrahim Hanunu and Alawite groups which were also fighting the French. While the French conquered Syria, Cilicia had to be abandoned.

 

Kuva-yi Milliye also engaged with British forces in the "Al-Jazira Front," primarily in Mosul. Ali İhsan Pasha (Sabis) and his forces defending Mosul would surrender to the British in October 1918, but the British ignored the armistice and seized the city, following which the pasha also ignored the armistice and distributed weapons to the locals. Even before Mustafa Kemal's movement was fully organized, rogue commanders found allies in Kurdish tribes. The Kurds detested the taxes and centralization the British demanded, including Shaykh Mahmud of the Barzani family. Having previously supported the British invasion of Mesopotamia to become the governor of South Kurdistan, Mahmud revolted but was apprehended by 1919. Without legitimacy to govern the region, he was released from captivity to Sulaymaniyah, where he again declared an uprising against the British as the King of Kurdistan. Though an alliance existed with the Turks, little material support came to him from Ankara, and by 1923 there was a desire to cease hostilities between the Turks and British at Barzanji's expense. Mahmud was overthrown in 1924, and after a 1926 plebiscite, Mosul was awarded to British-controlled Iraq.

 

Since 1917, the Caucasus was in a chaotic state. The border of newly independent Armenia and the Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (4 June 1918). To the east, Armenia was at war with the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic after the breakup of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, and received support from Anton Denikin's White Russian Army. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn, which mandated the evacuation of the Ottoman army back to its 1914 borders. Right after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, pro-Ottoman provisional republics were proclaimed in Kars and Aras which were subsequently invaded by Armenia. Ottoman soldiers were convinced not to demobilize lest the area become a 'second Macedonia'.[149] Both sides of the new borders had massive refugee populations and famine, which were compounded by the renewed and more symmetric sectarian violence (See Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia (1917–1921) and Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan). There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Allied Powers on reshaping the border. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer territories to Armenia based on the principles of national self-determination. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920).

 

Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, commander of the XV corps, encountered Muslim refugees fleeing from the Armenian army, but did not have the authority to cross the border. Karabekir's two reports (30 May and 4 June 1920) outlined the situation in the region. He recommended redrawing the eastern borders, especially around Erzurum. The Russian government was receptive to this and demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. However, Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish Nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami (Kunduh) was assigned to negotiate with the Bolsheviks.

 

On 24 September 1920, Karabekir's XV corps and Kurdish militia advance on Kars, blowing through Armenian opposition, and then Alexandropol. With an advance on Yerevan imminent, on 28 November 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Gekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government surrendered to Bolshevik forces, ending the conflict.

 

The Treaty of Alexandropol (2—3 December 1920) was the first treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. The 10th article in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres and its allotted partition of Anatolia. The agreement was signed with representatives of the former government of Armenia, which by that time had no de jure or de facto power in Armenia, since Soviet rule was already established in the country. On 16 March 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.

 

Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.

 

Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.

 

In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.

I've been studying and drawing and redrawing and tuning and erasing and crumpling up and throwing away sketches ever since the client told me I'd be doing this mural. I even shortened that lower pelican's bill after I took this photo, but that is the layout I like, with the wing position I like, and with those two other pelicans in the distance, toward the sunset.

 

The point is that I want to have enough feel for the subject, the shape, the proportions, the subtleties, that I don't need to refer to sketches or drawings or photographs when I'm up on the scaffold sketching this one in chalk, then going over that in sepia, then easing on the color.

 

I'm excited about this project. It's a subject I love, at a favorite location, for a client I really like.

 

Another one from the daily challenge. This is a drawing (or "redrawing", if you wish) made my by boyfriend many years ago, he used to do that as a hobby when he was younger and has a sketchbook full of them; he never quite finished that one... I hope he will; it is sad how the mundane things in life sometimes take up all our time and the only things we seem to have no time left for are the things that truly brings us joy...

(Ok, before everyone starts feeling sorry for the poor chap (haha) it's not like he doesn't ever do fun stuff; it's more that he - just like me - has too many hobbies and interests so something always has to give... ;-)))

SecDef' 13: Redrawing the security map

Bibendum made a brief guest appearance in the Asterix series, as the chariot-wheel dealer in certain translations, including the English one, of Asterix in Switzerland.

