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The Jimmy Carter Library and Museum, located on the site where Union General William T. Sherman orchestrated the Battle of Atlanta in 1864 at 441 Freedom Parkway, was opened to the public on October 1, 1986. James Earl "Jimmy" Carter, Jr. served as the 39th President of the United States from 1977 to 1981 following two terms as a Georgia State Senator, representing the 14th district, and one as the 76th Governor of Georgia, from 1971 to 1975. The museum and library, run by the National Archives and Records Administration as part of the Presidential Library system, are housed in a 69,750 square feet building with 15,269 square feet of space for exhibits and 19,818 square feet of archive and storage space. The library stacks house 27 million pages of documents; 500,000 photos, and 40,000 objects, along with films, videos, and audiotapes covering cover all areas of the Carter administration, from foreign and domestic policy to the personal lives of President and Mrs. Carter. Privately owned areas of the complex ouse Carter's offices and the offices of the Carter Center, a non-profit human rights agency.
fluxusbox.artisopensource.net/
Fluxus boxes were intended as non linear narratives to be handled, touched, performed, disseminated, destroyed, reassembled, counted and reconfigured.
Just as cinema montage and music had learned, the orchestration of symbols, visions and other sensorial components was able to create novel scenarios. Interactivity and tangibility created a state of continuous recombination, multiplying interpretation and cognitively activating people, who became part of the artwork while handling, imagining and communicating. The connection with the ordinary flow of life created new dimensions in the world: stratified, recombinant and engaging.
In occasion of the 50 years of FLUXUS we have decided to research on this wonderful form of expression, both for the innovation it has provided in the arts and for its connection with many of the mutation processes that are going on with contemporary humanity and their ability to experience media, communicate and interact.
At the event Mercoledì da NABA series of events, on December 15th 2010, we will hold a workshop/performance in which we will build a Fluxus Box using Augmented Reality and other cross-medial techniques and technologies.
The ojective will be to research on the Fluxus Box approach, and to appy it at a “meta” level. The objects contained in the box will be tools through which the experience of multiple Fluxus Boxes will be holdable, remixable, juxtaposable, recombinable, enacting a meta-performance encompassing possibly infinite remixed reenactments of Fluxus performances, experiences and events.
The box we will produced will be donated to the NABA, and the custom software that will be created for the occasion will be released under a GPL2 licensing scheme, so that it will be usable by artists, students and practitioners worldwide, in a further level of the performance.
more info at:
Annual celebration of all things pig orchestrated by Chef Jeremiah Bullfrog of the gastroPod on November 15, 2015.
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Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
MuCEM + Fort Saint-Jean, Marseille, France - 2013 -Architects: Rudy Ricciotti and C+T architecture
Views, sea, sun, a mineral quality, which all must be orchestrated by a program that will become federal and cognitive. First of all a perfect square of 72 m per side, it is a classic plan, Latin, under the control of Pythagoras. Within this square, another of 52 m per side, comprising the exhibition and conference halls identified as the heart of the museum.
Around, above and below are the service areas. But between these areas and the heart, openings entirely bypass the central square and form interconnected spaces. More interested by the views of the fort, the sea or the port, the culturally overwhelmed visitor will choose this route. Along two interlacing ramps, he will then plunge into the imaginary of the tower of Babel or of a ziggurat in order to climb up to the rooftop and on to Fort Saint- Jean. This peripheral loop will be a free breathe, enveloped by the smells of the sea from the proximity to the moats, a pause to dispel any lingering doubts about the use of the history of our civilizations. The MuCEM will be a vertical Casbah.
The tectonic choice of an exceptional concrete coming from the latest research by French industry, reducing the dimensions to little more than skin and bones, will affirm a mineral script under the high ramparts of Fort Saint-Jean. This sole material in the colour of dust, matt, crushed by the light, distant from the brilliance and technological consumerism, will commend the dense and the delicate. The MuCEM sees itself evanescent in a landscape of stone and Orientalist through its fanning shadows.
Pre-production Photos
35mm: A Musical Exhibition
October 26, 2018 to October 28, 2018
Friday, October 26, 2018, 8:00 PM
Saturday, October 27, 2018, 8:00 PM
Sunday, October 28, 2018, 2:00 PM
Corthell Concert Hall, USM Gorham Campus
$15 adult, $10 seniors, USM employees and alumni, $5 students.
Music and Lyrics by Ryan Scott Oliver
Based on Photographs by Matthew Murphy
Vocal Arrangements and Orchestrations by Ryan Scott Oliver
Additional Percussion arrangements by Jeremy Yaddaw
Additional Guitar arrangements by Matt Hinkley
Directed by Edward Reichert
A picture is worth 1,000 words - what about a song? In 35mm: A Musical Exhibition, each photo creates a unique song, moments frozen in time; a glimmer of a life unfolding, a glimpse of something happening. The University of Southern Maine School of Music fall musical theatre production is part concert, part exhibition, part poetry jam, part performance art...an intricately woven collection of stories that re-imagines what the modern American musical can be.
Three performances take place in Corthell Concert Hall on the Gorham campus on Friday, October 26 and Saturday, October 27 at 8 p.m., and Sunday, October 28 at 2 p.m. Tickets are $15 for the general public, $10 for seniors, USM alumni and employees, and $5 for students. They can be purchased online at usm.maine.edu/music/boxoffice, by phone at (207) 780-5555, or at the door.
The show is sponsored by Saco & Biddeford Savings Institution.
Art moves and touches people in different ways. The stories told through song in 35mm are all based on or inspired by the eclectic photography of Matthew Murphy. Composer Ryan Scott Oliver provides us with a collection of stories and photographs about life: gorgeous songs about love and loss, more complex issues like insanity, abuse...and some humor too. Oliver states, “it covers a wide range of experiences and sensations.” This show is recommended for mature audiences.
The show’s director, Ed Reichert says, “The score is fascinating to me because it covers so many genres such as rock, gospel, country, pop, and musical comedy. Ryan Scott Oliver openly talks about some of his creative influences including Lady Gaga, The Scissor Sisters, Schubert, and Rufus Wainwright. He is equally inspired by the likes of Quentin Tarantino, Stephen King, and Stephen Sondheim.” Reichert adds, “With Halloween just around the corner, at least three of the songs are timely: Leave, Luanne (a Southern Gothic Ghost Story), Twisted Teeth (a duet between two vampires), and The Ballad of Sara Berry (think prom queen...).”
The cast includes: Samuel Allen (Harpswell), Matthew Boyd (Medford, NJ), Andrew Carney (Millinocket), Mikayla Clifford (Yarmouth), Noli French (New Gloucester), Aaron Kircheis (Bucksport), Katie Lind (Standish), Ayann Main (Wiscasset), Megan Mayfield (Marlborough, MA), Miles Obrey (Gorham), Alyssa Pearl-Ross (Sangerville), Victoria Stackpole (Biddeford), March Steiger (Buxton), Ben Walker-Dubay (Kennebunk), Megan Walz (Portland), Meg Ward (Bangor), Abby White (Dalton, Mass.).
The band includes Lynnea Harding, associate music director, violin and viola; Catherine Begin, cello; Jake Cooper, guitar; Shannon Allen, bass; Sam Smith, drums, and Ed Reichert on piano.
Those needing special accommodations to participate fully in this program, contact Lori Arsenault, (207) 780-5142, loria@maine.edu. Hearing impaired: call USM's telex / TDD number (207) 780-5646.
35mm: A Musical Exhibition is presented by special arrangement with SAMUEL FRENCH, INC.
Varosha - Maras is the southern quarter of the Famagusta, a de jure territory of Cyprus, currently under the control of Northern Cyprus. Varosha has a population of 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census. The area of Varosha is 6.19 km2 (2.39 sq mi).
The name of Varosha derives from the Turkish word varoş (Ottoman Turkish: واروش, 'suburb'). The place where Varosha is located now was empty fields in which animals grazed.
In the early 1970s, Famagusta was the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus. To cater to the increasing number of tourists, many new high-rise buildings and hotels were constructed. During its heyday, Varosha was not only the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus, but between 1970 and 1974, it was one of the most popular tourist destinations in the world and was a favorite destination of such celebrities as Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Raquel Welch, and Brigitte Bardot.
Before 1974, Varosha was the modern tourist area of the Famagusta city. Its Greek Cypriot inhabitants fled during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, when the city of Famagusta came under Turkish control, and it has remained abandoned ever since. In 1984 a U.N. resolution called for the handover of the city to UN control and said that only the original inhabitants, who were forced out, could resettle in the town.
Entry to part of Varosha was opened to civilians in 2017.
In August 1974, the Turkish Army advanced as far as the Green Line, a UN-patrolled demilitarized zone between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, and controlled and fenced Varosha. Just hours before the Greek Cypriot and Turkish armies met in combat on the streets of Famagusta, the entire Greek Cypriot population fled to Paralimni, Dherynia, and Larnaca, fearing a massacre. The evacuation was aided and orchestrated by the nearby British military base. Paralimni has since become the modern-day capital of the Famagusta province of Greek Cypriot-led Cyprus.
The Turkish Army has allowed the entry of only Turkish military and United Nations personnel since 2017.
One such settlement plan was the Annan Plan to reunify the island that provided for the return of Varosha to the original residents. But this was rejected by Greek Cypriots in a 2004 referendum. The UN Security Council Resolution 550 states that it "considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the United Nations".
The European Court of Human Rights awarded between €100,000 and €8,000,000 to eight Greek Cypriots for being deprived of their homes and properties as a result of the 1974 invasion. The case was filed jointly by businessman Constantinos Lordos and others, with the principal judgement in the Lordos case dating back to November 2010. The court ruled that, in the case of eight of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 1 of Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights on the right of peaceful enjoyment of one's possessions, and in the case of seven of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 8 on the right to respect for private and family life.
In the absence of human habitation and maintenance, buildings continue to decay. Over time, parts of the city have begun to be reclaimed by nature as metal corrodes, windows are broken, and plants work their roots into the walls and pavement and grow wild in old window boxes. In 2014, the BBC reported that sea turtles were observed nesting on the beaches in the city.
During the Cyprus Missile Crisis (1997–1998), the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, threatened to take over Varosha if the Cypriot government did not back down.
The main features of Varosha included John F. Kennedy Avenue, a street which ran from close to the port of Famagusta, through Varosha and parallel to Glossa beach. Along JFK Avenue, there were many well known high rise hotels including the King George Hotel, The Asterias Hotel, The Grecian Hotel, The Florida Hotel, and The Argo Hotel which was the favourite hotel of Elizabeth Taylor. The Argo Hotel is located near the end of JFK Avenue, looking towards Protaras and Fig Tree Bay. Another major street in Varosha was Leonidas (Greek: Λεωνίδας), a major street that came off JFK Avenue and headed west towards Vienna Corner. Leonidas was a major shopping and leisure street in Varosha, consisting of bars, restaurants, nightclubs, and a Toyota car dealership.
According to Greek Cypriots, 425 plots exist on the Varosha beach front, which extends from the Contandia hotel to the Golden Sands hotel. The complete number of plots in Varosha are 6082.
There are 281 cases of Greek Cypriots who filed to the Immovable Property Commission (IPC) of Northern Cyprus for compensation.
In 2020, Greek Cypriot Demetrios Hadjihambis filed a lawsuit seeking state compensation for financial losses.
The population of Varosha was 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census.
In 2017, Varosha's beach was opened for the exclusive use of Turks (both Turkish Cypriots and Turkish nationals).
In 2019, the Government of Northern Cyprus announced it would open Varosha to settlement. On 14 November 2019, Ersin Tatar, the prime minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that Northern Cyprus aims to open Varosha by the end of 2020.
