View allAll Photos Tagged moneymaking
A little walk through one of Springfield's older parks brought this scene to light. Here is some information...
"Fassnight Park is located at Meadowmere Street between Campbell and Grant Avenues. It contains 28 acres of land with trees and a stream. The Springfield Park Board purchased the land in 1924 from Conrad and Emma Fassnight, who had traveled to Springfield with their parents from Michigan in 1886. The foreman of the Fassnight Park project was Godfrey Messerli. He was greatly skilled as a stonemason and created bridges, the bathhouse, the swimming pool and other structures using the fieldstone and Carthage stone found in the area. The labor was done by the Works Progress Administration (W.P.A.).
In 1977 the entire park, including the swimming pool, had deteriorated because of erosion and the fact that the intricate stonemason's work was prohibitively expensive to repair. The pool was closed and the city considering demolishing the swimming pool and bathhouse and replacing them with new state-of-the-art facilities. In the end the city decided to renovate the pool and bathhouse and preserve their unique architecture. This may have been when the waterfall in the pool was removed.
In 1995 a $60,000 water slide was added to Fassnight Pool. It was intended to be a moneymaking venture, with its $3 (later $5) fee helping to fund the swimming pool. An extended pool deck including playground equipment inside the pool area was added later. In 1996 a hard-rubber water serpent was added to the pool. It was tethered to the floor of the shallow end.
Fassnight Park has one of Springfield's most popular pools. The Springfield-Greene County Park Board renovated Fassnight Pool in 2009, and it remains the largest pool in the parks system today."
...what did you do my modern Friend?
(Maybe, one Day we are all a little Part in the Bookshelf of Life ..?)
Above you see the main Notebooks of the last Years, kollekting all the ineffable Things, Thoughts and Experiences, which aren´t able to share... They help me to navigate through this komplex, endless World and my little, eventful Life... All the Notes over the Years - I never saw that koming! Yet therefore it feels good and real: there is no Reason why I wrote them, no publishing Deadline, no Kontrakt, no Moneymaking, no Business, even no Bragging for the Friends in the Backround - only existing for themselfes and for me...
They are also the Place were I kollekt all my Artideas, Projekts, Experiments - a lot of the LightPaintings you know started in the Pages of these Notebooks!
Let´s see where this will go...
Kylo Ren likes the Supreme Overlords of Entertainment very much.
They are the reason of his own existence. Without them he would be a forgotten entry in the Encyclopedia of the most Pathetic Villains.
Thanks to them he is the main villain of one of the most famous series in the history of cinema.
He adores the Supreme Overlords of Entertainment!
“Blessed is their marketing wisdom! Blessed is their moneymaking power!” He recites the litany every day, just to be sure to get their favors.
However recently his faith in the Overlords faltered.
In order to gain even more fans and customers, they introduced in the Star Wars universe one of their most popular characters from another franchising and, to Kylo’s deepest disgust, they made him a Jedi who kicks First Order Stormtroopers.
He hates this “Buzz Light-something”. He hates light!
Now his servants are telling him this guy with the jetpack/glider is called “Buzz Lightyear”
“Light what?” Kylo has no idea of what lightyear is.
A Sci-Fi character who does not know what a light year is. Now you see why he should be a forgotten entry in the Encyclopedia of the most Pathetic Villains.
But don’t be too harsh on the poor Vader fanboy: he is accustomed to measure length in “Tantrumeters”, namely the distance the sound of his cries travels in a given amount of time.
Light year or whatever he hates this new guy. The simple thought of him disgusts the Tantrum Knight but this Buzz continues to buzz here and there, with his buzzing Lightsaber.
He hates buzz, he hates light and he surely hates Buzz Lightyear nearly as much as he hates the Space Bigfoot who shot him…
I hope you like this photo :)
May the Brick be with You :)
Niccy and I found several reasons we don't like Cabo San Lucas and this is one of them.
Ahh, the Lizard Men....They've got a pretty good strategy (scam) for getting those tourist dollars. They come up behind stationary tourists, plop an Iguana down on the tourist's shoulder or head then tell the tourist's companions "Get a picture, get a picture!" Once the photo is snapped out comes the hand, looking for a gratuity (Dollars please, no Pesos) so the can buy a little more lizard chow.
As I said in the previous shot Niccy and I were done with all the tomfoolery so we found a nice shady table and watched as this scenario played itself out over and over. There were at least 5 or 6 of these guys and they were working nonstop. After the initial shock of having a lizard dropped on them I'd say that most of the tourists came across with a little dough and their friends came away with a photo on their phone that they'll soon forget about and delete.
I guess that during our walk I had a look that said don't even try it since they didn't bother us at all. Had the dropped one on me it would have been an inconvenience, had they dropped one on Niccy she definitely would have screamed and then it would have been Katie bar the door (a punch up, brawl, fisticuffs, etc) between the lizard man and me.
Honestly, out of our three stops this was the worst for touts, lizard men and hawkers.
So I decided to start a 365 project because I want to explore my artistic side more than I have been recently since I've been doing photography more as a business/moneymaking thing than an art thing. I don't know if it'll be all self-portraits, but we'll see how it goes. :)
NS 61C idles in the siding at North Catherine. This might not look like much but it is the end of an era.
The NS crew situation had gotten so bad that the company that ships the steel slabs down to AM/NS Calvert had enough of NS being unable to move trains, so they decided to let CN have the contract and ship them down to Mobile. The one time they tried that, and this is purely from my understanding, the slab train got from Chicago to Mobile in one day, then went to ALE, and then sat in NS for about a week, because NS is short on crews in Mobile too. Then they tried running another train down CN to MSE in Pascagoula, MS, where the slabs would be transported to Calvert via barge.
So as a result of this crew shortage, NS has lost one of their moneymaking services to not one, but three railroads and barges.
Also to my understanding, we lost our other unit trains as well (grain trains 54Z/55Z and coal trains 76G/77G).
With all of that out of the way, I remember getting the first one of these slab trains back in 2016 when they ran as a 397, so I thought it would be fitting to get the last of the Calvert slab trains, about 5.5 years after they first started.
Big German card by Ross Verlag. Photo: Paramount.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour was born Mary Leta Dorothy Slaton in 1914 in New Orleans. She was the daughter of Carmen Louise and John Watson Slaton, both of whom were waiters. Her parents' marriage lasted only a few years. Her mother married for the second time to Clarence Lambour, whose surname Dorothy later adopted and modified as her stage name. Lamour quit school at age 14. After taking a business course, she worked as a secretary to support herself and her mother. As a teenager, beautiful Dorothy turned heads with her long dark hair. She won the beauty contest, Miss New Orleans, in 1931 and she headed to Chicago to find work as a singer. For a time, she worked in Chicago as an elevator operator in a department store before going on to become a singer for the big band Herbie Kaye, who became her first husband in 1935. In addition to the band, Dorothy also sang on a Chicago radio program. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Around that time, Carmen married her third husband, Ollie Castleberry, and the family lived in Los Angeles. Dorothy appeared as jungle native Ulah in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) who was raised with a pet tiger among the tropical natives. Ray Milland co-starred as the man from civilisation who woos and wins her. The scene where Milland is trying to teach her the word kiss is a classic, and the film was a money-maker. The film also gave her a hit song 'Moonlight and Shadows'. Her wrap-around sarong, designed by Edith Head, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen'. Lamour played similar parts in The Hurricane (John Ford, 1937) with Jon Hall, Her Jungle Love (George Archainbaud, 1938) again with Ray Milland, Typhoon (Louis King, 1940), Beyond the Blue Horizon (Alfred Santell, 1942) and her final big-screen sarong feature, Donovan's Reef (John Ford, 1963), starring John Wayne. Although Lamour actually only wore a sarong in six of her 59 pictures, it defined her career. In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The film was a solid hit and the response to the team was enthusiastic. Lamour, Hope, and Crosby reunited in Road to Zanzibar (Victor Schertzinger, 1941) which was even more successful and eventually led to a series of seven pictures. The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, slapstick, as-libbing, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Bob Hope and Bing Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. She later said: "I was the happiest and highest-paid straight woman in the business."
During World War II, Dorothy Lamour was among the most popular pinup girls among American servicemen, along with Betty Grable, Rita Hayworth, Lana Turner, and Veronica Lake. During World War II, she toured the country, selling in excess of $300 million worth of war bonds. Lamour could show great range in both comic and dramatic roles. Among her serious films were Disputed Passage (Frank Borzage, 1939) with Akim Tamiroff, the gangster film Johnny Apollo (Henry Hathaway, 1940) starring Tyrone Power, and A Medal for Benny (Irving Pichel, 1945), based on a story by John Steinbeck, co-starring Arturo de Córdova. In 1947, she was in three big hits in a row: My Favorite Brunette (Elliott Nugent, 1947), a comedy with Bob Hope; Wild Harvest (Tay Garnett, 1947), a melodrama with Alan Ladd; and Road to Rio (Norman McLeod, 1947). She also sang a duet with Ladd in Variety Girl (George Marshall, 1947). Then she left Paramount. Later she was in one more big hit, Cecil B. De Mille's circus epic The Greatest Show on Earth (1952). The Road to... series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. A final Road to... picture, Road to the Fountain of Youth was in the works in 1977, until Bing Crosby's sudden death. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, she released her autobiography 'My Side of the Road'. She only made ten films between 1951 and 1987. The last one was Creepshow 2 (Michael Gornick, 1987), appearing with George Kennedy as an aging couple who are killed during a robbery. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote with Angela Lansbury. Dorothy Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose big band she sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Dorothy Lamour died at her home in Los Angeles in 1996. She was 81. Her stepson William Ross 'Bill, Jr.' Howard IV was born in 1933. Her son John Ridgely 'Ridge' Howard was born in 1946. Her son Richard Thomson 'Tommy' Howard was born in 1949.
Sources: Denny Jackson (IMDb), Ed Stephan (IMDb), Wikipedia, and IMDb.
For more postcards, a bio and clips check out our blog European Film Star Postcards.
German postcard by Ross Verlag, no. A 2289/1, 1939-1940. Photo: Paramount. Collection: Marlene Pilaete.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour was born Mary Leta Dorothy Slaton in 1914 in New Orleans. She was the daughter of Carmen Louise and John Watson Slaton, both of whom were waiters. Her parents' marriage lasted only a few years. Her mother married for the second time to Clarence Lambour, whose surname Dorothy later adopted and modified as her stage name. Lamour quit school at age 14. After taking a business course, she worked as a secretary to support herself and her mother. As a teenager, beautiful Dorothy turned heads with her long dark hair. She won the beauty contest, Miss New Orleans, in 1931 and she headed to Chicago to find work as a singer. For a time, she worked in Chicago as an elevator operator in a department store before going on to become a singer for the big band Herbie Kaye, who became her first husband in 1935. In addition to the band, Dorothy also sang on a Chicago radio program. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Around that time, Carmen married her third husband, Ollie Castleberry, and the family lived in Los Angeles. Dorothy appeared as jungle native Ulah in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) who was raised with a pet tiger among the tropical natives. Ray Milland co-starred as the man from civilisation who woos and wins her. The scene where Milland is trying to teach her the word kiss is a classic, and the film was a money-maker. The film also gave her a hit song 'Moonlight and Shadows'. Her wrap-around sarong, designed by Edith Head, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen'. Lamour played similar parts in The Hurricane (John Ford, 1937) with Jon Hall, Her Jungle Love (George Archainbaud, 1938) again with Ray Milland, Typhoon (Louis King, 1940), Beyond the Blue Horizon (Alfred Santell, 1942) and her final big-screen sarong feature, Donovan's Reef (John Ford, 1963), starring John Wayne. Although Lamour actually only wore a sarong in six of her 59 pictures, it defined her career. In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The film was a solid hit and the response to the team was enthusiastic. Lamour, Hope, and Crosby reunited in Road to Zanzibar (Victor Schertzinger, 1941) which was even more successful and eventually led to a series of seven pictures. The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, slapstick, as-libbing, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Bob Hope and Bing Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. She later said: "I was the happiest and highest-paid straight woman in the business."
