View allAll Photos Tagged redrawing
Christian Lacroix a passé son enfance en allant jouer dans les ruines de l'abbaye de Montmajour avec les gamins du pays. En 2013, il a été invité à s'emparer de cette magnifique abbaye pour l'habiter avec d'autres artistes… dont il a distribué les œuvres en redessinant l'espace.
Dans le déambulatoire éclairé par des meurtrières, les coupes translucides de Robert Wilson, alignées sur le bois brut.....
Abbaye de Montmajour (près d'Arles - Bouches-du-Rhône - France)
DSC_0449
Christian Lacroix spent his childhood by going to play in the ruins of the Abbey of Montmajour with the kids of the country. In 2013, he was invited to seize this magnificent abbey to live in it with other artists whose works he distributed by redrawing the space.
In the ambulatory enlightened by notches, Robert Wilson's translucent cups, aligned on the raw wood.....
Loch Long is a body of water in Argyll and Bute, Scotland. The Sea Loch extends from the Firth of Clyde at its southwestern end. It measures approximately 20 miles (32 km) in length, with a width of between 1 and 2 miles (1.6 and 3.2 km). The loch also has an arm, Loch Goil, on its western side.
Loch Long forms part of the coast of the Cowal peninsula and forms the entire western coastline of the Rosneath Peninsula.
Loch Long was historically the boundary between Argyll and Dunbartonshire. However, in 1996 boundary redrawing meant that it moved wholly within the council area of Argyll and Bute.
Information from Wikipedia.
Texture's & Effect's by William Walton & Topaz.
Created for the Awardtree theme “October Colours Art”
Stock image – plus DDG. Then Dalle 2. Then DDG. Redrawing with paint and paint shop pro at each stage. Cyclist from Creative commons
Created for the AIA group Umbrella Stories Challenge - September /October 2023.
Earlier image completely redrawn and processed see first comment box,
Background – merging of two separate Dalle-2 images, extensive inpainting and outpainting
Figure 1 – Wombo some redrawing – Figure 2 Dalle 2 some redrawing/recolouring.
Programs used: Paint/Paint Shop Pro/Wombo/ Deep Dream Generator /Filter Forge.
“Lounge”
Produced for the Art Gallery Week theme “Humans in Art”
Originally a photographed painting of two women. A third woman was added with Paint (mirror image of the second woman). Processed with DDG with some redrawing. Then processed with Wombo and partly redrawn. Finished off in Paint and Paint Shop Pro.
Just some more practice. I decided to try redrawing the clothes. Hope you guys like it! Original: www.flickr.com/photos/tayajules/41964740982/in/dateposted/
To paint a new world with different colors
ollarpolafiestra.blogspot.com/2021/07/as-diferentes-cores...
Loch Long is a body of water in Argyll and Bute, Scotland. The Sea Loch extends from the Firth of Clyde at its southwestern end. It measures approximately 20 miles (32 km) in length, with a width of between 1 and 2 miles (1.6 and 3.2 km). The loch also has an arm, Loch Goil, on its western side.
Loch Long forms part of the coast of the Cowal peninsula and forms the entire western coastline of the Rosneath Peninsula.
Loch Long was historically the boundary between Argyll and Dunbartonshire. However, in 1996 boundary redrawing meant that it moved wholly within the council area of Argyll and Bute.
A TORPEDO Range was operational on Loch Long from 1912 to 1986, and the abandoned Admiralty buildings, pier and slipway remained visible on the west shore of the loch, opposite Arrochar, until 2007, when the site was destroyed by fire and demolished.
Originally an Admiralty facility, the range became the Royal Naval Torpedo Testing Station and Range, referred to variously as the Loch Long Torpedo Range and the Arrochar Torpedo Range.
This is a revamp of "481. Lounge" which was originally a photographed painting of two women. A third woman was added with Paint (mirror image of the second woman). Processed with DDG with some redrawing. Then processed with Wombo and partly redrawn.
675 Flappers was further processed in DDG and three more women were added.
Created with the help of Wombo and DDG AI and Finished off in Paint and Paint Shop Pro.
Prior to the National Bus Company redrawing the boundaries of its subsidiary companies in the run up to de-regulation, the Yorkshire coastal resort of Scarborough was very much the territory of United Automobile Services, whose red buses enjoyed a monopoly on the sea front. Open-top buses were very late coming to Scarborough, perhaps because of the bracing nature of the weather, although that didn't deter the hardy northerners from swimming in the bay.
Prior to this, the seafront service was characterised by several generations of stylish single-deck buses with central entrances and roof quarter-lights - what in tramway terms would have been called 'sun saloons'. This digitally-coloured image shows a 1951 Leyland Tiger TS8 with a 1935 Plaxton body that had previously been fitted to an ADC chassis. These buses lasted until 1957 when they were replaced by the lengthened Bristol Ls with new ECW bodies illustrated in the next image. The source image is from the collection of Peter Elliott (photographer unknown).
All rights reserved. These rights cannot be overridden by the rules of individual Flickr groups to which I agree to add my work. Please follow the link below for full terms and conditions and additional information about my work:
www.flickr.com/photos/northernblue109/6046035749/in/set-7...
Created for the AwardTree Challenge 222.0 Mystical light.
Central figure from a Creative Commons photograph modified by DDG
The two other figures by Dall-e 2 but redrawn.
Redrawing with Paint, Shop Pro/Paint and DDG
The main shop sign proved to be a part of the drawing I kept going back to work on, it just would not behave itself. I did some work on it, then moved onto another part of the drawing. Then went back to it. I was happy with it only after erasing most it it and redrawing it! I used a Staedtler 0.3mm pencil, Derwent blending stump and Tombow Mono Zero eraser in an A4 cartridge paper sketchbook.
Created for: Challenge 226.0 ~ Catching Clouds ~ Award Tree ~
Machine – creative commons + Wombo+DDG+Paint+Paint Shop Pro+redrawing
Clouds – Stock photos+Paint+Paint Shop Pro+Filter Forge
Passing spaceship-stock image
Finally got around to giving Juri a faceup.
Freaking manbrows ruining everything. They are my 4th attempt and I am fed up of redrawing them so they have to stay.
I regret the white blobs on his eyes so I'll try wiping them off.
But anyway here's a crap photo.
Hopefully Edens will turn out better :/
Gradually extending the drawing to include a few more houses and more sea wall. At this stage it is a case of checking the measurements of each component and redrawing of nessecary before putting in any detail. Drawn with a Pentel 0.5mm pencil on an A4 cartridge paper sketchpad.
First of all, the only truth here is that's me...
Untruth... I stopped to smoke many years ago, it's not a Wild West ( just Canada ) and finally, I broke my glasses, that's why I have so suspicious look...
This image was created for The Temple Of Aphrodite group www.flickr.com/groups/thetempleofaphrodite/discuss/721576... Contest: Self portrait / fantasy world on sepia door panel.
Thanks to Paul Grand www.flickr.com/photos/63263430@N00/sets/72157609706897928/ for donating the texture for this contest.
Thanks to my friend Alexander Golant ( algont ) www.flickr.com/photos/26114279@N06/ for the original shot of me. I spent a lot of time for damaging his photo: active retouching, sometimes redrawing, texturizing and so - I call these horrible things by absolutely strange word "processing"
Explore #85, 12/02/08
Pomorie, sitting on the Black Sea just north of Burgas in present day Bulgaria, was founded as the Greek colony Anchialos sometime in the 5th or 4th century BC. Over the next twenty-four centuries or so, the city passed through periods of Thracian, Roman, Byzantine, Bulgarian, and Ottoman control, but it remained largely an ethnically Greek city into the 20th century.
As the Ottoman Empire began to weaken in the 19th and early 20th century, however, nationalist aspirations increased among the various Balkan ethnicities. Turkish policies aimed to maintain control, sometimes by fomenting ethnic divisions among potential revolutionaries. And the European Great Powers, seeing larger implications in the potential dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the redrawing of borders, got involved as well.
These tensions broke out into a series of both formal and guerilla wars that pitted the various nationalists against the Ottomans (i.e. during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, First Balkan War 1912) and against each other, as well as against bystanders (Macedonian Struggle 1893-1908, Second Balkan War 1913). And all of these enmities and conflicts ultimately rolled into and through the cataclysmic First World War (1914-1918).
During these decades of internecine strife, minority Greek populations in Bulgarian-controlled regions and Bulgarian minority populations in Greek-controlled regions were attacked and often killed or expelled. In 1906, ethnic Greek residents of Anchialos fell victim to such a pogrom, and were replaced in turn by ethnically Bulgarian refugees fleeing violence in Greek regions.
At the end of the First World War, Bulgaria found itself on the losing side and subject to partition, with extensive territories ceded to Balkan neighbors. As part of the complex of treaties ending that war, massive population exchanges occurred between Greece and Bulgaria, which led to the movement of tens of thousands of ethnic Greeks from Bulgaria to Greece, with even greater numbers of ethnic Bulgarians headed in the other direction. In 1934, to cement the Bulgarian character of ancient Anchialos, the city was renamed Pomorie. Both names mean "near the sea," though the former is Greek and the latter, Slavic. Fishing boats in the harbor of Pomorie, Bulgaria.