On 25 July 2019, Varosha Inventory Commission of Northern Cyprus started its inventory analysis on the buildings and other infrastructure in Varosha.
On 9 December 2019, Ibrahim Benter, the Director-General of the Turkish Cypriot EVKAF religious foundation's administration, declared all of Maraş/Varosha to be the property of EVKAF. Benter said "EVKAF can sign renting contracts with Greek Cypriots if they accept that the fenced-off town belongs to the Evkaf."
In 2019–20, inventory studies of buildings by the Government of Northern Cyprus were concluded. On 15 February 2020, the Turkish Bar Association organised a round table meeting at the Sandy Beach Hotel in Varosha, which was attended by Turkish officials (Vice President Fuat Oktay and Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gül), Turkish Cypriot officials, representatives of the Turkish Cypriot religious foundation Evkaf, and Turkish and Turkish Cypriot lawyers.
On 22 February 2020, Cyprus declared it would veto European Union funds to Turkish Cypriots if Varosha were opened to settlement.
On 6 October 2020, Ersin Tatar, the Prime Minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that the beach area of Varosha would reopen to the public on 8 October 2020. Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said Turkey fully supported the decision. The move came ahead of the 2020 Northern Cypriot presidential election, in which Tatar was a candidate. Deputy Prime Minister Kudret Özersay, who had worked on the reopening previously, said that this was not a full reopening of the area, that this was just a unilateral election stunt by Tatar. His People's Party withdrew from the Tatar cabinet, leading to the collapse of the Turkish Cypriot government. The EU's diplomatic chief condemned the plan and described it as a "serious violation" of the U.N. ceasefire agreement. In addition, he asked Turkey to stop this activity. The U.N. Secretary-General expressed concern over Turkey's decision.
On 8 October 2020, some parts of Varosha were opened from the Officers' Club of Turkish and Turkish Cypriot Army to the Golden Sands Hotel.
In November 2020, the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Turkey's ambassador to Nicosia, visited Varosha. In addition, the main avenue in Varosha has been renamed after Semih Sancar, Chief of the General Staff of Turkey from 1973 to 1978, a period including the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
The European Parliament on 27 November, asked Turkey to reverse its decision to re-open part of Varosha and resume negotiations aimed at resolving the Cyprus problem on the basis of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation and called on the European Union to impose sanctions against Turkey, if things do not change. Turkey rejected the resolution, adding that Turkey will continue to protect both its own rights and those of Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus presidency also condemned the resolution.
On 20 July 2021, Tatar, the president of Northern Cyprus announced the start of the 2nd phase of the opening of Varosha. He encouraged Greek Cypriots to apply Immovable Property Commission of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to claim their properties back if they have any such rights.
Bilal Aga Mosque, constructed in 1821 and taken out of service in 1974, was re-opened on 23 July 2021.
In response to a decision by the government of Turkish Cyprus, the presidential statement of the United Nations Security Council dated on 23 July said that settling any part of the abandoned Cypriot suburb of Varosha, "by people other than its inhabitants, is 'inadmissible'." The same day, Turkey rejected the presidential statement of the UNSC on Maras (Varosha), and said that these statements were based on Greek-Greek Cypriot propaganda, were groundless and unfounded claims, and inconsistent with the realities on the Island. On 24 July 2021, the presidency of Northern Cyprus condemned the presidential statement of the UNSC dated on 23 July, and stated that "We see and condemn it as an attempt to create an obstacle for the property-rights-holders in Varosha to achieve their rights".
By 1 January 2022, nearly 400,000 people had visited Varosha since its opening to civilians on 6 October 2020.
On 19 May 2022, Northern Cyprus opened a 600m long X 400m wide stretch of beach on the Golden Sands beach (from the King George Hotel to the Oceania Building) in Varosha for commercial use. Sun beds and umbrellas were installed.
UNFICYP said it would raise the decision taken by Turkish Cypriot authorities to open that stretch of beach in Varosha with the Security Council, spokesperson for the peacekeeping force Aleem Siddique said on Friday. The UN announced its "position on Varosha is unchanged and we are monitoring the situation closely".
In October 2022, the Turkish Cypriots announced that public institutions will be opened in the city.
In April 2023, Cleo Hotel, the 7-floor Golden Seaside Hotel, and the 3-star Aegean Hotel were purchased by a Turkish Cypriot businessman (from their Greek Cypriot owners) who will operate them within 2025.
On 10 August 2023, the Government of Northern Cyprus decided to construct a marina and tourist facility in Varosha.
Varosha was analyzed by Alan Weisman in his book The World Without Us as an example of the unstoppable power of nature.
Filmmaker Greek Cypriot Michael Cacoyannis described the city and interviewed its exiled citizens in the film Attilas '74, produced in 1975.
In 2021, the Belarusian group Main-De-Gloire dedicated a song to this city that has become a ghostly place.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
Last month Operation Homefront orchestrated there Star Spangled Baby Shower at Ft. Riley, Kansas. An educational portion was held virtually as Trooper Ben Gardner of the Kansas Highway Patrol and Dr. Mathew Shandy of Overland Park Regional Hospital spoke to an audience of mother's. A special thank you to the National Charity League of Kansas City. Bebee Schloegel and group constructed the baby bundles to be handed out in a drive through distribution at the Junction City Community Center.
Days later after the virtual educational piece, Operation Homefront's Region 2 team distributed the baby bundles to expectant mothers.
fluxusbox.artisopensource.net/
Fluxus boxes were intended as non linear narratives to be handled, touched, performed, disseminated, destroyed, reassembled, counted and reconfigured.
Just as cinema montage and music had learned, the orchestration of symbols, visions and other sensorial components was able to create novel scenarios. Interactivity and tangibility created a state of continuous recombination, multiplying interpretation and cognitively activating people, who became part of the artwork while handling, imagining and communicating. The connection with the ordinary flow of life created new dimensions in the world: stratified, recombinant and engaging.
In occasion of the 50 years of FLUXUS we have decided to research on this wonderful form of expression, both for the innovation it has provided in the arts and for its connection with many of the mutation processes that are going on with contemporary humanity and their ability to experience media, communicate and interact.
At the event Mercoledì da NABA series of events, on December 15th 2010, we will hold a workshop/performance in which we will build a Fluxus Box using Augmented Reality and other cross-medial techniques and technologies.
The ojective will be to research on the Fluxus Box approach, and to appy it at a “meta” level. The objects contained in the box will be tools through which the experience of multiple Fluxus Boxes will be holdable, remixable, juxtaposable, recombinable, enacting a meta-performance encompassing possibly infinite remixed reenactments of Fluxus performances, experiences and events.
The box we will produced will be donated to the NABA, and the custom software that will be created for the occasion will be released under a GPL2 licensing scheme, so that it will be usable by artists, students and practitioners worldwide, in a further level of the performance.
more info at:
Throughout history we see that God loves numbers! He’s an architect and engineer; He made the universe! He loves to show off, show His glory, and make us marvel! Many numbers have very significant, God ordained meanings & implications. Note: “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots” is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! Think! WHAT IF!! What if GOD is really trying to get your attention! Even if you don't believe in God, WHAT IF!! I would hope, if it were me, I would somehow respond. But, CAUTION! Whatever you do, do not place your trust in the purveyors of ANGEL NUMBERS & such! Although it's essentially true that the 333 may indeed be delivered by an angel, it would be an extreme injustice & mistake to associate it with the various spiritualist and profit oriented sites that pop up when "meaning of 333" is Googled. See "Satan's # Games". Unfortunately, although certainly more accurate, it's a shame one has to add "biblical" to "meaning of 333" for this site to be ranked high on the list by Google. Don't know whether to blame Satan or praise Google! It represents God, the 3-in-1, Father, Son, & Holy Spirit. Jesus prayed 3 times in the Garden of Gethsemane before His arrest. He was placed on the cross at the 3rd hour of the day (9 a.m.) and died at the 9th hour (3 p.m.). There were 3 hours of darkness that covered the land while Jesus was on the cross. Three is also the number of resurrection. Christ arose after 3 days and 3 nights in the tomb.
There are many more illustrations of the #3s biblical significance. Jonah prophetically spent 3 days in the belly of a big fish. After the flood, new life started in 3 persons: Shem, Ham, & Jepheth. Israel was founded in the 3 persons of Abraham, Isaac, & Jacob. Three (3) of the most memorable Biblical edifices, Noah's Ark, Solomon's Temple, and The Millennial Temple, are 3 stories tall; and they all represent God's saving grace. 33 = After 3 years of ministry and raising 3 people from the dead, Jesus died at age 33. His death and resurrection fulfilled all the old testament promises concerning the Messiah. Thus, the number 33 is connected to promise, in particular, to Gods promise of salvation to humanity. “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots”, as noted above, is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS (Save Our Souls) message! On Nov.29,1947, the 333rd day of the year, the United Nations voted for the establishment of a Jewish State. God gave His chosen people the homeland that He had promised to their forefathers!
Genesis 15:9, The LORD told Abraham, "Bring me a three-year-old heifer, a three-year-old female goat, a three-year-old ram, a turtledove, and a young pigeon." This has to do with the covenant God made with Abraham, promising the land of Israel to the Jews. Thus 333 just may be considered a COVENANT number!!! As seen above, the numbers 3, 33, or 333 just scream of Jesus &/or the Bible! No other, not Mohammad, Buddha, Satan, or any other religion can proclaim such a connection. And again, 333 is surely God’s International Distress Signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! good link below
Visualizing the journey, now and in the future.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
Throughout history we see that God loves numbers! He’s an architect and engineer; He made the universe! He loves to show off, show His glory, and make us marvel! Many numbers have very significant, God ordained meanings & implications. Note: “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots” is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! Think! WHAT IF!! What if GOD is really trying to get your attention! Even if you don't believe in God, WHAT IF!! I would hope, if it were me, I would somehow respond. But, CAUTION! Whatever you do, do not place your trust in the purveyors of ANGEL NUMBERS & such! Although it's essentially true that the 333 may indeed be delivered by an angel, it would be an extreme injustice & mistake to associate it with the various spiritualist and profit oriented sites that pop up when "meaning of 333" is Googled. See "Satan's # Games". Unfortunately, although certainly more accurate, it's a shame one has to add "biblical" to "meaning of 333" for this site to be ranked high on the list by Google. Don't know whether to blame Satan or praise Google! It represents God, the 3-in-1, Father, Son, & Holy Spirit. Jesus prayed 3 times in the Garden of Gethsemane before His arrest. He was placed on the cross at the 3rd hour of the day (9 a.m.) and died at the 9th hour (3 p.m.). There were 3 hours of darkness that covered the land while Jesus was on the cross. Three is also the number of resurrection. Christ arose after 3 days and 3 nights in the tomb.
There are many more illustrations of the #3s biblical significance. Jonah prophetically spent 3 days in the belly of a big fish. After the flood, new life started in 3 persons: Shem, Ham, & Jepheth. Israel was founded in the 3 persons of Abraham, Isaac, & Jacob. Three (3) of the most memorable Biblical edifices, Noah's Ark, Solomon's Temple, and The Millennial Temple, are 3 stories tall; and they all represent God's saving grace. 33 = After 3 years of ministry and raising 3 people from the dead, Jesus died at age 33. His death and resurrection fulfilled all the old testament promises concerning the Messiah. Thus, the number 33 is connected to promise, in particular, to Gods promise of salvation to humanity. “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots”, as noted above, is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS (Save Our Souls) message! On Nov.29,1947, the 333rd day of the year, the United Nations voted for the establishment of a Jewish State. God gave His chosen people the homeland that He had promised to their forefathers!