 

When the Asterix books were being published in english for the first time, sometimes certain panels would be redrawn. This happened in Asterix and Cleopatra when on page 6 the die were redrawn to show three sixes, and on page 33 where we can see a Daily Nile newspaper with a "Pnuts" cartoon and the head of Charlie Brown. The most famous redrawing was in Asterix in Switzerland where the French Antar mascot was replaced with the Michelin Man (see here). These redrawings happened rarely because of their expense to do.

 

One of the greatest shames about these reeditions I feel is that these redrawings have been lost. Charlie Brown is gone, the die now show a 4,2,1 and we now have the Antar Mascot gracing our english pages (This makes Obelix's joke in the next panel "Call me fat! Did you see HIS spare tyre?" completely meaningless!)

 

More changes in Asterix in Switzerland can be found here

Original Caption: Delegates to the Paris Peace Conference were meeting to determine the terms of peace with Germany and its allies. Part of the process involved listening to demands from representatives of many people who sought separation from their pre-war imperialist subjugation and independence. This proved to be a daunting task for the delegates, especially when there were competing claims for the same lands. In the end, many new countries were forged out of the old empires. Cartoonist Clifford Berryman sums up the situation with a schoolboy, disgusted that the radical changes in the map of Europe had "wasted all my years of study!" For more Berryman cartoons please visit www.archives.gov/legislative/features/gallery.html

 

Created By: U.S. Senate. Office of Senate Curator. (? - )

 

From: Record Group/Collection: 46

 

From: Berryman Political Cartoon Collection, compiled 1896 - 1949

 

Production Dates: 02/18/1919

 

Persistent URL: arcweb.archives.gov/arc/action/ExternalIdSearch?id=6011552

 

Reference Unit: Center for Legislative Archives (NWL), National Archives Building

   

Access Restrictions: Unrestricted

Use Restrictions: Unrestricted

Attack of the Kraken designed by Brian Chan folded by me from a 80cm square of tissue-foil (I know it is very messy). The base was very easy but the shaping was hard. Some of the tentacles become very thick and this fold is not the best one in the world but I am satisfied with it.

I would like to thanks Karol Kafarski for redrawing the CP and Djordje Jovanovic for helping me with the hull.

I hope you like it. :D

 

Rendering of landscape composition with black and white, out-of-scale drawing stick on gray paper. Additional lighting, two levels of detail.

Pages scanned from a type specimen book for the Chicago Sun Times and Daily News ca. 1961. They plan copy with care is the mantra throughout. To design in those days was to be constantly counting, adding, dividing and redrawing to fit the available space. Though lead would soon be replaced by photo typesetting processes, the drudgery of counting characters and calculating what size type you could safely use remained the same until the arrival of the Macintosh. Unless that is, you were one of the lucky who owned their own stat camera.

 

As my father worked as a stereotyper at my hometown newspaper, these books bring back memories of Saturday nights watching him make plates for Sunday's paper. The linotype operators were in the next room, the composing room next to them.

 

My father was usually the only one working at that hour and often brought my brother and I with him. We wandered around picking up stray bits of type, entire lines of copy, advertisements that weighed a ton. Each page of the paper sat in a line on its own cart, so heavy was the finished composition.

 

My father sent the page, covered by a thick fibrous sheet they called a met through a high pressure machine which perfectly indented every halftone, every nuance of the smallest line of copy. He then took this positive, placed it over a 180 degree cylinder, closed it, told us to get out of the way and poured a half gallon of molten lead into the contraption . What resulted was a printing plate, nearly ready to go on press.

 

After being sent through a cooling chamber Dad trimmed both sides with a saw and routed out any large white areas that might attract ink. He then placed it into a chute that delivered it swiftly to the pressman two stories below.

 

The industry and profession of stereotyping was already a dying one by the time Dad was in his 50s. Eventually the paper replaced lead with plastic and Dad retrained to be a pressman.

 

Ironically after all those years of working with lead with no adverse health issues he developed an allergy to the plastic plates and retired early.

Redrawing the lines of what's possible in payments, Mastercard commented on the UK’s Competition & Markets Authority’s decision that clears the way for the completion of the company’s planned acquisition of VocaLink Holdings Limited. The CMA gave final approval for the proposed set of remedies that address the competition concerns the CMA identified earlier this year. The deal is now expected to close in the coming weeks.

