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by jwcurry. Ottawa, A Onion Printshop, 2o17.
homage: Eric Grice; an attempted proof on an abysmal surface consigned to the firewood pile & here burned in the same pit from which the initial flame leapt that provided the form for the stencil.
Eric, as "Go Fish", is generally acknowledged as being one of the earliest graffitists in Ottawa (though he will correctly assert that there was already work to be seen out there (P.Cob a very real possibility)). his Go Fish project was, i believe, a matter of both paintings & (shaped?) posters pasted up around town while still a teenager. little documentation of any part of this project is extant, though there're photographs of much more recent revisitations of the idea.
later, with a partner as "Puzzle", well over 1oo painted works of a remarkable variety of styles appeared sequestered around Ottawa on various surfaces in a numbered series (without being serial). few exist now but there is at least some photographic evidence.
these days, Eric is a sculptor (in Montréal) working primarily in wood & brick (see www.flickr.com/photos/79303856@N05/ for a sampling).
unquestionably, the Go Fish (i'm still unsure exactly how that should be written/spelled/punctuated) & Puzzle material was inspirational in many different ways to a sector of Ottawaän artists to follow, including but hardly limited to the Alpheratz crew, Berzerker, Never, Venus (Eric's sister, Nathalie) &, much later, "that Unwanted guy".
if this print'd've worked, i'd've nailed it up somewhere but the edging is smudgy & muddied, especially in its few (here indiscernible) details, so back to carbon it goes, swimming upflame, "cycles etc".
thanks for yr example, Eric!
Giorgio de Chirico was an Italian painter who, with Carlo Carrà and Giorgio Morandi, founded the style of Metaphysical painting. After studying art in Athens and Florence, de Chirico moved to Germany in 1906 and entered the Munich Academy of Fine Arts. His early style was influenced by Arnold Böcklin’s and Max Klinger’s paintings, which juxtapose the fantastic with the commonplace. By 1910 de Chirico was living in Florence, where he began painting a unique series of landscapes that included The Enigma of an Autumn Afternoon (1910), in which the long, sinister, and illogical shadows cast by unseen objects onto empty city spaces contrast starkly with bright, clear light that is rendered in brooding green tonalities. Moving to Paris in 1911, de Chirico gained the admiration of Pablo Picasso and Guillaume Apollinaire with his ambiguously ominous scenes of deserted piazzas. In these works, such as The Soothsayer’s Recompense (1913) and The Mystery and Melancholy of a Street (1914), classical statues, dark arcades, and small, isolated figures are overpowered by their own shadows and by severe, oppressive architecture.
In 1915 de Chirico was conscripted into the Italian army and stationed at Ferrara, Italy. There, he was able to continue making art and practiced a modification of his earlier manner, marked by more compact groupings of incongruous objects. Diagnosed with a nervous condition, he was admitted into a military hospital, where he met Carlo Carrà in 1917; together the two artists developed the style they named Metaphysical painting. In de Chirico’s paintings of this period, such as the Grand Metaphysical Interior (1917) and The Seer (1915), the colors are brighter, and dressmakers’ mannequins, compasses, biscuits, and paintings on easels assume a mysterious significance within enigmatic landscapes or interiors.
The element of mystery in de Chirico’s paintings dwindled after 1919, when he became interested in the technical methods of the Italian classical tradition. He eventually began painting in a more realistic and academic style, and by the 1930s he had broken with his avant-garde colleagues and disclaimed his earlier works. De Chirico’s Metaphysical paintings exercised a profound influence on the painters of the Surrealist movement in the 1920s.
Book of Shadows pages I created. These are not pre-punched so they can be customized for most any Book of Shadows. These pages are on parchment paper 8.5 x 11 size.
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On my first full day in Cambridge, I had a list of City Centre churches to visit supplied by my friend, Simon.
I long walk from the hotel, Little St Mary was the furthest away, and one I called into just before lunch, and just before the lunchtime service.
I don't know the correct term, but the "assistant vicar"? was preparing for the service, reading up on notes for the things she had to have done before people started to arrive.
We talked a long time, and I fear I distracted her from her task, I hope the service went well.
We talked about the church, and how grateful she was to be in Cambridge, then a long talk about wild orchids. Not sure how they came up, but they did.
She made sure I saw the memorial on the north wall of George Washington's uncle, a popular sight for most Americans in the city.
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There has probably been a place of worship on the current site, just outside the original town walls, since before the Norman Conquest. Surviving fragments of typically Anglo-Saxon carved interlace from the original church can be seen inside the north entrance porch and near the south-west exterior corner of the Parish Centre, where they have been reset. According to the earliest known records, this church, known as St Peter without Trumpington Gate to distinguish it from St Peter by the Castle (ad Castrum), was served by three successive generations of the same family, beginning with Langline who was in office around the date of the Conquest. If the records are to be believed, his successor Segar officiated as parson for eighty years and was followed by Henry, who in his turn held the position for another sixty! At some time during one of these prodigious incumbencies the little Saxon church seems to have been rebuilt in stone by the Normans.
Around 1207 the church was given to the Hospital of St John the Evangelist, the forerunner of St John's College, and served by chaplains from that foundation. Remains of the tower of St Peter's can still be seen at the north-west corner of LSM; the present entrance from the porch incorporates the former tower arch and gives us a good impression of the small scale of the original building. The single bell, cast in Stamford in 1608, was rehoused in a small turret during the late 19th century and is now struck electrically, sounding the hours during the day and also the Angelus at noon and 6pm.
Some time in the 1280s Hugh de Balsham, Bishop of Ely, lodged some scholars in the hospital, but quickly discovered that the students and sick people did not get on well together, and therefore moved the students in 1284 into two houses on the south side of St Peter's, allowing them the use of the church as their chapel. This was the origin of Peterhouse, the first Cambridge College.
By the 1340s St Peter's was in such decrepit condition that Peterhouse was obliged to rebuild it; the tottering chancel finally collapsed in 1350. In 1352 the new building was rededicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary of Grace. To distinguish it from the University Church of Great Saint Mary it became known as Saint Mary the Less. Until the 17th century it remained a dual-purpose structure, serving as both college chapel and parish church — as did our neighbouring church of St Benedict which doubled as the chapel for Corpus Christi (or Bene't) College until the late 16th century, and the chapel at Merton College, Oxford (very similarly proportioned to LSM) which for a long time was also the parish church of St John Baptist. Many members of Peterhouse are buried in LSM: there is a memorial brass in the centre of the chancel to John Holbrook (or Holbroke), a Master of the college, mathematician and Chancellor of the University, who died in 1437. Another brass, smaller and dated around 1500, commemorates an unknown doctor. Sadly, both our ancient brasses are incomplete.
In 1450 a sixth bay was added at the west end of the original five-bay nave to serve as an ante-chapel for the parishioners, who were separated from the collegiate chapel by an oak screen. This screen was removed in the reordering of 1741, and its ancient doors now hang on the stone staircase which leads directly across a bridge into the college, built to give the Petreans direct access to an upper chamber (the present choir vestry) affording a view of the sanctuary.
The beauty of the church arises from its light and airy open plan and the delicacy of its Decorated tracery, which is noticeable especially in the fine east window. Writing in 1910, Fr Edward Conybeare called it "the only really beautiful church in Cam- bridge." The similarity of the design to that of the Lady Chapel at Ely Cathedral (1349) suggests that they may both be the work of Alan of Walsingham, sacristan of the cathedral and architect of the central octagon there. The niches in the chancel (now containing figures of the patron saints Peter and Mary), the triple sedilia and the piscina uncovered in George Gilbert Scott's 1876 restoration are also typical of the mid-14th century. The church of St Andrew at Sutton in the Isle, a few miles west of Ely, also has similar windows dating from a decade or two later. The absence of aisles and pillars at LSM affords clear sightlines, making the space visually and acoustically ideal for musical and dramatic performances as well as for preaching and liturgy, that twin ministry of Word and Sacrament which is at the centre of the church's corporate life.
When a separate chapel was consecrated in Peterhouse in 1632 during the Mastership of Matthew Wren, uncle of Sir Christopher, LSM reverted to being simply a parish church, but the college remains the patron of the living. Peterhouse and LSM at this time were twin foci of the Laudian High Church movement in Cambridge. Richard Crashaw, the metaphysical poet, ministered at LSM while he was a Fellow of Peterhouse from 1638. In 1643 he was ejected from his fellowship and fled into exile abroad (eventually dying at Loreto in the Italian Marches), and at the end of that year the church's decorations and ornaments were badly damaged by the notorious Puritan iconoclast William "Smasher" Dowsing, whose journal entries for December gloat triumphantly that he "brake downe 60 superstitious pictures, some popes, and crucifixes, and God the Father sitting in a chayer, and holding a globe in His hand." A few days earlier Dowsing had wrought similar destruction next door in the new chapel at "Peter-house".
Godfrey Washington ministered at LSM from 1705 until his death in 1729. His memorial, on the north wall just at the entrance to the church, is always a point of interest for our American visitors because it displays the stars and stripes of the Washington family arms (or in more technical heraldic terms "Argent, two bars Gules, in chief three mullets of the last") surmounted by a black eagle crest. This is thought to be the origin of "Old Glory", the flag of the United States of America, of which Godfrey's great-nephew George was to become the first President.