During World War II, Dorothy Lamour was among the most popular pinup girls among American servicemen, along with Betty Grable, Rita Hayworth, Lana Turner, and Veronica Lake. During World War II, she toured the country, selling in excess of $300 million worth of war bonds. Lamour could show great range in both comic and dramatic roles. Among her serious films were Disputed Passage (Frank Borzage, 1939) with Akim Tamiroff, the gangster film Johnny Apollo (Henry Hathaway, 1940) starring Tyrone Power, and A Medal for Benny (Irving Pichel, 1945), based on a story by John Steinbeck, co-starring Arturo de Córdova. In 1947, she was in three big hits in a row: My Favorite Brunette (Elliott Nugent, 1947), a comedy with Bob Hope; Wild Harvest (Tay Garnett, 1947), a melodrama with Alan Ladd; and Road to Rio (Norman McLeod, 1947). She also sang a duet with Ladd in Variety Girl (George Marshall, 1947). Then she left Paramount. Later she was in one more big hit, Cecil B. De Mille's circus epic The Greatest Show on Earth (1952). The Road to... series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. A final Road to... picture, Road to the Fountain of Youth was in the works in 1977, until Bing Crosby's sudden death. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, she released her autobiography 'My Side of the Road'. She only made ten films between 1951 and 1987. The last one was Creepshow 2 (Michael Gornick, 1987), appearing with George Kennedy as an aging couple who are killed during a robbery. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote with Angela Lansbury. Dorothy Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose big band she sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Dorothy Lamour died at her home in Los Angeles in 1996. She was 81. Her stepson William Ross 'Bill, Jr.' Howard IV was born in 1933. Her son John Ridgely 'Ridge' Howard was born in 1946. Her son Richard Thomson 'Tommy' Howard was born in 1949.
Sources: Denny Jackson (IMDb), Ed Stephan (IMDb), Wikipedia, and IMDb.
For more postcards, a bio and clips check out our blog European Film Star Postcards.
French postcard by Editions E.C., Paris, no. 553. Photo: Paramount.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour began her career in the 1930s as a big band singer. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Her appearance as jungle native Ulah opposite Ray Milland in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) brought her fame. Her outfit, and Edith Head-designed sarong, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen.' In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, comedy, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Hope and Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. The series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, released her autobiography My Side of the Road. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote. Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose orchestra Lamour sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Lamour died at her home in 1996 at the age of 81.
Sources: Wikipedia and IMDb.
… may your new year be creative, inventive, fertile, innovative, ingenious, productive, visionary, artistic, imaginative, prolific, successful, profitable, auspicious, fortunate, efficacious, lucky, blossoming, prosperous, fruitful, flourishing, booming, lucrative, fortuitous, rolling, moneymaking, outstanding, victorious, wealthy, strong, thriving, rewarding, triumphant, notable, advantageous, glorious, happy, splendid, remarkable, exalted, blessed, blissful, blithe, captivated, cheerful, chipper, chirpy, contented, convivial, delighted, ecstatic, elated, exultant, flying high, gleeful, gratified, jolly, joyful, joyous, jubilant, laughing, light, lively, merry, mirthful, on cloud nine, overjoyed, peaceful, peppy, perky, playful, pleasant, pleased, sparkling, sunny, thrilled, tickled, healthy, active, all right, firm, full of life, hale, hardy, healthful, hearty, in good shape, in the pink, lusty, rosy-cheeked, safe and sound, stout, strong, sturdy, unimpaired …
Typefaces in use:
Iza and Paulo W’s (INTELLECTA) strikingly beautiful and elegant script face »Van den Velde Script«.
The »Y-Initial« doesn’t correspond to the »Y« of the original script face. I had to modify it strongly for this lettering.
Van den Velde Script: Iza and Paulo W (Intellecta Design) are proud to announce Van den Velde Script. A free interpretation of the work of the famous master penman Jan van den Velde, to be found in the “Spieghel der schrijfkonste, in den welcken ghesien worden veelderhande gheschrifften met hare fondementen ende onderrichtinghe.” (Haarlem, 1605).
and
Germán Olaya’s (Typo5) rough, dirty typewriter face »Uncle Typewriter«.
Uncle Typewriter: is a very dirty, and yet legible type. It comes from an old document that was made in the 70s. Every character was developed as an unique design piece. Perfect for titles, credits and display type. Uncle Typewriter has been used in movie and TV titles, and it adds a very strong character to any layout.
In late 2007 I was planning a diorama and accompanying story called "Sam Slick's Used Speeders", featuring a shady used-hovercar lot full of fun characters like the inept salesman who couldn't sell water in the desert, the smooth talking one who could sell ice to eskimos, the sleazy service department technicians who thought hovercar repair was the greatest moneymaking scam since televangelism, the various customers, and of course Sam Slick himself, a Cal Worthington type (you need to be an American West Coaster of a certain age to remember old Cal).
Then all these speeders I'd built got put in a drawer with some other WIPs when I moved in early 2008, and in that drawer they stayed, out of sight and mostly out of mind. Until very recently, rediscovered in the middle of the long slow process of getting my Lego collection into some semblance of order, so I can actually build stuff again.
The great irony of course is that being over a decade old, they'd work even better as "used speeders" now than they would have then, but that used hovercar lot is just never going to be built.
Labuk Bay Proboscis Monkey Sanctuary is an area of protected mangrove forest surrounded by palm oil plantation. The owner has retained the mangroves to provide a home for several troops of monkeys that are fed four times a day but are otherwise totally wild. Areas that have been deforested along the coast are also being replanted to try to replace lost habitat which suggests that this is not simply a moneymaking show but an actual philanthropic endeavour.
When we visited in January, it was during the rainy season and the area was experiencing torrential rain and some flooding. Not many monkeys were there to be fed, and the ones that were, were getting soaked.
French postcard, no. 553. Photo: Paramount.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour began her career in the 1930s as a big band singer. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Her appearance as jungle native Ulah opposite Ray Milland in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) brought her fame. Her outfit, and Edith Head-designed sarong, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen.' In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, comedy, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Hope and Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. The series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, released her autobiography My Side of the Road. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote. Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose orchestra Lamour sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Lamour died at her home in 1996 at the age of 81.
Sources: Wikipedia and IMDb.
The Greyhound: Bus Station in Richmond the capital city of the Commonwealth of Virginia in USA.
Richmond is at the fall line of the James River, surrounded by Henrico and Chesterfield counties. Major suburbs include Midlothian to the southwest, Chesterfield to the south, Varina to the southeast, Sandston to the east, Glen Allen to the north and west, Short Pump to the west and Mechanicsville to the northeast.
The site of Richmond had been an important village of the Powhatan Confederacy. The earliest European settlement in Central Virginia was in 1611 at Henricus, where the Falling Creek empties into the James River. In 1619 early Virginia Company settlers struggling to establish viable moneymaking industries established the Falling Creek Ironworks. After decades of conflicts between the Powhatan and the settlers, the Falls of the James saw more White settlement in the late 1600s and early 1700s.
In 1737 planter William Byrd II commissioned Major William Mayo to lay out the original town grid. Byrd named the city after the English town of Richmond near (and now part of) London, because the view of the bend in the James River at the fall line was similar to the view of the River Thames from Richmond Hill in England (which was in turn named after Henry VII's ancestral town of Richmond, North Yorkshire), where he had spent time during his youth. The settlement was laid out in April 1737 and incorporated as a town in 1742. It became the capital of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia in 1780, replacing Williamsburg.
During the Revolutionary War period, several notable events occurred in the city, including Patrick Henry's "Give me liberty or give me death" speech in 1775 at St. John's Church, and the passage of the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom written by Thomas Jefferson. During the American Civil War, Richmond was the capital of the Confederacy. It entered the 20th century with one of the world's first successful electric streetcar systems. The Jackson Ward neighbourhood is a traditional hub of African-American commerce and culture.
Richmond's economy is primarily driven by law, finance, and government, with federal, state, and local governmental agencies, as well as notable legal and banking firms in the downtown area. The city is home to both a U.S. Court of Appeals, one of 13 such courts, and a Federal Reserve Bank, one of 12 such banks. Dominion Energy and WestRock, Fortune 500 companies, are headquartered in the city, with others in the metropolitan area.
Information Source:
The Greyhound: Bus Station in Richmond the capital city of the Commonwealth of Virginia in USA.
Richmond is at the fall line of the James River, surrounded by Henrico and Chesterfield counties. Major suburbs include Midlothian to the southwest, Chesterfield to the south, Varina to the southeast, Sandston to the east, Glen Allen to the north and west, Short Pump to the west and Mechanicsville to the northeast.
The site of Richmond had been an important village of the Powhatan Confederacy. The earliest European settlement in Central Virginia was in 1611 at Henricus, where the Falling Creek empties into the James River. In 1619 early Virginia Company settlers struggling to establish viable moneymaking industries established the Falling Creek Ironworks. After decades of conflicts between the Powhatan and the settlers, the Falls of the James saw more White settlement in the late 1600s and early 1700s.
In 1737 planter William Byrd II commissioned Major William Mayo to lay out the original town grid. Byrd named the city after the English town of Richmond near (and now part of) London, because the view of the bend in the James River at the fall line was similar to the view of the River Thames from Richmond Hill in England (which was in turn named after Henry VII's ancestral town of Richmond, North Yorkshire), where he had spent time during his youth. The settlement was laid out in April 1737 and incorporated as a town in 1742. It became the capital of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia in 1780, replacing Williamsburg.
During the Revolutionary War period, several notable events occurred in the city, including Patrick Henry's "Give me liberty or give me death" speech in 1775 at St. John's Church, and the passage of the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom written by Thomas Jefferson. During the American Civil War, Richmond was the capital of the Confederacy. It entered the 20th century with one of the world's first successful electric streetcar systems. The Jackson Ward neighbourhood is a traditional hub of African-American commerce and culture.
Richmond's economy is primarily driven by law, finance, and government, with federal, state, and local governmental agencies, as well as notable legal and banking firms in the downtown area. The city is home to both a U.S. Court of Appeals, one of 13 such courts, and a Federal Reserve Bank, one of 12 such banks. Dominion Energy and WestRock, Fortune 500 companies, are headquartered in the city, with others in the metropolitan area.