This is one of the twincalfs. He was so kind to walk in to the sun lit field for a few minutes before redrawing in to the shadow. The coulors are much more defined when sunlit. Their mother will leave them for shorter periodes due to matingseason now. They dont seem to bother that much.
Saturday Self Challenge
Since the next challenge will be on the Saturday before Christmas, the topic will be anything related to Christmas. Since it is also the Winter Solstice, if you don't celebrate Christmas, you may choose any topic relating to winter.
You may process any way you choose, your photo can be in colour or black and white.
I’d decided to keep it simple this week, but as usual I ended up making it a bit more difficult for myself. Fortunately we had some snow overnight Saturday 14th to Sunday 15th, so I was able to get the background close up shot of some snow on the moors, this gave me a winter photo. I decided it looked a bit sad on its own, so I had the idea to combine it with something a little more colourful, here’s where my Poinsettia (which is still alive after two weeks) came in. I then had to combine the two and get rid of all the stuff surrounding the flower. For this I used an iPad app called Juxtaposer, (which is great but it removes the EXIF data) The process is quite simple but involves a lot of pencil work erasing the background of the top image, this being the poinsettia. Anyway an hour later after lots of frantic erasing and redrawing I had achieved the desired effect. A few tweaks here and there, a frame and text added and here we have the end result.
Here is a link which explains the Roman festival of Saturnalia and its links to Christmas. With thanks to the History Today web site.
Did The Romans Invent Christmas ?
However you celebrate this time of year, season’s greetings to all my friends in the SSC group and on Flickr.
Thank you for your visit and your comments, they are greatly appreciated.
to make a long story short: like 4 years ago i started drawing a shit load of characters for my imaginary zelda game :P
and a few weeks ago i began redrawing them for mabye a flash game in the far future :D
Other image from the "Smokers" series.
This time in Art Nouveau style. I love that epoch...
Art Nouveau, also known as Jugendstil , is an international movement and style of art, architecture and applied art—especially the decorative arts—that peaked in popularity at the turn of the 20th century (1890–1905). A reaction to academic art of the 19th century, it is characterized by organic, especially floral and other plant-inspired motifs, as well as highly-stylized, flowing curvilinear forms. Art Nouveau is an approach to design according to which artists should work on everything from architecture to furniture, making art part of everyday life... Japanese wood-block prints, with their curved lines, patterned surfaces, contrasting voids, and flatness of visual plane, also inspired Art Nouveau. Some line and curve patterns became graphic clichés that were later found in works of artists from all parts of the world...
Thanks to my friend Alexander Golant ( algont ) www.flickr.com/photos/26114279@N06/ for the original shot. And again I spent a lot of time for damaging his photo: active retouching, sometimes redrawing, texturizing and so ...
Much better view in large.
Explore front page, #24, 12/06/08
I had a challenge redrawing that fashion sphotos-a.ak.fbcdn.net/hphotos-ak-ash4/418142_37682189699...
Towards the end of a sunny day on the North Wales coast, 175106 reaches the end of the line with the 1550 from to Crewe to Holyhead.
At the time of writing in October 2023, it may also be the end of the line for the fleet of 27 class 175 units. The last was withdrawn from service in the early hours of Tuesday 17th October, with no future use identified.
When first introduced in 2000, the fleet were operated by North Western Trains and operated across the North West of England and North Wales. They all carried this attractive livery from new.
The fleet allowed the north west to dispense with the last of its BR first generation trains. Either directly or through stock cascade, the last class 101 and 309 units were replaced along with locomotive hauled passenger stock used between Birmingham and North Wales.
Redrawing of the UK's rail franchises bought this shortlived era to a close in 2003: after this date the fleet was used by the Welsh rail franchises on mainline routes within Wales, on the marches line, and to Manchester.
The fishery complex at the centre of my commission. The first draft needed changes to a couple of ranges in this view. One needed to show weather boards on the walls. Another needed redrawing as I had drawn one of the buildings in its present form, which included a raising of the roof lines in about 1900-1910. A reconstruction drawing of this kind can take a long time to finalise when there are so many details to consider. I hopeful that everything is now done to the client's approval, then we can move onto finishing the drawing with some pale wateercolour washes. The building I am drawing as a cutaway view is the one second from the right, the one on the end having been demolished.
From a thousand meters above the fjord, the world unfurls in layers — contours of shadow and suggestion, mountains dissolving into one another like ink bleeding into damp paper. Early September in Lofoten holds the atmosphere in a delicate tension, a place where the boundaries between elements thin out, as if the world itself is hesitant to commit to a single form.
Light spills through fractures in the sky — not boldly, but with the cautious grace of something rare and fleeting. It touches the fjord’s surface briefly, etching veins of molten silver onto the water’s skin before retreating. Below, the fjord absorbs this transient glow, cradling it gently before folding it back into the blue, the gray, the deepening dusk.
Clouds hover, dense and restless, their bellies full of withheld rain. They billow and scatter, then gather again, like thoughts just beyond the edge of articulation. Thunder waits somewhere behind the ridges, its presence more felt than heard, a low pressure pushing against the back of your mind. Curtains of rain descend in delicate vertical strokes, erasing and redrawing the peaks in a rhythm too subtle to measure.
The mountains stand there, neither resisting nor yielding — outlines of an ancient geometry, their edges smudged by mist and movement. They are not guardians, not sentinels, but something more elusive: participants in an exchange of light and shadow, stillness and upheaval. Their faces are not worn; they are perpetually rewritten by rain, wind, and the brief caress of sun.
And you, standing within this shifting cartography of light, feel like an afterthought — a presence so small it barely registers. There is no narrative here, only a slow, ceaseless negotiation between the elements. The fjord does not shimmer for you; the sky does not rage at you. They exist in a dialogue older and deeper than perception, a dialogue that pauses now and then to let the sun slip through, to let the rain speak in hushed syllables.
As the storm rolls in, the light’s retreat feels neither victory nor defeat. It is simply the next movement in this symphony of becoming — a reminder that the world is never static. The beauty is not in the sun or the rain, but in the trembling edge where they meet, hesitate, and move on.
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In this place where light hesitates and shadows breathe, there lies a world seen through eyes attuned to the fleeting — where each moment is a delicate revelation.
To explore more of these shifting landscapes, where images and words weave together to unveil the subtle conversations of nature, follow the path to the artist and writer’s sanctuary at www.coronaviking.com. Here, each frame and each phrase offer a quiet invitation to witness, to wonder, and to wander.
Working on the redrawing of last year portrait.
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#AlinaRubanenko #art #drawing #sketches
#АлинаРубаненко #искусство #рисование #наброски
The ultimate slide. I loved the composition of this image but it was taken from a car, and the original was just too blurry. After a couple of hours of combining every technique I could think of, along with multiple Topaz filters (I lost track of everything), plus some literal redrawing - VOILA!
HSS!
Le mont sacré d'Orta comprend un circuit constitué d'une vingtaine de chapelles retraçant la vie de Saint François d'Assise sous la forme de scènes en 2 et 3 dimensions.
The sacred mount of Orta includes a circuit constituted by about twenty chapels redrawing the life of Saint Francis of Assisi under the shape of scenes in 2 and 3 dimensions.
"There are two cities in Marrakesh - the first, the capital, is geomatrically and secretly laid out. It is the perfect city as dreamed of by its prince. The other, that covered it, both rich and existing, has become a labyrinth for lost travellers. The hidden order of the city, the invisible star, drawn then erased by the centuries, still shines. Its reflection can be seen in time, in the many facets of the city's mosaics and domes, in the geometry of its red and gold cedar ceilings, in the water in its pools and fountains, and in the ever-renewed paradise of its courtyard houses. (...) They had not forgotten it, unlike those who were too busy building this city, dividing up the lands and the quarters that followed the mule trails that led from the gates of the city to its vibrant center, its mosque and its market. This is how Marrakesh was born. This huge web of earthen walls and earthen roots in an imperfect grid, woven with enclosed spaces, gardens, patios and courtyards. Marrakesh, in a harmony of pink ochre hues, like a shimmering carpet of contiguous secrets. And the time flowed over this earth, over these walls. And the rain undermined its foundations; and the wind blew off dust, laying it on the roads and on the streets. The city slowly rebuilt itself on top of the old city, continually redrawing the outline of a new -old- city, made of walls built on the remains of existing walls, using the same earth. But always under the sun!"
Q. Wilbaux, Marrakesh; the secret of courtyard houses, 1999, Paris, p. 6-8. Translated from the French by K. McElhearn.
A medina quarter (Arabic: المدينة القديمة al-madīnah al-qadīmah "the old city") is a distinct city section found in many North African cities. The medina is typically walled, contains many narrow and maze-like streets. The word "medina" (Arabic: مدينة madīnah) itself simply means "city" or "town" in modern day Arabic. Medina quarters often contain historical fountains, palaces, and mosques. Because of the very narrow streets, medinas are free from car traffic. (...) This makes them unique among highly populated urban centres. Some medinas were also used to confuse and slow down invaders because of how narrow and winding they are.
This is one of the twincalfs. He was so kind to walk in to the sun lit field for a few minutes before redrawing in to the shadow. The coulors are much more defined when sunlit. Their mother will leave them for shorter periodes due to matingseason now. They dont seem to bother that much.