Genesis 15:9, The LORD told Abraham, "Bring me a three-year-old heifer, a three-year-old female goat, a three-year-old ram, a turtledove, and a young pigeon." This has to do with the covenant God made with Abraham, promising the land of Israel to the Jews. Thus 333 just may be considered a COVENANT number!!! As seen above, the numbers 3, 33, or 333 just scream of Jesus &/or the Bible! No other, not Mohammad, Buddha, Satan, or any other religion can proclaim such a connection. And again, 333 is surely God’s International Distress Signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! good link below
My girflriend's nephew kicked the ball into a shallow pool at the beach. Without getting wet he carefully used his feet to get the ball again.
Motown: The Musical
Lunt-Fontanne Theatre
Cast List:
Brandon Victor Dixon
Valisia Lekae
Charl Brown
Timothy J. Alex
Nicholas Christopher
Bryan Terrell Clark
Rebecca E. Covington
Ariana DeBose
Andrea Dora
Preston W. Dugger III
Wilkie Ferguson
Dionne Figgins
Marva Hicks
Sasha Hutchings
Lauren Lim Jackson
Morgan James
John Jellison
Crystal Joy
Grasan Kingsberry
Marielys Molina
Sydney Morton
Jarran Muse
Jesse Nager
Milton Craig Nealy
N’Kenge
Dominic Nolfi
Saycon Sengbloh
Ryan Shaw
Jamal Story
Eric Lajuan Summers
Ephraim Sykes
Julius Thomas III
Daniel J. Watts
Donald Webber, Jr.
Production Credits:
Charles Randolph-Wright (Direction)
Patricia Wilcox (Choreography)
David Korins (Scenic Design)
ESosa (Costume Design)
Natasha Katz (Lighting Design)
Peter Hylenski (Sound Design)
Daniel Brodie (Projection Design)
Ethan Popp (Musical Supervision, Arrangements and Orchestrations)
Bryan Crook (Co-Orchestrations and Additional Arrangements)
Zane Mark (Dance Arrangements)
Joseph Joubert (Musical Direction)
Other Credits:
Music by: Songs from the Motown catalog
Book by: Berry Gordy
Varosha - Maras is the southern quarter of the Famagusta, a de jure territory of Cyprus, currently under the control of Northern Cyprus. Varosha has a population of 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census. The area of Varosha is 6.19 km2 (2.39 sq mi).
The name of Varosha derives from the Turkish word varoş (Ottoman Turkish: واروش, 'suburb'). The place where Varosha is located now was empty fields in which animals grazed.
In the early 1970s, Famagusta was the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus. To cater to the increasing number of tourists, many new high-rise buildings and hotels were constructed. During its heyday, Varosha was not only the number-one tourist destination in Cyprus, but between 1970 and 1974, it was one of the most popular tourist destinations in the world and was a favorite destination of such celebrities as Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Raquel Welch, and Brigitte Bardot.
Before 1974, Varosha was the modern tourist area of the Famagusta city. Its Greek Cypriot inhabitants fled during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, when the city of Famagusta came under Turkish control, and it has remained abandoned ever since. In 1984 a U.N. resolution called for the handover of the city to UN control and said that only the original inhabitants, who were forced out, could resettle in the town.
Entry to part of Varosha was opened to civilians in 2017.
In August 1974, the Turkish Army advanced as far as the Green Line, a UN-patrolled demilitarized zone between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, and controlled and fenced Varosha. Just hours before the Greek Cypriot and Turkish armies met in combat on the streets of Famagusta, the entire Greek Cypriot population fled to Paralimni, Dherynia, and Larnaca, fearing a massacre. The evacuation was aided and orchestrated by the nearby British military base. Paralimni has since become the modern-day capital of the Famagusta province of Greek Cypriot-led Cyprus.
The Turkish Army has allowed the entry of only Turkish military and United Nations personnel since 2017.
One such settlement plan was the Annan Plan to reunify the island that provided for the return of Varosha to the original residents. But this was rejected by Greek Cypriots in a 2004 referendum. The UN Security Council Resolution 550 states that it "considers attempts to settle any part of Varosha by people other than its inhabitants as inadmissible and calls for the transfer of this area to the administration of the United Nations".
The European Court of Human Rights awarded between €100,000 and €8,000,000 to eight Greek Cypriots for being deprived of their homes and properties as a result of the 1974 invasion. The case was filed jointly by businessman Constantinos Lordos and others, with the principal judgement in the Lordos case dating back to November 2010. The court ruled that, in the case of eight of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 1 of Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights on the right of peaceful enjoyment of one's possessions, and in the case of seven of the applicants, Turkey had violated Article 8 on the right to respect for private and family life.
In the absence of human habitation and maintenance, buildings continue to decay. Over time, parts of the city have begun to be reclaimed by nature as metal corrodes, windows are broken, and plants work their roots into the walls and pavement and grow wild in old window boxes. In 2014, the BBC reported that sea turtles were observed nesting on the beaches in the city.
During the Cyprus Missile Crisis (1997–1998), the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, threatened to take over Varosha if the Cypriot government did not back down.
The main features of Varosha included John F. Kennedy Avenue, a street which ran from close to the port of Famagusta, through Varosha and parallel to Glossa beach. Along JFK Avenue, there were many well known high rise hotels including the King George Hotel, The Asterias Hotel, The Grecian Hotel, The Florida Hotel, and The Argo Hotel which was the favourite hotel of Elizabeth Taylor. The Argo Hotel is located near the end of JFK Avenue, looking towards Protaras and Fig Tree Bay. Another major street in Varosha was Leonidas (Greek: Λεωνίδας), a major street that came off JFK Avenue and headed west towards Vienna Corner. Leonidas was a major shopping and leisure street in Varosha, consisting of bars, restaurants, nightclubs, and a Toyota car dealership.
According to Greek Cypriots, 425 plots exist on the Varosha beach front, which extends from the Contandia hotel to the Golden Sands hotel. The complete number of plots in Varosha are 6082.
There are 281 cases of Greek Cypriots who filed to the Immovable Property Commission (IPC) of Northern Cyprus for compensation.
In 2020, Greek Cypriot Demetrios Hadjihambis filed a lawsuit seeking state compensation for financial losses.
The population of Varosha was 226 in the 2011 Northern Cyprus census.
In 2017, Varosha's beach was opened for the exclusive use of Turks (both Turkish Cypriots and Turkish nationals).
In 2019, the Government of Northern Cyprus announced it would open Varosha to settlement. On 14 November 2019, Ersin Tatar, the prime minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that Northern Cyprus aims to open Varosha by the end of 2020.
On 25 July 2019, Varosha Inventory Commission of Northern Cyprus started its inventory analysis on the buildings and other infrastructure in Varosha.
On 9 December 2019, Ibrahim Benter, the Director-General of the Turkish Cypriot EVKAF religious foundation's administration, declared all of Maraş/Varosha to be the property of EVKAF. Benter said "EVKAF can sign renting contracts with Greek Cypriots if they accept that the fenced-off town belongs to the Evkaf."
In 2019–20, inventory studies of buildings by the Government of Northern Cyprus were concluded. On 15 February 2020, the Turkish Bar Association organised a round table meeting at the Sandy Beach Hotel in Varosha, which was attended by Turkish officials (Vice President Fuat Oktay and Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gül), Turkish Cypriot officials, representatives of the Turkish Cypriot religious foundation Evkaf, and Turkish and Turkish Cypriot lawyers.
On 22 February 2020, Cyprus declared it would veto European Union funds to Turkish Cypriots if Varosha were opened to settlement.
On 6 October 2020, Ersin Tatar, the Prime Minister of Northern Cyprus, announced that the beach area of Varosha would reopen to the public on 8 October 2020. Turkey's president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said Turkey fully supported the decision. The move came ahead of the 2020 Northern Cypriot presidential election, in which Tatar was a candidate. Deputy Prime Minister Kudret Özersay, who had worked on the reopening previously, said that this was not a full reopening of the area, that this was just a unilateral election stunt by Tatar. His People's Party withdrew from the Tatar cabinet, leading to the collapse of the Turkish Cypriot government. The EU's diplomatic chief condemned the plan and described it as a "serious violation" of the U.N. ceasefire agreement. In addition, he asked Turkey to stop this activity. The U.N. Secretary-General expressed concern over Turkey's decision.
On 8 October 2020, some parts of Varosha were opened from the Officers' Club of Turkish and Turkish Cypriot Army to the Golden Sands Hotel.
In November 2020, the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Turkey's ambassador to Nicosia, visited Varosha. In addition, the main avenue in Varosha has been renamed after Semih Sancar, Chief of the General Staff of Turkey from 1973 to 1978, a period including the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
The European Parliament on 27 November, asked Turkey to reverse its decision to re-open part of Varosha and resume negotiations aimed at resolving the Cyprus problem on the basis of a bi-communal, bi-zonal federation and called on the European Union to impose sanctions against Turkey, if things do not change. Turkey rejected the resolution, adding that Turkey will continue to protect both its own rights and those of Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus presidency also condemned the resolution.
On 20 July 2021, Tatar, the president of Northern Cyprus announced the start of the 2nd phase of the opening of Varosha. He encouraged Greek Cypriots to apply Immovable Property Commission of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to claim their properties back if they have any such rights.
Bilal Aga Mosque, constructed in 1821 and taken out of service in 1974, was re-opened on 23 July 2021.
In response to a decision by the government of Turkish Cyprus, the presidential statement of the United Nations Security Council dated on 23 July said that settling any part of the abandoned Cypriot suburb of Varosha, "by people other than its inhabitants, is 'inadmissible'." The same day, Turkey rejected the presidential statement of the UNSC on Maras (Varosha), and said that these statements were based on Greek-Greek Cypriot propaganda, were groundless and unfounded claims, and inconsistent with the realities on the Island. On 24 July 2021, the presidency of Northern Cyprus condemned the presidential statement of the UNSC dated on 23 July, and stated that "We see and condemn it as an attempt to create an obstacle for the property-rights-holders in Varosha to achieve their rights".
By 1 January 2022, nearly 400,000 people had visited Varosha since its opening to civilians on 6 October 2020.
On 19 May 2022, Northern Cyprus opened a 600m long X 400m wide stretch of beach on the Golden Sands beach (from the King George Hotel to the Oceania Building) in Varosha for commercial use. Sun beds and umbrellas were installed.
UNFICYP said it would raise the decision taken by Turkish Cypriot authorities to open that stretch of beach in Varosha with the Security Council, spokesperson for the peacekeeping force Aleem Siddique said on Friday. The UN announced its "position on Varosha is unchanged and we are monitoring the situation closely".
In October 2022, the Turkish Cypriots announced that public institutions will be opened in the city.
In April 2023, Cleo Hotel, the 7-floor Golden Seaside Hotel, and the 3-star Aegean Hotel were purchased by a Turkish Cypriot businessman (from their Greek Cypriot owners) who will operate them within 2025.
On 10 August 2023, the Government of Northern Cyprus decided to construct a marina and tourist facility in Varosha.
Varosha was analyzed by Alan Weisman in his book The World Without Us as an example of the unstoppable power of nature.
Filmmaker Greek Cypriot Michael Cacoyannis described the city and interviewed its exiled citizens in the film Attilas '74, produced in 1975.
In 2021, the Belarusian group Main-De-Gloire dedicated a song to this city that has become a ghostly place.
Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus. It is recognised only by Turkey, and its territory is considered by all other states to be part of the Republic of Cyprus.
Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island's largest city and capital of both sides.
A coup d'état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This resulted in the eviction of much of the north's Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983. Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force. This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions.
Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken. The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name "Turkish Cypriot State", PACE under the name "Turkish Cypriot Community", and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.
Several distinct periods of Cypriot intercommunal violence involving the two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, marked mid-20th century Cyprus. These included the Cyprus Emergency of 1955–59 during British rule, the post-independence Cyprus crisis of 1963–64, and the Cyprus crisis of 1967. Hostilities culminated in the 1974 de facto division of the island along the Green Line following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. The region has been relatively peaceful since then, but the Cyprus dispute has continued, with various attempts to solve it diplomatically having been generally unsuccessful.
Cyprus, an island lying in the eastern Mediterranean, hosted a population of Greeks and Turks (four-fifths and one-fifth, respectively), who lived under British rule in the late nineteenth-century and the first half of the twentieth-century. Christian Orthodox Church of Cyprus played a prominent political role among the Greek Cypriot community, a privilege that it acquired during the Ottoman Empire with the employment of the millet system, which gave the archbishop an unofficial ethnarch status.
The repeated rejections by the British of Greek Cypriot demands for enosis, union with Greece, led to armed resistance, organised by the National Organization of Cypriot Struggle, or EOKA. EOKA, led by the Greek-Cypriot commander George Grivas, systematically targeted British colonial authorities. One of the effects of EOKA's campaign was to alter the Turkish position from demanding full reincorporation into Turkey to a demand for taksim (partition). EOKA's mission and activities caused a "Cretan syndrome" (see Turkish Resistance Organisation) within the Turkish Cypriot community, as its members feared that they would be forced to leave the island in such a case as had been the case with Cretan Turks. As such, they preferred the continuation of British colonial rule and then taksim, the division of the island. Due to the Turkish Cypriots' support for the British, EOKA's leader, Georgios Grivas, declared them to be enemies. The fact that the Turks were a minority was, according to Nihat Erim, to be addressed by the transfer of thousands of Turks from mainland Turkey so that Greek Cypriots would cease to be the majority. When Erim visited Cyprus as the Turkish representative, he was advised by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, the then Governor of Cyprus, that Turkey should send educated Turks to settle in Cyprus.
Turkey actively promoted the idea that on the island of Cyprus two distinctive communities existed, and sidestepped its former claim that "the people of Cyprus were all Turkish subjects". In doing so, Turkey's aim to have self-determination of two to-be equal communities in effect led to de jure partition of the island.[citation needed] This could be justified to the international community against the will of the majority Greek population of the island. Dr. Fazil Küçük in 1954 had already proposed Cyprus be divided in two at the 35° parallel.
Lindley Dan, from Notre Dame University, spotted the roots of intercommunal violence to different visions among the two communities of Cyprus (enosis for Greek Cypriots, taksim for Turkish Cypriots). Also, Lindlay wrote that "the merging of church, schools/education, and politics in divisive and nationalistic ways" had played a crucial role in creation of havoc in Cyprus' history. Attalides Michael also pointed to the opposing nationalisms as the cause of the Cyprus problem.
By the mid-1950's, the "Cyprus is Turkish" party, movement, and slogan gained force in both Cyprus and Turkey. In a 1954 editorial, Turkish Cypriot leader Dr. Fazil Kuchuk expressed the sentiment that the Turkish youth had grown up with the idea that "as soon as Great Britain leaves the island, it will be taken over by the Turks", and that "Turkey cannot tolerate otherwise". This perspective contributed to the willingness of Turkish Cypriots to align themselves with the British, who started recruiting Turkish Cypriots into the police force that patrolled Cyprus to fight EOKA, a Greek Cypriot nationalist organisation that sought to rid the island of British rule.
EOKA targeted colonial authorities, including police, but Georgios Grivas, the leader of EOKA, did not initially wish to open up a new front by fighting Turkish Cypriots and reassured them that EOKA would not harm their people. In 1956, some Turkish Cypriot policemen were killed by EOKA members and this provoked some intercommunal violence in the spring and summer, but these attacks on policemen were not motivated by the fact that they were Turkish Cypriots.
However, in January 1957, Grivas changed his policy as his forces in the mountains became increasingly pressured by the British Crown forces. In order to divert the attention of the Crown forces, EOKA members started to target Turkish Cypriot policemen intentionally in the towns, so that Turkish Cypriots would riot against the Greek Cypriots and the security forces would have to be diverted to the towns to restore order. The killing of a Turkish Cypriot policeman on 19 January, when a power station was bombed, and the injury of three others, provoked three days of intercommunal violence in Nicosia. The two communities targeted each other in reprisals, at least one Greek Cypriot was killed and the British Army was deployed in the streets. Greek Cypriot stores were burned and their neighbourhoods attacked. Following the events, the Greek Cypriot leadership spread the propaganda that the riots had merely been an act of Turkish Cypriot aggression. Such events created chaos and drove the communities apart both in Cyprus and in Turkey.
On 22 October 1957 Sir Hugh Mackintosh Foot replaced Sir John Harding as the British Governor of Cyprus. Foot suggested five to seven years of self-government before any final decision. His plan rejected both enosis and taksim. The Turkish Cypriot response to this plan was a series of anti-British demonstrations in Nicosia on 27 and 28 January 1958 rejecting the proposed plan because the plan did not include partition. The British then withdrew the plan.
In 1957, Black Gang, a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organisation, was formed to patrol a Turkish Cypriot enclave, the Tahtakale district of Nicosia, against activities of EOKA. The organisation later attempted to grow into a national scale, but failed to gain public support.
By 1958, signs of dissatisfaction with the British increased on both sides, with a group of Turkish Cypriots forming Volkan (later renamed to the Turkish Resistance Organisation) paramilitary group to promote partition and the annexation of Cyprus to Turkey as dictated by the Menderes plan. Volkan initially consisted of roughly 100 members, with the stated aim of raising awareness in Turkey of the Cyprus issue and courting military training and support for Turkish Cypriot fighters from the Turkish government.
In June 1958, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, was expected to propose a plan to resolve the Cyprus issue. In light of the new development, the Turks rioted in Nicosia to promote the idea that Greek and Turkish Cypriots could not live together and therefore any plan that did not include partition would not be viable. This violence was soon followed by bombing, Greek Cypriot deaths and looting of Greek Cypriot-owned shops and houses. Greek and Turkish Cypriots started to flee mixed population villages where they were a minority in search of safety. This was effectively the beginning of the segregation of the two communities. On 7 June 1958, a bomb exploded at the entrance of the Turkish Embassy in Cyprus. Following the bombing, Turkish Cypriots looted Greek Cypriot properties. On 26 June 1984, the Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktaş, admitted on British channel ITV that the bomb was placed by the Turks themselves in order to create tension. On 9 January 1995, Rauf Denktaş repeated his claim to the famous Turkish newspaper Milliyet in Turkey.
The crisis reached a climax on 12 June 1958, when eight Greeks, out of an armed group of thirty five arrested by soldiers of the Royal Horse Guards on suspicion of preparing an attack on the Turkish quarter of Skylloura, were killed in a suspected attack by Turkish Cypriot locals, near the village of Geunyeli, having been ordered to walk back to their village of Kondemenos.
After the EOKA campaign had begun, the British government successfully began to turn the Cyprus issue from a British colonial problem into a Greek-Turkish issue. British diplomacy exerted backstage influence on the Adnan Menderes government, with the aim of making Turkey active in Cyprus. For the British, the attempt had a twofold objective. The EOKA campaign would be silenced as quickly as possible, and Turkish Cypriots would not side with Greek Cypriots against the British colonial claims over the island, which would thus remain under the British. The Turkish Cypriot leadership visited Menderes to discuss the Cyprus issue. When asked how the Turkish Cypriots should respond to the Greek Cypriot claim of enosis, Menderes replied: "You should go to the British foreign minister and request the status quo be prolonged, Cyprus to remain as a British colony". When the Turkish Cypriots visited the British Foreign Secretary and requested for Cyprus to remain a colony, he replied: "You should not be asking for colonialism at this day and age, you should be asking for Cyprus be returned to Turkey, its former owner".
As Turkish Cypriots began to look to Turkey for protection, Greek Cypriots soon understood that enosis was extremely unlikely. The Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios III, now set independence for the island as his objective.
Britain resolved to solve the dispute by creating an independent Cyprus. In 1959, all involved parties signed the Zurich Agreements: Britain, Turkey, Greece, and the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kucuk, respectively. The new constitution drew heavily on the ethnic composition of the island. The President would be a Greek Cypriot, and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot with an equal veto. The contribution to the public service would be set at a ratio of 70:30, and the Supreme Court would consist of an equal number of judges from both communities as well as an independent judge who was not Greek, Turkish or British. The Zurich Agreements were supplemented by a number of treaties. The Treaty of Guarantee stated that secession or union with any state was forbidden, and that Greece, Turkey and Britain would be given guarantor status to intervene if that was violated. The Treaty of Alliance allowed for two small Greek and Turkish military contingents to be stationed on the island, and the Treaty of Establishment gave Britain sovereignty over two bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia.
On 15 August 1960, the Colony of Cyprus became fully independent as the Republic of Cyprus. The new republic remained within the Commonwealth of Nations.
The new constitution brought dissatisfaction to Greek Cypriots, who felt it to be highly unjust for them for historical, demographic and contributional reasons. Although 80% of the island's population were Greek Cypriots and these indigenous people had lived on the island for thousands of years and paid 94% of taxes, the new constitution was giving the 17% of the population that was Turkish Cypriots, who paid 6% of taxes, around 30% of government jobs and 40% of national security jobs.
Within three years tensions between the two communities in administrative affairs began to show. In particular disputes over separate municipalities and taxation created a deadlock in government. A constitutional court ruled in 1963 Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement, resulting in the West German judge resigning from his position. Makarios proposed thirteen amendments to the constitution, which would have had the effect of resolving most of the issues in the Greek Cypriot favour. Under the proposals, the President and Vice-President would lose their veto, the separate municipalities as sought after by the Turkish Cypriots would be abandoned, the need for separate majorities by both communities in passing legislation would be discarded and the civil service contribution would be set at actual population ratios (82:18) instead of the slightly higher figure for Turkish Cypriots.
The intention behind the amendments has long been called into question. The Akritas plan, written in the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot interior minister Polycarpos Georkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan envisaged a swift retaliatory attack on Turkish Cypriot strongholds should Turkish Cypriots resort to violence to resist the measures, stating "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside, intervention would be either justified or possible." Whether Makarios's proposals were part of the Akritas plan is unclear, however it remains that sentiment towards enosis had not completely disappeared with independence. Makarios described independence as "a step on the road to enosis".[31] Preparations for conflict were not entirely absent from Turkish Cypriots either, with right wing elements still believing taksim (partition) the best safeguard against enosis.
Greek Cypriots however believe the amendments were a necessity stemming from a perceived attempt by Turkish Cypriots to frustrate the working of government. Turkish Cypriots saw it as a means to reduce their status within the state from one of co-founder to that of minority, seeing it as a first step towards enosis. The security situation deteriorated rapidly.
Main articles: Bloody Christmas (1963) and Battle of Tillyria
An armed conflict was triggered after December 21, 1963, a period remembered by Turkish Cypriots as Bloody Christmas, when a Greek Cypriot policemen that had been called to help deal with a taxi driver refusing officers already on the scene access to check the identification documents of his customers, took out his gun upon arrival and shot and killed the taxi driver and his partner. Eric Solsten summarised the events as follows: "a Greek Cypriot police patrol, ostensibly checking identification documents, stopped a Turkish Cypriot couple on the edge of the Turkish quarter. A hostile crowd gathered, shots were fired, and two Turkish Cypriots were killed."