Information Source:
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For more information about my art: info@benheine.com
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Monsieur Gustave
A poem by Herbert Nehrlich
He looked upon the finished tower,
at dusk, as in this sacred hour
the city lights reflect so loudly
and silent bats are flying proudly,
the structure was a masterpiece.
Gustave went down on his French knees
to thank le Dieu for inspiration,
allowing him infatuation
to build this wonder of the world.
When in his head a gremlin curled
iself and wrapped its closest neighbour
inside its claws, then stuck its saber
into the heart of all sane thinking.
He smelled the fear of slowly sinking,
his vison blurred and sparks ignited
those structures, previously delighted,
and within seconds, battlecries
hurled echoes out through both his eyes.
He staggered slowly to the lift
to now ascend what his mind's gift
had built and happily presented,
(and no one knew he was demented) .
The view from there, like any height
inspires awe and sometimes fright.
A step too far, its brash demands
to bring what now he understands
a closure to his undertaking.
The time is now, he is awaking.
To not run out of what man needs,
the catalyst for all his deeds,
he takes a last gigantic breath,
lets go of it to meet his death.
--------------
The poem appeared on www.poemhunter.com
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French postcard by Viny, no. 13. Photo: Paramount.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour began her career in the 1930s as a big band singer. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Her appearance as jungle native Ulah opposite Ray Milland in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) brought her fame. Her outfit, and Edith Head-designed sarong, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen.' In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, comedy, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Hope and Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. The series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, released her autobiography My Side of the Road. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote. Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose orchestra Lamour sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Lamour died at her home in 1996 at the age of 81.
Sources: Wikipedia and IMDb.
WRIGHT, ALEXANDER WHYTE, militiaman, journalist, labour leader, reformer, office holder, and political organizer; b. 17 Dec. 1845 in Upper Canada, son of George Wright and Helen Whyte; m. 26 Jan. 1876 in Guelph, Ont., Elizabeth Runciman Simpson (d. 1913), and they had a daughter; d. 12 June 1919 in Toronto.
The son of Scottish immigrants, A. W. Wright was probably born near the settlement of Almira in Markham Township, though some sources give his birthplace as Elmira in Waterloo County. He attended public school in New Hamburg in the 1850s and after brief employment as a drugstore clerk he entered the woollen industry, in which his family was engaged. He started in 1863 in Linwood and subsequently worked in Preston (Cambridge), St Jacobs, and Guelph. Active in athletics and lacrosse in his youth, he joined the Orange order and the Waterloo militia. He saw action with the 29th (Waterloo) Battalion of Infantry against the Fenians in 1866 and participated in the Red River expedition of Colonel Garnet Joseph Wolseley in 1870–71 as a sergeant-major in the 1st (Ontario) Battalion of Rifles.
Sometime in the late 1860s Wright became a printer. He started his career in journalism with the Guelph Herald and progressed to editorial positions with the Orangeville Sun, the Stratford Herald, and County of Perth Advertiser, and the Guelph Herald. As an editor and Tory fixer, he promoted nationalism and industrial development but combined them with an inclination to radical economic solutions involving government ownership, and currency and labour reform. Wright advanced these positions not only in print, but as a highly skilled platform speaker. In the federal by-election in Guelph in 1876, for instance, he spoke on behalf of the Conservatives’ protectionist candidate, James Goldie. “When dealing with a subject with which he was familiar,” wrote one biographer, “he was unsurpassed. He had bright, incisive style and a talent for keen analysis. He was at his best when heckled. He courted interruption, for no one could get the better of him in a clash of wits.”
After he moved to Toronto in 1878 as editor of the National, Wright used it to promote the National Policy of Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald*. Perhaps the most intellectually interesting of the plethora of Toronto newspapers of the 1870s, the National had been the vehicle for prominent radical Thomas Phillips Thompson*. Both he and Wright were heavily influenced by the producer ideology of Isaac Buchanan* of Hamilton. Indeed, Wright worked as a pro-protection lecturer for Buchanan’s Dominion National League in the National Policy election of 1878. In the aftermath of the Tory victory, Wright schemed with Buchanan to imbue the Workingmen’s Liberal Conservative Union with the ideas of currency reform and government ownership. In a typical attempt to bridge the leadership of the Conservative party and the members espousing reform ideology, Wright sought Macdonald’s support for both the National and his proposal to author a popular biography of the prime minister. Neither scheme came to fruition.
The financial difficulties of the National led Wright and his partner, Henry Edward Smallpiece, to take over the Guelph Herald in the summer of 1879. As its editor and co-producer, Wright promoted a scheme to have the Canadian Pacific Railway built publicly through a complicated mechanism of financing that involved radical currency reform. In addition, he joined Buchanan in reorganizing the Financial Reform League of Canada as the Currency Reform League, of which he became secretary and William Wallace* chairman. Still active in the WLCU, Wright continued his efforts to use this innovative Tory organization to transform the working-class vote into a vehicle for his radical ideas, including advocacy of the Beaverback cause, a Canadian variant of the American greenback movement and an amalgam of protection for native industry, the government’s resumption of the right to issue monetary notes, and a system of paper money based on the credit of the dominion. After Wright returned to Toronto in 1880 to edit the Commonwealth, a Beaverback paper that promoted land, labour, and currency reform, he gained the backing of the WLCU for his Beaverback candidacy in the federal by-election in Toronto West. Although he won only a little more than one per cent of the vote, Wright’s independent stand prefigured labour’s political challenges to Tory hegemony in Toronto during the 1880s.
After stumping through the northeastern and mid-western United States for the National Greenback Labor campaigns later in 1880, Wright came back to Toronto to become an editorial writer at the Tory World. As secretary of the Ontario Manufacturers’ Association in 1882–86, he worked hard for the Tory party in traditional ways. In 1885, with publisher Frederic Nicholls*, he compiled a commemorative volume on the massive conventions held to honour Sir John A. Macdonald’s 40 years in public life. But Wright also continued to focus his attention on the working-class vote. In the following decade, he would emerge as the main Canadian leader of the Knights of Labor, the major North American reform organization; in the process Wright would help undercut the labour revolt of the 1880s in Ontario and aid in the restoration of the Tory party’s working-class base. How he arrived at these ends is a complex reconstruction of back-room intrigue, at which Wright became a master.
In 1883 Wright had joined the Knights, probably Excelsior Local Assembly 2305, since it was the only local in Toronto to encompass various occupations. In June 1886 he switched to the new Victor Hugo Local Assembly 7814, which featured mainly journalists and other “brainworkers” and included figures such as Phillips Thompson and Wright’s brother-in-law and fellow journalist, Robert Lincoln Simpson.
Wright’s profile in the Knights remained low until 1886. Upon his return that year from Europe, where he had represented Canada as a government agent at expositions in Antwerp and London, he set out to activate schemes he had proposed two years earlier. In 1884 he had suggested to Prime Minister Macdonald that, if given adequate financial support, he could arrange to take over one of the new labour reform newspapers. Like many of his schemes, this one did not find initial favour, but during the bitter Toronto Street Railway strike of 1886, in which Tory interests were damaged by the involvement of Frank Smith*, a Conservative senator, Wright began publication on 15 May of the Canadian Labor Reformer, with R. L. Simpson and George Roden Kingsmill as managers. Although Wright proposed to Macdonald that it “be conducted editorially on a purely labour platform, even antagonizing the Conservative Party where it could be done harmlessly,” ultimately, he said, “it would do good” for the party.
Wright went even further, and devised stratagems to weaken the Knights’ Grit-oriented Local Assembly 2305, controlled by Daniel John O’Donoghue*. He suggested the establishment of a Toronto district assembly of the Knights, a proposition denounced by O’Donoghue as potentially divisive. Wright was successful, however, and District Assembly 125 was chartered on 17 May, at the height of the street railway strike. Not surprisingly, Wright was elected secretary, from which position he launched the next phase of his career in labour reform.
The Ontario election of late 1886 and the federal election of early 1887 were hard-fought affairs in which the working-class vote was hotly contested. As well, a number of labour reform candidates ran and, at the Ontario level, enjoyed some success. Political intrigue was rife and Wright was at the centre. In the provincial election, claiming to be a labour candidate supported by the Knights, he ran unsuccessfully in Lambton West against Liberal cabinet minister Timothy Blair Pardee*. In the aftermath of these elections, a war of accusations concerning partyism rose in a crescendo as O’Donoghue, in the pages of his Labor Record, and Wright, in his Labor Reformer, denounced each other. The cause of independent labour politics was the major casualty.
Wright none the less continued to scheme. With Samuel McNab, the district master workman of District Assembly 125, he promoted the idea of a Canadian general assembly separate from the American-based General Assembly that governed the entire order. First proposed by Hamilton District Assembly 61 in 1885, the idea resurfaced in January 1887 when London District Assembly 138 went on record in support of a Canadian assembly. American general master workman Terence Vincent Powderly fuelled this nationalist sentiment when he unthinkingly urged all Knights to celebrate the 4th of July in 1887. In September Knights from all over Ontario met in Toronto at the call of Wright and McNab to discuss “Home Rule.” The convention endorsed the creation of a dominion assembly, with the proposition to be taken to the Knights’ General Assembly in Minneapolis that fall. Powderly, however, forewarned by O’Donoghue, derailed the movement by conceding the idea of provincial assemblies for Ontario and Quebec and a legislative committee to lobby in Ottawa. In a determined effort to keep his rival off this committee, O’Donoghue suggested that Powderly appoint Wright instead as a lecturer for the Knights.
Powderly acted on this recommendation the following year and Wright became lecturer and examining organizer for Ontario. At the General Assembly of 1888, in Indianapolis, he captured Powderly’s trust, gained election to the general executive board (the first Canadian to achieve such high office in the order), and thereafter displaced O’Donoghue as Powderly’s major Canadian adviser. In his new role Wright made sure that the new Canadian legislative committee did not contain any hold-overs from the previous year. By late 1890 the order in Canada was in disarray and Powderly eventually allowed the legislative committee to lapse.
Charges and countercharges of partisanship and of “politicians in the Order” were certainly among the causes of its decline in Canada, and Wright played a prominent role in this mêlée, which helped eliminate the Knights as the major political voice of organized labour. As editor of the Journal of the Knights of Labor (Philadelphia) from 1889 and as a member of the general executive board, he participated too in the destructive leadership battles that tore the order apart in the United States and led to Powderly’s downfall at the General Assembly of 1893. Indeed, Wright’s various moneymaking schemes, such as the Labor Day annual and an accident claims association, his laxness as editor, and a certain looseness in his accounts of his personal finances all became issues in the struggle for control between Powderly and John W. Hayes. The triumph of the latter brought Wright’s opportunism and role in the order to an end.
Wright continued to plot with Powderly and others to regain control, but nothing came of these manœuvres. Similarly, his efforts to launch a newspaper in labour’s interest, but funded by the Republican party, were unproductive. He busied himself in the Ontario election of 1894 with support for the agrarian revolt of the Patrons of Industry [see George Weston Wrigley*], no doubt (at least partially) because of the havoc it would wreak on the Grit government of Sir Oliver Mowat*. Wright’s pen, partially disguised by the pseudonym Spokeshave, promoted agrarian dissent in the Canada Farmers’ Sun until he abandoned the cause to return to Tory ranks in 1896.