In 1741 the church was refitted with wooden panelling, box pews, choir gallery and a central pulpit surmounted by a magnificent tester with mahogany inlay (now removed to its present position on the north side of the chancel). All this cost a mere £30! A west gallery added in 1824 was subsequently removed.
The 18th-century woodwork was removed in 1857 when Sir George Gilbert Scott restored the church (by then, according to Willis Clark in The Ecclesiologist, "a mournful skeleton of its former self"). Further work took place in 1876 and 1891, but by 1880 the church appeared substantially as it does now. Scott's reredos from that period was later repositioned on the west wall of the nave; it is of Flemish oak with figures carved in Bruges. The stained glass of the east window is by Charles Eamer Kempe and dates from 1886. The west window (a Jesse Tree of 1890) and the north-east window of 1903, showing the Crucifixion, were also glazed by Kempe. All the other windows are more recent. The high altar, with its riddel posts inspired by the Use of Sarum (the variant of the pre-Tridentine Roman rite customary in most dioceses of medieval England) was designed by Sir Ninian Comper in 1913. The six heraldic panels in the lowermost register of the east window, below Kempe's work, were added by Comper at the same time and bear his characteristic strawberry signature. The two central coats of arms in the lower panels are those of John Willis Clark (1833-1910), Registrary of the University and Fellow of Trinity, and his wife Francisca. The other arms are those of Peterhouse, Trinity College, Cambridge University and the Diocese of Ely.
The Lady Chapel (dedicated to the Holy Sepulchre, St Mary and All Saints) occupies the site of the 16th-century Hornby chantry, and was added in 1931 to the neoclassical design of Thomas Henry Lyon, architect of Sidney Sussex College Chapel and of St George's Church in the north Cambridge suburb of Chesterton. After an extensive programme of restoration and redecoration, the chapel was reopened and rededicated at Easter 2018.
The lovely little chapel of the Holy Angels and All Souls in the 14th-century crypt under the sacristy, formerly a medieval ossuary or charnel-house, and later a store room for Peterhouse, was restored in 1961 by Stephen Dykes Bower. It is the only such crypt chapel in Cambridge. Like the Lady Chapel it is still in regular use for weekday services. The organ was completed in 2007 by the late Kenneth Tickell of Northampton. Its pipework and action are completely new, but it is housed within the neo-Perpendicular case designed by Lawrence Bond in 1978 for the previous instrument by Bishop & Sons of Ipswich.
The Parish Room at the west end was added in 1892 by William Milner Fawcett (who also reopened the Norman arch to form the present entrance to the nave, and planned a west tower that was never built). It was enlarged in 1990 and again in 2011 to provide the present Parish Centre, an award-winning contemporary design by Cowper Griffith.
Tubular steel stacking armchairs
REF: 00757
STYLE: Bauhaus-Modernism
DESIGNER: Bruno Pollak
COUNTRY: England
MANUFACTURER: PEL
MATERIAL: chrome-plated tubular steel, iron thread fabric (Eisengarn)
YEAR: 1938
CONDITION: original
DIMENSIONS: h.: 84 cm x w.: 54,5 cm x d.: 64 cm
Nesting tables by Jindrich Halabala
REF: 02274
STYLE: Czech Modernism
DESIGNER: Jindrich Halabala
COUNTRY: Czechoslovakia
MANUFACTURER: UP Závody, Brno
MATERIAL: stained wood, Bakelite
YEAR: 1934
CONDITION: original
DIMENSIONS: h.: 66/63/60cm x w.: 55,5/49,5/43cm x d.: 40/37/34cm
Avant-garde pendant lamp
REF: 02282
STYLE: Avant-garde of the 30s
COUNTRY: Germany
MATERIAL: nickel-plated metal
YEAR: 1935
CONDITION: original
DIMENSIONS: h.: 90 cm, diameter: 55 cm
Floor lamp
REF: 01566
STYLE: German Modernism
DESIGNER: HALA company design
COUNTRY: Germany
MANUFACTURER: HALA
MODEL: 851
MATERIAL: nickel plated metal, lacquered metal, Bakelite
YEAR: 1935
CONDITION: original
DIMENSIONS: h.: 176 cm x diameter: 40 cm
Box, Berlin 1930
REF: 01848
STYLE: Art Deco
COUNTRY: Germany
MATERIAL: chrome-plated metal, mirror glass, Bakelite
YEAR: 1930
CONDITION: original
DIMENSIONS: h.: 3 cm x w.: 12 cm x d.: 10 cm
Giorgio de Chirico was an Italian painter who, with Carlo Carrà and Giorgio Morandi, founded the style of Metaphysical painting. After studying art in Athens and Florence, de Chirico moved to Germany in 1906 and entered the Munich Academy of Fine Arts. His early style was influenced by Arnold Böcklin’s and Max Klinger’s paintings, which juxtapose the fantastic with the commonplace. By 1910 de Chirico was living in Florence, where he began painting a unique series of landscapes that included The Enigma of an Autumn Afternoon (1910), in which the long, sinister, and illogical shadows cast by unseen objects onto empty city spaces contrast starkly with bright, clear light that is rendered in brooding green tonalities. Moving to Paris in 1911, de Chirico gained the admiration of Pablo Picasso and Guillaume Apollinaire with his ambiguously ominous scenes of deserted piazzas. In these works, such as The Soothsayer’s Recompense (1913) and The Mystery and Melancholy of a Street (1914), classical statues, dark arcades, and small, isolated figures are overpowered by their own shadows and by severe, oppressive architecture.
In 1915 de Chirico was conscripted into the Italian army and stationed at Ferrara, Italy. There, he was able to continue making art and practiced a modification of his earlier manner, marked by more compact groupings of incongruous objects. Diagnosed with a nervous condition, he was admitted into a military hospital, where he met Carlo Carrà in 1917; together the two artists developed the style they named Metaphysical painting. In de Chirico’s paintings of this period, such as the Grand Metaphysical Interior (1917) and The Seer (1915), the colors are brighter, and dressmakers’ mannequins, compasses, biscuits, and paintings on easels assume a mysterious significance within enigmatic landscapes or interiors.
The element of mystery in de Chirico’s paintings dwindled after 1919, when he became interested in the technical methods of the Italian classical tradition. He eventually began painting in a more realistic and academic style, and by the 1930s he had broken with his avant-garde colleagues and disclaimed his earlier works. De Chirico’s Metaphysical paintings exercised a profound influence on the painters of the Surrealist movement in the 1920s.
Balthasar de Monconys (1611-1665) was a French physicist and judge, born in Lyon. In 1618, Monconys' parents sent him to a Jesuit boarding school in Salamanca, Spain, as a plague had broken out in Lyon. Monconys was deeply interested in metaphysics and mysticism, and studied the teachings of Pythagoras, Zoroastrism, and Greek and Arab alchemists. From a young age, he dreamed of travelling to India and China. However, he returned to Lyon after finishing his studies. At the age of thirty-four years old he was finally able to leave behind the safety of his library and the theoretical speculation of the laboratory, and become a tireless traveller in Europe and the East.
Monconys travelled to Portugal, England, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Istanbul and the Middle East with the son of the Duke of Luynes. Even in his very first journey to Portugal, it is obvious that in each city Monconys is very soon able to connect with mathematicians, clergymen, surgeons, engineers, chemists, physicians and princes, to visit their laboratories and to collect “secrets and experiences”.
After Portugal, Monconys travelled to Italy, and finally departed to the East, to study the ancient religions and denominations, and meet the gymnosophists. In 1647-48 he was in Egypt. Seeking the Zoroasters and followers of Hermes Trismegistus, he reached Mount Sinai. In Egypt, the 17th century European was lost in a labyrinth of small and winding streetlets, and discovered different cults and religions, the diversity of ethnicities and their customs: Turks, Kopts, Jews, Arabs, Mauritans, Maronites, Armenians, and Dervishes. He followed several superstitious suggestions and discovered marvellous books of astronomy in Hebrew, Persian and Arabic. Later on, after his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, he crossed Asia Minor and reached Istanbul, from where he planned to travel to Persia. For once more in his life however, the plague forced him to change his course; he left for Izmir, and returned to Lyon in 1649.
Fron 1663 to 1665 Monconys travelled incessantly between Paris, London, the Netherlands and Germany. He visited princes and philosophers, libraries and laboratories, and maintained frequent correspondence with several scientists. Finally, after consequent asthma attacks he passed away before his travel notes could be published.
His travel journal (1665-1666) was edited and published by his son and by his Jesuit friend J. Berchet. The journal is enriched by drawings which testify to the wide scope of Monconys' interests. Monconys collected a vast corpus of material which includes medical recipes, chemistry forms, material connected to the esoteric sciences, mathematical puzzles, questions of Algebra and Geometry, zoological observations, mechanical applications, descriptions of natural phenomena, chemistry experiments, various machines and devices, medical matters, the philosopher's stone, astronomical measurements, magnifying lenses, thermometres, hydraulic devices, drinks, hydrometres, microscopes, architectural constructions and even matters connected to hygiene or the preparation of liquors.