In the morning after the shooting, crowds gathered in protest in Northern Nicosia, likely encouraged by the TMT, without incident. On the evening of the 22nd, gunfire broke out, communication lines to the Turkish neighbourhoods were cut, and the Greek Cypriot police occupied the nearby airport. On the 23rd, a ceasefire was negotiated, but did not hold. Fighting, including automatic weapons fire, between Greek and Turkish Cypriots and militias increased in Nicosia and Larnaca. A force of Greek Cypriot irregulars led by Nikos Sampson entered the Nicosia suburb of Omorphita and engaged in heavy firing on armed, as well as by some accounts unarmed, Turkish Cypriots. The Omorphita clash has been described by Turkish Cypriots as a massacre, while this view has generally not been acknowledged by Greek Cypriots.
Further ceasefires were arranged between the two sides, but also failed. By Christmas Eve, the 24th, Britain, Greece, and Turkey had joined talks, with all sides calling for a truce. On Christmas day, Turkish fighter jets overflew Nicosia in a show of support. Finally it was agreed to allow a force of 2,700 British soldiers to help enforce a ceasefire. In the next days, a "buffer zone" was created in Nicosia, and a British officer marked a line on a map with green ink, separating the two sides of the city, which was the beginning of the "Green Line". Fighting continued across the island for the next several weeks.
In total 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed during the violence. 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 103-109 villages fled and were displaced into enclaves and thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses were ransacked or completely destroyed.
Contemporary newspapers also reported on the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes. According to The Times in 1964, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. The Daily Express wrote that "25,000 Turks have already been forced to leave their homes". The Guardian reported a massacre of Turks at Limassol on 16 February 1964.
Turkey had by now readied its fleet and its fighter jets appeared over Nicosia. Turkey was dissuaded from direct involvement by the creation of a United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) in 1964. Despite the negotiated ceasefire in Nicosia, attacks on the Turkish Cypriot persisted, particularly in Limassol. Concerned about the possibility of a Turkish invasion, Makarios undertook the creation of a Greek Cypriot conscript-based army called the "National Guard". A general from Greece took charge of the army, whilst a further 20,000 well-equipped officers and men were smuggled from Greece into Cyprus. Turkey threatened to intervene once more, but was prevented by a strongly worded letter from the American President Lyndon B. Johnson, anxious to avoid a conflict between NATO allies Greece and Turkey at the height of the Cold War.
Turkish Cypriots had by now established an important bridgehead at Kokkina, provided with arms, volunteers and materials from Turkey and abroad. Seeing this incursion of foreign weapons and troops as a major threat, the Cypriot government invited George Grivas to return from Greece as commander of the Greek troops on the island and launch a major attack on the bridgehead. Turkey retaliated by dispatching its fighter jets to bomb Greek positions, causing Makarios to threaten an attack on every Turkish Cypriot village on the island if the bombings did not cease. The conflict had now drawn in Greece and Turkey, with both countries amassing troops on their Thracian borders. Efforts at mediation by Dean Acheson, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and UN-appointed mediator Galo Plaza had failed, all the while the division of the two communities becoming more apparent. Greek Cypriot forces were estimated at some 30,000, including the National Guard and the large contingent from Greece. Defending the Turkish Cypriot enclaves was a force of approximately 5,000 irregulars, led by a Turkish colonel, but lacking the equipment and organisation of the Greek forces.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1964, U Thant, reported the damage during the conflicts:
UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting.
The situation worsened in 1967, when a military junta overthrew the democratically elected government of Greece, and began applying pressure on Makarios to achieve enosis. Makarios, not wishing to become part of a military dictatorship or trigger a Turkish invasion, began to distance himself from the goal of enosis. This caused tensions with the junta in Greece as well as George Grivas in Cyprus. Grivas's control over the National Guard and Greek contingent was seen as a threat to Makarios's position, who now feared a possible coup.[citation needed] The National Guard and Cyprus Police began patrolling the Turkish Cypriot enclaves of Ayios Theodoros and Kophinou, and on November 15 engaged in heavy fighting with the Turkish Cypriots.
By the time of his withdrawal 26 Turkish Cypriots had been killed. Turkey replied with an ultimatum demanding that Grivas be removed from the island, that the troops smuggled from Greece in excess of the limits of the Treaty of Alliance be removed, and that the economic blockades on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves be lifted. Grivas was recalled by the Athens Junta and the 12,000 Greek troops were withdrawn. Makarios now attempted to consolidate his position by reducing the number of National Guard troops, and by creating a paramilitary force loyal to Cypriot independence. In 1968, acknowledging that enosis was now all but impossible, Makarios stated, "A solution by necessity must be sought within the limits of what is feasible which does not always coincide with the limits of what is desirable."
After 1967 tensions between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots subsided. Instead, the main source of tension on the island came from factions within the Greek Cypriot community. Although Makarios had effectively abandoned enosis in favour of an 'attainable solution', many others continued to believe that the only legitimate political aspiration for Greek Cypriots was union with Greece.
On his arrival, Grivas began by establishing a nationalist paramilitary group known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B or EOKA-B), drawing comparisons with the EOKA struggle for enosis under the British colonial administration of the 1950s.
The military junta in Athens saw Makarios as an obstacle. Makarios's failure to disband the National Guard, whose officer class was dominated by mainland Greeks, had meant the junta had practical control over the Cypriot military establishment, leaving Makarios isolated and a vulnerable target.
During the first Turkish invasion, Turkish troops invaded Cyprus territory on 20 July 1974, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee. This expansion of Turkish-occupied zone violated International Law as well as the Charter of the United Nations. Turkish troops managed to capture 3% of the island which was accompanied by the burning of the Turkish Cypriot quarter, as well as the raping and killing of women and children. A temporary cease-fire followed which was mitigated by the UN Security Council. Subsequently, the Greek military Junta collapsed on July 23, 1974, and peace talks commenced in which a democratic government was installed. The Resolution 353 was broken after Turkey attacked a second time and managed to get a hold of 37% of Cyprus territory. The Island of Cyprus was appointed a Buffer Zone by the United Nations, which divided the island into two zones through the 'Green Line' and put an end to the Turkish invasion. Although Turkey announced that the occupied areas of Cyprus to be called the Federated Turkish State in 1975, it is not legitimised on a worldwide political scale. The United Nations called for the international recognition of independence for the Republic of Cyprus in the Security Council Resolution 367.
In the years after the Turkish invasion of northern Cyprus one can observe a history of failed talks between the two parties. The 1983 declaration of the independent Turkish Republic of Cyprus resulted in a rise of inter-communal tensions and made it increasingly hard to find mutual understanding. With Cyprus' interest of a possible EU membership and a new UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in 1997 new hopes arose for a fresh start. International involvement from sides of the US and UK, wanting a solution to the Cyprus dispute prior to the EU accession led to political pressures for new talks. The believe that an accession without a solution would threaten Greek-Turkish relations and acknowledge the partition of the island would direct the coming negotiations.
Over the course of two years a concrete plan, the Annan plan was formulated. In 2004 the fifth version agreed upon from both sides and with the endorsement of Turkey, US, UK and EU then was presented to the public and was given a referendum in both Cypriot communities to assure the legitimisation of the resolution. The Turkish Cypriots voted with 65% for the plan, however the Greek Cypriots voted with a 76% majority against. The Annan plan contained multiple important topics. Firstly it established a confederation of two separate states called the United Cyprus Republic. Both communities would have autonomous states combined under one unified government. The members of parliament would be chosen according to the percentage in population numbers to ensure a just involvement from both communities. The paper proposed a demilitarisation of the island over the next years. Furthermore it agreed upon a number of 45000 Turkish settlers that could remain on the island. These settlers became a very important issue concerning peace talks. Originally the Turkish government encouraged Turks to settle in Cyprus providing transfer and property, to establish a counterpart to the Greek Cypriot population due to their 1 to 5 minority. With the economic situation many Turkish-Cypriot decided to leave the island, however their departure is made up by incoming Turkish settlers leaving the population ratio between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots stable. However all these points where criticised and as seen in the vote rejected mainly by the Greek Cypriots. These name the dissolution of the „Republic of Cyprus", economic consequences of a reunion and the remaining Turkish settlers as reason. Many claim that the plan was indeed drawing more from Turkish-Cypriot demands then Greek-Cypriot interests. Taking in consideration that the US wanted to keep Turkey as a strategic partner in future Middle Eastern conflicts.
A week after the failed referendum the Republic of Cyprus joined the EU. In multiple instances the EU tried to promote trade with Northern Cyprus but without internationally recognised ports this spiked a grand debate. Both side endure their intention of negotiations, however without the prospect of any new compromises or agreements the UN is unwilling to start the process again. Since 2004 negotiations took place in numbers but without any results, both sides are strongly holding on to their position without an agreeable solution in sight that would suit both parties.
The Beyond Broadway Experience 2016 presents
BRING IT ON: THE MUSICAL
Libretto by Jeff Whitty
Music by Tom Kitt & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Lyrics by Amanda Green & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Inspired by the Motion Picture Bring It On Written by Jessica Bendinger
Arrangements and Orchestrations Alex Lacamoire & Tom Kitt
Presented at the King’s Theatre, Edinburgh on 22nd and 23rd July 2016
When we first saw the stunning motif in design on such a grand scale of elegance, our jaws dropped in awe. What a fantastic display orchestrated by the supreme landscape architects and artists of Longwood Gardens . . . truly second to none in passion and talent. It the 7-Part close-up series of the remarkable pair of swans, notice that every bit of material employed is from nature. In retrospect, perhaps some extreme close-up of various sections of these works of art should have been photographed. The problem was that there was a fairly decent crowd around this particular spot, with many of the individuals also taking photos—thus, there was limited time to do the shooting. Luckily, for a very brief moment, each for my wife and I, these pictures turned out successful in the sense that no people are in them to take away from the main subjects. The 3-Part series of shots that follows the 7 here will show the views from the other end looking back toward the swans and the Orangery beyond—where all the seas of poinsettias and other flowers and plants were depicted in earlier photos in our album on Longwood.
We wanted to share our experience of the visit to Longwood Gardens’ 2014 Christmas Spectacular (the main theme this year is BIRDS). The festivities begin on Thanksgiving Day and continues through the end of the first week of 2015. In recent years, we have found that it works perfectly for us to go on Thanksgiving Day, for we would celebrate TG early and afterward. This allows an opening day attendance at Longwood, where the crowd is significantly less than during the peak weekend days. There will be a good number of photos to view, and for the most part, presented in correct sequence. Please check out our ALBUMS titled “LONGWOOD GARDENS of Kennett Square, PA” and/or “CHRISTMAS SCENES” for a better flow in exploring the photos, since the continuity is lost when uploading into FLICKR while many others are doing the same, thus, having a variety of shots mixed in between the ones representing our visit on this day.
The wide variety of flowers and plants at Longwood Gardens are absolutely stunning in all stages and species . . . truly a Garden of Eden for anyone with a deep passion for these gifts of nature. The annual Longwood Gardens Christmas never fails to awe the visitors with one spectacular display after another. Whether these are in the magnificently elegant grand Conservatory, or outdoors within the over 1,000 acres of fabulous grounds, each and every thing is meticulously planned and designed, always arriving at some fresh ideas and/or concepts, while also maintaining the traditionally classic holiday floral and lighting appointments throughout. Given that the main theme for the 2014 holiday season is BIRDS, this can be seen in such spectacularly tasteful fashion throughout the displays of the vast indoor landscape. From the moment one enters the architectural marvel of the Conservatory, whether through the main Orangery or the East Conservatory, an awe inspiring view awaits.