 

For more information, please click here: news.mstr.cd/2nzKuPZ

Victorian Alpine Huts survey, for Parks Victoria 1994-5.

This hut is located on Grazing Block 25 which was held by HB Duane around 1900 followed by FA & PH Howman of Eskdale in the 1920s who were later joined by JK Kelley{ 1092/121}. L Prichard of Mitta Mitta had it in the 1930s when the lease boundaries were disputed with adjoining leaseholder, Maddison. Maddison & Neilson took the block in 1934-5 but Prichard & Hodgkin won it back in the following year. Hodgkin & Yea of Eskdale took it in the early 1940s but by then the Soil Conservation Board was undertaking its investigation into erosion in the alps. In 1946 the Bogong High Plains Advisory Committee recommended that all leases be cancelled in the area and reissued with new conditions limiting stock numbers. The limit on this block was suggested at 350 cattle or horses (no sheep allowed) and the tenure was strictly 25 November to 30 April{ ibid. departmental note 9.10.46}. the area was also reduced from 8700 acres to 8100, along with a general redrawing of grazing block boundaries. The Soil Conservation Authority requested GB 24,25 be terminated at the end of 1956-7, allowing a years grace if fencing was carried out on the Eskdale Spur to exclude the Kiewa Scheme catchment. Grazing Block 25 was cancelled October 1957. The Ski Club of Victoria applied in April 1934 to erect a hut on the staircase spur. Its function would be to render a winter ascent of Mt Bogong easier so as to attract `the average ski runner who may consider conditions at the present time too difficult'{ HO 19905 applic. letter 11.4.34}. Except for three one day visits, this mountain has never been skied on' yet the club's members had established that there was `excellent extensive skiing' to be had on the mountain, being the highest point in Victoria. The Lands Department noted that the intended site was held under a grazing licence but otherwise they had no objection although they thought that the Tourist Committee could be consulted{ ibid.}. In July the club (via secretary, Ernest E Tyler) furnished the department with a map which showed the intended site, noting that they had other huts in mind which totalled three and hence hoped that they might achieve some discount on the annual fee of one guinea per hut (one at the top of staircase spur and another larger club chalet in Camp Valley). The club membership was then 500. `We deeply appreciate your action in this matter..members of the club feel sure that Mt Bogong will prove one of the best skiing mountains in the State..' The club journal outlined their plan for the mountain: 1. The placing of a "bivouac" on the Staircase Spur at 4800' 2. The clearance of snow gums from a portion of the spur 3. Erection of snow poles from a position above the "Gap" to Camp Valley. 4. The building of a Club hut in Camp Valley. 5. If it is found necessary at a later date, a second hut could be built on the staircase, "Bogong Gap" 6000 feet.{ Cleve Cole in `The Victorian Ski Year Book 1934', p121f} They were successful but the weather deterred erection of the hut immediately, meaning that the next target date was November 1934, with completion made in March 1935. The choice of site was guided by the hut's builder Walter Maddison and the financing of the hut's construction came from Tawonga residents and `city admirers of the mountain'. The hut was built using a split timber (woollybut) frame and corrugated iron cladding{ Stephenson (1982): 355f}. The snow poles would be next on the program along with the clearing of `a wide pathway' through the snow gums but lack of money would put this back another year. Cleve Cole wrote of this hut's construction as one of the improvements resulting from the Bogong Development Scheme. Cole wrote also of a typical ski journey up the mountain: `The approach to Bogong via the Staircase Spur commences at Tawonga which may be reached by rail to