The third volume includes a hundred and sixty-five medical, chemical and physics experiments with their outcomes as well as a sonnet on the battle of Marathon. There are five detailed indexes for the classification of the material. At the same time, this three-volume work permits the construction of a list of names (more than two hundred and fifty) of scholars, physicians, alchemists, astrologists, mathematicians, empirical scientists and other researches. From Monconys' text and correspondence a highly interesting network emerges, as it is possible for specialists of all disciplines to reconstruct the contacts between scientists and scholars of Western Europe, for a period spanning more than a decade in the mid-17th century.
Monconys' work is written in a monotonous style, but nevertheless possesses a perennial charm, as it is a combination of a travel journal and a laboratory scientist's workbook. The drawings accompanying the text make up a corpus of material unique in travel literature.
Written by Ioli Vingopoulou
Fransız asıllı fizikçi ve yargıç Balthasar de Monconys (1611-1665) (okunuş: Baltazar dö Monkoni) Lyon şehrinde doğar. Yaşadığı kentte 1618 yılında veba salgını baş gösterince, ailesi onu Salamanka şehrine bir Cizvit yatılı okuluna gönderir. Metafizik ve gizemcilik (mistisizm) için yoğun ilgi duyan Monconys, Pythagoras öğretilerini, Zerdüştlüğü, hatta Yunan ve Arap simyacıların eserlerini okur. Daha küçük yaştan beri Hindistan ve Çin'e kadar ulaşmayı düşlemesine karşın eğitimini tamamladıktan sonra Lyon'a geri döner ve nihayet 34 yaşındayken kütüphane güvenliğini ve teorik laboratuvar bilgilerini terkedip kararlı bir biçimde Avrupa ve Doğu'ya seyahat etmeye başlar.
Monconys, Luynes dükünün oğluyla birlikte Portekiz, İngiltere, Almanya, İtalya, Alçak Ülkeler (Hollanda), İstanbul ve Orta Doğu'ya seyahat eder. Daha ilk yolculuğundan (Portekiz'de) uğradığı her şehirde kısa zamanda matematikçi, rahip, cerrah, mühendis, kimyager, doktor ve prens gibi çeşit çeşit insanlarla bağ kurup laboratuvarlarını ziyaret ederek "sır ve tecrübeler" derler. Yazdığı metinde bu süreci izlemekteyiz. Portekiz'den sonra ilk kez olarak İtalya'ya gider ve nihayet çeşitli dogmaları, eski dinleri ve "gymnosophist"leri (çıplak bilgeler) incelemek üzere Doğu'ya doğru yola çıkar. 1647-48 yıllarında Mısır'da bulunmaktadır; Zerdüştçüler ve Hermes-Thot (Hermes Trismegistus) müritleriyle karşılaşmak için Sina dağına kadar ulaşır. Mısır'da 17. yüzyılın bu Batı Avrupalısı daracık sokakların oluşturduğu labirent içinde yitip, türk, kıptî, yahudî, arap, moritanyalı, maruni, ermeni, derviş gibi binbir çeşit dogma ve mezhep, milliyet ve kültürel adet keşfeder. Batıl inançlara uyar, ibranice farsça yada arapça dillerinde yazılmış şahane gökbilim kitapları keşfeder. Kutsal Yerlere hacılık ziyaretinin ardından Anadolu'yu boydan boya geçip İstanbul'a varır. Buradan İran'a gitmeyi planlar. Ancak veba salgını bir kez daha onu kaçmaya zorlar; İzmir'e geçip oradan 1649 yılında Lyon'a döner.
Monconys 1663'ten 1665'e kadar hiç ara vermeden Paris, Londra, Hollanda ve Almanya arasında mekik dokuyup prens ve filozoflarla konuşur, çeşitli kütüphane ve laboratuvarları ziyaret eder ve birçok bilim adamıyla yoğun bir mektuplaşma sürdürür. Ancak sonunda üstüste geçirdiği astım krizlerinden sonra seyahat notlarının kitap olarak basılmış halini göremeden ölür.
Sözkonusu yayın (1665-1666) Monconys'nin oğlu ve dostu Cizvit rahip J. Berchet tarafından hazırlanmıştır. Monconys'nin geniş bir ilgi alanına sahip oluşu günlüğünü tamamlayan desenlerle kanıtlanmaktadır. Derlemiş olduğu çeşitli ve zengin malzeme içinde: ilâç reçeteleri, kimyasal formüller, gizli ilimlerle ilgili malzeme, matematik bilmeceleri, cebir ve geometri problemleri, zoolojiye (hayvan bilimi) ilişkin gözlemler, mekanik uygulamalar, doğa fenomenleri betimlemeleri, kimyasal deneyler, makineler, tıp konuları, felsefe taşı, astronomi ölçümleri, büyüteçler, termometreler, su tesisatıyla ilgili cihazlar, içkiler, hidrometreler, mikroskoplar, mimarî yapılar, hijyen ve likör yapımı gibi konular var.
Kitabın üçüncü cildinde işlenen konular arasında 165 tane fizik kimya ve tıp deneyi ve sonuçları, ve Maraton muharebesi hakkında bir sone yer almaktadır. Bu içeriğin sınıflanması için kitaba beş tane ayrı çözümlemeli dizin eklenmiştir. Aynı zamanda, Monconys'nin üç ciltlik eserinden upuzun bir isimler katalogu da (250'den fazla isim) elde edilebilir. Bu isimler yazar ve düşünür, doktor, simyacı, astrolog, matematikçi, deneyci ve çeşitli uzman araştırmacılara aittir. Monconys'nin metninden ve mektuplaşmalarından, 17. yüzyıl ortalarında özellikle batı Avrupa'da, 20 yıldan fazla bir süre için, tüm bilim uzmanlarının yeniden birleştirebileceği son derece ilginç bir bilimler arası ilişki ağı ortaya çıkmaktadır.
Monconys'nin yazış uslubu tekdüze olmakla birlikte, bir laboratuvar araştırmacısının seyahat günlüğü ile gözlem defterini bir arada bulundurması açısından eşsiz bir cazibeye sahiptir. Metne eşlik eden desenler seyahat edebiyatı yayınlarında rastlanan ender türden bir malzeme oluşturmaktadır.
Yazan: İoli Vingopoulou
A morning-glory at my window satisfies me more than the metaphysics of books.
Walt Whitman
Morning glory (also written as morning-glory[1]) is the common name for over 1,000 species of flowering plants in the family Convolvulaceae, whose current taxonomy and systematics are in flux. Morning glory species belong to many genera, some of which are:
Argyreia
Astripomoea
Calystegia
Convolvulus
Ipomoea
Lepistemon
Merremia
Operculina
Rivea
Stictocardia
Morning glory was first known in China for its medicinal uses, due to the laxative properties of its seeds.
Ancient Mesoamerican civilizations used the morning glory species Ipomoea alba to convert the latex from the Castilla elastica tree and also the guayule plant to produce bouncing rubber balls [2]. The sulfur in the morning glory's juice served to vulcanize the rubber, a process predating Charles Goodyear's discovery by at least 3,000 years.[3] Aztec priests in Mexico were also known to use the plant's hallucinogenic properties (see Rivea corymbosa).
2019 08 12_9429.jpgh
Cekanje; Waiting 2 _ Music and Destruction,
OPUS: Look Homeward, Angel;
From Grand OPUS; Sarajevo City of Light,
SARAJEVO WAR 1992-1995; BOSNIA in Tragic WAR,
POETIC Beauty and Strength of the Human Spirit,
Picture is based on light and darkness counterpoints, with elements of Chiaroscuro.
Acutely observed realism brought a new level of emotional intensity,
Strong, dramatic expression, City Life and Street Scenes,
Observation of physical and psychological reality, Symbolism,
Perception beyond Appearance’s, Metaphysics ART, POETIC TransRealism;
"There the sun doesn’t shine, or the moon, or the stars, nor any earthly fire...
In Its light, invisible; in a secret place, In the heart It resides."
ARTIST Mirza Ajanovic POETIC Photography,
ice magazine
Contemporary Istanbul art fair 2013
Guardians of Time by Manfred Kielnhofer page 41-45
Toplumsal Sanat ve Güncel Dinamikleri
İstanbul bir Laboratuvar mı?
Hasan Bülent Kahraman
Social Art and
Its Contemporary Dynamics
Is Istanbul a Laboratory?
Hasan Bülent Kahraman
The transition from the twentieth to twenty-first century did not only
refer
to a temporal continuity and it wasn't happening by nature. Continuity
of time was going to bring us to the twenty-first century anyway. On the
other hand, the twenty-first century was also bringing us to the concept
of "millennium," which had an importance in Western metaphysics.
Since human relationships are based on transforming nature on a cultural
platform through intellectual effort, and humanity struggles to overcome
and restrain the nature on these levels, the twentieth century gives way to
the twenty-first century on the verge to a profound intellectual break.