Wright would trade on his labour connections for the rest of his life. In October 1895 the federal Conservative government of Sir Mackenzie Bowell appointed him lone royal commissioner to investigate the sweating system in Canadian industry. A series of public meetings exposed evidence of horrific conditions in the garment trades. Issued in March 1896, a few months before a federal election, Wright’s report called only for the extension of provincial factory acts to cover all places of work, including homes, where outwork was performed. The Conservatives, who had reputedly set up the commission for electioneering purposes, declined to act, and there were even charges that Wright campaigned for the party during or just after the inquiry.
Later in 1896 Wright worked as a propagandist in the presidential campaign of William McKinley in the United States. Recommended by Powderly, he was placed in charge of economic materials aimed at the working-class vote. The following year he appeared in New York City as editor of the Union Printer and American Craftsman. Before long he was again recruited by the federal Tory party in Canada: in July 1899 he became one of three organizers in Ontario, with responsibility for the southwestern part of the province. And once again Wright became deeply involved in intrigue. He supported his old journalist mate William Findlay Maclean* in his efforts to challenge the provincial Tory leader, James Pliny Whitney, and arrest what they saw as a “policy of drifting” in the Ontario party. By the summer of 1901, however, Wright, working out of a home in Niagara (Niagara-on-the-Lake), was using his exceptional skills to ensure Conservative victories in several key ridings in the next provincial election. Three years later Robert Laird Borden*, the Conservative leader in Ottawa, appointed Wright and a long-time organizational cohort, Thaddeus William Henry Leavitt, to turn their attention to federal organization in Ontario.
After this employment, Wright remained on the public stage. A strong proponent of public control of hydroelectric development and the refining of nickel, from 1907 he championed “People’s Power” as president of the Canadian Public Ownership League. The politically astute Wright had little sympathy for supporters, among them Francis Stephens Spence, who saw the cause as a means to moral reform, in forms such as temperance. In the provincial election of 1908 Wright ran as an independent in Toronto West on a slate that included socialist, labour, Liberal, and Conservative candidates, and on this occasion he finished third, with 21 per cent of the vote. In his campaign literature he described himself as a Liberal Conservative who supported the Whitney government, although some elements of his platform, including public control of nickel refining, citizens’ initiation of and voting on legislation, civil service and tax reform, and enactment of workmen’s compensation, went beyond government policy at that time.
After a sojourn in Britain in 1910–11 as a propagandist for imperial preferential trade, Wright returned to Canada. Here he publicly turned his advocacy of imperial unity against reciprocity in the federal election of September 1911 and appeared as a Conservative speaker in the provincial election in December. When he was not deriving income from his public and organizational efforts, Wright seems to have found periodic employment in journalism and business. In 1909–14 he edited a Tory labour newspaper, the Toronto Lance, and in 1912 he was manager of the Toronto Fire Brick Company Limited. The Whitney government rewarded his many years of service in 1914 by appointing him vice-chairman of the new Workmen’s Compensation Board. He never completely recovered from a slight stroke suffered in 1918 in Niagara-on-the-Lake and he died the following year at his home on Macdonell Avenue in Toronto. A Presbyterian, he was buried in Prospect Cemetery.
Wright’s career took him from small-town Ontario to the heights of North American labour reform as a major leader of the Knights of Labor. A man who lived by his wit and writing, in all aspects of his life he delighted in intrigue and manipulation. The Orangeism and militarism of his youth were two of his major identifications and they flowed easily into his support for the Conservatives. Although his economic beliefs encompassed a certain radicalism, he almost always placed party loyalty first. An important Canadian example of a mediator who linked the working class and the traditional political party, he exemplifies that strain of Canadian conservatism which espoused reform.
William Gilbert "W. G." Grace, MRCS, LRCP (18 July 1848 – 23 October 1915) was an English amateur cricketer who was important in the development of the sport and is widely considered one of its greatest-ever players. Universally known as "W. G.", he played first-class cricket for a record-equalling 44 seasons, from 1865 to 1908, during which he captained England, Gloucestershire, the Gentlemen, Marylebone Cricket Club (MCC), the United South of England Eleven (USEE) and several other teams.
Right-handed as both batsman and bowler, Grace dominated the sport during his career. His technical innovations and enormous influence left a lasting legacy. An outstanding all-rounder, he excelled at all the essential skills of batting, bowling and fielding, but it is for his batting that he is most renowned. He is held to have invented modern batsmanship. Usually opening the innings, he was particularly admired for his mastery of all strokes, and his level of expertise was said by contemporary reviewers to be unique. He generally captained the teams he played for at all levels because of his skill and tactical acumen.
Grace came from a cricketing family: E. M. Grace was one of his elder brothers and Fred Grace his younger brother. In 1880, they were members of the same England team, the first time three brothers played together in Test cricket. Grace took part in other sports also: he was a champion 440-yard hurdler as a young man and played football for the Wanderers. In later life, he developed enthusiasm for golf, lawn bowls and curling.
He qualified as a medical practitioner in 1879. Because of his medical profession, he was nominally an amateur cricketer but he is said to have made more money from his cricketing activities than any professional cricketer. He was an extremely competitive player and, although he was one of the most famous men in England, he was also one of the most controversial on account of his gamesmanship and moneymaking.
Grace was "notoriously unscholarly". His first schooling was with a Miss Trotman in Downend village and then with a Mr Curtis of Winterbourne. He subsequently attended a day school called Ridgway House, run by a Mr Malpas, until he was fourteen. One of his schoolmasters, David Barnard, later married Grace's sister Alice. In 1863, Grace was taken seriously ill with pneumonia and his father removed him from Ridgway House. After this illness, Grace grew rapidly to his full height of 6 ft 2 in (1.88 m). He continued his education at home where one of his tutors was the Reverend John Dann, who was the Downend parish church curate; like Mr Barnard before him, Mr Dann became Grace's brother-in-law, marrying Blanche Grace in 1869.
Grace never went to university as his father was intent upon him pursuing a medical career. But Grace was approached by both Oxford University Cricket Club and Cambridge University Cricket Club. In 1866, when he played a match at Oxford, one of the Oxford players, Edmund Carter, tried to interest him in becoming an undergraduate. Then, in 1868, Grace received overtures from Caius College, Cambridge, which had a long medical tradition.[16] Grace said he would have gone to either Oxford or Cambridge if his father had allowed it. Instead, he enrolled at Bristol Medical School in October 1868, when he was 20.
Beckenham Crematorium and Cemetery, Elmers End Road, Beckenham
WRIGHT, ALEXANDER WHYTE, militiaman, journalist, labour leader, reformer, office holder, and political organizer; b. 17 Dec. 1845 in Upper Canada, son of George Wright and Helen Whyte; m. 26 Jan. 1876 in Guelph, Ont., Elizabeth Runciman Simpson (d. 1913), and they had a daughter; d. 12 June 1919 in Toronto.
The son of Scottish immigrants, A. W. Wright was probably born near the settlement of Almira in Markham Township, though some sources give his birthplace as Elmira in Waterloo County. He attended public school in New Hamburg in the 1850s and after brief employment as a drugstore clerk he entered the woollen industry, in which his family was engaged. He started in 1863 in Linwood and subsequently worked in Preston (Cambridge), St Jacobs, and Guelph. Active in athletics and lacrosse in his youth, he joined the Orange order and the Waterloo militia. He saw action with the 29th (Waterloo) Battalion of Infantry against the Fenians in 1866 and participated in the Red River expedition of Colonel Garnet Joseph Wolseley in 1870–71 as a sergeant-major in the 1st (Ontario) Battalion of Rifles.
Sometime in the late 1860s Wright became a printer. He started his career in journalism with the Guelph Herald and progressed to editorial positions with the Orangeville Sun, the Stratford Herald, and County of Perth Advertiser, and the Guelph Herald. As an editor and Tory fixer, he promoted nationalism and industrial development but combined them with an inclination to radical economic solutions involving government ownership, and currency and labour reform. Wright advanced these positions not only in print, but as a highly skilled platform speaker. In the federal by-election in Guelph in 1876, for instance, he spoke on behalf of the Conservatives’ protectionist candidate, James Goldie. “When dealing with a subject with which he was familiar,” wrote one biographer, “he was unsurpassed. He had bright, incisive style and a talent for keen analysis. He was at his best when heckled. He courted interruption, for no one could get the better of him in a clash of wits.”
After he moved to Toronto in 1878 as editor of the National, Wright used it to promote the National Policy of Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald*. Perhaps the most intellectually interesting of the plethora of Toronto newspapers of the 1870s, the National had been the vehicle for prominent radical Thomas Phillips Thompson*. Both he and Wright were heavily influenced by the producer ideology of Isaac Buchanan* of Hamilton. Indeed, Wright worked as a pro-protection lecturer for Buchanan’s Dominion National League in the National Policy election of 1878. In the aftermath of the Tory victory, Wright schemed with Buchanan to imbue the Workingmen’s Liberal Conservative Union with the ideas of currency reform and government ownership. In a typical attempt to bridge the leadership of the Conservative party and the members espousing reform ideology, Wright sought Macdonald’s support for both the National and his proposal to author a popular biography of the prime minister. Neither scheme came to fruition.
The financial difficulties of the National led Wright and his partner, Henry Edward Smallpiece, to take over the Guelph Herald in the summer of 1879. As its editor and co-producer, Wright promoted a scheme to have the Canadian Pacific Railway built publicly through a complicated mechanism of financing that involved radical currency reform. In addition, he joined Buchanan in reorganizing the Financial Reform League of Canada as the Currency Reform League, of which he became secretary and William Wallace* chairman. Still active in the WLCU, Wright continued his efforts to use this innovative Tory organization to transform the working-class vote into a vehicle for his radical ideas, including advocacy of the Beaverback cause, a Canadian variant of the American greenback movement and an amalgam of protection for native industry, the government’s resumption of the right to issue monetary notes, and a system of paper money based on the credit of the dominion. After Wright returned to Toronto in 1880 to edit the Commonwealth, a Beaverback paper that promoted land, labour, and currency reform, he gained the backing of the WLCU for his Beaverback candidacy in the federal by-election in Toronto West. Although he won only a little more than one per cent of the vote, Wright’s independent stand prefigured labour’s political challenges to Tory hegemony in Toronto during the 1880s.
After stumping through the northeastern and mid-western United States for the National Greenback Labor campaigns later in 1880, Wright came back to Toronto to become an editorial writer at the Tory World. As secretary of the Ontario Manufacturers’ Association in 1882–86, he worked hard for the Tory party in traditional ways. In 1885, with publisher Frederic Nicholls*, he compiled a commemorative volume on the massive conventions held to honour Sir John A. Macdonald’s 40 years in public life. But Wright also continued to focus his attention on the working-class vote. In the following decade, he would emerge as the main Canadian leader of the Knights of Labor, the major North American reform organization; in the process Wright would help undercut the labour revolt of the 1880s in Ontario and aid in the restoration of the Tory party’s working-class base. How he arrived at these ends is a complex reconstruction of back-room intrigue, at which Wright became a master.
In 1883 Wright had joined the Knights, probably Excelsior Local Assembly 2305, since it was the only local in Toronto to encompass various occupations. In June 1886 he switched to the new Victor Hugo Local Assembly 7814, which featured mainly journalists and other “brainworkers” and included figures such as Phillips Thompson and Wright’s brother-in-law and fellow journalist, Robert Lincoln Simpson.