This one began as a pencil sketch which was then inked. I scanned it and have set about redrawing and coloring it using the SketchClub application. There’s a lot more to do, including the possible addition of some wildlife. This is yet another of my “Going in Circles” series.
*working title
www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/22/illegal-settlement-expa...
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@TOliveFern " I refuse to believe that kicking people out of their homes & bringing other people from all over the world to live in their homes is normal. I refuse to normalise theft. I refuse to normalise Israel."
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Mae Israel yn cymeradwyo codi 19 o dreflannau newydd, rhywbeth sy'n debygol o ail-lunio'r Lan Orllewinol, gan danseilio unrhyw bosibilrwydd o gytundeb lle y byddai dwy wladwriaeth. 22/XII/2025
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H King & Co. - 1903
Clare Street, Blackpool
For Dave Nolan.
This is an iPad painting, made with a beta version of iColorama. I used several images from Dave's collection, to make this.
The Backstory: This was the 1,426th iPad portrait painting that I have posted to Facebook, to celebrate friends and perfect strangers, usually for their birthdays. I spend an inordinate amount of time doing this, with the hope of bringing some joy to others, because, that is how we can achieve peace on earth. When the works are completed, the results look so simple, but trust me, this is never easy for me. The "But, of course," only hits me, when a piece is completed.
Every painting is an adventure, every process is different. Much of the time, I use the vast possibilities in iColorama. The big secret to my process is time, care, and persistence.
I cannot remember how many masks I made, in compositing the photographic elements. I fully realize the combination makes no logical sense, which is, for me, part of fun in it.
I started with a low resolution profile picture of Dave, layered in the other elements, including one of a man peering through Venetian blinds, into a daytime scene. After redrawing and painting into the composite, with various brushes, I used effects for flattening, creating edges, coherences, simplifying, working with color and contrast – playing with a retro feel. Everything, including the kitchen sink! I could not resist putting the neon "Heated Pool" sign in Dave's sunglasses. I layered into a number of different versions of the same composition, using chroma, shift and blend functions. After a full day of this, I enjoyed finding this solution.
I only meant to do 100 iPad portraits, but, as you may imagine, I have gone a little over my goal.
After looking back at my other drawings I decided that I'm going to start redrawing some of my old drawings to bring them up to my current standard
The Original : www.flickr.com/photos/amazingartstudios/7509745824/in/pho...
Easter Egg: If you look closely at the tattoos you can see my signature in one :P
I'm thinking of redoing most of them which I'm not too pleased with
Loch Long is a body of water in Argyll and Bute, Scotland. The Sea Loch extends from the Firth of Clyde at its southwestern end. It measures approximately 20 miles (32 km) in length, with a width of between 1 and 2 miles (1.6 and 3.2 km). The loch also has an arm, Loch Goil, on its western side.
Loch Long forms part of the coast of the Cowal peninsula and forms the entire western coastline of the Rosneath Peninsula.
Loch Long was historically the boundary between Argyll and Dunbartonshire. However, in 1996 boundary redrawing meant that it moved wholly within the council area of Argyll and Bute.
This is my first project at my university.
Now I'm redrawing graphics and fixing models of my past projects for entrance selection of laboratory.
Signalbox diagram from Falsgrave (Scarborough) between 1965 and 1968.
I have digitally recreated the diagram from an office copy, redrawing some of the missing detail and adding colour.
To give it life, I have simulated a busy day, with trains arriving, departing and a loco outside the signalbox waiting to drop onto its train.
Notice how busy it must have been, where the draughtsman has actually drawn two signallers at the box.
The Goods Yard Line passes through a short shallow tunnel, tightly curving away to the north which was once the single track line to Whitby Prospect Hill and beyond. Now as with many railway locations, that yard is a supermarket and car park.
news.bbc.co.uk/media/images/49330000/jpg/_49330621_falsgr...
Scarborough Station Box controlled platforms 3 and above as well as the other yard, and Washbeck Signalbox was the next box in the other direction at the start of the complex.
This is where I left the drawing on Sunday evening. The lower part of the north wall, floor and east arcade of the transept to do. Another afternoon of work I think, but I will need to adjust the tone in some areas I have already worked on as I have done throughout the drawing. In addition to the 0.3mm pencil I have also used a Pentel 0.5mm pencil for some of the larger areas of shading. This has added some background tone in some areas which has meant going back to them with the Tombow eraser and redrawing the lines which would otherwise have less contrast.
Created for Art Week Gallery theme “Women in art” with help from DDG AI.
From one of my own photographs and finished in Paint/Paint Shop Pro and Filter Forge (with redrawing where needed.)
Changing Images of Man is a 1974 report (revised in 1982) by the Stanford Research Institute (SRI International). This report can be summed up like this:
You have two options: your future can either be 1984 or the Brave New World.
“We have met the enemy and he is us!” We must reform the way we conceptualize the nature of mankind. Indeed, the mind (and body) is a human biocomputer, with programs and coding that can be analyzed, hacked, and altered. Our concepts of free will, freedom, and consciousness must be cast off for man to attain a peaceful, rational, and humane society in the future.
Changing images of man has a double meaning: man’s image has changed throughout history, and man’s image can be changed (manipulated). If we apply this idea to the present, what would be man’s image? Today, man’s image is one of transition. Since we are in the digital age, man’s image would reflect the digital world. Man looks into his screen, and his screen reflects back his digital world. Man’s image is being tokenized into the digital world. His image is becoming digitalized. His image is going to transition into transhumanism (merging man with the digital world). So man’s future image will be one of transhumanism. He will be a techno-slave. Indeed, the image of man is currently being manipulated toward the goals of the elite.
This report warns that our society is heading towards friendly fascism. This form of fascism “will come under the slogans of democracy.” It will be a “techno-urban fascism,” a “friendly sort of totalitarianism.” This is what this friendly fascism will look like: they will use military surveillance technologies to aid the police; they will use behavior-changing drugs and indoctrination in schools; they will attempt to manage the news; they will use personality screening and maintain files on pre-delinquent children, via coordination with school administrations and local, state, and federal authorities; they will use interconnected computer systems to collect peoples personal data like: employment records, criminal records, tax status, credit, insurance, and information about education.
What is their solution to this friendly fascism? They want, instead, to introduce a friendly fascism that has a shiny spiritual veneer. They want man to “evolve” to a higher consciousness, a super consciousness, which lies at the boundary between the conscious and unconscious parts of the mind. This evolution of consciousness will be a personal, spiritual, social, and cultural evolution. They want people to tap into this consciousness through their dream states. They want them to evolve into a hivemind, where they can telepathically communicate with one another. This could possibly be achieved through mystical experiences, psychic phenomena, esoteric ideas, occult practices, hypnotism, self-hypnotism, meditation, yoga, psychotherapy, psychology, psychochemical drugs, electrocranial stimulation, and cybernetics. “I think that cybernetics is the biggest bite out of the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge that mankind has taken in the last 2000 years.”
This evolved man will see the inequality of the poorer nations. He will willingly give up his comfortable lifestyle. He will lower his living standards. He will share his wealth with the rest of the world. Men will collectively work together to accomplish equality (communism). And if they refuse to give up their wealth, they will be forced to give it up. This evolution is Gnostic in nature; it reminds me of Karl Marx, with his idea of man evolving into the socialist man/communist man. Out of this evolution will come a new system, a “new socialism,” which will be influenced by Freemasonry. “In ‘true Freemasonry’ there is one lodge, the universe-and one brotherhood, everything that exists. Each person has the ‘privilege of labor,’ of joining with the ‘Great Architect’ in building more noble structures and thus serving in the divine plan.”
The architects of this scheme must convince the masses that the earth has limited resources, which they term the “new scarcity.” They must convince the people that the earth is being overpopulated (today, climate change is the big scare they are pushing). With these supposed problems, man must be convinced that he needs to collectively band together. The architects of this scam must bring in a new economic and ecological system (known today as stakeholder capitalism and the green economy). To introduce this alternative way of life, they will introduce “behavior controls that would deprive the individual of freedoms” (which is known today as a social credit score system).
“Thanks to this initiative (the Green Economy Initiative) and the work of other agencies, ‘green economy in the context of sustainable development and poverty eradication’ was placed on the 2012 Rio+20 agenda and was acknowledged as a tool for achieving sustainable development.” – United Nations
“A crisis is often the catalyst for the redrawing of one’s preferred map.” A “crisis-oriented transformation” is likely to transform a culture rapidly. We saw some of this during COVID, which greatly affected our society and economy. People accepted a soft form of authoritarianism and the loss of freedoms. During COVID, they pushed vaccine passports. This mimicked Digital IDs. The unvaccinated could not go to certain places, because they didn’t have vaccine passports. The Canadian truckers had their bank accounts frozen. Those with alternative views were censored. These things mimicked a social credit score system with rewards and punishments. Society failed to think critically, thus proving that it was ready for the next step of the plan. Therefore, politicians touted the start of the Great Reset—a plan to build back better. So now we are in a transition period, a transition into a new economic order. As a result, we are being steered towards a major economic crisis. This “crisis-oriented transformation” will bring us into their new system. This system will use digital biometric IDs, CBDCs, and social credit scores.