During the transition to the twenty-first century, the most important issue
was the great criticism against the idea of modernity and the grand split
it undergoes. During the twentieth century, using different methods, all
nations agreed on the notion of modernization that was in some sense
developed as the homogenization of humanity and can be summarized
as installing Western metaphysics into 'outsider' societies but the result
was the same: a systematic formation that prioritizes and is led by the
government. This transformation would be based on two big pillars:
refusal of the past, along with the complete cultural baggage if necessary,
and the reconstruction of the subjects, the human beings towards the
guidance of the government.
This method, which can be described as the abolition of the subject,
made it natural for the great totalitarian regimes to appear. The twentieth
century means millions of people abolished by those regimes.
During the evolution towards the twenty-first century, the first
protestations were against the hegemony of the radical rationality
that had built this system. Because, post-Weber bureaucracy with a
government and organon was the concentration point of rationality. In
the end, the Cartesian radical rationality was the imprisonment of human
consciousness in the human consciousness itself. With this appreciation,
science as a tool to control nature had turned into a superior category
that left no space for the subjectivity of the individual.
The re-emergence of the subject, and its desire to bring forward the sum
of values hidden inside it is a problem of identity. Of course, politics of
memory and space can be added to that. The Proust-esque memory as
'remembering today' and the coincidences and spontaneities that makes
it work was replaced by a remembering policy that offered multiple
choices and multiple consciousnesses. A Bergsonian integrity of time
was no longer needed either.
Within this new appreciation, subjects were the individuals who would
build their own existence with their own willpower.
Such an assent did not only drive back the notion of state, but it also
brought forward the notion of publicum, the sense of community. This
innovation begins with the replacement of the notion of society with
societies. We can also call these communities. Once the communities
emerged, spatial politics changed firstly. The vertical depth of the space
that contained the homogeneous and uniform humans now was going
to be replaced with a horizontal span that meant varieties living together.
These varieties living together in a narrow area without conflicting but
"rubbing" to each other created the new forms of social space.
On the other hand the space the communities have been created is now
only topological, it's not a notion that directly belongs to the "ground."
The twenty-first century has unexpectedly found itself in an almost scary
virtuality with the innovations electronic media has created. The "crowd"
Plato heavily criticized in the context of "theatricality" in his last
dialogue
Nomo, is not only in the amphitheatre or agora anymore. It is everywhere.
Furthermore, what's produced now is not "common thoughts" anymore;
it is the "uncommon" thoughts.
What does art represent in this structure?
The answer is hidden in two points. First, this stadium is a matter
of democracy. A pluralist democracy that is based on varieties and
nourished by interaction is not a utopia but a reality for the twenty-first
century. Secondly, if we can talk about this kind of democracy, then the
relationship between art and community will also turn into another phase.
The new phase of the relationship between art and community makes
the visibility of art inevitable. As a form of production that is pluralist
and based on varieties, art is the reference point of this new sense
of community. This new sense of community cannot evolve naturally
by itself. It needs to important devices to align and direct. Intellectual
production and its alignments and directions are the constative powers of
artistic expression. The new democracy has to be inspired by democratic
theory and though on every step. Similarly the dynamic and constantly
changing texture of art is necessary for the formation of an astatic
democratic platform. This pursuit emerging within the new urban texture
is a matter in itself.
The new global capital is building new cities. This is a new urban texture
that allows the inner movement and liquidity of the capital. The most
important aspect of the new city is that it is gentrified. This is not a
choice
but a need in terms of the new capital, because the new city is also the
realization of a certain aesthetic visuality.
Performing gentrification through new artistic institutions is a wise
choice.
The income produced by new museums, art spaces and galleries is a
planned and systematic application. This means that art creates a new
policy of circulation on the grounds of the city. This art that meets the
expectations of upper classes still has its own critical, social identity.
More importantly, art should interrelate with large communities. That
kind of art will have the real critical power. That kind of art is a field
of
resistance itself. With this aspect, it is sure that the relationship
between
art and community will appear as opposition and resistance. A "real"
democracy is only real as long as it gives the opportunity to oppose
and resist. This is why the relationship between art and community is a
necessity and expectation today, more than ever.
Having the characteristics of a metropolis in any aspect, Istanbul
is an important laboratory in this sense. The capital it attracts, the
transformation it undergoes, and finally the artistic activity and
production
articulated to these turns Istanbul into a new focal point that needs to
be observed in a new way. It is sure that we are witnessing a phase that
the relations between capital and politics are turning into the relations
between capital and art. But the real question is, within the
gentrification
it undergoes, how much place Istanbul will give to artistic discourse. Will
this art form a platform of resistance in the social grounds that remains
from the transformation areas with a global architectural language; or
will those "new" areas actually open a door for the pluralist, variable,
provocative art?
A city, which has never been close to the language of social art in any
way, even today, is going to determine its character as much as it
answers these questions while it globalizes.
icemagazine.contemporaryistanbul.com/files/document/ice-1...
Toplumsal Sanat ve Güncel Dinamikleri
İstanbul bir Laboratuvar mı?
Hasan Bülent Kahraman
20. yüzyıldan 21. yüzyıla geçiş sadece zamansal bir sürekliliğe işaret
etmiyor ve bir doğallıkla gerçekleşmiyordu. Zamanın kendi sürekliliği doğal
olarak bizi 21. yüzyıla taşıyacaktı. Kaldı ki, 21. yüzyıl aynı zamanda Batı
metafiziğinde çok önemli bir yeri olan "bin yıl" kavramına da açılıyordu.
İnsan ilişkileri doğallığın kültürel bir platformda ve zihinsel çabalarla
dönüştürülmesine dayandığından ve bütün insanlık çabası o doğallığı bu
düzlemlerde aşmak, hatta dizginlemek olduğundan 20. yüzyıl yerini 21.
yüzyıla çok derin bir düşünsel kırılmanın eşiğinde bıraktı.
21. yüzyıla girilirken en önemli olgu modernite düşüncesinin aldığı
büyük eleştiri ve yaşadığı büyük parçalanmaydı. Bir manada insanlığı
homojenleştirme olarak geliştirilmiş ve Batı metafiziğinin "dışarıdaki"
toplumlara yerleştirilmesi olarak özetlenebilecek bu modernleşme
anlayışını, her ulus 20. yüzyıl boyunca belki farklı yöntemlerle kabul etti
ama sonuç aynıydı: devlet öncelikli ve devlet önderliğinde sistematik bir
dönüşüm. Bu dönüşüm iki büyük taşıyıcı üstüne oturacaktı: geçmişin,
gerekirse bütün kültürel bagajla birlikte reddi ve öznenin yani insan
tekinin
devletin güdümü doğrultusunda yeniden kurgulanması.
Öznenin ortadan kaldırılması olarak da adlandırılabilecek bu metot
büyük totaliter rejimlerin çıkmasını doğallaştırıyordu. 20. yüzyıl o
rejimler
tarafından ortadan kaldırılmış milyonlarca insan demektir.
21. yüzyıla evrilirken ilk itiraz bu sistematiği kuran radikal
rasyonalitenin
hegemonyasına yönelikti. Çünkü, Weber sonrasında devlet ve organon'u
olan bürokrasi rasyonalitenin temerküz noktasıydı. Descartesçı radikal
rasyonalite son kertede insan bilincinin, gene insan bilincine tutsak
edilmesiydi. Doğayı kontrol aracı olarak öne çıkan bilim bu anlayışta
bireyin öznelliğine yer bırakmayan bir üst kategoriye dönüşmüştü.
Öznenin yeniden ortaya çıkması ve kendisinde saklı olan değerler
bütününü öne almak istemesi bir kimlik problemidir. Buna elbette hafıza
ve mekan politikaları eklenebilir. "Bugünde hatırlamak" olan Proustgil
hafıza ve onun işlemesine olanak sağlayan tesadüfler, kendiliğindenlikler,
yeni anlayışta çok seçmeci ve çok bilinçli bir anımsama politikasıyla terk
ediliyordu. Artık Bergsoncu bir zaman bütünlüğüne de gerek yoktu.
Özne kendi varlığını kendi iradesiyle kuracak kişiydi yeni algı içinde.
Böyle bir kabul sadece devlet kavramının hızla geri itilmesine yol açmakla
kalmadı. Publicum yani toplumsallık (Türkçedeki yanlış çevirisiyle
'kamusallık') olgusunu da yeniden öne itti. Bu yenilenme daha önceki
anlayışta tek olan toplum/kamu kavramının yerini toplumlar kavramına
bırakmasıyla başlar. toplumlar dediğimiz şeye topluluklar (communities)
demek de mümkündür. Topluluklar bir kere ortaya çıktı mı ilk elde mekan
politikaları değişecekti. Mekanın homojen ve üniform insanı barındıran
dikey derinliği şimdi yerini farklılıkların bir arada bulunması anlamına
gelen
bir yatay genişliğe bırakacaktı. Dar bir alanda birbiriyle çatışmayan ama
birbiriyle "sürtünen", öylelikle de etkileşen farklılıkların bir arada
bulunması
toplumsal alanın yeni formlarını meydana getiriyor şimdi.