Wright’s profile in the Knights remained low until 1886. Upon his return that year from Europe, where he had represented Canada as a government agent at expositions in Antwerp and London, he set out to activate schemes he had proposed two years earlier. In 1884 he had suggested to Prime Minister Macdonald that, if given adequate financial support, he could arrange to take over one of the new labour reform newspapers. Like many of his schemes, this one did not find initial favour, but during the bitter Toronto Street Railway strike of 1886, in which Tory interests were damaged by the involvement of Frank Smith*, a Conservative senator, Wright began publication on 15 May of the Canadian Labor Reformer, with R. L. Simpson and George Roden Kingsmill as managers. Although Wright proposed to Macdonald that it “be conducted editorially on a purely labour platform, even antagonizing the Conservative Party where it could be done harmlessly,” ultimately, he said, “it would do good” for the party.
Wright went even further, and devised stratagems to weaken the Knights’ Grit-oriented Local Assembly 2305, controlled by Daniel John O’Donoghue*. He suggested the establishment of a Toronto district assembly of the Knights, a proposition denounced by O’Donoghue as potentially divisive. Wright was successful, however, and District Assembly 125 was chartered on 17 May, at the height of the street railway strike. Not surprisingly, Wright was elected secretary, from which position he launched the next phase of his career in labour reform.
The Ontario election of late 1886 and the federal election of early 1887 were hard-fought affairs in which the working-class vote was hotly contested. As well, a number of labour reform candidates ran and, at the Ontario level, enjoyed some success. Political intrigue was rife and Wright was at the centre. In the provincial election, claiming to be a labour candidate supported by the Knights, he ran unsuccessfully in Lambton West against Liberal cabinet minister Timothy Blair Pardee*. In the aftermath of these elections, a war of accusations concerning partyism rose in a crescendo as O’Donoghue, in the pages of his Labor Record, and Wright, in his Labor Reformer, denounced each other. The cause of independent labour politics was the major casualty.
Wright none the less continued to scheme. With Samuel McNab, the district master workman of District Assembly 125, he promoted the idea of a Canadian general assembly separate from the American-based General Assembly that governed the entire order. First proposed by Hamilton District Assembly 61 in 1885, the idea resurfaced in January 1887 when London District Assembly 138 went on record in support of a Canadian assembly. American general master workman Terence Vincent Powderly fuelled this nationalist sentiment when he unthinkingly urged all Knights to celebrate the 4th of July in 1887. In September Knights from all over Ontario met in Toronto at the call of Wright and McNab to discuss “Home Rule.” The convention endorsed the creation of a dominion assembly, with the proposition to be taken to the Knights’ General Assembly in Minneapolis that fall. Powderly, however, forewarned by O’Donoghue, derailed the movement by conceding the idea of provincial assemblies for Ontario and Quebec and a legislative committee to lobby in Ottawa. In a determined effort to keep his rival off this committee, O’Donoghue suggested that Powderly appoint Wright instead as a lecturer for the Knights.
Powderly acted on this recommendation the following year and Wright became lecturer and examining organizer for Ontario. At the General Assembly of 1888, in Indianapolis, he captured Powderly’s trust, gained election to the general executive board (the first Canadian to achieve such high office in the order), and thereafter displaced O’Donoghue as Powderly’s major Canadian adviser. In his new role Wright made sure that the new Canadian legislative committee did not contain any hold-overs from the previous year. By late 1890 the order in Canada was in disarray and Powderly eventually allowed the legislative committee to lapse.
Charges and countercharges of partisanship and of “politicians in the Order” were certainly among the causes of its decline in Canada, and Wright played a prominent role in this mêlée, which helped eliminate the Knights as the major political voice of organized labour. As editor of the Journal of the Knights of Labor (Philadelphia) from 1889 and as a member of the general executive board, he participated too in the destructive leadership battles that tore the order apart in the United States and led to Powderly’s downfall at the General Assembly of 1893. Indeed, Wright’s various moneymaking schemes, such as the Labor Day annual and an accident claims association, his laxness as editor, and a certain looseness in his accounts of his personal finances all became issues in the struggle for control between Powderly and John W. Hayes. The triumph of the latter brought Wright’s opportunism and role in the order to an end.
Wright continued to plot with Powderly and others to regain control, but nothing came of these manœuvres. Similarly, his efforts to launch a newspaper in labour’s interest, but funded by the Republican party, were unproductive. He busied himself in the Ontario election of 1894 with support for the agrarian revolt of the Patrons of Industry [see George Weston Wrigley*], no doubt (at least partially) because of the havoc it would wreak on the Grit government of Sir Oliver Mowat*. Wright’s pen, partially disguised by the pseudonym Spokeshave, promoted agrarian dissent in the Canada Farmers’ Sun until he abandoned the cause to return to Tory ranks in 1896.
Wright would trade on his labour connections for the rest of his life. In October 1895 the federal Conservative government of Sir Mackenzie Bowell appointed him lone royal commissioner to investigate the sweating system in Canadian industry. A series of public meetings exposed evidence of horrific conditions in the garment trades. Issued in March 1896, a few months before a federal election, Wright’s report called only for the extension of provincial factory acts to cover all places of work, including homes, where outwork was performed. The Conservatives, who had reputedly set up the commission for electioneering purposes, declined to act, and there were even charges that Wright campaigned for the party during or just after the inquiry.
Later in 1896 Wright worked as a propagandist in the presidential campaign of William McKinley in the United States. Recommended by Powderly, he was placed in charge of economic materials aimed at the working-class vote. The following year he appeared in New York City as editor of the Union Printer and American Craftsman. Before long he was again recruited by the federal Tory party in Canada: in July 1899 he became one of three organizers in Ontario, with responsibility for the southwestern part of the province. And once again Wright became deeply involved in intrigue. He supported his old journalist mate William Findlay Maclean* in his efforts to challenge the provincial Tory leader, James Pliny Whitney, and arrest what they saw as a “policy of drifting” in the Ontario party. By the summer of 1901, however, Wright, working out of a home in Niagara (Niagara-on-the-Lake), was using his exceptional skills to ensure Conservative victories in several key ridings in the next provincial election. Three years later Robert Laird Borden*, the Conservative leader in Ottawa, appointed Wright and a long-time organizational cohort, Thaddeus William Henry Leavitt, to turn their attention to federal organization in Ontario.
After this employment, Wright remained on the public stage. A strong proponent of public control of hydroelectric development and the refining of nickel, from 1907 he championed “People’s Power” as president of the Canadian Public Ownership League. The politically astute Wright had little sympathy for supporters, among them Francis Stephens Spence, who saw the cause as a means to moral reform, in forms such as temperance. In the provincial election of 1908 Wright ran as an independent in Toronto West on a slate that included socialist, labour, Liberal, and Conservative candidates, and on this occasion he finished third, with 21 per cent of the vote. In his campaign literature he described himself as a Liberal Conservative who supported the Whitney government, although some elements of his platform, including public control of nickel refining, citizens’ initiation of and voting on legislation, civil service and tax reform, and enactment of workmen’s compensation, went beyond government policy at that time.
After a sojourn in Britain in 1910–11 as a propagandist for imperial preferential trade, Wright returned to Canada. Here he publicly turned his advocacy of imperial unity against reciprocity in the federal election of September 1911 and appeared as a Conservative speaker in the provincial election in December. When he was not deriving income from his public and organizational efforts, Wright seems to have found periodic employment in journalism and business. In 1909–14 he edited a Tory labour newspaper, the Toronto Lance, and in 1912 he was manager of the Toronto Fire Brick Company Limited. The Whitney government rewarded his many years of service in 1914 by appointing him vice-chairman of the new Workmen’s Compensation Board. He never completely recovered from a slight stroke suffered in 1918 in Niagara-on-the-Lake and he died the following year at his home on Macdonell Avenue in Toronto. A Presbyterian, he was buried in Prospect Cemetery.
Wright’s career took him from small-town Ontario to the heights of North American labour reform as a major leader of the Knights of Labor. A man who lived by his wit and writing, in all aspects of his life he delighted in intrigue and manipulation. The Orangeism and militarism of his youth were two of his major identifications and they flowed easily into his support for the Conservatives. Although his economic beliefs encompassed a certain radicalism, he almost always placed party loyalty first. An important Canadian example of a mediator who linked the working class and the traditional political party, he exemplifies that strain of Canadian conservatism which espoused reform.
Section 8 - 291
Alexander W. Wright
www.biographi.ca/en/bio/wright_alexander_whyte_14E.html
WRIGHT, ALEXANDER WHYTE, militiaman, journalist, labour leader, reformer, office holder, and political organizer; b. 17 Dec. 1845 in Upper Canada, son of George Wright and Helen Whyte; m. 26 Jan. 1876 in Guelph, Ont., Elizabeth Runciman Simpson (d. 1913), and they had a daughter; d. 12 June 1919 in Toronto.
The son of Scottish immigrants, A. W. Wright was probably born near the settlement of Almira in Markham Township, though some sources give his birthplace as Elmira in Waterloo County. He attended public school in New Hamburg in the 1850s and after brief employment as a drugstore clerk he entered the woollen industry, in which his family was engaged. He started in 1863 in Linwood and subsequently worked in Preston (Cambridge), St Jacobs, and Guelph. Active in athletics and lacrosse in his youth, he joined the Orange order and the Waterloo militia. He saw action with the 29th (Waterloo) Battalion of Infantry against the Fenians in 1866 and participated in the Red River expedition of Colonel Garnet Joseph Wolseley in 1870–71 as a sergeant-major in the 1st (Ontario) Battalion of Rifles.
Sometime in the late 1860s Wright became a printer. He started his career in journalism with the Guelph Herald and progressed to editorial positions with the Orangeville Sun, the Stratford Herald, and County of Perth Advertiser, and the Guelph Herald. As an editor and Tory fixer, he promoted nationalism and industrial development but combined them with an inclination to radical economic solutions involving government ownership, and currency and labour reform. Wright advanced these positions not only in print, but as a highly skilled platform speaker. In the federal by-election in Guelph in 1876, for instance, he spoke on behalf of the Conservatives’ protectionist candidate, James Goldie. “When dealing with a subject with which he was familiar,” wrote one biographer, “he was unsurpassed. He had bright, incisive style and a talent for keen analysis. He was at his best when heckled. He courted interruption, for no one could get the better of him in a clash of wits.”
After he moved to Toronto in 1878 as editor of the National, Wright used it to promote the National Policy of Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald*. Perhaps the most intellectually interesting of the plethora of Toronto newspapers of the 1870s, the National had been the vehicle for prominent radical Thomas Phillips Thompson*. Both he and Wright were heavily influenced by the producer ideology of Isaac Buchanan* of Hamilton. Indeed, Wright worked as a pro-protection lecturer for Buchanan’s Dominion National League in the National Policy election of 1878. In the aftermath of the Tory victory, Wright schemed with Buchanan to imbue the Workingmen’s Liberal Conservative Union with the ideas of currency reform and government ownership. In a typical attempt to bridge the leadership of the Conservative party and the members espousing reform ideology, Wright sought Macdonald’s support for both the National and his proposal to author a popular biography of the prime minister. Neither scheme came to fruition.