KAKEGAWA, Japan – Swirling sand obscures the sunlit sky as a UH-1 “Huey” helicopter touches down on a freshly cut baseball field. Mere moments pass before the Huey’s Japan Ground Self-Defense Force crew chief dismounts from his metallic steed and sprints toward four U.S. Army Soldiers bearing a stretcher. The crew chief’s commanding shout cuts through the roar of rotor blades, springing his American partners into action. With swift, expert precision, the stretcher bearers carry their wounded comrade—a mannequin sporting an Army Combat Uniform—to the Huey.
Casualty evacuation was one of the many training missions orchestrated during Shizuoka Prefecture’s annual Comprehensive Disaster Drill conducted here Sept. 4, 2016. The drill demonstrated the emergency response capabilities of a diverse collection of local, regional, national and international organizations. Its static displays, interactive classes and practical workshops conducted throughout Kakegawa also provided lifesaving lessons for the city’s citizens.
“The people of Shizuoka Prefecture have organized this annual exercise for 35 years,” said Yuka Ogura, a supervisor for the prefectural government’s Emergency Countermeasures Division. “Although the drill’s size and scope has become increasingly complex with the inclusion of specialized government agencies and advanced equipment, the individual residents play the most pivotal role in preparing for the worst.”
Among the participants stood a dozen Soldiers assigned to U.S. Army Japan, I Corps (Forward) and Public Health Command-Pacific. The group packed two Humvees with fuel, rations and medical supplies before embarking on their 120-mile journey from Camp Zama to Kakegawa.
“The U.S. Army has actively participated in this drill since 2010,” said Maj. Donald Kim, U.S. Army liaison officer for to the JGSDF's Eastern Army and Central Readiness Force. “It demonstrates our capabilities in humanitarian response assistance by testing our troops’ expertise in first aid, supply distribution, convoy operations and medical evacuation. Our participation also sends a strong message to our Japanese partners that we are willing and able to provide immediate support when disaster strikes.”
“Since the great east Japan earthquake and tsunami [in 2011], local communities have a greater understanding and openness to collaborate with international agencies in the aftermath of a major disaster,” added Ogura. “The U.S. Army has proved on many occasions that it has the talent and resources to respond to any emergency in the country.”
Throughout the exercise, the American Soldiers worked closely with their Japan Ground Self-Defense Force partners from the 34th Infantry Regiment, Eastern Army, JGSDF. The respective units set up their base of operations at a local gym where they combined resources to coordinate convoy routes, establish mobile communication sites, and set up supply distribution points.
“The JGSDF and U.S. Army have specialized equipment and highly trained personnel that many of our civilian counterparts cannot afford,” said JGSDF Sgt. 1st Class Miura Hatoshi, a squad leader in the 2nd Company, 34th Infantry Regiment. “However, these assets are practically worthless if we don’t properly use them. That’s why it’s essential that we seize every opportunity to train together so we may make the right decisions together.”
The drill concluded with a closing ceremony at a demolished neighborhood used as a training site for search, rescue and recovery operations. Standing alongside hundreds of service members, firefighters, police officers and first responders, Heita Kawakatsu, governor of Shizuoka Prefecture, expressed his appreciation for the American participants.
“The citizens of Shizuoka Prefecture and I are grateful for the support from the U.S. Army and Marines,” said Kawakatsu. “Your skill and professionalism were second only to your care and compassion.”
As the troops shook hands and exchanged small tokens of appreciation with their gracious hosts, Kim reflected on his team’s immense effort, energy and enthusiasm.
“I’m proud of these men,” said Kim. “Many of them have Military Occupation Specialties far separated from the desired skillsets for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions. However, their proficiency in their basic warrior tasks and their eagerness to learn from the experts shows our Japanese partners that they can count on us anytime, anywhere.”
Photo by Sgt. John L. Carkeet IV, U.S. Army Japan
KAKEGAWA, Japan – Swirling sand obscures the sunlit sky as a UH-1 “Huey” helicopter touches down on a freshly cut baseball field. Mere moments pass before the Huey’s Japan Ground Self-Defense Force crew chief dismounts from his metallic steed and sprints toward four U.S. Army Soldiers bearing a stretcher. The crew chief’s commanding shout cuts through the roar of rotor blades, springing his American partners into action. With swift, expert precision, the stretcher bearers carry their wounded comrade—a mannequin sporting an Army Combat Uniform—to the Huey.
Casualty evacuation was one of the many training missions orchestrated during Shizuoka Prefecture’s annual Comprehensive Disaster Drill conducted here Sept. 4, 2016. The drill demonstrated the emergency response capabilities of a diverse collection of local, regional, national and international organizations. Its static displays, interactive classes and practical workshops conducted throughout Kakegawa also provided lifesaving lessons for the city’s citizens.
“The people of Shizuoka Prefecture have organized this annual exercise for 35 years,” said Yuka Ogura, a supervisor for the prefectural government’s Emergency Countermeasures Division. “Although the drill’s size and scope has become increasingly complex with the inclusion of specialized government agencies and advanced equipment, the individual residents play the most pivotal role in preparing for the worst.”
Among the participants stood a dozen Soldiers assigned to U.S. Army Japan, I Corps (Forward) and Public Health Command-Pacific. The group packed two Humvees with fuel, rations and medical supplies before embarking on their 120-mile journey from Camp Zama to Kakegawa.
“The U.S. Army has actively participated in this drill since 2010,” said Maj. Donald Kim, U.S. Army liaison officer for to the JGSDF's Eastern Army and Central Readiness Force. “It demonstrates our capabilities in humanitarian response assistance by testing our troops’ expertise in first aid, supply distribution, convoy operations and medical evacuation. Our participation also sends a strong message to our Japanese partners that we are willing and able to provide immediate support when disaster strikes.”
“Since the great east Japan earthquake and tsunami [in 2011], local communities have a greater understanding and openness to collaborate with international agencies in the aftermath of a major disaster,” added Ogura. “The U.S. Army has proved on many occasions that it has the talent and resources to respond to any emergency in the country.”
Throughout the exercise, the American Soldiers worked closely with their Japan Ground Self-Defense Force partners from the 34th Infantry Regiment, Eastern Army, JGSDF. The respective units set up their base of operations at a local gym where they combined resources to coordinate convoy routes, establish mobile communication sites, and set up supply distribution points.
“The JGSDF and U.S. Army have specialized equipment and highly trained personnel that many of our civilian counterparts cannot afford,” said JGSDF Sgt. 1st Class Miura Hatoshi, a squad leader in the 2nd Company, 34th Infantry Regiment. “However, these assets are practically worthless if we don’t properly use them. That’s why it’s essential that we seize every opportunity to train together so we may make the right decisions together.”
The drill concluded with a closing ceremony at a demolished neighborhood used as a training site for search, rescue and recovery operations. Standing alongside hundreds of service members, firefighters, police officers and first responders, Heita Kawakatsu, governor of Shizuoka Prefecture, expressed his appreciation for the American participants.
“The citizens of Shizuoka Prefecture and I are grateful for the support from the U.S. Army and Marines,” said Kawakatsu. “Your skill and professionalism were second only to your care and compassion.”
As the troops shook hands and exchanged small tokens of appreciation with their gracious hosts, Kim reflected on his team’s immense effort, energy and enthusiasm.
“I’m proud of these men,” said Kim. “Many of them have Military Occupation Specialties far separated from the desired skillsets for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions. However, their proficiency in their basic warrior tasks and their eagerness to learn from the experts shows our Japanese partners that they can count on us anytime, anywhere.”
Photo by Sgt. John L. Carkeet IV, U.S. Army Japan
Richard Rogers Theatre, 226 West 46th Street, NYC
by navema
In the Heights is a musical with music and lyrics by Lin-Manuel Miranda and a book by Quiara Alegría Hudes. The story explores three days in the characters' lives in the New York City Dominican-American neighborhood of Washington Heights. The score features hip-hop, salsa, merengue and soul music. The musical's 2008 Broadway production was nominated for thirteen Tony Awards and won the Tony Award for Best Musical, as well as Best Score, Best Choreography, and Best Orchestrations at the 62nd Tony Awards.
A representative organizational chart reflecting the separation of functions combined with channel proliferation.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
♥ Throughout history we see that God loves numbers! He’s an architect and engineer; He made the universe! He loves to show off, show His glory, and make us marvel! Many numbers have very significant, God ordained meanings & implications. Note: “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots” is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! Think! WHAT IF!! What if GOD is really trying to get your attention! Even if you don't believe in God, WHAT IF!! I would hope, if it were me, I would somehow respond. But, CAUTION! Whatever you do, do not place your trust in the purveyors of ANGEL NUMBERS & such! Although it's essentially true that the 333 may indeed be delivered by an angel, it would be an extreme injustice & mistake to associate it with the various spiritualist and profit oriented sites that pop up when "meaning of 333" is Googled. See "Satan's # Games". Unfortunately, although certainly more accurate, it's a shame one has to add "biblical" to "meaning of 333" for this site to be ranked high on the list by Google. Don't know whether to blame Satan or praise Google! It represents God, the 3-in-1, Father, Son, & Holy Spirit. Jesus prayed 3 times in the Garden of Gethsemane before His arrest. He was placed on the cross at the 3rd hour of the day (9 a.m.) and died at the 9th hour (3 p.m.). There were 3 hours of darkness that covered the land while Jesus was on the cross. Three is also the number of resurrection. Christ arose after 3 days and 3 nights in the tomb.
There are many more illustrations of the #3s biblical significance. Jonah prophetically spent 3 days in the belly of a big fish. After the flood, new life started in 3 persons: Shem, Ham, & Jepheth. Israel was founded in the 3 persons of Abraham, Isaac, & Jacob. Three (3) of the most memorable Biblical edifices, Noah's Ark, Solomon's Temple, and The Millennial Temple, are 3 stories tall; and they all represent God's saving grace. 33 = After 3 years of ministry and raising 3 people from the dead, Jesus died at age 33. His death and resurrection fulfilled all the old testament promises concerning the Messiah. Thus, the number 33 is connected to promise, in particular, to Gods promise of salvation to humanity. “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots”, as noted above, is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS (Save Our Souls) message! On Nov.29,1947, the 333rd day of the year, the United Nations voted for the establishment of a Jewish State. God gave His chosen people the homeland that He had promised to their forefathers!
Genesis 15:9, The LORD told Abraham, "Bring me a three-year-old heifer, a three-year-old female goat, a three-year-old ram, a turtledove, and a young pigeon." This has to do with the covenant God made with Abraham, promising the land of Israel to the Jews. Thus 333 just may be considered a COVENANT number!!! As seen above, the numbers 3, 33, or 333 just scream of Jesus &/or the Bible! No other, not Mohammad, Buddha, Satan, or any other religion can proclaim such a connection. And again, 333 is surely God’s International Distress Signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! good link below
LoweBot, developed by Lowe’s Innovation Labs, opens a new channel to help customers find products in the store while also tracking and managing inventory.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
The Beyond Broadway Experience 2016 presents
BRING IT ON: THE MUSICAL
Libretto by Jeff Whitty
Music by Tom Kitt & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Lyrics by Amanda Green & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Inspired by the Motion Picture Bring It On Written by Jessica Bendinger
Arrangements and Orchestrations Alex Lacamoire & Tom Kitt
Presented at the King’s Theatre, Edinburgh on 22nd and 23rd July 2016
Red-tailed Hawk and chicks in a tree above my deck! The Lord realizes how lazy I am and orchestrated this convenient shooting location.