Buna mukabil toplumsalın oluştuğu mekan artık sadece topolojik,
doğrudan doğruya "yere"/zemine ait bir olgu değil. 21. yüzyıl hiç
beklemediği bir şekilde kendisini elektronik medyanın sağladığı
yeniliklerle
birlikte neredeyse ürküntü veren bir sanallık içinde buldu. Plato'nun
"tiyatrosallık" bağlamında, son diyaloğu Nomo'ide şiddetle eleştirdiği
"güruh" şimdi sadece amfitiyatroda veya agora'da değil. Her yerde.
Sadece tiyatroya gidenler arasında değil iletişim ve ortak düşünce
oluşturma yetisi. Her yerde. Üstelik üretilen artık "ortak düşünce" değil
"ortak olmayan" düşüncelerdir.
Böyle bir yapı içinde sanat ne ifade eder?
Sorunun cevabı iki noktada gizli. Birincisi, bu stadium demokrasiyle
ilgili bir meseledir. Çoğulcu, farklılıklara dayalı, karşılıklı
etkileşimlerden
beslenen bir demokrasi 21. yüzyılın ütopyası değil realitesidir. İkincisi,
eğer böyle bir demokratik durumdan söz açılabiliyorsa, o takdirde, sanat-
toplumsallık ilişkisi de yeni bir evreye geçecektir.
Sanat-toplumsallık ilişkisinin yeni evresi sanatın görünürlüğünü
kaçınılmazlaştırıyor. Kendisi çoğulcu, kendi içinde farklılığa dayalı bir
üretim olan sanat, bu özellikleriyle, yeni toplumsallığın nirengi
noktasıdır.
Yeni toplumsallık kendi kendine, doğal bir şekilde gelişemez. İki önemli
hiza ve istikamet aracına ihtiyaç duyar. Zihinsel üretim ve ona bağlı
düzeltmeler, yol göstermelerle sanatsal ifadenin saptayıcı gücü. Yani, yeni
demokrasi her aşamada demokratik kuram ve düşünceden bazı esinler
almak zorundadır. Aynı şekilde sanatın dinamik ve sürekli değişen dokusu
statik olmayan bir demokratik platformun oluşması bakımından zaruridir.
Böyle bir arayışın yeni kentsel doku içinde can bulması başlı başına bir
konu olacaktır.
Yeni ve küresel sermaye yeni kentler inşa ediyor. Sermayenin iç hareketini
sağlayacak, akışkanlığını sürekli kılacak bir yeni kentsel dokudur bu.
Yeni kentin en önemli özelliği mutenalaşmasıdır. Bu bir tercih değil yeni
sermaye bakımından ihtiyaçtır. Çünkü, yeni kent aynı zamanda belli bir
estetik görselliğin realizasyonudur.
Mutenalaşmanın yeni sanatsal kurumlar üstünden yapılması akıllıca bir
iştir. Yeni müzelerin, yeni sanat kurumlarının, galerilerin meydana
getirdiği
alanların ürettiği rant planlı ve sistematik bir uygulamadır. Bu sanatın
kentsel zeminde yeni bir dolaşım politikası yaratmasına tekabül ediyor.
Daha üst sınıfların ve daha güçlü sermaye kesiminin beklentilerine yanıt
veren bu sanat her şeye rağmen kendisine ait bir eleştirel, toplumsal
kimliğe sahiptir.
Ama ondan daha önemlisi sanatın geniş toplumsallıklarla ilişki kurmasıdır.
Asıl eleştirel güç o sanattın elinde olacaktır. Bu özelliği taşıyan sanatın
kendisi bir direniş alanıdır. Böylesi bir özelliğiyle sanat ve toplumsallık
ilişkisinin muhalefet ve direniş olarak belireceği muhakkak. "Gerçek" bir
demokrasi de muhalefet ve direniş olanağı sağladığı ölçüde hakikattir.
Bu bakımdan sanatın toplumsallıkla/kamusallıkla ilişkisi bugün her
zamankinden daha ziyade bir ihtiyaç, bir zaruret ve bir beklentidir.
Yeni metropol özelliklerini her bakımdan taşıyan İstanbul bu açıdan
önemli bir laboratuvar bugün. Bir yandan çektiği sermaye, diğer yandan
yaşadığı dönüşüm, nihayet bunlarla eklemlenmiş sanatsal etkinlik ve
üretim İstanbul'u ayrı bir gözle bakılması gereken bir odağa dönüştürüyor.
Sermaye siyaset ilişkilerinin şimdi sermaye-sanat ilişkilerine dönüştüğü
bir evreye tanıklık ettiğimiz muhakkak. Ama asıl soru yaşadığı soylulaşma
içinde İstanbul'un kentsel mekan olarak ne ölçüde sanatsal söyleme
yer vereceğidir. Küresel bir mimarlık dilinin öne çıktığı büyük dönüşüm
alanlarından arta kalan toplumsal zeminde mi bu sanat bir direniş
platformu oluşturacaktır; yoksa bizatihi o "yeni" mekanlar da çoğulcu,
değişken, tahrik eden bir sanata kapı aralayacak mıdır?
Hiçbir biçimde, bugün dahi, toplumsal sanat diline ve gerçeğine yakın
durmamış, onu tanımamış bir kent, küreselleşirken bu soruları cevapladığı
oranda karakterini tayin edecektir.
...Yeah, that's the whole joke right there.
So, Marvel Universe Thing vs. the older Superhero Showdown Thing. Which one looks best?
Artist MIRZA AJANOVIC: Painting With Light, Shadows dance,
FROM OPUS: Painting Light in Motion, FROM GRAND OPUS: Painting with Light, Rhythm and Movement Painting, Music of light, painter of light, Painting Music, Visual expression of music in Photography, ART Avant-garde, Painting with Light, Motion ART, Interrupted, graffiti/street-art, Avant-garde Painting with Light, Motion ART, Painting with MOTION Light, Motion artist, Shadows Dance, Metaphysics ART, Spirituality, Transcendental ART, Mystic ART, Mystical Photography, Fine ART Photography, Artist MIRZA AJANOVIC Photography, Acutely observed realism brought a new level of emotional intensity, Observation of physical and psychological reality… Perception beyond Appearance’s, POETIC Photography, Symbolism, Transcendental ART surrealism, Perception Internal,
Perception Beyond the Veil, Perception beyond any veil; including the veil of religion,
""I've brought you a mirror. Look at yourself and remember me.""
- Jalaluddin Rumi
Artist MIRZA AJANOVIC Fine ART Photography,
These Pictures are Actually Not Photoshopped,
Pink (Rubellite) Tourmaline
Elbaite Variety
from Barra Do Salinas, Minais Gerais, BRAZIL
Measurements Approx.
Height - 4 cm
Width - 3.9 cm
Length - 6.8 cm
Tourmaline is one of the most significant mineral groups for metaphysical use, and it includes a wide variety of different forms, colours and energy spectrums.
Although Tourmaline can be found on every continent, fine crystals specimens and gems are still considered rare and often command high prices.
Tourmaline made its entry into the commercial worlds of gems in 1876 when George Kunz sold a Green Tourmaline gem form Maine to Tiffany and Co.
In the ensuing years, Tourmaline gained great popularity as a gemstone, and more recently its subtle energy properties have made it a favourite of metaphysical collectors and practitioners.
Tourmaline is a complex aluminium borosilicate, its crystal pattern is hexagonal (trigonal) with prismatic crystals and striations running parallel to the main axis.
No other gemstone has such wide variations in colours. Tourmaline can be red, pink, yellow, brown, black and various shades of green, are called Watermelon Tourmaline.
Pink Tourmaline:
Spiritually Pink Tourmaline is said to activate the high-heart centre and one’s ability to surrender to love. It may help one find strength in vulnerability and feel joy in all one’s learning experiences.
Pink Tourmaline is considered a powerful emotional balancer and cleanser. It is also said to be one of the strongest stones to alleviating stress and help balance any emotional stress which may come from that state. It is considered by some a great stone for children, especially when hyperactive or having difficulty sleeping.
Physically Pink Tourmaline may help calm and soothe the heart, assisting with angina, irregular heartbeat and recovery from heart attack. It’s said to be useful in balancing brain biochemistry to help promote a balanced mental state.
Balthasar de Monconys (1611-1665) was a French physicist and judge, born in Lyon. In 1618, Monconys' parents sent him to a Jesuit boarding school in Salamanca, Spain, as a plague had broken out in Lyon. Monconys was deeply interested in metaphysics and mysticism, and studied the teachings of Pythagoras, Zoroastrism, and Greek and Arab alchemists. From a young age, he dreamed of travelling to India and China. However, he returned to Lyon after finishing his studies. At the age of thirty-four years old he was finally able to leave behind the safety of his library and the theoretical speculation of the laboratory, and become a tireless traveller in Europe and the East.
Monconys travelled to Portugal, England, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Istanbul and the Middle East with the son of the Duke of Luynes. Even in his very first journey to Portugal, it is obvious that in each city Monconys is very soon able to connect with mathematicians, clergymen, surgeons, engineers, chemists, physicians and princes, to visit their laboratories and to collect “secrets and experiences”.