The financial difficulties of the National led Wright and his partner, Henry Edward Smallpiece, to take over the Guelph Herald in the summer of 1879. As its editor and co-producer, Wright promoted a scheme to have the Canadian Pacific Railway built publicly through a complicated mechanism of financing that involved radical currency reform. In addition, he joined Buchanan in reorganizing the Financial Reform League of Canada as the Currency Reform League, of which he became secretary and William Wallace* chairman. Still active in the WLCU, Wright continued his efforts to use this innovative Tory organization to transform the working-class vote into a vehicle for his radical ideas, including advocacy of the Beaverback cause, a Canadian variant of the American greenback movement and an amalgam of protection for native industry, the government’s resumption of the right to issue monetary notes, and a system of paper money based on the credit of the dominion. After Wright returned to Toronto in 1880 to edit the Commonwealth, a Beaverback paper that promoted land, labour, and currency reform, he gained the backing of the WLCU for his Beaverback candidacy in the federal by-election in Toronto West. Although he won only a little more than one per cent of the vote, Wright’s independent stand prefigured labour’s political challenges to Tory hegemony in Toronto during the 1880s.
After stumping through the northeastern and mid-western United States for the National Greenback Labor campaigns later in 1880, Wright came back to Toronto to become an editorial writer at the Tory World. As secretary of the Ontario Manufacturers’ Association in 1882–86, he worked hard for the Tory party in traditional ways. In 1885, with publisher Frederic Nicholls*, he compiled a commemorative volume on the massive conventions held to honour Sir John A. Macdonald’s 40 years in public life. But Wright also continued to focus his attention on the working-class vote. In the following decade, he would emerge as the main Canadian leader of the Knights of Labor, the major North American reform organization; in the process Wright would help undercut the labour revolt of the 1880s in Ontario and aid in the restoration of the Tory party’s working-class base. How he arrived at these ends is a complex reconstruction of back-room intrigue, at which Wright became a master.
In 1883 Wright had joined the Knights, probably Excelsior Local Assembly 2305, since it was the only local in Toronto to encompass various occupations. In June 1886 he switched to the new Victor Hugo Local Assembly 7814, which featured mainly journalists and other “brainworkers” and included figures such as Phillips Thompson and Wright’s brother-in-law and fellow journalist, Robert Lincoln Simpson.
Wright’s profile in the Knights remained low until 1886. Upon his return that year from Europe, where he had represented Canada as a government agent at expositions in Antwerp and London, he set out to activate schemes he had proposed two years earlier. In 1884 he had suggested to Prime Minister Macdonald that, if given adequate financial support, he could arrange to take over one of the new labour reform newspapers. Like many of his schemes, this one did not find initial favour, but during the bitter Toronto Street Railway strike of 1886, in which Tory interests were damaged by the involvement of Frank Smith*, a Conservative senator, Wright began publication on 15 May of the Canadian Labor Reformer, with R. L. Simpson and George Roden Kingsmill as managers. Although Wright proposed to Macdonald that it “be conducted editorially on a purely labour platform, even antagonizing the Conservative Party where it could be done harmlessly,” ultimately, he said, “it would do good” for the party.
Wright went even further, and devised stratagems to weaken the Knights’ Grit-oriented Local Assembly 2305, controlled by Daniel John O’Donoghue*. He suggested the establishment of a Toronto district assembly of the Knights, a proposition denounced by O’Donoghue as potentially divisive. Wright was successful, however, and District Assembly 125 was chartered on 17 May, at the height of the street railway strike. Not surprisingly, Wright was elected secretary, from which position he launched the next phase of his career in labour reform.
The Ontario election of late 1886 and the federal election of early 1887 were hard-fought affairs in which the working-class vote was hotly contested. As well, a number of labour reform candidates ran and, at the Ontario level, enjoyed some success. Political intrigue was rife and Wright was at the centre. In the provincial election, claiming to be a labour candidate supported by the Knights, he ran unsuccessfully in Lambton West against Liberal cabinet minister Timothy Blair Pardee*. In the aftermath of these elections, a war of accusations concerning partyism rose in a crescendo as O’Donoghue, in the pages of his Labor Record, and Wright, in his Labor Reformer, denounced each other. The cause of independent labour politics was the major casualty.
Wright none the less continued to scheme. With Samuel McNab, the district master workman of District Assembly 125, he promoted the idea of a Canadian general assembly separate from the American-based General Assembly that governed the entire order. First proposed by Hamilton District Assembly 61 in 1885, the idea resurfaced in January 1887 when London District Assembly 138 went on record in support of a Canadian assembly. American general master workman Terence Vincent Powderly fuelled this nationalist sentiment when he unthinkingly urged all Knights to celebrate the 4th of July in 1887. In September Knights from all over Ontario met in Toronto at the call of Wright and McNab to discuss “Home Rule.” The convention endorsed the creation of a dominion assembly, with the proposition to be taken to the Knights’ General Assembly in Minneapolis that fall. Powderly, however, forewarned by O’Donoghue, derailed the movement by conceding the idea of provincial assemblies for Ontario and Quebec and a legislative committee to lobby in Ottawa. In a determined effort to keep his rival off this committee, O’Donoghue suggested that Powderly appoint Wright instead as a lecturer for the Knights.
Powderly acted on this recommendation the following year and Wright became lecturer and examining organizer for Ontario. At the General Assembly of 1888, in Indianapolis, he captured Powderly’s trust, gained election to the general executive board (the first Canadian to achieve such high office in the order), and thereafter displaced O’Donoghue as Powderly’s major Canadian adviser. In his new role Wright made sure that the new Canadian legislative committee did not contain any hold-overs from the previous year. By late 1890 the order in Canada was in disarray and Powderly eventually allowed the legislative committee to lapse.
Charges and countercharges of partisanship and of “politicians in the Order” were certainly among the causes of its decline in Canada, and Wright played a prominent role in this mêlée, which helped eliminate the Knights as the major political voice of organized labour. As editor of the Journal of the Knights of Labor (Philadelphia) from 1889 and as a member of the general executive board, he participated too in the destructive leadership battles that tore the order apart in the United States and led to Powderly’s downfall at the General Assembly of 1893. Indeed, Wright’s various moneymaking schemes, such as the Labor Day annual and an accident claims association, his laxness as editor, and a certain looseness in his accounts of his personal finances all became issues in the struggle for control between Powderly and John W. Hayes. The triumph of the latter brought Wright’s opportunism and role in the order to an end.
Wright continued to plot with Powderly and others to regain control, but nothing came of these manœuvres. Similarly, his efforts to launch a newspaper in labour’s interest, but funded by the Republican party, were unproductive. He busied himself in the Ontario election of 1894 with support for the agrarian revolt of the Patrons of Industry [see George Weston Wrigley*], no doubt (at least partially) because of the havoc it would wreak on the Grit government of Sir Oliver Mowat*. Wright’s pen, partially disguised by the pseudonym Spokeshave, promoted agrarian dissent in the Canada Farmers’ Sun until he abandoned the cause to return to Tory ranks in 1896.
Wright would trade on his labour connections for the rest of his life. In October 1895 the federal Conservative government of Sir Mackenzie Bowell appointed him lone royal commissioner to investigate the sweating system in Canadian industry. A series of public meetings exposed evidence of horrific conditions in the garment trades. Issued in March 1896, a few months before a federal election, Wright’s report called only for the extension of provincial factory acts to cover all places of work, including homes, where outwork was performed. The Conservatives, who had reputedly set up the commission for electioneering purposes, declined to act, and there were even charges that Wright campaigned for the party during or just after the inquiry.
Later in 1896 Wright worked as a propagandist in the presidential campaign of William McKinley in the United States. Recommended by Powderly, he was placed in charge of economic materials aimed at the working-class vote. The following year he appeared in New York City as editor of the Union Printer and American Craftsman. Before long he was again recruited by the federal Tory party in Canada: in July 1899 he became one of three organizers in Ontario, with responsibility for the southwestern part of the province. And once again Wright became deeply involved in intrigue. He supported his old journalist mate William Findlay Maclean* in his efforts to challenge the provincial Tory leader, James Pliny Whitney, and arrest what they saw as a “policy of drifting” in the Ontario party. By the summer of 1901, however, Wright, working out of a home in Niagara (Niagara-on-the-Lake), was using his exceptional skills to ensure Conservative victories in several key ridings in the next provincial election. Three years later Robert Laird Borden*, the Conservative leader in Ottawa, appointed Wright and a long-time organizational cohort, Thaddeus William Henry Leavitt, to turn their attention to federal organization in Ontario.
After this employment, Wright remained on the public stage. A strong proponent of public control of hydroelectric development and the refining of nickel, from 1907 he championed “People’s Power” as president of the Canadian Public Ownership League. The politically astute Wright had little sympathy for supporters, among them Francis Stephens Spence, who saw the cause as a means to moral reform, in forms such as temperance. In the provincial election of 1908 Wright ran as an independent in Toronto West on a slate that included socialist, labour, Liberal, and Conservative candidates, and on this occasion he finished third, with 21 per cent of the vote. In his campaign literature he described himself as a Liberal Conservative who supported the Whitney government, although some elements of his platform, including public control of nickel refining, citizens’ initiation of and voting on legislation, civil service and tax reform, and enactment of workmen’s compensation, went beyond government policy at that time.
After a sojourn in Britain in 1910–11 as a propagandist for imperial preferential trade, Wright returned to Canada. Here he publicly turned his advocacy of imperial unity against reciprocity in the federal election of September 1911 and appeared as a Conservative speaker in the provincial election in December. When he was not deriving income from his public and organizational efforts, Wright seems to have found periodic employment in journalism and business. In 1909–14 he edited a Tory labour newspaper, the Toronto Lance, and in 1912 he was manager of the Toronto Fire Brick Company Limited. The Whitney government rewarded his many years of service in 1914 by appointing him vice-chairman of the new Workmen’s Compensation Board. He never completely recovered from a slight stroke suffered in 1918 in Niagara-on-the-Lake and he died the following year at his home on Macdonell Avenue in Toronto. A Presbyterian, he was buried in Prospect Cemetery.
Wright’s career took him from small-town Ontario to the heights of North American labour reform as a major leader of the Knights of Labor. A man who lived by his wit and writing, in all aspects of his life he delighted in intrigue and manipulation. The Orangeism and militarism of his youth were two of his major identifications and they flowed easily into his support for the Conservatives. Although his economic beliefs encompassed a certain radicalism, he almost always placed party loyalty first. An important Canadian example of a mediator who linked the working class and the traditional political party, he exemplifies that strain of Canadian conservatism which espoused reform.
Belgian collectors card by Chocolaterie Clovis, Pepinster, no. 37. Photo: Paramount. Collection: Amit Benyovits.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour began her career in the 1930s as a big band singer. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Her appearance as jungle native Ulah opposite Ray Milland in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) brought her fame. Her outfit, and Edith Head-designed sarong, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen.' In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, comedy, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Hope and Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. The series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, released her autobiography My Side of the Road. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote. Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose orchestra Lamour sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Lamour died at her home in 1996 at the age of 81.
Sources: Wikipedia and IMDb.