The Global Communities Ebola Response Coordinator, Matt Ward orchestrates the powerful actions USAID is taking to control the disease. As a part of the partnerships between USAID, the Liberian government, local workers, and other aid structures Matt is a part of a major coordinated effort that has amounted to a swift and decisive management of the Ebola Crisis.
Since the Ebola epidemic began, USAID has helped support nearly 200 burial teams who put themselves at risk to save others. The safe burial site at Disco Hill is a cemetery to provide safe and dignified burials for the deceased in Monrovia, Liberia. Disco Hill is supported by USAID and operated by Global Communities with trained burial and disinfection teams made up of local community members. Since the Ebola epidemic began, USAID has helped support nearly 200 burial teams who put themselves at risk to save others. Photo by Neil Brandvold, USAID
The Beyond Broadway Experience 2016 presents
BRING IT ON: THE MUSICAL
Libretto by Jeff Whitty
Music by Tom Kitt & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Lyrics by Amanda Green & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Inspired by the Motion Picture Bring It On Written by Jessica Bendinger
Arrangements and Orchestrations Alex Lacamoire & Tom Kitt
Presented at the King’s Theatre, Edinburgh on 22nd and 23rd July 2016
One of many tiny waterfalls at the entrance of Huda lui Papară cave not far from here. 1/2 second exposure was achieved by stopping the aperture down to f/36.
Tuesday morning sunshine was streaming through the skylight portion of the bowed roof on the Jacobson Exhibition Center at the Iowa State Fairgrounds. Melting snow slid off the massive building’s edges in big chunks as a fleet of school buses began arriving from all corners of the district to deliver an elite force of middle school musicians.
They came to rehearse for last night’s All-City Middle School Music Festival. Besides the musicians a gallery of visual art was arranged for display in the building lobby. The annual fine arts event is a generous gift to DMPS from former school board member Marjorie Spevak that she just keeps on giving. You’ve probably heard the term student-athletes? Mrs. Spevak makes a regular point of honoring student-artists.
The musicians were divvied into a choir, a band and an orchestra and assigned separate practice spaces.
The band settled in at the Jacobson Center and after a rowdy arrival that was a mix of middle school hijinks and random, brassy tooting everyone got down to business under the direction of Richard Thimmesch, Director of Bands at Grandview University. Same thing next door with the singers where Stephen Sieck, Co-Director of Choirs at Lawrence University in Appleton, Wisconsin, blended a strong, choral voice out of the 168 squeaky, changing ones that got off the bus sounding more like the moo-sic that’s heard in that 4H building every August. Meanwhile, Joshua Reznicow, Director of Orchestral Activities for the Linn-Mar Community School District, was working his magic with the stringy warm-up bleats coming from the Walnut Center, up near the sheep barns.
All told, nearly 400 kids from eleven schools were selected by their music teachers to participate. They’d all been practicing the program selections at their home schools since the 2nd semester began in January so they came well-prepared. But until yesterday many of them had never met one another, let alone played together. As they tumbled off the buses, most no bigger than a cello, clad in hoodies and tennis shoes and lugging their instruments and a change of clothes, the cavernous venue looked too big for them. Each school’s delegation arrived and improvised campsite in a corner where backpacks and other gear were stowed.
By the time they broke for dinner each of the three ensembles was ready. They ate and horsed around. Then they changed into their blacks-and-whites. And finally, after weeks of separate practice, school-by-school; and one long crash, mass rehearsal, they made music together – enough to fill that big barn of a recital hall and then some.
Ryan Rowley is the district’s Fine Arts Coordinator; the DMPS Music Man, you could say. And he orchestrated quite a show last night, as per tradition. There weren’t seventy-six trombones (only seven) or a parade. But there were rows and rows of virtuosos and horns of every shape and size, etc. Yes folks, we got music, lots of it, right here in River City. Thanks to Spevak. That starts with ‘S’ and that stands for SCHOOLS!
Outside on the Jacobson Center entrance plaza is a sign that proclaims BUILDING FOR THE FUTURE. It wasn’t put there with this specific event in mind. But it might as well have been.
Placing a bank’s products and operations in proper context.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
The Beyond Broadway Experience 2016 presents
BRING IT ON: THE MUSICAL
Libretto by Jeff Whitty
Music by Tom Kitt & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Lyrics by Amanda Green & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Inspired by the Motion Picture Bring It On Written by Jessica Bendinger
Arrangements and Orchestrations Alex Lacamoire & Tom Kitt
Presented at the King’s Theatre, Edinburgh on 22nd and 23rd July 2016
The materiality of a channel creates opportunities and constraints.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
This plaque commemorates Polish victims of the Ochota massacre - a wave of German-orchestrated mass murder, torture, rape, looting and arson that swept through the Warsaw district of Ochota from 4–25 August 1944, during the Warsaw Uprising. The principal perpetrators of these war crimes were the Russian Nazi collaborators of SS Sturmbrigade RONA, the so-called "Russian National Liberation Army", under the command of Bronislav Kaminski.
On 4th August 1944 the RONA brigade murdered a group of civilians hiding in the basement of this building by throwing in grenades. They also shot 20 more people nearby....
The Ochota Massacre: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ochota_massacre
The Beyond Broadway Experience 2016 presents
BRING IT ON: THE MUSICAL
Libretto by Jeff Whitty
Music by Tom Kitt & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Lyrics by Amanda Green & Lin-Manuel Miranda
Inspired by the Motion Picture Bring It On Written by Jessica Bendinger
Arrangements and Orchestrations Alex Lacamoire & Tom Kitt
Presented at the King’s Theatre, Edinburgh on 22nd and 23rd July 2016
MuCEM Marseille, France - 2013
Architects: Rudy Ricciotti and C+T architecture
Views, sea, sun, a mineral quality, which all must be orchestrated by a program that will become federal and cognitive. First of all a perfect square of 72 m per side, it is a classic plan, Latin, under the control of Pythagoras. Within this square, another of 52 m per side, comprising the exhibition and conference halls identified as the heart of the museum.
Around, above and below are the service areas. But between these areas and the heart, openings entirely bypass the central square and form interconnected spaces. More interested by the views of the fort, the sea or the port, the culturally overwhelmed visitor will choose this route. Along two interlacing ramps, he will then plunge into the imaginary of the tower of Babel or of a ziggurat in order to climb up to the rooftop and on to Fort Saint- Jean. This peripheral loop will be a demuseumifying breathe, enveloped by the smells of the sea from the proximity to the moats, a pause to dispel any lingering doubts about the use of the history of our civilizations. The MuCEM will be a vertical Casbah.
The tectonic choice of an exceptional concrete coming from the latest research by French industry, reducing the dimensions to little more than skin and bones, will affirm a mineral script under the high ramparts of Fort Saint-Jean. This sole material in the colour of dust, matt, crushed by the light, distant from the brilliance and technological consumerism, will commend the dense and the delicate. The MuCEM sees itself evanescent in a landscape of stone and Orientalist through its fanning shadows.
fluxusbox.artisopensource.net/
Fluxus boxes were intended as non linear narratives to be handled, touched, performed, disseminated, destroyed, reassembled, counted and reconfigured.
Just as cinema montage and music had learned, the orchestration of symbols, visions and other sensorial components was able to create novel scenarios. Interactivity and tangibility created a state of continuous recombination, multiplying interpretation and cognitively activating people, who became part of the artwork while handling, imagining and communicating. The connection with the ordinary flow of life created new dimensions in the world: stratified, recombinant and engaging.
In occasion of the 50 years of FLUXUS we have decided to research on this wonderful form of expression, both for the innovation it has provided in the arts and for its connection with many of the mutation processes that are going on with contemporary humanity and their ability to experience media, communicate and interact.
At the event Mercoledì da NABA series of events, on December 15th 2010, we will hold a workshop/performance in which we will build a Fluxus Box using Augmented Reality and other cross-medial techniques and technologies.
The ojective will be to research on the Fluxus Box approach, and to appy it at a “meta” level. The objects contained in the box will be tools through which the experience of multiple Fluxus Boxes will be holdable, remixable, juxtaposable, recombinable, enacting a meta-performance encompassing possibly infinite remixed reenactments of Fluxus performances, experiences and events.
The box we will produced will be donated to the NABA, and the custom software that will be created for the occasion will be released under a GPL2 licensing scheme, so that it will be usable by artists, students and practitioners worldwide, in a further level of the performance.
more info at:
♥ Throughout history we see that God loves numbers! He’s an architect and engineer; He made the universe! He loves to show off, show His glory, and make us marvel! Many numbers have very significant, God ordained meanings & implications. Note: “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots” is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! Think! WHAT IF!! What if GOD is really trying to get your attention! Even if you don't believe in God, WHAT IF!! I would hope, if it were me, I would somehow respond. But, CAUTION! Whatever you do, do not place your trust in the purveyors of ANGEL NUMBERS & such! Although it's essentially true that the 333 may indeed be delivered by an angel, it would be an extreme injustice & mistake to associate it with the various spiritualist and profit oriented sites that pop up when "meaning of 333" is Googled. See "Satan's # Games". Unfortunately, although certainly more accurate, it's a shame one has to add "biblical" to "meaning of 333" for this site to be ranked high on the list by Google. Don't know whether to blame Satan or praise Google! It represents God, the 3-in-1, Father, Son, & Holy Spirit. Jesus prayed 3 times in the Garden of Gethsemane before His arrest. He was placed on the cross at the 3rd hour of the day (9 a.m.) and died at the 9th hour (3 p.m.). There were 3 hours of darkness that covered the land while Jesus was on the cross. Three is also the number of resurrection. Christ arose after 3 days and 3 nights in the tomb.
There are many more illustrations of the #3s biblical significance. Jonah prophetically spent 3 days in the belly of a big fish. After the flood, new life started in 3 persons: Shem, Ham, & Jepheth. Israel was founded in the 3 persons of Abraham, Isaac, & Jacob. Three (3) of the most memorable Biblical edifices, Noah's Ark, Solomon's Temple, and The Millennial Temple, are 3 stories tall; and they all represent God's saving grace. 33 = After 3 years of ministry and raising 3 people from the dead, Jesus died at age 33. His death and resurrection fulfilled all the old testament promises concerning the Messiah. Thus, the number 33 is connected to promise, in particular, to Gods promise of salvation to humanity. “3 dots, 3 dashes, 3 dots”, as noted above, is man’s international distress signal, SOS in Morse Code. I’m convinced God orchestrated this, not Mr. Morse! - 333 is surely God’s international distress signal; an urgent end-times SOS (Save Our Souls) message! On Nov.29,1947, the 333rd day of the year, the United Nations voted for the establishment of a Jewish State. God gave His chosen people the homeland that He had promised to their forefathers!
Genesis 15:9, The LORD told Abraham, "Bring me a three-year-old heifer, a three-year-old female goat, a three-year-old ram, a turtledove, and a young pigeon." This has to do with the covenant God made with Abraham, promising the land of Israel to the Jews. Thus 333 just may be considered a COVENANT number!!! As seen above, the numbers 3, 33, or 333 just scream of Jesus &/or the Bible! No other, not Mohammad, Buddha, Satan, or any other religion can proclaim such a connection. And again, 333 is surely God’s International Distress Signal; an urgent end-times SOS message! good link below
Multiple channels can deliver a confirmation message. Which channels are used by a customer depends upon their needs, context, and the capabilities of their mobile device.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
Rail Europe touchpoint inventory.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
Pre-production Photos
35mm: A Musical Exhibition
October 26, 2018 to October 28, 2018
Friday, October 26, 2018, 8:00 PM
Saturday, October 27, 2018, 8:00 PM
Sunday, October 28, 2018, 2:00 PM
Corthell Concert Hall, USM Gorham Campus
$15 adult, $10 seniors, USM employees and alumni, $5 students.