After Portugal, Monconys travelled to Italy, and finally departed to the East, to study the ancient religions and denominations, and meet the gymnosophists. In 1647-48 he was in Egypt. Seeking the Zoroasters and followers of Hermes Trismegistus, he reached Mount Sinai. In Egypt, the 17th century European was lost in a labyrinth of small and winding streetlets, and discovered different cults and religions, the diversity of ethnicities and their customs: Turks, Kopts, Jews, Arabs, Mauritans, Maronites, Armenians, and Dervishes. He followed several superstitious suggestions and discovered marvellous books of astronomy in Hebrew, Persian and Arabic. Later on, after his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, he crossed Asia Minor and reached Istanbul, from where he planned to travel to Persia. For once more in his life however, the plague forced him to change his course; he left for Izmir, and returned to Lyon in 1649.
Fron 1663 to 1665 Monconys travelled incessantly between Paris, London, the Netherlands and Germany. He visited princes and philosophers, libraries and laboratories, and maintained frequent correspondence with several scientists. Finally, after consequent asthma attacks he passed away before his travel notes could be published.
His travel journal (1665-1666) was edited and published by his son and by his Jesuit friend J. Berchet. The journal is enriched by drawings which testify to the wide scope of Monconys' interests. Monconys collected a vast corpus of material which includes medical recipes, chemistry forms, material connected to the esoteric sciences, mathematical puzzles, questions of Algebra and Geometry, zoological observations, mechanical applications, descriptions of natural phenomena, chemistry experiments, various machines and devices, medical matters, the philosopher's stone, astronomical measurements, magnifying lenses, thermometres, hydraulic devices, drinks, hydrometres, microscopes, architectural constructions and even matters connected to hygiene or the preparation of liquors.
The third volume includes a hundred and sixty-five medical, chemical and physics experiments with their outcomes as well as a sonnet on the battle of Marathon. There are five detailed indexes for the classification of the material. At the same time, this three-volume work permits the construction of a list of names (more than two hundred and fifty) of scholars, physicians, alchemists, astrologists, mathematicians, empirical scientists and other researches. From Monconys' text and correspondence a highly interesting network emerges, as it is possible for specialists of all disciplines to reconstruct the contacts between scientists and scholars of Western Europe, for a period spanning more than a decade in the mid-17th century.
Monconys' work is written in a monotonous style, but nevertheless possesses a perennial charm, as it is a combination of a travel journal and a laboratory scientist's workbook. The drawings accompanying the text make up a corpus of material unique in travel literature.
Written by Ioli Vingopoulou
Fransız asıllı fizikçi ve yargıç Balthasar de Monconys (1611-1665) (okunuş: Baltazar dö Monkoni) Lyon şehrinde doğar. Yaşadığı kentte 1618 yılında veba salgını baş gösterince, ailesi onu Salamanka şehrine bir Cizvit yatılı okuluna gönderir. Metafizik ve gizemcilik (mistisizm) için yoğun ilgi duyan Monconys, Pythagoras öğretilerini, Zerdüştlüğü, hatta Yunan ve Arap simyacıların eserlerini okur. Daha küçük yaştan beri Hindistan ve Çin'e kadar ulaşmayı düşlemesine karşın eğitimini tamamladıktan sonra Lyon'a geri döner ve nihayet 34 yaşındayken kütüphane güvenliğini ve teorik laboratuvar bilgilerini terkedip kararlı bir biçimde Avrupa ve Doğu'ya seyahat etmeye başlar.
Monconys, Luynes dükünün oğluyla birlikte Portekiz, İngiltere, Almanya, İtalya, Alçak Ülkeler (Hollanda), İstanbul ve Orta Doğu'ya seyahat eder. Daha ilk yolculuğundan (Portekiz'de) uğradığı her şehirde kısa zamanda matematikçi, rahip, cerrah, mühendis, kimyager, doktor ve prens gibi çeşit çeşit insanlarla bağ kurup laboratuvarlarını ziyaret ederek "sır ve tecrübeler" derler. Yazdığı metinde bu süreci izlemekteyiz. Portekiz'den sonra ilk kez olarak İtalya'ya gider ve nihayet çeşitli dogmaları, eski dinleri ve "gymnosophist"leri (çıplak bilgeler) incelemek üzere Doğu'ya doğru yola çıkar. 1647-48 yıllarında Mısır'da bulunmaktadır; Zerdüştçüler ve Hermes-Thot (Hermes Trismegistus) müritleriyle karşılaşmak için Sina dağına kadar ulaşır. Mısır'da 17. yüzyılın bu Batı Avrupalısı daracık sokakların oluşturduğu labirent içinde yitip, türk, kıptî, yahudî, arap, moritanyalı, maruni, ermeni, derviş gibi binbir çeşit dogma ve mezhep, milliyet ve kültürel adet keşfeder. Batıl inançlara uyar, ibranice farsça yada arapça dillerinde yazılmış şahane gökbilim kitapları keşfeder. Kutsal Yerlere hacılık ziyaretinin ardından Anadolu'yu boydan boya geçip İstanbul'a varır. Buradan İran'a gitmeyi planlar. Ancak veba salgını bir kez daha onu kaçmaya zorlar; İzmir'e geçip oradan 1649 yılında Lyon'a döner.
Monconys 1663'ten 1665'e kadar hiç ara vermeden Paris, Londra, Hollanda ve Almanya arasında mekik dokuyup prens ve filozoflarla konuşur, çeşitli kütüphane ve laboratuvarları ziyaret eder ve birçok bilim adamıyla yoğun bir mektuplaşma sürdürür. Ancak sonunda üstüste geçirdiği astım krizlerinden sonra seyahat notlarının kitap olarak basılmış halini göremeden ölür.
Sözkonusu yayın (1665-1666) Monconys'nin oğlu ve dostu Cizvit rahip J. Berchet tarafından hazırlanmıştır. Monconys'nin geniş bir ilgi alanına sahip oluşu günlüğünü tamamlayan desenlerle kanıtlanmaktadır. Derlemiş olduğu çeşitli ve zengin malzeme içinde: ilâç reçeteleri, kimyasal formüller, gizli ilimlerle ilgili malzeme, matematik bilmeceleri, cebir ve geometri problemleri, zoolojiye (hayvan bilimi) ilişkin gözlemler, mekanik uygulamalar, doğa fenomenleri betimlemeleri, kimyasal deneyler, makineler, tıp konuları, felsefe taşı, astronomi ölçümleri, büyüteçler, termometreler, su tesisatıyla ilgili cihazlar, içkiler, hidrometreler, mikroskoplar, mimarî yapılar, hijyen ve likör yapımı gibi konular var.
Kitabın üçüncü cildinde işlenen konular arasında 165 tane fizik kimya ve tıp deneyi ve sonuçları, ve Maraton muharebesi hakkında bir sone yer almaktadır. Bu içeriğin sınıflanması için kitaba beş tane ayrı çözümlemeli dizin eklenmiştir. Aynı zamanda, Monconys'nin üç ciltlik eserinden upuzun bir isimler katalogu da (250'den fazla isim) elde edilebilir. Bu isimler yazar ve düşünür, doktor, simyacı, astrolog, matematikçi, deneyci ve çeşitli uzman araştırmacılara aittir. Monconys'nin metninden ve mektuplaşmalarından, 17. yüzyıl ortalarında özellikle batı Avrupa'da, 20 yıldan fazla bir süre için, tüm bilim uzmanlarının yeniden birleştirebileceği son derece ilginç bir bilimler arası ilişki ağı ortaya çıkmaktadır.
Monconys'nin yazış uslubu tekdüze olmakla birlikte, bir laboratuvar araştırmacısının seyahat günlüğü ile gözlem defterini bir arada bulundurması açısından eşsiz bir cazibeye sahiptir. Metne eşlik eden desenler seyahat edebiyatı yayınlarında rastlanan ender türden bir malzeme oluşturmaktadır.
Yazan: İoli Vingopoulou
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These Pictures are Actually Not Photoshopped,
The atmosphere is a physical and metaphysical representation of the boundary that exists between the earthly nature of the physical world and the light of creation. It is within this border region that the Angels of Light work.
They begin their activity with light as an aspect of fire, slowly working down through the elements in order of density with air next, then water, and finally earth. Associated with these angels are the nature spirits working with the creative forces of sound, color, and harmony which are all modes of creation.
“Metaphysics is a dark ocean without shores or lighthouse, strewn with many a philosophic wreck.” Immanuel Kant
"You win some, lose some, and wreck some" Dale Earnhardt NASCAR driver 1951-2001
Saw this old rusted wreck just east of FR205 on the Arizona Trail hiking across the Central Kaibab between the North Rim of the Grand Canyon and Jacob Lake north of Crane Lake.
The Knight's bones are dust,
And his good sword rust;--
His soul is with the saints, I trust.
Samuel Taylor Coleridge "The Knight's Tomb"
"I was thrown out of college for cheating on the metaphysics exam: I looked into the soul of another boy."
– Woody Allen, "Annie Hall" (1977).