Bright or Wodonga. From the former a car would need to be hired; from the latter a regular mail and passenger service is conducted.' `An early start, say daybreak, should be made when private transport is used, as the 210 miles from Melbourne to Tawonga will take approximately seven hours. At the latter place horses are hired and a five-hour journey along Mountain Creek and up the Staircase Spur, a distance of ten miles, should bring you to the "bivouac" before nightfall. From here, weather permitting, an early start is recommended next day. The climb to the summit ridge, which involves an increase of 1700' in altitude, is sure to prove strenuous, and ample time should be allowed for the journey which will take at least three hours..' A photograph of a hut near this site (c1937) shows a gabled corrugated iron clad hut with a single doorway and a detached timber-framed fireplace at one end{ Stephenson: 217}. It was the scene of many bush-walks and ski tours to the summit of Mt Bogong and the place sought by Cleve Cole, Mick Hull and Howard Michell in August 1936 in their ill-fated journey from the summit. A similar unsuccessful bid was made from the second Bivouac Hut to the summit by Georgine Gadsen, John McRae and Ted Welch in 1943{ Stephenson: 212; Stephenson (1982): 270f}. The first bivouac had been destroyed in the 1939 fires and, being insured, was re-erected March 1939{ ibid. SCV letter 10.5.40}. By then the club had also erected Summit Hut (1938) and Cleve Cole Hut (1938), completing the development of three sites although their intended hut in Rocky Valley had not been built because of the club's interest in acquiring an SEC hut built some two years ago in that location. Cope Hut had been built by the Public Works Department for tourists but they were reluctant to continue maintenance of the hut. The SCV had been made an unofficial managers of the hut. By 1940 they planned another two huts, one at the head of the Bogong Creek and one at Bogong Gap but encountered a new attitude in the Lands Department. The department pointed out that in January 1938, an area had been withdrawn from occupation to serve the SEC's Kiewa scheme. The SCV was dismayed, querying if all hut occupancies were to be withdrawn on the mountain{ SCV letter 13.6.40}. nevertheless, by the late 1940s, the SCV held Bivouac, Summit, Cleve Cole, West Peak and Bogong Gap huts{ LDV note 3.1948}. The second Bivouac Hut was burnt, along with Maddison's (cattleman's hut, thought built 19th century, Camp Valley) and Summit huts in October 1978. Headlines included "Environmental Vandals on the Rampage" and "Alpine Huts Burned Down `Green group blamed'" highlighting the tension which had developed among user groups on the mountain. The claim was made by the Mt Bogong Club secretary, Keith Fizelle: `It appears they have been burned by somebody who does not think the huts should be on the mountain'{ `Sydney Morning Mail' 19.12.78: 3}. Ironically, the club had been seeking a replacement for Summit Hut since 1972 with little success because of the unfortunate precedent created by the erection of Michell Hut{ see HO 31617 SCA letter 27.4.72, submission 9.6.72}. The Lands Department handed over administration of the mountain to the National Parks Service in 1981 and this hut was replaced by the Service in that year{ ibid.: 233; NPS, `Bogong National Park' (1983): 45}. The NPS described the new hut as simple gabled hut 6x3m, clad with timber (treated with fire retardant) but the service had no plans to replace Maddison's or Summit huts{ NPS letter 2.9.80}. At that time it was heavily used by walkers and skiers and an important refuge{ ibid.}. The door and an air lock were at the north-west end and inside was a pot bell stove, the plan measuring 6x3m (actually 5mx3.3m), wall height 2.4m{ ibid.}. Tatnall's photograph shows a gabled hut (shallow pitch) clad with horizontal boarding (?) and equipped with deep eaves{ Tatnall photo #17, SLV}.