Music and Lyrics by Ryan Scott Oliver
Based on Photographs by Matthew Murphy
Vocal Arrangements and Orchestrations by Ryan Scott Oliver
Additional Percussion arrangements by Jeremy Yaddaw
Additional Guitar arrangements by Matt Hinkley
Directed by Edward Reichert
A picture is worth 1,000 words - what about a song? In 35mm: A Musical Exhibition, each photo creates a unique song, moments frozen in time; a glimmer of a life unfolding, a glimpse of something happening. The University of Southern Maine School of Music fall musical theatre production is part concert, part exhibition, part poetry jam, part performance art...an intricately woven collection of stories that re-imagines what the modern American musical can be.
Three performances take place in Corthell Concert Hall on the Gorham campus on Friday, October 26 and Saturday, October 27 at 8 p.m., and Sunday, October 28 at 2 p.m. Tickets are $15 for the general public, $10 for seniors, USM alumni and employees, and $5 for students. They can be purchased online at usm.maine.edu/music/boxoffice, by phone at (207) 780-5555, or at the door.
The show is sponsored by Saco & Biddeford Savings Institution.
Art moves and touches people in different ways. The stories told through song in 35mm are all based on or inspired by the eclectic photography of Matthew Murphy. Composer Ryan Scott Oliver provides us with a collection of stories and photographs about life: gorgeous songs about love and loss, more complex issues like insanity, abuse...and some humor too. Oliver states, “it covers a wide range of experiences and sensations.” This show is recommended for mature audiences.
The show’s director, Ed Reichert says, “The score is fascinating to me because it covers so many genres such as rock, gospel, country, pop, and musical comedy. Ryan Scott Oliver openly talks about some of his creative influences including Lady Gaga, The Scissor Sisters, Schubert, and Rufus Wainwright. He is equally inspired by the likes of Quentin Tarantino, Stephen King, and Stephen Sondheim.” Reichert adds, “With Halloween just around the corner, at least three of the songs are timely: Leave, Luanne (a Southern Gothic Ghost Story), Twisted Teeth (a duet between two vampires), and The Ballad of Sara Berry (think prom queen...).”
The cast includes: Samuel Allen (Harpswell), Matthew Boyd (Medford, NJ), Andrew Carney (Millinocket), Mikayla Clifford (Yarmouth), Noli French (New Gloucester), Aaron Kircheis (Bucksport), Katie Lind (Standish), Ayann Main (Wiscasset), Megan Mayfield (Marlborough, MA), Miles Obrey (Gorham), Alyssa Pearl-Ross (Sangerville), Victoria Stackpole (Biddeford), March Steiger (Buxton), Ben Walker-Dubay (Kennebunk), Megan Walz (Portland), Meg Ward (Bangor), Abby White (Dalton, Mass.).
The band includes Lynnea Harding, associate music director, violin and viola; Catherine Begin, cello; Jake Cooper, guitar; Shannon Allen, bass; Sam Smith, drums, and Ed Reichert on piano.
Those needing special accommodations to participate fully in this program, contact Lori Arsenault, (207) 780-5142, loria@maine.edu. Hearing impaired: call USM's telex / TDD number (207) 780-5646.
35mm: A Musical Exhibition is presented by special arrangement with SAMUEL FRENCH, INC.
Most online banks offer customers the option to combine the web channel with text message, voice, email, or IVR to complete the password retrieval process.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
Disco Hill, Margibi County, Liberia -- January 29, 2015
The Global Communities Ebola Response Coordinator, Matt Ward, orchestrates the powerful actions USAID is taking to help control the disease. Matt is a part of a coordinated effort between USAID, the Liberian Government, local workers, and others to manage the Ebola crisis. The safe burial site at Disco Hill, supported by USAID and operated by Global Communities, provides safe and dignified burials for the deceased Disco Hill with trained burial and disinfection teams made up of local community members. Since the Ebola epidemic began, USAID has helped support nearly 200 burial teams who put themselves at risk to save others.
Photo by Neil Brandvold, USAID
Companies organize by channel, but customers move across channels in predictable and unpredictable ways.
Orchestrating Experiences: Collaborative Design for Complexity, Risdon, Quattlebaum, 2018, New York: Rosenfeld Media
The transient beauty of the coast is intricately intertwined with the captivating patterns that emerge in the sand, crafted by the relentless forces of wind and wave. These natural sculptors shape the shoreline, leaving behind ephemeral masterpieces.
As the tides ebb and flow, they orchestrate a delicate dance with the sand. With each advancing wave, the water gently caresses the shore, carrying particles of sand along its journey. As the wave recedes, it relinquishes its cargo, depositing the grains in a meticulous arrangement. This cyclical process, repeated countless times, creates intricate patterns that stretch along the coastline.
The patterns left behind by the retreating tide mimic the ebb and flow of life itself. Swirling ripples, reminiscent of a miniature desert landscape, emerge as the water recedes, their graceful curves and undulating lines transforming the beach into a living work of art. The patterns are at once orderly and chaotic, with intricate geometrical formations intermingling with whimsical curves and asymmetrical shapes.
The wind, a silent artist in its own right, adds its touch to the sculpting process. As it sweeps across the coast, it whispers secrets to the sand, coaxing it to dance in its invisible embrace. The wind's gentle touch lifts fine particles from the beach, carrying them aloft in an intricate ballet. It sculpts the sand into delicate ripples, resembling the soft undulations of fabric.
The interplay between the wind and the tide results in an ever-changing landscape. The patterns shift and evolve, shaped by the combined forces of these elemental sculptors. Ripples become miniature mountains, rising and falling in a transient topography that mirrors the larger contours of the surrounding coast. Each gust of wind and every advancing or receding wave leaves its mark, etching new patterns and erasing old ones, in an eternal cycle of creation and destruction.
These ephemeral patterns serve as a reminder of the impermanence of existence and the transient nature of beauty, as each passing moment alters the landscape, erasing what once was and creating something new. The sands become a canvas for the symphony of time, a tangible reflection of the ever-changing nature of our lives.
The beauty of these fleeting patterns lies not only in their visual allure but also in the emotions they evoke. They inspire a sense of wonder and awe, inviting us to pause and appreciate the intricate designs that nature creates with such effortless grace. The patterns speak of the interconnectedness of all things, the harmonious interplay between the elements, and the constant flux that defines our existence.
In these patterns of nature, we find a profound lesson: that life, like the shifting sands, is ever-changing, and that true beauty lies not in permanence but in the appreciation of the fleeting moments that grace our journey.
MuCEM + Fort Saint-Jean, Marseille, France - 2013 -Architects: Rudy Ricciotti and C+T architecture
Views, sea, sun, a mineral quality, which all must be orchestrated by a program that will become federal and cognitive. First of all a perfect square of 72 m per side, it is a classic plan, Latin, under the control of Pythagoras. Within this square, another of 52 m per side, comprising the exhibition and conference halls identified as the heart of the museum.
Around, above and below are the service areas. But between these areas and the heart, openings entirely bypass the central square and form interconnected spaces. More interested by the views of the fort, the sea or the port, the culturally overwhelmed visitor will choose this route. Along two interlacing ramps, he will then plunge into the imaginary of the tower of Babel or of a ziggurat in order to climb up to the rooftop and on to Fort Saint- Jean. This peripheral loop will be a free breathe, enveloped by the smells of the sea from the proximity to the moats, a pause to dispel any lingering doubts about the use of the history of our civilizations. The MuCEM will be a vertical Casbah.
The tectonic choice of an exceptional concrete coming from the latest research by French industry, reducing the dimensions to little more than skin and bones, will affirm a mineral script under the high ramparts of Fort Saint-Jean. This sole material in the colour of dust, matt, crushed by the light, distant from the brilliance and technological consumerism, will commend the dense and the delicate. The MuCEM sees itself evanescent in a landscape of stone and Orientalist through its fanning shadows.
KAKEGAWA, Japan – Swirling sand obscures the sunlit sky as a UH-1 “Huey” helicopter touches down on a freshly cut baseball field. Mere moments pass before the Huey’s Japan Ground Self-Defense Force crew chief dismounts from his metallic steed and sprints toward four U.S. Army Soldiers bearing a stretcher. The crew chief’s commanding shout cuts through the roar of rotor blades, springing his American partners into action. With swift, expert precision, the stretcher bearers carry their wounded comrade—a mannequin sporting an Army Combat Uniform—to the Huey.
Casualty evacuation was one of the many training missions orchestrated during Shizuoka Prefecture’s annual Comprehensive Disaster Drill conducted here Sept. 4, 2016. The drill demonstrated the emergency response capabilities of a diverse collection of local, regional, national and international organizations. Its static displays, interactive classes and practical workshops conducted throughout Kakegawa also provided lifesaving lessons for the city’s citizens.
“The people of Shizuoka Prefecture have organized this annual exercise for 35 years,” said Yuka Ogura, a supervisor for the prefectural government’s Emergency Countermeasures Division. “Although the drill’s size and scope has become increasingly complex with the inclusion of specialized government agencies and advanced equipment, the individual residents play the most pivotal role in preparing for the worst.”
Among the participants stood a dozen Soldiers assigned to U.S. Army Japan, I Corps (Forward) and Public Health Command-Pacific. The group packed two Humvees with fuel, rations and medical supplies before embarking on their 120-mile journey from Camp Zama to Kakegawa.
“The U.S. Army has actively participated in this drill since 2010,” said Maj. Donald Kim, U.S. Army liaison officer for to the JGSDF's Eastern Army and Central Readiness Force. “It demonstrates our capabilities in humanitarian response assistance by testing our troops’ expertise in first aid, supply distribution, convoy operations and medical evacuation. Our participation also sends a strong message to our Japanese partners that we are willing and able to provide immediate support when disaster strikes.”
“Since the great east Japan earthquake and tsunami [in 2011], local communities have a greater understanding and openness to collaborate with international agencies in the aftermath of a major disaster,” added Ogura. “The U.S. Army has proved on many occasions that it has the talent and resources to respond to any emergency in the country.”
Throughout the exercise, the American Soldiers worked closely with their Japan Ground Self-Defense Force partners from the 34th Infantry Regiment, Eastern Army, JGSDF. The respective units set up their base of operations at a local gym where they combined resources to coordinate convoy routes, establish mobile communication sites, and set up supply distribution points.
“The JGSDF and U.S. Army have specialized equipment and highly trained personnel that many of our civilian counterparts cannot afford,” said JGSDF Sgt. 1st Class Miura Hatoshi, a squad leader in the 2nd Company, 34th Infantry Regiment. “However, these assets are practically worthless if we don’t properly use them. That’s why it’s essential that we seize every opportunity to train together so we may make the right decisions together.”
The drill concluded with a closing ceremony at a demolished neighborhood used as a training site for search, rescue and recovery operations. Standing alongside hundreds of service members, firefighters, police officers and first responders, Heita Kawakatsu, governor of Shizuoka Prefecture, expressed his appreciation for the American participants.
“The citizens of Shizuoka Prefecture and I are grateful for the support from the U.S. Army and Marines,” said Kawakatsu. “Your skill and professionalism were second only to your care and compassion.”
As the troops shook hands and exchanged small tokens of appreciation with their gracious hosts, Kim reflected on his team’s immense effort, energy and enthusiasm.
“I’m proud of these men,” said Kim. “Many of them have Military Occupation Specialties far separated from the desired skillsets for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions. However, their proficiency in their basic warrior tasks and their eagerness to learn from the experts shows our Japanese partners that they can count on us anytime, anywhere.”
Photo by Sgt. John L. Carkeet IV, U.S. Army Japan