"I am against bigness and greatness in all their forms, and with the invisible molecular moral forces that work from individual to individual, stealing in through the crannies of the world like so many soft rootlets, or like the capillary oozing of water, and yet rending the hardest monuments of man's pride, if you give them time. The bigger the unit you deal with, the hollower, the more brutal, the more mendacious is the life displayed. So I am against all big organizations as such, national ones first and foremost; against all big successes and big results; and in favor of the eternal forces of truth which always work in the individual and immediately unsuccessful way, under-dogs always, till history comes, after they are long dead, and puts them on top.—You need take no notice of these ebullitions of spleen, which are probably quite unintelligible to anyone but myself."
– William James, letter to Mrs. Henry Whitman (June 7, 1899).
Test shot. Not sure exactly what a Metaphysical store sells - I will check it out another time when they're open.
Nikon D700 + AF-S NIKKOR 24mm f/1.4 G ED N Aspherical
_ND74376
Theyyam is an artistic dance form where metaphysical thoughts and expressions of immortal souls are impersonated to a believer through a mortal body. Theyyam originated from "Kaliyattam" once practiced by the tribal community of north Kerala. Theyyam had grown to the present form through many transformations since it’s origin. Landlords and chieftains of those days are the main forces behind many of such transformations. The community and its body began to use this art to propagate the major theme of social enforcement. The artists are also encouraged by the authorities to introduce new themes into its traditional layers and classified different acts and expressions to match specific needs for their desire. The character representations were very broad. They range from mild to wild in representations. Theyyam is a sect in which old heroes are sanctified and worshipped as the guardians of villages and homes. Yet, it includes a complex universe centered on the belief that a man can—after suitable mental, physical and spiritual preliminaries—don the costume of a particular deity and then become that deity. In this elevated state he assumes superhuman and divine powers—speaking, moving, blessing and even healing as a god or goddess. What is crucial is that the person is not possessed by the spirit of the deity.
Post your comments here: www.gty.org/Blog/B100413
As you can see, metaphysical questions become practical very quickly. The essential question John brings out is this: What is the non-biblical basis for a universal, transcendent law? If you deny biblical authority, then you deny divine law, which is transcendent and universal (cf. Rom. 2:15, God wrote His law on the heart of every individual). So, here are a few questions for the comment thread:
First, how do naturalists/evolutionists explain the existence of a universal law, a standard that applies to everyone?
Second, if they deny a universal standard, how do naturalists/evolutionists hold anyone accountable for their actions? That is, what allows them to condemn the actions of Marquis de Sade, Hitler, or Ted Bundy?
Third, how do naturalists/evolutionists betray their reliance on Gods law, written in their hearts?
Watch this video on Vimeo. Video created by John MacArthur.
according to wikipedia
A hijab or ḥijāb (Arabic: حجاب, (he-zjab)pronounced [ħiˈʒæːb]/[ħiˈɡæːb]) is both the head covering traditionally worn by Muslim women and modest Muslim styles of dress in general.
The Arabic word literally means curtain or cover (noun). Most Islamic legal systems define this type of modest dressing as covering everything except the face and hands in public.[1][2] According to Islamic scholarship, hijab is given the wider meaning of modesty, privacy, and morality;[3] the word for a headscarf or veil used in the Qur'an is khimār (خمار) and not hijab. Still another definition is metaphysical, where al-hijab refers to "the veil which separates man or the world from God."[2]
Muslims differ as to whether the hijab should be required on women in public, as it is in countries like Iran and Saudi Arabia, or whether it should be banned in schools, as it is in France and Turkey.
According to the Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, the meaning of hijab has evolved over time:
The term hijab or veil is not used in the Qur'an to refer to an article of clothing for women or men, rather it refers to a spatial curtain that divides or provides privacy. The Qur'an instructs the male believers (Muslims) to talk to wives of Prophet Muhammad behind a hijab. This hijab was the responsibility of the men and not the wives of Prophet Muhammad. However, in later Muslim societies this instruction, specific to the wives of Prophet Muhammad, was generalized, leading to the segregation of the Muslim men and women. The modesty in Qur'an concerns both men's and women's gaze, gait, garments, and genitalia. The clothing for women involves khumūr over the necklines and jilbab (cloaks) in public so that they may be identified and not harmed. Guidelines for covering of the entire body except for the hands, the feet and the face, are found in texts of fiqh and hadith that are developed later.[4]
In Indonesia, notably the nation with the largest Muslim population, and some cultures or languages influenced by it namely Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines, the term jilbab is used instead with few exceptions to refer to the hijab, as opposed to its "correct" modern Arabic definition. In some cases, colloquial use of the term Jilbab may refer to any pre-Islamic female traditional head-dress.
Qur'an
The Qur'an instructs both Muslim men and women to dress in a modest way.
The clearest verse on the requirement of the hijab is surah 24:30-31, asking women to draw their khimar over their bosoms.[5][6]
And say to the believing women that they should lower their gaze and guard their modesty; that they should not display their beauty and ornaments except what (must ordinarily) appear thereof; that they should draw their khimar over their bosoms and not display their beauty except to [...] (Qur'an 24:31)
In the following verse, Muslim women are asked to draw their jilbab over them (when they go out), as a measure to distinguish themselves from others, so that they are not harassed. Sura 33:59 reads:[6]
Those who harass believing men and believing women undeservedly, bear (on themselves) a calumny and a grievous sin. O Prophet! Enjoin your wives, your daughters, and the wives of true believers that they should cast their outer garments over their persons (when abroad) That is most convenient, that they may be distinguished and not be harassed. [...] (Qur'an 33:58–59)
Other Muslims take a relativist approach to ħijāb. They believe that the commandment to maintain modesty must be interpreted with regard to the surrounding society. What is considered modest or daring in one society may not be considered so in another. It is important, they say, for believers to wear clothing that communicates modesty and reserve in the situations in which they find themselves.[7]
Along with scriptural arguments, Leila Ahmed argues that head covering should not be compulsory in Islam because the veil predates the revelation of the Qur'an. Head-covering was introduced into Arabia long before Muhammad, primarily through Arab contacts with Syria and Iran, where the hijab was a sign of social status. After all, only a woman who need not work in the fields could afford to remain secluded and veiled.[8][9]
Leila Ahmed argues for a more liberal approach to hijab. Among her arguments is that while some Qur'anic verses enjoin women in general to Qur'an 33:58–59. “draw their Jilbabs (overgarment or cloak) around them to be recognized as believers and so that no harm will come to them.” and Qur'an 24:31. “guard their private parts... and drape down khimar over their breasts [when in the presence of unrelated men]”, they urge modesty.
However according to the vast majority of Muslims Sunni and Shia, al-Mawrid al-Qawrid Arabic dictionary, Hans-Wehr Dictionary of Arabic into English, and the exhaustive ancient Arabic dictionary "Lisan al-arab", (literally the tongue of the Arabs) the word 'Khimar' means and was used to refer to a piece of cloth that covers the head, or headscarf today called 'hijab'.
Other verses do mention separation of men and women but they refer specifically to the wives of the prophet:
Abide still in your homes and make not a dazzling display like that of the former times of ignorance:(Qur'an 33:32–33)
And when ye ask of them [the wives of the Prophet] anything, ask it of them from behind a curtain.(Qur'an 33:53)
According to Leila Ahmed, nowhere in the whole of the Qur'an is the term hijab applied to any woman other than the wives of Muhammad..[8][10]
According to at least two authors, (Reza Aslam and Leila Ahmed) the stipulations of the hijab were originally meant only for Muhammad's wives, and were intended to maintain their inviolability. This was because Muhammad conducted all religious and civic affairs in the mosque adjacent to his home:
People were constantly coming in and out of this compound at all hours of the day. When delegations from other tribes come to speak with Prophet Muhammad, they would set up their tents for days at a time inside the open courtyard, just a few feet away from the apartments in which Prophet Muhammad's wives slept. And new emigrants who arrived in Yatrib would often stay within the mosque's walls until they could find suitable homes.[8]
According to Ahmed:
By instituting seclusion Prophet Muhammad was creating a distance between his wives and this thronging community on their doorstep.[11]
They argue that the term darabat al-hijab ("taking the veil"), was used synonymously and interchangeably with "becoming Prophet Muhammad's wife", and that during Muhammad's life, no other Muslim woman wore the hijab. Aslam suggests that Muslim women started to wear the hijab to emulate Muhammad's wives, who are revered as "Mothers of the Believers" in Islam,[8] and states "there was no tradition of veiling until around 627 C.E." in the Muslim community.[8][11]
The four major Sunni schools of thought (Hanafi, Shafi'i, Maliki and Hanbali) hold that entire body of the woman, except her face and hands- though many[who?] say face, hands, and feet-, is part of her awrah, that is the parts of her body that must be covered during prayer and in public settings.[13][14]
Some Muslims[who?] recommend that women wear clothing that is not form fitting to the body: either modest forms of western clothing (long shirts and skirts), or the more traditional jilbāb, a high-necked, loose robe that covers the arms and legs. A khimār or shaylah, a scarf or cowl that covers all but the face, is also worn in many different styles. Some Salafi scholars encourage covering the face, while some follow the opinion that it is only not obligatory to cover the face and the hands but mustahab (Highly recommended). Other scholars oppose face covering, particularly in the west where the woman may draw more attention as a result. These garments are very different in cut than most of the traditional forms of ħijāb, and they are worn worldwide by Muslims.