Drew this before in blue, well this is a redrawing I'm doing as a present. It will have some more detail, and a light colour wash. It is the view down Columbus from City Lights, San Francisco

It is very dark and the title is very long. For Peter Doig's painting, click here.

“Cryptic Fae Gankery”

 

This knot was more difficult to draw than others. Went with planets/days/etc symbols instead of Runes. Thinking of redrawing it more precisely, maybe with a faerie included!

 

#Fae

#Faerie

#Fairy

#Elven

#Elf

#Gnome

#Troll

#Pixie

#Dwarf

#Evrope

#Witch

#Supernatural

#Green

#Cult

#Celtic

#Cross

#Knot

After the fireworks were over, it was a lovely peaceful, happy and quiet time at the Bonfire. The first peaceful evening in what felt like an eternity. It did not take long that all three were asleep, napping in the warmth of the fire, covered by a blanket that Reese had draped over them.

 

No worries they would wake up in time before curfew but possibly headed right to sleep after that too. They had some catching up to do.

 

((It took a bit of puzzling of various screenshots, some redrawing and such to get all asleep and with the blanket. But the scene was so lovely I wanted a picture of it :) ))

Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum

Prenaestinische Ciste Hippocamp

 

A clearcut redrawing can be found here:

www.flickr.com/photos/28433765@N07/3414158378/

im always bad in making up names lol... i just needed a new pro pic really fast... i still dont really like it and i totally cba with redrawing hair so im keeping it like this...

Victorian Alpine Huts survey, for Parks Victoria 1994-5.

This hut is located on Grazing Block 25 which was held by HB Duane around 1900 followed by FA & PH Howman of Eskdale in the 1920s who were later joined by JK Kelley{ 1092/121}. L Prichard of Mitta Mitta had it in the 1930s when the lease boundaries were disputed with adjoining leaseholder, Maddison. Maddison & Neilson took the block in 1934-5 but Prichard & Hodgkin won it back in the following year. Hodgkin & Yea of Eskdale took it in the early 1940s but by then the Soil Conservation Board was undertaking its investigation into erosion in the alps. In 1946 the Bogong High Plains Advisory Committee recommended that all leases be cancelled in the area and reissued with new conditions limiting stock numbers. The limit on this block was suggested at 350 cattle or horses (no sheep allowed) and the tenure was strictly 25 November to 30 April{ ibid. departmental note 9.10.46}. the area was also reduced from 8700 acres to 8100, along with a general redrawing of grazing block boundaries. The Soil Conservation Authority requested GB 24,25 be terminated at the end of 1956-7, allowing a years grace if fencing was carried out on the Eskdale Spur to exclude the Kiewa Scheme catchment. Grazing Block 25 was cancelled October 1957. The Ski Club of Victoria applied in April 1934 to erect a hut on the staircase spur. Its function would be to render a winter ascent of Mt Bogong easier so as to attract `the average ski runner who may consider conditions at the present time too difficult'{ HO 19905 applic. letter 11.4.34}. Except for three one day visits, this mountain has never been skied on' yet the club's members had established that there was `excellent extensive skiing' to be had on the mountain, being the highest point in Victoria. The Lands Department noted that the intended site was held under a grazing licence but otherwise they had no objection although they thought that the Tourist Committee could be consulted{ ibid.}. In July the club (via secretary, Ernest E Tyler) furnished the department with a map which showed the intended site, noting that they had other huts in mind which totalled three and hence hoped that they might achieve some discount on the annual fee of one guinea per hut (one at the top of staircase spur and another larger club chalet in Camp Valley). The club membership was then 500. `We deeply appreciate your action in this matter..members of the club feel sure that Mt Bogong will prove one of the best skiing mountains in the State..' The club journal outlined their plan for the mountain: 1. The placing of a "bivouac" on the Staircase Spur at 4800' 2. The clearance of snow gums from a portion of the spur 3. Erection of snow poles from a position above the "Gap" to Camp Valley. 4. The building of a Club hut in Camp Valley. 5. If it is found necessary at a later date, a second hut could be built on the staircase, "Bogong Gap" 6000 feet.