British Real Photograph postcard, no. 156.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour began her career in the 1930s as a big band singer. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Her appearance as jungle native Ulah opposite Ray Milland in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) brought her fame. Her outfit, and Edith Head-designed sarong, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen.' In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, comedy, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Hope and Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs.
The series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, released her autobiography My Side of the Road. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote. Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose orchestra Lamour sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Lamour died at her home in 1996 at the age of 81.
Sources: Wikipedia and IMDb.
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WRIGHT, ALEXANDER WHYTE, militiaman, journalist, labour leader, reformer, office holder, and political organizer; b. 17 Dec. 1845 in Upper Canada, son of George Wright and Helen Whyte; m. 26 Jan. 1876 in Guelph, Ont., Elizabeth Runciman Simpson (d. 1913), and they had a daughter; d. 12 June 1919 in Toronto.
The son of Scottish immigrants, A. W. Wright was probably born near the settlement of Almira in Markham Township, though some sources give his birthplace as Elmira in Waterloo County. He attended public school in New Hamburg in the 1850s and after brief employment as a drugstore clerk he entered the woollen industry, in which his family was engaged. He started in 1863 in Linwood and subsequently worked in Preston (Cambridge), St Jacobs, and Guelph. Active in athletics and lacrosse in his youth, he joined the Orange order and the Waterloo militia. He saw action with the 29th (Waterloo) Battalion of Infantry against the Fenians in 1866 and participated in the Red River expedition of Colonel Garnet Joseph Wolseley in 1870–71 as a sergeant-major in the 1st (Ontario) Battalion of Rifles.
Sometime in the late 1860s Wright became a printer. He started his career in journalism with the Guelph Herald and progressed to editorial positions with the Orangeville Sun, the Stratford Herald, and County of Perth Advertiser, and the Guelph Herald. As an editor and Tory fixer, he promoted nationalism and industrial development but combined them with an inclination to radical economic solutions involving government ownership, and currency and labour reform. Wright advanced these positions not only in print, but as a highly skilled platform speaker. In the federal by-election in Guelph in 1876, for instance, he spoke on behalf of the Conservatives’ protectionist candidate, James Goldie. “When dealing with a subject with which he was familiar,” wrote one biographer, “he was unsurpassed. He had bright, incisive style and a talent for keen analysis. He was at his best when heckled. He courted interruption, for no one could get the better of him in a clash of wits.”
After he moved to Toronto in 1878 as editor of the National, Wright used it to promote the National Policy of Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald*. Perhaps the most intellectually interesting of the plethora of Toronto newspapers of the 1870s, the National had been the vehicle for prominent radical Thomas Phillips Thompson*. Both he and Wright were heavily influenced by the producer ideology of Isaac Buchanan* of Hamilton. Indeed, Wright worked as a pro-protection lecturer for Buchanan’s Dominion National League in the National Policy election of 1878. In the aftermath of the Tory victory, Wright schemed with Buchanan to imbue the Workingmen’s Liberal Conservative Union with the ideas of currency reform and government ownership. In a typical attempt to bridge the leadership of the Conservative party and the members espousing reform ideology, Wright sought Macdonald’s support for both the National and his proposal to author a popular biography of the prime minister. Neither scheme came to fruition.
The financial difficulties of the National led Wright and his partner, Henry Edward Smallpiece, to take over the Guelph Herald in the summer of 1879. As its editor and co-producer, Wright promoted a scheme to have the Canadian Pacific Railway built publicly through a complicated mechanism of financing that involved radical currency reform. In addition, he joined Buchanan in reorganizing the Financial Reform League of Canada as the Currency Reform League, of which he became secretary and William Wallace* chairman. Still active in the WLCU, Wright continued his efforts to use this innovative Tory organization to transform the working-class vote into a vehicle for his radical ideas, including advocacy of the Beaverback cause, a Canadian variant of the American greenback movement and an amalgam of protection for native industry, the government’s resumption of the right to issue monetary notes, and a system of paper money based on the credit of the dominion. After Wright returned to Toronto in 1880 to edit the Commonwealth, a Beaverback paper that promoted land, labour, and currency reform, he gained the backing of the WLCU for his Beaverback candidacy in the federal by-election in Toronto West. Although he won only a little more than one per cent of the vote, Wright’s independent stand prefigured labour’s political challenges to Tory hegemony in Toronto during the 1880s.
After stumping through the northeastern and mid-western United States for the National Greenback Labor campaigns later in 1880, Wright came back to Toronto to become an editorial writer at the Tory World. As secretary of the Ontario Manufacturers’ Association in 1882–86, he worked hard for the Tory party in traditional ways. In 1885, with publisher Frederic Nicholls*, he compiled a commemorative volume on the massive conventions held to honour Sir John A. Macdonald’s 40 years in public life. But Wright also continued to focus his attention on the working-class vote. In the following decade, he would emerge as the main Canadian leader of the Knights of Labor, the major North American reform organization; in the process Wright would help undercut the labour revolt of the 1880s in Ontario and aid in the restoration of the Tory party’s working-class base. How he arrived at these ends is a complex reconstruction of back-room intrigue, at which Wright became a master.
In 1883 Wright had joined the Knights, probably Excelsior Local Assembly 2305, since it was the only local in Toronto to encompass various occupations. In June 1886 he switched to the new Victor Hugo Local Assembly 7814, which featured mainly journalists and other “brainworkers” and included figures such as Phillips Thompson and Wright’s brother-in-law and fellow journalist, Robert Lincoln Simpson.
Wright’s profile in the Knights remained low until 1886. Upon his return that year from Europe, where he had represented Canada as a government agent at expositions in Antwerp and London, he set out to activate schemes he had proposed two years earlier. In 1884 he had suggested to Prime Minister Macdonald that, if given adequate financial support, he could arrange to take over one of the new labour reform newspapers. Like many of his schemes, this one did not find initial favour, but during the bitter Toronto Street Railway strike of 1886, in which Tory interests were damaged by the involvement of Frank Smith*, a Conservative senator, Wright began publication on 15 May of the Canadian Labor Reformer, with R. L. Simpson and George Roden Kingsmill as managers. Although Wright proposed to Macdonald that it “be conducted editorially on a purely labour platform, even antagonizing the Conservative Party where it could be done harmlessly,” ultimately, he said, “it would do good” for the party.
Wright went even further, and devised stratagems to weaken the Knights’ Grit-oriented Local Assembly 2305, controlled by Daniel John O’Donoghue*. He suggested the establishment of a Toronto district assembly of the Knights, a proposition denounced by O’Donoghue as potentially divisive. Wright was successful, however, and District Assembly 125 was chartered on 17 May, at the height of the street railway strike. Not surprisingly, Wright was elected secretary, from which position he launched the next phase of his career in labour reform.
The Ontario election of late 1886 and the federal election of early 1887 were hard-fought affairs in which the working-class vote was hotly contested. As well, a number of labour reform candidates ran and, at the Ontario level, enjoyed some success. Political intrigue was rife and Wright was at the centre. In the provincial election, claiming to be a labour candidate supported by the Knights, he ran unsuccessfully in Lambton West against Liberal cabinet minister Timothy Blair Pardee*. In the aftermath of these elections, a war of accusations concerning partyism rose in a crescendo as O’Donoghue, in the pages of his Labor Record, and Wright, in his Labor Reformer, denounced each other. The cause of independent labour politics was the major casualty.
Wright none the less continued to scheme. With Samuel McNab, the district master workman of District Assembly 125, he promoted the idea of a Canadian general assembly separate from the American-based General Assembly that governed the entire order. First proposed by Hamilton District Assembly 61 in 1885, the idea resurfaced in January 1887 when London District Assembly 138 went on record in support of a Canadian assembly. American general master workman Terence Vincent Powderly fuelled this nationalist sentiment when he unthinkingly urged all Knights to celebrate the 4th of July in 1887. In September Knights from all over Ontario met in Toronto at the call of Wright and McNab to discuss “Home Rule.” The convention endorsed the creation of a dominion assembly, with the proposition to be taken to the Knights’ General Assembly in Minneapolis that fall. Powderly, however, forewarned by O’Donoghue, derailed the movement by conceding the idea of provincial assemblies for Ontario and Quebec and a legislative committee to lobby in Ottawa. In a determined effort to keep his rival off this committee, O’Donoghue suggested that Powderly appoint Wright instead as a lecturer for the Knights.
Powderly acted on this recommendation the following year and Wright became lecturer and examining organizer for Ontario. At the General Assembly of 1888, in Indianapolis, he captured Powderly’s trust, gained election to the general executive board (the first Canadian to achieve such high office in the order), and thereafter displaced O’Donoghue as Powderly’s major Canadian adviser. In his new role Wright made sure that the new Canadian legislative committee did not contain any hold-overs from the previous year. By late 1890 the order in Canada was in disarray and Powderly eventually allowed the legislative committee to lapse.
Charges and countercharges of partisanship and of “politicians in the Order” were certainly among the causes of its decline in Canada, and Wright played a prominent role in this mêlée, which helped eliminate the Knights as the major political voice of organized labour. As editor of the Journal of the Knights of Labor (Philadelphia) from 1889 and as a member of the general executive board, he participated too in the destructive leadership battles that tore the order apart in the United States and led to Powderly’s downfall at the General Assembly of 1893. Indeed, Wright’s various moneymaking schemes, such as the Labor Day annual and an accident claims association, his laxness as editor, and a certain looseness in his accounts of his personal finances all became issues in the struggle for control between Powderly and John W. Hayes. The triumph of the latter brought Wright’s opportunism and role in the order to an end.
Wright continued to plot with Powderly and others to regain control, but nothing came of these manœuvres. Similarly, his efforts to launch a newspaper in labour’s interest, but funded by the Republican party, were unproductive. He busied himself in the Ontario election of 1894 with support for the agrarian revolt of the Patrons of Industry [see George Weston Wrigley*], no doubt (at least partially) because of the havoc it would wreak on the Grit government of Sir Oliver Mowat*. Wright’s pen, partially disguised by the pseudonym Spokeshave, promoted agrarian dissent in the Canada Farmers’ Sun until he abandoned the cause to return to Tory ranks in 1896.
Wright would trade on his labour connections for the rest of his life. In October 1895 the federal Conservative government of Sir Mackenzie Bowell appointed him lone royal commissioner to investigate the sweating system in Canadian industry. A series of public meetings exposed evidence of horrific conditions in the garment trades. Issued in March 1896, a few months before a federal election, Wright’s report called only for the extension of provincial factory acts to cover all places of work, including homes, where outwork was performed. The Conservatives, who had reputedly set up the commission for electioneering purposes, declined to act, and there were even charges that Wright campaigned for the party during or just after the inquiry.
Later in 1896 Wright worked as a propagandist in the presidential campaign of William McKinley in the United States. Recommended by Powderly, he was placed in charge of economic materials aimed at the working-class vote. The following year he appeared in New York City as editor of the Union Printer and American Craftsman. Before long he was again recruited by the federal Tory party in Canada: in July 1899 he became one of three organizers in Ontario, with responsibility for the southwestern part of the province. And once again Wright became deeply involved in intrigue. He supported his old journalist mate William Findlay Maclean* in his efforts to challenge the provincial Tory leader, James Pliny Whitney, and arrest what they saw as a “policy of drifting” in the Ontario party. By the summer of 1901, however, Wright, working out of a home in Niagara (Niagara-on-the-Lake), was using his exceptional skills to ensure Conservative victories in several key ridings in the next provincial election. Three years later Robert Laird Borden*, the Conservative leader in Ottawa, appointed Wright and a long-time organizational cohort, Thaddeus William Henry Leavitt, to turn their attention to federal organization in Ontario.