The elites see multinational corporations as the “most effective mechanisms for husbanding the earth’s resources and optimizing their use for human benefit.” Giving multinational corporations the earth’s resources will supposedly lead to an “equitable sharing of the earth’s resources.” They will pressure corporations to help with the social engineering of society. The methods they will use to get corporations on board resemble those of a corporate social credit score system like ESGs. They will prod corporations, particularly multinational corporations, to shift their goals to line up with those of the (hijacked) public institutions. Indeed, the public institutions will be tools of indoctrination (today, these institutions promote things like DEI). They plan to use “corporations, foundations, political agencies, and voluntary associations” to help with the implementation of their plans. Today, this is called public–private partnerships. They will use networks at the local, regional, national, and world levels. This way, it will be quicker and easier for them to implement their new world order goals. They expect rapid social change, economic decline, and social disruption as they implement their new technocratic socialist order.
“We would thus hope not for a handful, but for a thousand heroes, ten thousand heroes-who will create a future image of what humankind can be.” They need an army of social(ist) justice warriors to bring about change. “The needed transformation cannot occur without both personal and institutional change.” This correlates with the left’s “long march through the institutions.”
They also want to experiment with a variety of family structures. They want to turn the family into “an extended unit,” which will provide “a larger source of meaning and significance.” So basically, the collective (government, schools, neighbors, and society) will raise your children in this new collectivist utopia. This extended family will be a “source of education,” and “a unit for work.” They want to “foster a period of experimentation and tolerance for diverse alternatives, both in life styles and in social institutions.” They also want to use “new experimental curricula.” Today, we have new experimental curricula such as critical race theory and queer theory.
They want the world’s population to embrace this new order. Their end goal is the Brave New World. In reality, those who refuse this new order will live out 1984, and those who accept it will live out the Brave New World. Though, as they admit, no transition will go smoothly. Everyone is going to feel some pain, and in a worst-case scenario, a lot of pain.
The Bible warns us about the Antichrist. Those who refuse the Mark of the Beast won’t be able to buy or sell, and they will be tracked down by the authorities. These people will experience the hell of 1984. But those who take the Mark of the Beast will evolve into transhumans, and they will experience the bliss of the Brave New World. They will be on a high, stimulated by soma frequencies. Thus, they will blissfully worship the Beast. They will evolve to a super consciousness; they will become one with the Beast.
God created man with a soul and free will. Those who accept the Mark of the Beast will lose their free will, because technology will control their allegiance and love for the Beast. Their free will is gonna be controlled by the Beast system. Never again will they have the free will to repent and turn to Jesus Christ. They will give up their free will; they will forfeit their own souls.
Revelation 14:9-11 “A third angel followed the first two, declaring in a loud voice: ‘If anyone worships the Beast and his Image, and takes the Mark on his forehead or his hand, that person will also drink of the wine of God’s anger that has been mixed undiluted in the cup of His wrath, and he will be tortured with fire and sulfur in front of the holy angels and in front of the Lamb. And the smoke from their torture will go up forever and ever, and those who worship the Beast and his Image will have no rest day or night, along with anyone who receives the Mark of his name.’”
Mark 8:36 “For what does it profit a man to gain the whole world, yet forfeit his soul?”
Original character photo from Creative commons (part redrawn) processed using Wombo and then DDG with some redrawing.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934 (c. 1881 – 10 November 1938), was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism.
Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli (1915) during World War I. During this time, the Ottoman Empire perpetrated genocides against its Greek, Armenian and Assyrian subjects; while not directly involved, Atatürk's role in their aftermath has been controversial. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara (known in English at the time as Angora), he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the sultanate in 1922 and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place the following year.
As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a republican and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency. In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage. His government carried out a policy of Turkification, trying to create a homogeneous, unified and above all secular nation under the Turkish banner. Under Atatürk, the minorities in Turkey were ordered to speak Turkish in public, but were allowed to maintain their own languages in private and within their own communities; non-Turkish toponyms were replaced and non-Turkish families were ordered to adopt a Turkish surname. The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic. He died on 10 November 1938 at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, at the age of 57; he was succeeded as president by his long-time prime minister İsmet İnönü and was honored with a state funeral.
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction". Atatürk was also credited for his peace-in-the-world oriented foreign policy and friendship with neighboring countries such as Iran, Yugoslavia, Iraq, and Greece, as well as the creation of the Balkan Pact that resisted the expansionist aggressions of Fascist Italy and Tsarist Bulgaria.
The Turkish War of Independence (19 May 1919 – 24 July 1923) was a series of military campaigns and a revolution waged by the Turkish National Movement, after parts of the Ottoman Empire were occupied and partitioned following its defeat in World War I. The conflict was between the Turkish Nationalists against Allied and separatist forces over the application of Wilsonian principles, especially national self-determination, in post-World War I Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. The revolution concluded the collapse of the Ottoman Empire; the Ottoman monarchy and the Islamic caliphate were abolished, and the Republic of Turkey was declared in Anatolia and Eastern Thrace. This resulted in a transfer of vested sovereignty from the sultan-caliph to the nation, setting the stage for Republican Turkey's period of nationalist revolutionary reform.
While World War I ended for the Ottoman Empire with the Armistice of Mudros, the Allied Powers continued occupying and securing land per the Sykes–Picot Agreement, as well as to facilitate the prosecution of former members of the Committee of Union and Progress and those involved in the Armenian genocide. Ottoman military commanders therefore refused orders from both the Allies and the Ottoman government to surrender and disband their forces. In an atmosphere of turmoil throughout the remainder of the empire, sultan Mehmed VI dispatched Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), a well-respected and high-ranking general, to Anatolia to restore order; however, Mustafa Kemal became an enabler and eventually leader of Turkish Nationalist resistance against the Ottoman government, Allied powers, and separatists.
In an attempt to establish control over the power vacuum in Anatolia, the Allies agreed to launch a Greek peacekeeping force into Anatolia and occupy Smyrna (İzmir), inflaming sectarian tensions and beginning the Turkish War of Independence. A nationalist counter government led by Mustafa Kemal was established in Ankara when it became clear the Ottoman government was appeasing the Allied powers. The Allies soon pressured the Ottoman government in Constantinople to suspend the Constitution, shutter Parliament, and sign the Treaty of Sèvres, a treaty unfavorable to Turkish interests that the "Ankara government" declared illegal.
In the ensuing war, Turkish and Syrian forces defeated the French in the south, and remobilized army units went on to partition Armenia with the Bolsheviks, resulting in the Treaty of Kars (October 1921). The Western Front of the independence war is known as the Greco-Turkish War, in which Greek forces at first encountered unorganized resistance. However, İsmet Pasha (İnönü)'s organization of militia into a regular army paid off when Ankara forces fought the Greeks in the First and Second Battle of İnönü. The Greek army emerged victorious in the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and decided to drive on the Nationalist capital of Ankara, stretching their supply lines. The Turks checked their advance in the Battle of Sakarya and eventually counter-attacked in the Great Offensive, which expelled Greek forces from Anatolia in the span of three weeks. The war effectively ended with the recapture of İzmir and the Chanak Crisis, prompting the signing of another armistice in Mudanya.
The Grand National Assembly in Ankara was recognized as the legitimate Turkish government, which signed the Treaty of Lausanne (July 1923), a treaty more favorable to Turkey than the Sèvres Treaty. The Allies evacuated Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Ottoman government was overthrown and the monarchy abolished, and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (which remains Turkey's primary legislative body today) declared the Republic of Turkey on 29 October 1923. With the war, a population exchange between Greece and Turkey, the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, and the abolition of the sultanate, the Ottoman era came to an end, and with Atatürk's reforms, the Turks created the modern, secular nation-state of Turkey. On 3 March 1924, the Ottoman caliphate was also abolished.
The ethnic demographics of the modern Turkish Republic were significantly impacted by the earlier Armenian genocide and the deportations of Greek-speaking, Orthodox Christian Rum people. The Turkish Nationalist Movement carried out massacres and deportations to eliminate native Christian populations—a continuation of the Armenian genocide and other ethnic cleansing operations during World War I. Following these campaigns of ethnic cleansing, the historic Christian presence in Anatolia was destroyed, in large part, and the Muslim demographic had increased from 80% to 98%.
Following the chaotic politics of the Second Constitutional Era, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Committee of Union and Progress in a coup in 1913, and then further consolidated its control after the assassination of Mahmud Shevket Pasha.[citation needed] Founded as a radical revolutionary group seeking to prevent a collapse of the Ottoman Empire, by the eve of World War I it decided that the solution was to implement nationalist and centralizing policies. The CUP reacted to the losses of land and the expulsion of Muslims from the Balkan Wars by turning even more nationalistic. Part of its effort to consolidate power was to proscribe and exile opposition politicians from the Freedom and Accord Party to remote Sinop.
The Unionists brought the Ottoman Empire into World War I on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary, during which a genocidal campaign was waged against Ottoman Christians, namely Armenians, Pontic Greeks, and Assyrians. It was based on an alleged conspiracy that the three groups would rebel on the side of the Allies, so collective punishment was applied. A similar suspicion and suppression from the Turkish nationalist government was directed towards the Arab and Kurdish populations, leading to localized rebellions. The Entente powers reacted to these developments by charging the CUP leaders, commonly known as the Three Pashas, with "Crimes against humanity" and threatened accountability. They also had imperialist ambitions on Ottoman territory, with a major correspondence over a post-war settlement in the Ottoman Empire being leaked to the press as the Sykes–Picot Agreement. With Saint Petersburg's exit from World War I and descent into civil war, driven in part from the Ottomans' closure of the Turkish straits of goods bound to Russia, a new imperative was given to the Entente powers to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war to restart the Eastern Front.