{ Cleve Cole in `The Victorian Ski Year Book 1934', p121f} They were successful but the weather deterred erection of the hut immediately, meaning that the next target date was November 1934, with completion made in March 1935. The choice of site was guided by the hut's builder Walter Maddison and the financing of the hut's construction came from Tawonga residents and `city admirers of the mountain'. The hut was built using a split timber (woollybut) frame and corrugated iron cladding{ Stephenson (1982): 355f}. The snow poles would be next on the program along with the clearing of `a wide pathway' through the snow gums but lack of money would put this back another year. Cleve Cole wrote of this hut's construction as one of the improvements resulting from the Bogong Development Scheme. Cole wrote also of a typical ski journey up the mountain: `The approach to Bogong via the Staircase Spur commences at Tawonga which may be reached by rail to Bright or Wodonga. From the former a car would need to be hired; from the latter a regular mail and passenger service is conducted.' `An early start, say daybreak, should be made when private transport is used, as the 210 miles from Melbourne to Tawonga will take approximately seven hours. At the latter place horses are hired and a five-hour journey along Mountain Creek and up the Staircase Spur, a distance of ten miles, should bring you to the "bivouac" before nightfall. From here, weather permitting, an early start is recommended next day. The climb to the summit ridge, which involves an increase of 1700' in altitude, is sure to prove strenuous, and ample time should be allowed for the journey which will take at least three hours..' A photograph of a hut near this site (c1937) shows a gabled corrugated iron clad hut with a single doorway and a detached timber-framed fireplace at one end{ Stephenson: 217}. It was the scene of many bush-walks and ski tours to the summit of Mt Bogong and the place sought by Cleve Cole, Mick Hull and Howard Michell in August 1936 in their ill-fated journey from the summit. A similar unsuccessful bid was made from the second Bivouac Hut to the summit by Georgine Gadsen, John McRae and Ted Welch in 1943{ Stephenson: 212; Stephenson (1982): 270f}. The first bivouac had been destroyed in the 1939 fires and, being insured, was re-erected March 1939{ ibid. SCV letter 10.5.40}. By then the club had also erected Summit Hut (1938) and Cleve Cole Hut (1938), completing the development of three sites although their intended hut in Rocky Valley had not been built because of the club's interest in acquiring an SEC hut built some two years ago in that location. Cope Hut had been built by the Public Works Department for tourists but they were reluctant to continue maintenance of the hut. The SCV had been made an unofficial managers of the hut. By 1940 they planned another two huts, one at the head of the Bogong Creek and one at Bogong Gap but encountered a new attitude in the Lands Department. The department pointed out that in January 1938, an area had been withdrawn from occupation to serve the SEC's Kiewa scheme. The SCV was dismayed, querying if all hut occupancies were to be withdrawn on the mountain{ SCV letter 13.6.40}. nevertheless, by the late 1940s, the SCV held Bivouac, Summit, Cleve Cole, West Peak and Bogong Gap huts{ LDV note 3.1948}. The second Bivouac Hut was burnt, along with Maddison's (cattleman's hut, thought built 19th century, Camp Valley) and Summit huts in October 1978. Headlines included "Environmental Vandals on the Rampage" and "Alpine Huts Burned Down `Green group blamed'" highlighting the tension which had developed among user groups on the mountain. The claim was made by the Mt Bogong Club secretary, Keith Fizelle: `It appears they have been burned by somebody who does not think the huts should be on the mountain'{ `Sydney Morning Mail' 19.12.78: 3}. Ironically, the club had been seeking a replacement for Summit Hut since 1972 with little success because of the unfortunate precedent created by the erection of Michell Hut{ see HO 31617 SCA letter 27.4.72, submission 9.6.72}. The Lands Department handed over administration of the mountain to the National Parks Service in 1981 and this hut was replaced by the Service in that year{ ibid.: 233; NPS, `Bogong National Park' (1983): 45}. The NPS described the new hut as simple gabled hut 6x3m, clad with timber (treated with fire retardant) but the service had no plans to replace Maddison's or Summit huts{ NPS letter 2.9.80}. At that time it was heavily used by walkers and skiers and an important refuge{ ibid.}. The door and an air lock were at the north-west end and inside was a pot bell stove, the plan measuring 6x3m (actually 5mx3.3m), wall height 2.4m{ ibid.}. Tatnall's photograph shows a gabled hut (shallow pitch) clad with horizontal boarding (?) and equipped with deep eaves{ Tatnall photo #17, SLV}.