After this employment, Wright remained on the public stage. A strong proponent of public control of hydroelectric development and the refining of nickel, from 1907 he championed “People’s Power” as president of the Canadian Public Ownership League. The politically astute Wright had little sympathy for supporters, among them Francis Stephens Spence, who saw the cause as a means to moral reform, in forms such as temperance. In the provincial election of 1908 Wright ran as an independent in Toronto West on a slate that included socialist, labour, Liberal, and Conservative candidates, and on this occasion he finished third, with 21 per cent of the vote. In his campaign literature he described himself as a Liberal Conservative who supported the Whitney government, although some elements of his platform, including public control of nickel refining, citizens’ initiation of and voting on legislation, civil service and tax reform, and enactment of workmen’s compensation, went beyond government policy at that time.
After a sojourn in Britain in 1910–11 as a propagandist for imperial preferential trade, Wright returned to Canada. Here he publicly turned his advocacy of imperial unity against reciprocity in the federal election of September 1911 and appeared as a Conservative speaker in the provincial election in December. When he was not deriving income from his public and organizational efforts, Wright seems to have found periodic employment in journalism and business. In 1909–14 he edited a Tory labour newspaper, the Toronto Lance, and in 1912 he was manager of the Toronto Fire Brick Company Limited. The Whitney government rewarded his many years of service in 1914 by appointing him vice-chairman of the new Workmen’s Compensation Board. He never completely recovered from a slight stroke suffered in 1918 in Niagara-on-the-Lake and he died the following year at his home on Macdonell Avenue in Toronto. A Presbyterian, he was buried in Prospect Cemetery.
Wright’s career took him from small-town Ontario to the heights of North American labour reform as a major leader of the Knights of Labor. A man who lived by his wit and writing, in all aspects of his life he delighted in intrigue and manipulation. The Orangeism and militarism of his youth were two of his major identifications and they flowed easily into his support for the Conservatives. Although his economic beliefs encompassed a certain radicalism, he almost always placed party loyalty first. An important Canadian example of a mediator who linked the working class and the traditional political party, he exemplifies that strain of Canadian conservatism which espoused reform.
These big hotels makes your hollidaylife look like remains of an industrial wold. It tells about big quantity, systems, struckture, -ordnung muss sein - moneymaking and moneymilking, and yet there in the corner .......theres a sign of life surviving :-)
Oy! Nail Take Off??? that sounds creepy. Although, it probably means something normal in the manicure terminology. I wouldn't know since paying someone to cut my nails is the last thing I'd ever do. And painting them in different colors is even after the last thing.
Dutch postcard, no. 3205. Photo: Paramount.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour began her career in the 1930s as a big band singer. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Her appearance as jungle native Ulah opposite Ray Milland in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) brought her fame. Her outfit, and Edith Head-designed sarong, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen.' In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, comedy, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Hope and Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. The series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, released her autobiography My Side of the Road. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote. Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose orchestra Lamour sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Lamour died at her home in 1996 at the age of 81.
Sources: Wikipedia and IMDb.
Aiming upward in New York City.
As a reminder, keep in mind that this picture is available only for non-commercial use and that visible attribution is required. If you'd like to use this photo outside these terms, please contact me ahead of time to arrange for a paid license.
French postcard by Editions P.I., Paris, no. 222.
American actress and singer Dorothy Lamour (1914-1996) is best remembered for appearing in the Road to... comedies, starring Bing Crosby and Bob Hope. During World War II, Lamour was among the most popular pin-up girls among American servicemen.
Dorothy Lamour began her career in the 1930s as a big band singer. In 1936, she moved to Hollywood where she signed with Paramount Pictures. Her appearance as jungle native Ulah opposite Ray Milland in The Jungle Princess (William Thiele, 1936) brought her fame. Her outfit, and Edith Head-designed sarong, marked the beginning of her image as the 'Sarong Queen.' In 1940, Lamour made her first Road to... comedy film, Road to Singapore (Victor Schertzinger, 1940). The Road to.. films were a combination of adventure, comedy, romance, and music, and they regularly placed among the top moneymaking films during the 1940s. While the films centered more on Hope and Crosby, Lamour held her own as their 'straight man', and sang some of her most popular songs. The series essentially ended with the release of Road to Bali (Hal Walker, 1952). By that time, Lamour's screen career began to wane and she focused on stage and television work. In 1961, Crosby and Hope teamed up for one more, The Road to Hong Kong (Norman Panama, 1962), but Joan Collins played the female lead. Lamour made a brief appearance and sang a song near the end of that film. In the 1970s, Lamour revived her nightclub act and, in 1980, released her autobiography My Side of the Road. In 1987, she made her final onscreen appearance in the TV series Murder she wrote. Lamour's first marriage was to orchestra leader Herbie Kay whose orchestra Lamour sang with. The two married in 1935 and divorced in 1939. Lamour married her second husband, William Ross Howard III, in 1943. They had two sons and remained married until Howard's death in 1978. Lamour died at her home in 1996 at the age of 81.
Sources: Wikipedia and IMDb.
Thankyou all those people who are dropping by to see this via a google or yahoo search!
please take a few mili seconds to see all my work at www.mydogsighs.com
thankyou!
i am always intruiged by those get rick quick posters that line the junctions and street corners. who puts them there? does anyone ever phone them? Thought this might amuse those people driving to work and consider the questions i do!
got a few good ones posted in a few pubs last night too. great opportunity to see the public interact with them. got me thinking how busy public spaces might be a good venue for Free art friday things.
plus I'll justify spending time in lots of pubs!
i have got the printer churning these out. not sticky i'm afraid (so you'll have to sort your own paste) laminating is getting expensive too so you'll have to sort that out. i'm happy to sort the postage if you want some though.
I also very happy to see people copy them or make their own up. (it's not rocket science!)
just think of the fun!!!
flickr say these are my most interesting posts! funny old game!
see the set here www.flickr.com/photos/mydogsighs/sets/1059163/
Movies have had a dramatic effect on our society. We all own some and are always looking for the next big hit, and watching for our favorite actors in the previews. It is a moneymaking sensation that has swept the world. In the 1800’s one of the primary source of entertainment was social interaction, a very active form of entertainment. Yes there were other forms but they were either circuses or musicians; not the most easily accessed forms of entertainment. The Nickelodeons as movies were called during the 1920’s were a very passive form of entertainment. There was always a new movie to go see and the theaters didn’t move. During the 20’s many were uneasy of movies since they showed behavior that was considered private or vulgar, some examples would be The Kiss and The Great Train Robbery. The Kiss was showed a young couple kissing in public while this is accepted in today’s society back then this was highly irregular. And the mother’s had no idea what showing their children a train robbery would do to them. This shows that from the start Movies always looked for the something that would bring in the crowds and what better than something that you didn’t see everyday. Some saw pros and cons to the movie industry like one Rev. J. J. Phelan M. A., Ph. D. of Toledo, Ohio. He made a list of the advantages and disadvantages of movies and made a list. “1. The Advantages 1. The providing of a reasonable-priced and highly entertaining form of amusement. 2. Convenience both as to accessibility and continuous play hours. 2. The promotion of family unity-as seen in attendance of the entire family. 4. The counteraction against the influence of the brothel, saloon, public dance hall and other questionable forms of amusement. 5. A provision for amusement and relaxation. 6. The supplying of information in regard to travel, history and world events. 7. The treatise of hight moral and educational themes. 8. The movies as an “art.” 2. The disadvantages Physical Dangers 1. Injury to the eyes. 2. Development of neurasthenia. 3. Loss of sleep to growing Children. 4. Danger of disease. 5. Substitute for physical exercise. Social Dangers 1. Laxity of home-control. 2. Promiscuous mingling with feeble-minded. 3. Formation of loose-spending habits. 4. Incapacity of sustained mental application, especially in schoolwork. 5. Creation of adult standards for immature youth. Moral Dangers 1. Exaggerated viewpoints of life. 2. Awakening of morbid Curiosity. 3. Lack of discrimination of what constitutes travesty and serious. 4. False conceptions of sin. 5. Development of abnormal imagination. 6. Creation of sickly sentimentalism. 7. Creation of a desire to imitate plots. 8. The false depicting of true art. 9. Vivid portrayal of loose ethics as affecting home-ties, relation to state and society. 10. False delineation of what constitutes true Americanism. 11. Genesis of crime and juvenile delinquency. 12. Evils incident to the entire system of “commercialized” and unsupervised forms of public amusement.” Some of his predictions have not materialized but a number are quite evident. Number five in physical dangers is an excellent example. If we include television in the same category as movies, then it definitely becomes a substitute for physical excersise. How many of us would rather watch the T.V. than ride a bike or take a walk? The truth is most of us. Number one in moral dangers is also clearly evident an incredible number of movies include an exaggerated view of life. Movies are at the core of at least American life, when you go to a store how many magazines are running stories on famous actors. In the 1940’s and 50’s Marilyn Monroe was the star for Hollywood, she was considered the most beautiful woman at the time. This brings up that in some ways movies set the standards for who is beautiful and who isn’t. When was the last time the hero of a major film fell in love with someone who wasn’t beautiful or handsome? Movies shape our society in a variety of ways from how we dress to how we look at the past with their “Historically” placed movies. It was the movie “Birth of a Nation” that helped prompt the revival of the KKK. Movies have and will change our society by promoting new ideas and concepts.
Rev. J. J. Phelan M. A., Ph. D. (1919) Motion Pictures as a Phase of Commercialized Amusement in Toledo, Ohio (pp. 107,111-112)Toledo Oh, Little Book Press
Author unknown. (year unknown). no title. www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAkkk.htm
Are you an author who is interested in writing e-books for the Amazon Kindle 2 ereader platform? If so, you may rethink your decision many times before getting started. You may wonder if writing e-books for the Amazon Kindle 2 ereader is worth the time. So is it? It depends.
As with any other moneymaking opportunity, writing digital text e-books forAs with any other moneymaking opportunity, writing digital text e-books for the Amazon Kindle 2 ereader has its risks. You can write an e-book, convert it to the Amazon Kindle 2 ereader has its risks. You can write an e-book, convert it to digital text on the Amazon.com website, and list your book for sale, but you aren’t guaranteed sales. A good cover, a detailed description, a good book, and a fair selling price can increase your chance of profits. But, it is important to look at the popularity of the Amazon Kindle 2 ereader. Over a year after its release, it is still a hit. As long as people buy and use the Kindle 2 ereader, you can make money.
As previously stated, the Amazon Kindle 2 ereader is a popular e-book reading device. Why is that?
Aiming upward in New York City.
As a reminder, keep in mind that this picture is available only for non-commercial use and that visible attribution is required. If you'd like to use this photo outside these terms, please contact me ahead of time to arrange for a paid license.
The Underground Moneymaking System
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