World War I would be the nail in the coffin of Ottomanism, a monarchist and multicultural nationalism. Mistreatment of non-Turk groups after 1913, and the general context of great socio-political upheaval that occurred in the aftermath of World War I, meant many minorities now wished to divorce their future from imperialism to form futures of their own by separating into (often republican) nation-states.
In the summer months of 1918, the leaders of the Central Powers realized that the Great War was lost, including the Ottomans'. Almost simultaneously the Palestinian Front and then the Macedonian Front collapsed. The sudden decision by Bulgaria to sign an armistice cut communications from Constantinople (İstanbul) to Vienna and Berlin, and opened the undefended Ottoman capital to Entente attack. With the major fronts crumbling, Unionist Grand Vizier Talât Pasha intended to sign an armistice, and resigned on 8 October 1918 so that a new government would receive less harsh armistice terms. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on 30 October 1918, ending World War I for the Ottoman Empire. Three days later, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP)—which governed the Ottoman Empire as a one-party state since 1913—held its last congress, where it was decided the party would be dissolved. Talât, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and five other high-ranking members of the CUP escaped the Ottoman Empire on a German torpedo boat later that night, plunging the country into a power vacuum.
The armistice was signed because the Ottoman Empire had been defeated in important fronts, but the military was intact and retreated in good order. Unlike other Central Powers, the Allies did not mandate an abdication of the imperial family as a condition for peace, nor did they request the Ottoman Army to dissolve its general staff. Though the army suffered from mass desertion throughout the war which led to banditry, there was no threat of mutiny or revolutions like in Germany, Austria-Hungary, or Russia. This is despite famine and economic collapse that was brought on by the extreme levels of mobilization, destruction from the war, disease, and mass murder since 1914.
Due to the Turkish nationalist policies pursued by the CUP against Ottoman Christians by 1918 the Ottoman Empire held control over a mostly homogeneous land of Muslims from Eastern Thrace to the Persian border. These included mostly Turks, as well as Kurds, Circassians, and Muhacir groups from Rumeli. Most Muslim Arabs were now outside of the Ottoman Empire and under Allied occupation, with some "imperialists" still loyal to the Ottoman Sultanate-Caliphate, and others wishing for independence or Allied protection under a League of Nations mandate. Sizable Greek and Armenian minorities remained within its borders, and most of these communities no longer wished to remain under the Empire.
On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed between the Ottoman Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Middle Eastern theatre of World War I to an end. The Ottoman Army was to demobilize, its navy and air force handed to the Allies, and occupied territory in the Caucasus and Persia to be evacuated. Critically, Article VII granted the Allies the right to occupy forts controlling the Turkish Straits and the vague right to occupy "in case of disorder" any territory if there were a threat to security. The clause relating to the occupation of the straits was meant to secure a Southern Russian intervention force, while the rest of the article was used to allow for Allied controlled peace-keeping forces. There was also a hope to follow through punishing local actors that carried out exterminatory orders from the CUP government against Armenian Ottomans. For now, the House of Osman escaped the fates of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Romanovs to continue ruling their empire, though at the cost of its remaining sovereignty.
On 13 November 1918, a French brigade entered Constantinople to begin a de facto occupation of the Ottoman capital and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of British, French, Italian and Greek ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day, totaling 50,000 troops in Constantinople. The Allied Powers stated that the occupation was temporary and its purpose was to protect the monarchy, the caliphate and the minorities. Somerset Arthur Gough-Calthorpe—the British signatory of the Mudros Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the Ottoman government or place it under military occupation by "occupying Constantinople". However, dismantling the government and partitioning the Ottoman Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.
A wave of seizures took place in the rest of the country in the following months. Citing Article VII, British forces demanded that Turkish troops evacuate Mosul, claiming that Christian civilians in Mosul and Zakho were killed en masse. In the Caucasus, Britain established a presence in Menshevik Georgia and the Lori and Aras valleys as peace-keepers. On 14 November, joint Franco-Greek occupation was established in the town of Uzunköprü in Eastern Thrace as well as the railway axis until the train station of Hadımköy on the outskirts of Constantinople. On 1 December, British troops based in Syria occupied Kilis, Marash, Urfa and Birecik. Beginning in December, French troops began successive seizures of the province of Adana, including the towns of Antioch, Mersin, Tarsus, Ceyhan, Adana, Osmaniye, and İslâhiye, incorporating the area into the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration North while French forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Black Sea ports of Zonguldak and Karadeniz Ereğli commanding Turkey's coal mining region. These continued seizures of land prompted Ottoman commanders to refuse demobilization and prepare for the resumption of war.
The British similarly asked Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) to turn over the port of Alexandretta (İskenderun), which he reluctantly did, following which he was recalled to Constantinople. He made sure to distribute weapons to the population to prevent them from falling into the hands of Allied forces. Some of these weapons were smuggled to the east by members of Karakol, a successor to the CUP's Special Organization, to be used in case resistance was necessary in Anatolia. Many Ottoman officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Anatolia.
Other commanders began refusing orders from the Ottoman government and the Allied powers. After Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Constantinople, Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) brought XX Corps under his command. He marched first to Konya and then to Ankara to organise resistance groups, such as the Circassian çetes he assembled with guerilla leader Çerkes Ethem. Meanwhile, Kazım Karabekir Pasha refused to surrender his intact and powerful XV Corps in Erzurum. Evacuation from the Caucusus, puppet republics and Muslim militia groups were established in the army's wake to hamper with the consolidation of the new Armenian state. Elsewhere in the country, regional nationalist resistance organizations known as Şuras –meaning "councils", not unlike soviets in revolutionary Russia– were founded, most pledging allegiance to the Defence of National Rights movement that protested continued Allied occupation and appeasement by the Sublime Porte.
Following the occupation of Constantinople, Mehmed VI Vahdettin dissolved the Chamber of Deputies which was dominated by Unionists elected back in 1914, promising elections for the next year. Vahdettin just ascended to the throne only months earlier with the death of Mehmed V Reşad. He was disgusted with the policies of the CUP, and wished to be a more assertive sovereign than his diseased half brother. Greek and Armenian Ottomans declared the termination of their relationship with the Ottoman Empire through their respective patriarchates, and refused to partake in any future election. With the collapse of the CUP and its censorship regime, an outpouring of condemnation against the party came from all parts of Ottoman media.
A general amnesty was soon issued, allowing the exiled and imprisoned dissidents persecuted by the CUP to return to Constantinople. Vahdettin invited the pro-Palace politician Damat Ferid Pasha, leader of the reconstituted Freedom and Accord Party, to form a government, whose members quickly set out to purge the Unionists from the Ottoman government. Ferid Pasha hoped that his Anglophilia and an attitude of appeasement would induce less harsh peace terms from the Allied powers. However, his appointment was problematic for nationalists, many being members of the liquidated committee that were surely to face trial. Years of corruption, unconstitutional acts, war profiteering, and enrichment from ethnic cleansing and genocide by the Unionists soon became basis of war crimes trials and courts martial trials held in Constantinople.[citation needed] While many leading Unionists were sentenced lengthy prison sentences, many made sure to escape the country before Allied occupation or to regions that the government now had minimal control over; thus most were sentenced in absentia. The Allies encouragement of the proceedings and the use of British Malta as their holding ground made the trials unpopular. The partisan nature of the trials was not lost on observers either. The hanging of the Kaymakam of Boğazlıyan district Mehmed Kemal resulted in a demonstration against the courts martials trials.
With all the chaotic politics in the capital and uncertainty of the severity of the incoming peace treaty, many Ottomans looked to Washington with the hope that the application of Wilsonian principles would mean Constantinople would stay Turkish, as Muslims outnumbered Christians 2:1. The United States never declared war on the Ottoman Empire, so many imperial elite believed Washington could be a neutral arbiter that could fix the empire's problems. Halide Edip (Adıvar) and her Wilsonian Principles Society led the movement that advocated for the empire to be governed by an American League of Nations Mandate (see United States during the Turkish War of Independence). American diplomats attempted to ascertain a role they could play in the area with the Harbord and King–Crane Commissions. However, with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's health, the United States diplomatically withdrew from the Middle East to focus on Europe, leaving the Entente powers to construct a post-Ottoman order.
The Entente would have arrived at Constantinople to discover an administration attempting to deal with decades of accumulated refugee crisis. The new government issued a proclamation allowing for deportees to return to their homes, but many Greeks and Armenians found their old homes occupied by desperate Rumelian and Caucasian Muslim refugees which were settled in their properties during the First World War. Ethnic conflict restarted in Anatolia; government officials responsible for resettling Christian refugees often assisted Muslim refugees in these disputes, prompting European powers to continue bringing Ottoman territory under their control. Of the 800,000 Ottoman Christian refugees, approximately over half returned to their homes by 1920. Meanwhile 1.4 million refugees from the Russian Civil War would pass through the Turkish straits and Anatolia, with 150,000 White émigrés choosing to settle in Istanbul for short or long term (see Evacuation of the Crimea). Many provinces were simply depopulated from years of fighting, conscription, and ethnic cleansing (see Ottoman casualties of World War I). The province of Yozgat lost 50% of its Muslim population from conscription, while according to the governor of Van, almost 95% of its prewar residents were dead or internally displaced.