The 100 years ago man. Different drawn layers combined. The colours are then toned down.

This was supposed to be my new postcard months ago, but I decided to change it up. I'm redrawing this image (bigger and longer) to make a screenprint, though I may get rid of or change the bike girl.. Which is what I'm working on today. Animal buses rule!

 

But I still kind of like this photo.

Pages scanned from a type specimen book for the Chicago Sun Times and Daily News ca. 1961. They plan copy with care is the mantra throughout. To design in those days was to be constantly counting, adding, dividing and redrawing to fit the available space. Though lead would soon be replaced by photo typesetting processes, the drudgery of counting characters and calculating what size type you could safely use remained the same until the arrival of the Macintosh. Unless that is, you were one of the lucky who owned their own stat camera.

 

As my father worked as a stereotyper at my hometown newspaper, these books bring back memories of Saturday nights watching him make plates for Sunday's paper. The linotype operators were in the next room, the composing room next to them.

 

My father was usually the only one working at that hour and often brought my brother and I with him. We wandered around picking up stray bits of type, entire lines of copy, advertisements that weighed a ton. Each page of the paper sat in a line on its own cart, so heavy was the finished composition.

 

My father sent the page, covered by a thick fibrous sheet they called a mat through a high pressure machine which perfectly indented every halftone, every nuance of the smallest line of copy. He then took this positive, placed it over a 180 degree cylinder, closed it, told us to get out of the way and poured a half gallon of molten lead into the contraption . What resulted was a printing plate, nearly ready to go on press.

 

After being sent through a cooling chamber Dad trimmed both sides with a saw and routed out any large white areas that might attract ink. He then placed it into a chute that delivered it swiftly to the pressman two stories below.

 

The industry and profession of stereotyping was already a dying one by the time Dad was in his 50s. Eventually the paper replaced lead with plastic and Dad retrained to be a pressman.

 

Ironically after all those years of working with lead with no adverse health issues he developed an allergy to the plastic plates and retired early.

Loch Long is a body of water in the council area of Argyll and Bute, Scotland. The sea loch extends from the Firth of Clyde at its southwestern end, to the Arrochar Alps at the head of the loch. It measures approximately 20 miles (30 kilometres) in length, with a width of between one and two miles (two and three kilometres). The loch also has an arm, Loch Goil, on its western side.

 

Loch Long forms part of the coast of the Cowal Peninsula, and forms the entire western coastline of the Rosneath Peninsula.

 

Loch Long was historically the boundary between Argyll and Dunbartonshire; however, boundary redrawing in 1996 meant that it moved wholly within the council area of Argyll and Bute.

Panaca is an unincorporated community and census-designated place in eastern Lincoln County, Nevada, United States, on State Route 319, about 1 mile (1.6 km) east of U.S. Route 93, near the border with Utah. Its elevation is 4,729 feet (1,441 m) above sea level. As of the 2010 census it had a population of 963.

 

Panaca was southern Nevada's first permanent settlement, founded as a Mormon colony in 1864. It was originally part of Washington County, Utah, but the congressional redrawing of boundaries in 1866 shifted Panaca into Nevada. It is the only municipality in Nevada to be "dry" (forbidding the sale of alcoholic beverages), and the only community in Nevada besides Boulder City that prohibits gambling.

 

Coke ovens here once produced charcoal for the smelters in nearby Bullionville (now a ghost town), but the town's economy is predominantly agricultural.

 

The name "Panaca" comes from the Southern Paiute word Pan-nuk-ker, which means "metal, money, wealth". William Hamblin, a Mormon missionary to the Paiutes, established the Panacker Ledge (Panaca Claim) silver mine there in 1864.

 

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Panaca,_Nevada

 

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Text_of_Creative_Commons_...

SecDef' 13: Redrawing the security map - Parallel session III: EU-NATO: The search for a common cyber-strategy

  

Skin: Atomic

Hair: Truth-redrawn and touched up

Sweater: Pig-Redrawn added fabric textures and creases

Shirt: Atomic Lucky Chair

Glasses: Gritty Kitty

Eyes: -vermillion.-

 

BG: Deviant Art

 

My first real try on redrawing the hair, and clothing. I think I did an alright job!

 

Reverse of an Etruscan mirror with engraved picture

 

A clearcut redrawing can be seen under:

www.flickr.com/photos/28433765@N07/3392094499/in/set-7215...

JAKARTA/INDONESIA, 13JUN11 - Gérard Mestrallet, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, GDF SUEZ, France, captured during "Redrawing the "Greenprint" of Asia's Energy Architecture" at the World Economic Forum on East Asia in Jakarta, Indonesia, June 13, 2011.

Copyright World Economic Forum (www.weforum.org)Photo by Sikarin Thanachaiary

Redrawing a rough drawing by Game Grumps video editor, Barry Kramer, into a detailed, coloured character.

Got this beauitful old(-ish) noh mask from ebay so i could make multiple casts for redrawing and (hopefully) entertaining photos on our Scottish tour/holiday this September. Next thing was to start adding the mashed up newspaper and plaster mix. Not a recommended mix, took ages to dry and again the details were a bit lost. I've made another with wallpaper paste (more like the papier mache you might remember) and the detail is clearer although it takes forever to dry.

 

More photos soon as i get a them whitewashed and re-drawn.

An apron I made for a friend. I owed him for redrawing a tattoo for me. I hope he likes it!

 

Bartering is great when you have creative and talented friends!

Loch Long (Gaelic for Ship Lake, Long being the word for ship) is a body of water in Argyll and Bute, Scotland. The sea loch extends from the Firth of Clyde at its southwestern end. It measures approximately 20 miles in length, with a width of between one and two miles. The loch also has an arm, Loch Goil, on its western side.

Loch Long was historically the boundary between Argyll and Dunbartonshire. However in 1996 boundary redrawing meant that it moved wholly within the council area of Argyll and Bute.

The loch was used as a testing ground for torpedoes during World War II and contains numerous wrecks. It is now a popular area for sport diving.The Ardentinny Outdoor Education Centre (on the other bank) also uses the loch for watersports.

Several Scottish Sea Fishing records are attributed to the Loch:

SpeciesWeightAngler / Date

Argentine00-05-03I. Miller, 1978 (Boat)

Herring01-02-00R. C. Scott, 1974 (Boat)

Rockling, Shore00-14-08A. Glen, 1982 (Shore)

The Finnart Oil Terminal is located on the eastern shore of the loch, linked to the Grangemouth Refinery via a sixty mile long pipeline. The eastern shore is also the location of the Royal Navy's Coulport Armament depot, part of HMNB Clyde, and the Glen Mallan jetty, linked to Glen Douglas defence munitions depot.

Important villages on the loch include Arrochar at its head and Cove on the east shore near its foot.

The loch forms the entire western coastline of the Rosneath Peninsula

Oil on canvas. In this painting, please note the traces of redrawing visible in the face, the back of the chair, the left hand and the right shoulder. The left hand appears to have been left intentionally vague, the outline and color of the left sleeve are etched in scretched lines, Matisse deliberately left these as evidenct of the creative process and explained their importance as follows: "The artist's reactions during each stage of the painting's development are as important as the subject matter, because thse reactions ariginate from me, not from the subject. When working, I begin with my own interpretations and there is a constant back-and-fourth until the work and I am in harmony. Like a writer, I am always revising, going back and making new discoveries." (Henri Matisse, Notes of a painter).

National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo

This illustration about a rock girl band performed by DC superheroines is a redrawing of Cliff Chiang's art I've made a few years ago.

Digital finger drawing. Additional colour correction

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Some colours, but nothing convincing yet. Too much gray. 6 drawings layered.

Pages scanned from a type specimen book for the Chicago Sun Times and Daily News ca. 1961. "They plan copy with care" is the endless mantra throughout.

 

To design in those days was to be constantly counting, adding, dividing and redrawing to fit the available space. Though lead would soon be replaced by photo typesetting processes, the drudgery of counting characters and calculating what size type you could safely use remained the same until the arrival of the Macintosh. Unless that is, you were one of the lucky who owned their own stat camera.

 

As my father worked as a stereotyper at my hometown newspaper, these books bring back memories of Saturday nights watching him make plates for Sunday's paper. The linotype operators were in the next room, the composing room next to them.

 

My father was usually the only one working at that hour and often brought my brother and I with him. We wandered around picking up stray bits of type, entire lines of copy, advertisements that weighed a ton. Each page of the paper sat in a line on its own cart, so heavy was the finished composition.

 

My father sent the page, covered by a thick fibrous sheet they called a met through a high pressure machine which perfectly indented every halftone, every nuance of the smallest line of copy. He then took this positive, placed it over a 180 degree cylinder, closed it, told us to get out of the way and poured a half gallon of molten lead into the contraption . What resulted was a printing plate, nearly ready to go on press.

 

After being sent through a cooling chamber Dad trimmed both sides with a saw and routed out any large white areas that might attract ink. He then placed it into a chute that delivered it swiftly to the pressman two stories below.

 

The industry and profession of stereotyping was already a dying one by the time Dad was in his 50s. Eventually the paper replaced lead with plastic and Dad retrained to be a pressman.

 

Ironically after all those years of working with lead with no adverse health issues he developed an allergy to the plastic plates and retired early.