Administration in much of the Anatolian and Thracian countryside would soon all but collapse by 1919. Army deserters who turned to banditry essentially controlled fiefdoms with tacit approval from bureaucrats and local elites. An amnesty issued in late 1918 saw these bandits strengthen their positions and fight amongst each other instead of returning to civilian life. Albanian and Circassian muhacirs resettled by the government in northwestern Anatolia and Kurds in southeastern Anatolia were engaged in blood feuds that intensified during the war and were hesitant to pledge allegiance to the Defence of Rights movement, and only would if officials could facilitate truces. Various Muhacir groups were suspicious of the continued Ittihadist ideology in the Defence of Rights movement, and the potential for themselves to meet fates 'like the Armenians' especially as warlords hailing from those communities assisted the deportations of the Christians even though as many commanders in the Nationalist movement also had Caucasian and Balkan Muslim ancestry.
With Anatolia in practical anarchy and the Ottoman army being questionably loyal in reaction to Allied land seizures, Mehmed VI established the military inspectorate system to reestablish authority over the remaining empire. Encouraged by Karabekir and Edmund Allenby, he assigned Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk) as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate –based in Erzurum– to restore order to Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919, with his first assignment to suppress a rebellion by Greek rebels around the city of Samsun.
Mustafa Kemal was a well known, well respected, and well connected army commander, with much prestige coming from his status as the "Hero of Anafartalar"—for his role in the Gallipoli Campaign—and his title of "Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan" gained in the last months of WWI. This choice would seem curious, as he was a nationalist and a fierce critic of the government's accommodating policy to the Entente powers. He was also an early member of the CUP. However Kemal Pasha did not associate himself with the fanatical faction of the CUP, many knew that he frequently clashed with the radicals of the Central Committee like Enver. He was therefore sidelined to the periphery of power throughout the Great War; after the CUP's dissolution he vocally aligned himself with moderates that formed the Liberal People's Party instead of the rump radical faction which formed the Renewal Party (both parties would be banned in May 1919 for being successors of the CUP). All these reasons allowed him to be the most legitimate nationalist for the sultan to placate. In this new political climate, he sought to capitalize on his war exploits to attain a better job, indeed several times he unsuccessfully lobbied for his inclusion in cabinet as War Minister. His new assignment gave him effective plenipotentiary powers over all of Anatolia which was meant to accommodate him and other nationalists to keep them loyal to the government.
Mustafa Kemal had earlier declined to become the leader of the Sixth Army headquartered in Nusaybin. But according to Patrick Balfour, through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, he became the inspector of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of remaining Ottoman forces. Kemal had an abundance of connections and personal friends concentrated in the post-armistice War Ministry, a powerful tool that would help him accomplish his secret goal: to lead a nationalist movement to safeguard Turkish interests against the Allied powers and a collaborative Ottoman government.
The day before his departure to Samsun on the remote Black Sea coast, Kemal had one last audience with Sultan Vahdettin, where he affirmed his loyalty to the sultan-caliph. It was in this meeting that they were informed of the botched occupation ceremony of Smyrna (İzmir) by the Greeks. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople aboard the old steamer SS Bandırma on the evening of 16 May 1919.
On 19 January 1919, the Paris Peace Conference was first held, at which Allied nations set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Ottoman Empire. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey", was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Italy sought control over the southern part of Anatolia under the Agreement of St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. France expected to exercise control over Hatay, Lebanon, Syria, and a portion of southeastern Anatolia based on the Sykes–Picot Agreement.
Greece justified their territorial claims of Ottoman land through the Megali Idea as well as international sympathy from the suffering of Ottoman Greeks in 1914 and 1917–1918. Privately, Greek prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos had British prime minister David Lloyd George's backing not least from Greece's entrance to WWI on the Allied side, but also from his charisma and charming personality. Greece's participation in the Allies' Southern Russian intervention also earned it favors in Paris. His demands included parts of Eastern Thrace, the islands of Imbros (Gökçeada), Tenedos (Bozcaada), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of Smyrna (İzmir), all of which had large Greek populations. Venizelos also advocated a large Armenian state to check a post-war Ottoman Empire. Greece wanted to incorporate Constantinople, but Entente powers did not give permission. Damat Ferid Pasha went to Paris on behalf of the Ottoman Empire hoping to minimize territorial losses using Fourteen Points rhetoric, wishing for a return to status quo ante bellum, on the basis that every province of the Empire holds Muslim majorities. This plea was met with ridicule.
At the Paris Peace Conference, competing claims over Western Anatolia by Greek and Italian delegations led Greece to land the flagship of the Greek Navy at Smyrna, resulting in the Italian delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Italy responded to the possible idea of Greek incorporation of Western Anatolia by sending a warship to Smyrna as a show of force against the Greek campaign. A large Italian force also landed in Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna per Article VII, ostensibly as a peacekeeping force to keep stability in the region. Venizelos's rhetoric was more directed against the CUP regime than the Turks as a whole, an attitude not always shared in the Greek military: "Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic [İttihadist] Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would control a zone around Smyrna and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor.
Most historians mark the Greek landing at Smyrna on 15 May 1919 as the start date of the Turkish War of Independence as well as the start of the "Kuva-yi Milliye Phase". The occupation ceremony from the outset was tense from nationalist fervor, with Ottoman Greeks greeting the soldiers with an ecstatic welcome, and Ottoman Muslims protesting the landing. A miscommunication in Greek high command led to an Evzone column marching by the municipal Turkish barracks. The nationalist journalist Hasan Tahsin fired the "first bullet"[note 4] at the Greek standard bearer at the head of the troops, turning the city into a warzone. Süleyman Fethi Bey was murdered by bayonet for refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" (meaning "long live Venizelos"), and 300–400 unarmed Turkish soldiers and civilians and 100 Greek soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded.
Greek troops moved from Smyrna outwards to towns on the Karaburun peninsula; to Selçuk, situated a hundred kilometres south of the city at a key location that commands the fertile Küçük Menderes River valley; and to Menemen towards the north. Guerilla warfare commenced in the countryside, as Turks began to organize themselves into irregular guerilla groups known as Kuva-yi Milliye (national forces), which were soon joined by Ottoman soldiers, bandits, and disaffected farmers. Most Kuva-yi Milliye bands were led by rogue military commanders and members of the Special Organization. The Greek troops based in cosmopolitan Smyrna soon found themselves conducting counterinsurgency operations in a hostile, dominantly Muslim hinterland. Groups of Ottoman Greeks also formed contingents that cooperated with the Greek Army to combat Kuva-yi Milliye within the zone of control. A massacre of Turks at Menemen was followed up with a battle for the town of Aydın, which saw intense intercommunal violence and the razing of the city. What was supposed to be a peacekeeping mission of Western Anatolia instead inflamed ethnic tensions and became a counterinsurgency.
The reaction of Greek landing at Smyrna and continued Allied seizures of land served to destabilize Turkish civil society. Ottoman bureaucrats, military, and bourgeoisie trusted the Allies to bring peace, and thought the terms offered at Mudros were considerably more lenient than they actually were. Pushback was potent in the capital, with 23 May 1919 being largest of the Sultanahmet Square demonstrations organized by the Turkish Hearths against the Greek occupation of Smyrna, the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history at that point. The Ottoman government condemned the landing, but could do little about it. Ferid Pasha tried to resign, but was urged by the sultan to stay in his office.
Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his colleagues stepped ashore in Samsun on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mıntıka Palace Hotel. British troops were present in Samsun, and he initially maintained cordial contact. He had assured Damat Ferid about the army's loyalty towards the new government in Constantinople. However, behind the government's back, Kemal made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged discreet mass meetings, made fast connections via telegraph with the army units in Anatolia, and began to form links with various Nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Kemal and his staff moved to Havza. It was there that he first showed the flag of the resistance.
Mustafa Kemal wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. His credentials and the importance of his position were not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he met with various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Pasha, Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuat Pasha, and Refet Pasha and issued the Amasya Circular (22 June 1919). Ottoman provincial authorities were notified via telegraph that the unity and independence of the nation was at risk, and that the government in Constantinople was compromised. To remedy this, a congress was to take place in Erzurum between delegates of the Six Vilayets to decide on a response, and another congress would take place in Sivas where every Vilayet should send delegates. Sympathy and an lack of coordination from the capital gave Mustafa Kemal freedom of movement and telegraph use despite his implied anti-government tone.
On 23 June, High Commissioner Admiral Calthorpe, realising the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about the Pasha to the Foreign Office. His remarks were downplayed by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst of the British occupation force in Samsun warned Admiral Calthorpe one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with the Brigade of Gurkhas. When the British landed in Alexandretta, Admiral Calthorpe resigned on the basis that this was against the armistice that he had signed and was assigned to another position on 5 August 1919. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced them that Mustafa Kemal was right.
By early July, Mustafa Kemal Pasha received telegrams from the sultan and Calthorpe, asking him and Refet to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Kemal was in Erzincan and did not want to return to Constantinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the sultan's plans. Before resigning from his position, he dispatched a circular to all nationalist organizations and military commanders to not disband or surrender unless for the latter if they could be replaced by cooperative nationalist commanders. Now only a civilian stripped of his command, Mustafa Kemal was at the mercy of the new inspector of Third Army (renamed from Ninth Army) Karabekir Pasha, indeed the War Ministry ordered him to arrest Kemal, an order which Karabekir refused. The Erzurum Congress was a meeting of delegates and governors from the six Eastern Vilayets. They drafted the National Pact (Misak-ı Millî), which envisioned new borders for the Ottoman Empire by applying principles of national self-determination per Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the abolition of the capitulations. The Erzurum Congress concluded with a circular that was effectively a declaration of independence: All regions within Ottoman borders upon the signing of the Mudros Armistice were indivisible from the Ottoman state –Greek and Armenian claims on Thrace and Anatolia were moot– and assistance from any country not coveting Ottoman territory was welcome. If the government in Constantinople was not able to attain this after electing a new parliament, they insisted a provisional government should be promulgated to defend Turkish sovereignty. The Committee of Representation was established as a provisional executive body based in Anatolia, with Mustafa Kemal Pasha as its chairman.
Following the congress, the Committee of Representation relocated to Sivas. As announced in the Amasya Circular, a new congress was held there in September with delegates from all Anatolian and Thracian provinces. The Sivas Congress repeated the points of the National Pact agreed to in Erzurum, and united the various regional Defence of National Rights Associations organizations, into a united political organisation: Anatolia and Rumeli Defence of Rights Association (A-RMHC), with Mustafa Kemal as its chairman. In an effort show his movement was in fact a new and unifying movement, the delegates had to swear an oath to discontinue their relations with the CUP and to never revive the party (despite most present in Sivas being previous members).[120] It was also decided there that the Ottoman Empire should not be a League of Nations mandate under the United States, especially after the U.S Senate failed to ratify American membership in the League.
Momentum was now on the Nationalists' side. A plot by a loyalist Ottoman governor and a British intelligence officer to arrest Kemal before the Sivas Congress led to the cutting of all ties with the Ottoman government until a new election would be held in the lower house of parliament, the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1919, the last Ottoman governor loyal to Constantinople fled his province. Fearing the outbreak of hostilities, all British troops stationed in the Black Sea coast and Kütahya were evacuated. Damat Ferid Pasha resigned, and the sultan replaced him with a general with nationalist credentials: Ali Rıza Pasha. On 16 October 1919, Ali Rıza and the Nationalists held negotiations in Amasya. They agreed in the Amasya Protocol that an election would be called for the Ottoman Parliament to establish national unity by upholding the resolutions made in the Sivas Congress, including the National Pact.
By October 1919, the Ottoman government only held de facto control over Constantinople; the rest of the Ottoman Empire was loyal to Kemal's movement to resist a partition of Anatolia and Thrace. Within a few months Mustafa Kemal went from General Inspector of the Ninth Army to a renegade military commander discharged for insubordination to leading a homegrown anti-Entente movement that overthrew a government and driven it into resistance.
In December 1919, an election was held for the Ottoman parliament, with polls only open in unoccupied Anatolia and Thrace. It was boycotted by Ottoman Greeks, Ottoman Armenians and the Freedom and Accord Party, resulting in groups associated with the Turkish Nationalist Movement winning, including the A-RMHC. The Nationalists' obvious links to the CUP made the election especially polarizing and voter intimidation and ballot box stuffing in favor of the Kemalists were regular occurrences in rural provinces. This controversy led to many of the nationalist MPs organizing the National Salvation Group separate from Kemal's movement, which risked the nationalist movement splitting in two.
Mustafa Kemal was elected an MP from Erzurum, but he expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. Mustafa Kemal and the Committee of Representation moved from Sivas to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Constantinople to attend the parliament.
Though Ali Rıza Pasha called the election as per the Amasya Protocol to keep unity between the "Istanbul government" and "Ankara government", he was wrong to think the election could bring him any legitimacy. The Ottoman parliament was under the de facto control of the British battalion stationed at Constantinople and any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Rıza Pasha and the battalion's commanding officer. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.
On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey was in Ankara in the name of the Committee of Representation. On 28 January the MPs from both sides of the isle secretly met to endorse the National Pact as a peace settlement. They added to the points passed in Sivas, calling for plebiscites to be held in West Thrace; Batum, Kars, and Ardahan, and Arab lands on whether to stay in the Empire or not. Proposals were also made to elect Kemal president of the Chamber;[clarification needed] however, this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber. The Chamber of Deputies would be forcefully dissolved for passing the National Pact anyway. The National Pact solidified Nationalist interests, which were in conflict with the Allied plans.
From February to April, leaders of Britain, France, and Italy met in London to discuss the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and the crisis in Anatolia. The British began to sense that the elected Ottoman government was under Kemalist influence and if left unchecked, the Entente could once again find themselves at war with the Empire. The Ottoman government was not doing all that it could to suppress the Nationalists.
Mustafa Kemal manufactured a crisis to pressure the Istanbul government to pick a side by deploying Kuva-yi Milliye towards İzmit. The British, concerned about the security of the Bosporus Strait, demanded Ali Rıza Pasha to reassert control over the area, to which he responded with his resignation to the sultan.
As they were negotiating the partition of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies were growing increasingly concerned about the Turkish National Movement. To this end, the Allied occupational authorities in Istanbul began to plan a raid to arrest nationalist politicians and journalists along with occupying military and police installations and government buildings. On 16 March 1920, the coup was carried out; several Royal Navy warships were anchored in the Galata Bridge to support British forces, including the Indian Army, while they carried out the arrests and occupied several government buildings in the early hours of the morning.
An Indian Army operation, the Şehzadebaşı raid, resulted in 5 Ottoman soldiers from the 10th Infantry Division being killed when troops raided their barracks. Among those arrested were the senior leadership of the Turkish National Movement and former members of the CUP. 150 arrested Turkish politicians accused of war crimes were interned in Malta and became known as the Malta exiles.
Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the Nationalist organisations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to counter Allied movements was to organise protests. He declared "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence – its entire future".
On 18 March, the Chamber of Deputies declared that it was unacceptable to arrest five of its members, and dissolved itself. Mehmed VI confirmed this and declared the end of Constitutional Monarchy and a return to absolutism. University students were forbidden from joining political associations inside and outside the classroom. With the lower elected Chamber of Deputies shuttered, the Constitution terminated, and the capital occupied; Sultan Vahdettin, his cabinet, and the appointed Senate were all that remained of the Ottoman government, and were basically a puppet regime of the Allied powers. Grand Vizier Salih Hulusi Pasha declared Mustafa Kemal's struggle legitimate, and resigned after less than a month in office. In his place, Damat Ferid Pasha returned to the premiership. The Sublime Porte's decapitation by the Entente allowed Mustafa Kemal to consolidate his position as the sole leader of Turkish resistance against the Allies, and to that end made him the legitimate representative of the Turkish people.
The strong measures taken against the Nationalists by the Allies in March 1920 began a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mustafa Kemal sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a new parliament to represent the Ottoman (Turkish) people, which would convene in Ankara. With the proclamation of the counter-government, Kemal would then ask the sultan to accept its authority. Mustafa Kemal appealed to the Islamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan who was also the caliph. He stated he wanted to free the caliph from the Allies. He found an ally in the Khilafat movement of British India, where Indians protested Britain's planned dismemberment of Turkey. A committee was also started for sending funds to help the soon to be proclaimed Ankara government of Mustafa Kemal. A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip and Abdülhak Adnan (Adıvar), Mustafa İsmet Pasha (İnönü), Mustafa Fevzi Pasha (Çakmak), many of Kemal's allies in the Ministry of War, and Celalettin Arif, the president of the now shuttered Chamber of Deputies. Celaleddin Arif's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as he declared that the Ottoman Parliament had been dissolved illegally.
Some 100 members of the Chamber of Deputies were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected. In March 1920, Turkish revolutionaries announced the establishment of a new parliament in Ankara known as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNA) that was dominated by the A-RMHC.[citation needed] The parliament included Turks, Circassians, Kurds, and one Jew. They met in a building that used to serve as the provincial headquarters of the local CUP chapter. The inclusion of "Turkey" in its name reflected a increasing trend of new ways Ottoman citizens thought of their country, and was the first time it was formally used as the name of the country. On 23 April, the assembly, assuming full governmental powers, gathered for the first time, electing Mustafa Kemal its first Speaker and Prime Minister.
Hoping to undermine the Nationalist Movement, Mehmed VI issued a fatwa to qualify the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, calling for the death of its leaders. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the Nationalist Movement as they committed apostasy. The mufti of Ankara Rifat Börekçi issued a simultaneous fatwa, declaring that the caliphate was under the control of the Entente and the Ferid Pasha government. In this text, the Nationalist Movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultanate and the caliphate from its enemies. In reaction to the desertion of several prominent figures to the Nationalist Movement, Ferid Pasha ordered Halide Edip, Ali Fuat and Mustafa Kemal to be sentenced to death in absentia for treason.
On 28 April the sultan raised 4,000 soldiers known as the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye (Caliphate Army) to combat the Nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, another force about 2,000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants were initially deployed in İznik. The sultan's government sent the forces under the name of the Caliphate Army to the revolutionaries to arouse counterrevolutionary sympathy. The British, being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counteract the revolutionaries. The Nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many smaller units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat and Refet Pasha.
Anatolia had many competing forces on its soil: British troops, Nationalist militia (Kuva-yi Milliye), the sultan's army (Kuva-yi İnzibatiye), and Anzavur's bands. On 13 April 1920, an uprising supported by Anzavur against the GNA occurred at Düzce as a direct consequence of the fatwa. Within days the rebellion spread to Bolu and Gerede. The movement engulfed northwestern Anatolia for about a month. On 14 June, Nationalist militia fought a pitched battle near İzmit against the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye, Anzavur's bands, and British units. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-yi İnzibatiye deserted and joined the Nationalist militia. Anzavur was not so lucky, as the Nationalists tasked Ethem the Circassian with crushing Anzavur's revolt. This revealed the sultan did not have the unwavering support of his own men and allies. Meanwhile, the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held their position. For now, Istanbul was out of Ankara's grasp.
The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. British forces conducted combat operations on the Nationalists and the Royal Air Force carried out aerial bombardments against the positions, which forced Nationalist forces to temporarily retreat to more secure missions. The British commander in Turkey, General George Milne—, asked for reinforcements. This led to a study to determine what would be required to defeat the Turkish Nationalists. The report, signed by French Field Marshal Ferdinand Foch, concluded that 27 divisions were necessary, but the British army did not have 27 divisions to spare. Also, a deployment of this size could have disastrous political consequences back home. World War I had just ended, and the British public would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.
The British accepted the fact that a nationalist movement could not be defeated without deployment of consistent and well-trained forces. On 25 June, the forces originating from Kuva-i İnzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The British realised that the best option to overcome these Turkish Nationalists was to use a force that was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor already occupying its territory: Greece.
Eleftherios Venizelos, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Anatolia, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the hope that fighting would stop. The subsequent treaty of Sèvres in August 1920 confirmed the Arab provinces of the empire would be reorganized into new nations given to Britain and France in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while the rest of the Empire would be partitioned between Greece, Italy, France (via Syrian mandate), Britain (via Iraqi mandate), Armenia (potentially under an American mandate), and Georgia. Smyrna would hold a plebiscite on whether to stay with Greece or Turkey, and the Kurdistan region would hold one on the question of independence. British, French, and Italian spheres of influence would also extend into Anatolia beyond the land concessions. The old capital of Constantinople as well as the Dardanelles would be under international League of Nations control.
However, the treaty could never come into effect. The treaty was extremely unpopular, with protests against the final document held even before its release in Sultanahmet square. Though Mehmed VI and Ferid Pasha loathed the treaty, they did not want Istanbul to join Ankara in nationalist struggle. The Ottoman government and Greece never ratified it. Though Ferid Pasha signed the treaty, the Ottoman Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the sultan, refused to ratify the treaty. Greece disagreed on the borders drawn. The other allies began to fracture their support of the settlement immediately. Italy started openly supporting the Nationalists with arms by the end of 1920, and the French signed another separate peace treaty with Ankara only months later.
Kemal's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Sèvres by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected sultan, but from the Turkish people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the sultan's signature of the Treaty of Sèvres would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the sultan, the document gave Kemal ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Turks for justified resistance against Istanbul.
In contrast to the Eastern and Western fronts, it was mostly unorganized Kuva-yi Milliye which were fighting in the Southern Front against France. They had help from the Syrians, who were fighting their own war with the French.
The British troops which occupied coastal Syria by the end of World War I were replaced by French troops over 1919, with the Syrian interior going to Faisal bin Al-Hussein's self-proclaimed Arab Kingdom of Syria. France which wanted to take control of all of Syria and Cilicia. There was also a desire facilitate the return of Armenian refugees in the region to their homes, and the occupation force consisted of the French Armenian Legion as well as various Armenian militia groups. 150,000 Armenians were repatriated to their homes within months of French occupation. On 21 January 1920, a Turkish Nationalist uprising and siege occurred against the French garrison in Marash. The French position untenable they retreated to Islahiye, resulting in a massacre of many Armenians by Turkish militia. A grueling siege followed in Antep which featured intense sectarian violence between Turks and Armenians. After a failed uprising by the Nationalists in Adana, by 1921, the French and Turks signed an armistice and eventually a treaty was brokered demarcating the border between the Ankara government and French controlled Syria. In the end, there was a mass exodus of Cilician Armenians to French controlled Syria, Previous Armenian survivors of deportation found themselves again as refugees and families which avoided the worst of the six years violence were forced from their homes, ending thousands of years of Christian presence in Southern Anatolia.[146] With France being the first Allied power to recognize and negotiate with the Ankara government only months after signing the Treaty of Sèvres, it was the first to break from the coordinated Allied approach to the Eastern question. In 1923 the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon under French authority would be proclaimed in former Ottoman territory.
Some efforts to coordinate between Turkish Nationalists and the Syrian rebels persisted from 1920 to 1921, with the Nationalists supporting the Faisal's kingdom through Ibrahim Hanunu and Alawite groups which were also fighting the French. While the French conquered Syria, Cilicia had to be abandoned.
Kuva-yi Milliye also engaged with British forces in the "Al-Jazira Front," primarily in Mosul. Ali İhsan Pasha (Sabis) and his forces defending Mosul would surrender to the British in October 1918, but the British ignored the armistice and seized the city, following which the pasha also ignored the armistice and distributed weapons to the locals. Even before Mustafa Kemal's movement was fully organized, rogue commanders found allies in Kurdish tribes. The Kurds detested the taxes and centralization the British demanded, including Shaykh Mahmud of the Barzani family. Having previously supported the British invasion of Mesopotamia to become the governor of South Kurdistan, Mahmud revolted but was apprehended by 1919. Without legitimacy to govern the region, he was released from captivity to Sulaymaniyah, where he again declared an uprising against the British as the King of Kurdistan. Though an alliance existed with the Turks, little material support came to him from Ankara, and by 1923 there was a desire to cease hostilities between the Turks and British at Barzanji's expense. Mahmud was overthrown in 1924, and after a 1926 plebiscite, Mosul was awarded to British-controlled Iraq.
Since 1917, the Caucasus was in a chaotic state. The border of newly independent Armenia and the Ottoman Empire was defined in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) after the Bolshevik revolution, and later by the Treaty of Batum (4 June 1918). To the east, Armenia was at war with the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic after the breakup of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, and received support from Anton Denikin's White Russian Army. It was obvious that after the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918) the eastern border was not going to stay as it was drawn, which mandated the evacuation of the Ottoman army back to its 1914 borders. Right after the Armistice of Mudros was signed, pro-Ottoman provisional republics were proclaimed in Kars and Aras which were subsequently invaded by Armenia. Ottoman soldiers were convinced not to demobilize lest the area become a 'second Macedonia'.[149] Both sides of the new borders had massive refugee populations and famine, which were compounded by the renewed and more symmetric sectarian violence (See Massacres of Azerbaijanis in Armenia (1917–1921) and Muslim uprisings in Kars and Sharur–Nakhichevan). There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Allied Powers on reshaping the border. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer territories to Armenia based on the principles of national self-determination. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920).
Kâzım Karabekir Pasha, commander of the XV corps, encountered Muslim refugees fleeing from the Armenian army, but did not have the authority to cross the border. Karabekir's two reports (30 May and 4 June 1920) outlined the situation in the region. He recommended redrawing the eastern borders, especially around Erzurum. The Russian government was receptive to this and demanded that Van and Bitlis be transferred to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. However, Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish Nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami (Kunduh) was assigned to negotiate with the Bolsheviks.
On 24 September 1920, Karabekir's XV corps and Kurdish militia advance on Kars, blowing through Armenian opposition, and then Alexandropol. With an advance on Yerevan imminent, on 28 November 1920, the 11th Red Army under the command of Anatoliy Gekker crossed over into Armenia from Soviet Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government surrendered to Bolshevik forces, ending the conflict.
The Treaty of Alexandropol (2—3 December 1920) was the first treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Turkish revolutionaries. The 10th article in the Treaty of Alexandropol stated that Armenia renounced the Treaty of Sèvres and its allotted partition of Anatolia. The agreement was signed with representatives of the former government of Armenia, which by that time had no de jure or de facto power in Armenia, since Soviet rule was already established in the country. On 16 March 1921, the Bolsheviks and Turkey signed a more comprehensive agreement, the Treaty of Kars, which involved representatives of Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia.
Throughout most of his life, Atatürk was a moderate-to-heavy drinker, often consuming half a litre of rakı a day; he also smoked tobacco, predominantly in the form of cigarettes. During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle, but eventually succumbed to his illness. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace.
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège. Atatürk's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, but they were transferred on 10 November 1953 (15 years after his death) in a 42-ton sarcophagus to a mausoleum overlooking Ankara, Anıtkabir.
In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, provided that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of İsmet İnönü's children. The remainder was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.