Detailed scholarly attention has been focused on prescribing female dress. Most scholars agree that the basic requirements are that when in the presence of someone of the opposite sex (other than a close family member - see mahram), a woman should cover her body, and walk and dress in a way which does not draw sexual attention to her. Some scholars go so far as to specify exactly which areas of the body must be covered. In some cases, this is everything save the eyes but most require everything save the face and hands to be covered. In nearly all Muslim cultures, young girls are not required to wear a ħijāb. There is not a single agreed age when a woman should begin wearing a ħijāb; however, in many Muslim countries, puberty is the dividing line.
In private, and in the presence of mahrams, the rules on dress are relaxed. However, in the presence of husband, most scholars stress the importance of mutual freedom and pleasure of the husband and wife.[15]
The burqa (also spelled burka) is the garment that covers women most completely: either only the eyes are visible, or nothing at all. Originating in what is now Pakistan, it is more commonly associated with the Afghan chadri. Typically, a burqa is composed of many yards of light material pleated around a cap that fits over the top of the head, or a scarf over the face (save the eyes). This type of veil is cultural as well as religious.
It has become tradition that Muslims in general, and Salafis in particular, believe the Qur'ān demands women wear the garments known today as jilbāb and khumūr (the khumūr must be worn underneath the jilbāb). However, Qur'ān translators and commentators translate the Arabic into English words with a general meaning, such as veils, head-coverings and shawls.[16] Ghamidi argues that verses [Qur'an 24:30] teach etiquette for male and female interactions, where khumūr is mentioned in reference to the clothing of Arab women in the 7th century, but there is no command to actually wear them in any specific way. Hence he considers head-covering a preferable practice but not a directive of the sharia (law).[17]
[edit] Men's dress
Although certain general standards are widely accepted, there has been little interest in narrowly prescribing what constitutes modest dress for Muslim men. Most mainstream scholars say that men should cover themselves from the navel to the knees; a minority say that the hadith that are held to require this are weak and possibly inauthentic. They argue that there are hadith indicating that the Islamic prophet Muħammad wore clothing that uncovered his thigh when riding camels, and hold that if Muħammad believed that this was permissible, then it is surely permissible for other Muslim males.[citation needed]
As a practical matter, however, the opinion that Muslim men must cover themselves between the navel and the knees is predominant, and most Muslims believe that a man who fails to observe this requirement during salah must perform the prayer again,[citation needed] properly covered, in order for it to be valid. Three of the four Sunni Madh'hab, or schools of law, require that the knees be covered; the Maliki school recommends but does not require knee covering.
According to some hadith, Muslim men are asked not to wear gold jewellery, silk clothing, or other adornments that are considered feminine. Some scholars say that these prohibitions should be generalized to prohibit the lavish display of wealth on one's person.[18]
In more secular Muslim nations, such as Turkey or Tunisia, many women are choosing, or being coerced, to wear the Hijab, Burqa, Niqab, etc. because of the widespread growth of the Islamic revival in those areas.[citation needed] Similarly, increasing numbers of men are abandoning the Western dress of jeans and t-shirts, that dominated places like Egypt 20 to 30 years ago, in favour of more traditional Islamic clothing such as the Galabiyya.
In Iran many women, especially younger ones, have taken to wearing transparent, colorful and very loosly worn Hijabs instead of Chadors or mantoos to protest but keep within the law of the state.
The colors of this clothing varies. It is mostly black, but in many African countries women wear clothes of many different colours depending on their tribe, area, or family. In Turkey, where the hijab is banned in private and state universities and schools, 11% of women wear it, though 60% wear traditional non-Islamic headscarves, figures of which are often confused with hijab.[19] [20][21]
In many of the western nations, there has been a general rise of hijab-wearing women. They are especially common in Muslim Student Associations at college campuses.
Some Muslims have criticized strict dress codes that they believe go beyond the demands of hijab, using Qur'an 66:1 to apply to dress codes as well; the verse suggests that it is wrong to refrain from what is permitted by God.[cit
John Esposito, professor of Islamic Studies at Georgetown University, writes that the customs of veiling and seclusion of women in early Islam were assimilated from the conquered Persian and Byzantine societies and then later on they were viewed as appropriate expressions of Quranic norms and values. The Qur'an does not stipulate veiling or seclusion; on the contrary, it tends to emphasize the participation of religious responsibility of both men and women in society.[22] He claims that "in the midst of rapid social and economic change when traditional security and support systems are increasingly eroded and replaced by the state, (...) hijab maintains that the state has failed to provide equal rights for men and women because the debate has been conducted within the Islamic framework, which provides women with equivalent rather than equal rights within the family."[23]
Bloom and Blair also write that the Qur'an doesn't require women to wear veils; rather, it was a social habit picked up with the expansion of Islam. In fact, since it was impractical for working women to wear veils, "A veiled woman silently announced that her husband was rich enough to keep her idle."[24]
[edit] Modern practice
Some governments encourage and even oblige women to wear the hijab, whilst others have banned it in at least some public settings.
Some Muslims believe hijab covering for women should be compulsory as part of sharia, i.e. Muslim law. Wearing of the hijab was enforced by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, and is enforced in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Islamic Emirate required women to cover not only their head but their face as well, because "the face of a woman is a source of corruption" for men not related to them.[25] While some women wholeheartedly embrace the rules, others protest by observing the rules in slipshod or inconsistent fashion, or flouting them whenever possible. Sudan's criminal code allows the flogging or fining of anyone who “violates public morality or wears indecent clothing”, albeit without defining "indecent clothing",
Turkey, Tunisia, and Tajikistan are Muslim-majority countries where the law prohibits the wearing of hijab in government buildings, schools, and universities. In Tunisia, women were banned from wearing hijab in state offices in 1981 and in the 1980s and 1990s more restrictions were put in place.[26] The Turkish government recently attempted to lift a ban on Muslim headscarves at universities, but were overturned by the country's Constitutional Court.[27]
On March 15, 2004, France passed a law banning "symbols or clothes through which students conspicuously display their religious affiliation" in public primary schools, middle schools, and secondary schools. In the Belgian city of Maaseik, Niqāb has been banned.[28] (2006)
On July 13, 2010, France's lower house of parliament overwhelmingly approved a bill that would ban wearing the Islamic full veil in public. There were 335 votes for the bill and only one against in the 557-seat National Assembly.
[edit] Non-governmental
Non-governmental enforcement of hijab is found in many parts of the Muslim world.
Successful informal coercion of women by sectors of society to wear hijab has been reported in Gaza where Mujama' al-Islami, the predecessor of HAMAS, reportedly used "a mixture of consent and coercion" to "`restore` hijab" on urban educated women in Gaza in the late 1970s and 1980s.[29]
Similar behavior was displayed by Hamas itself during the first intifada in Palestine. Though a relatively small movement at this time, Hamas exploited the political vacuum left by perceived failures in strategy by the Palestinian factions to call for a 'return' to Islam as a path to success, a campaign that focused on the role of women.[30] Hamas campaigned for the wearing of the hijab alongside other measures, including insisting women stay at home, segregation from men and the promoting of polygamy. In the course of this campaign women who chose not to wear the hijab were verbally and physically harassed, with the result that the hijab was being worn 'just to avoid problems on the streets'.[31]
In France, according to journalist Jane Kramer, veiling among school girls became increasingly common following the 9/11 Attack of 2001, due to coercion by "fathers and uncles and brothers and even their male classmates" of the school girls. "Girls who did not conform were excoriated, or chased, or beaten by fanatical young men meting out Islamic justice."[32] According to the American magazine The Weekly Standard, a survey conducted in France in May 2003 reportedly "found that 77% of girls wearing the hijab said they did so because of physical threats from Islamist groups."[33]
In India a 2001 "acid attack on four young Muslim women in Srinagar ... by an unknown militant outfit, [was followed by] swift compliance by women of all ages on the issue of wearing the chadar (head-dress) in public."[34][35][36]
In Basra Iraq, "more than 100 women who didn't adhere to strict Islamic dress code" were killed between the summer of 2007 and spring of 2008 by Islamist militias (primarily the Mahdi Army) who controlled the police there, according to the CBS news program 60 Minutes.[37]
Islamists in other countries have been accused of attacking or threatening to attack the faces of women in an effort to intimidate them from wearing of makeup or allegedly immodest dress.[38][39][40]
[edit] Hijab by country
The veil has become the subject of lively contemporary debate, in Muslim countries as well as within Western countries with Muslim populations. For example, in 2006 British government minister Jack Straw suggested that communication with some of the Muslim members of his constituency would be made significantly easier if they ceased covering their faces.[41] In broader terms, the sweep of the debate is captured by Bodman and Tohidi, stating that 'the meaning of the hijab ranges from a form of empowerment for the woman choosing to wear it to a means of seclusion and containment imposed by others'.[42] The subject has also become highly politicized. There is a diverse range of views on the wearing of the hijab in general. Sadiki interviews a woman who views it as 'submission to God's commandments'.[43] Rubenberg illustrates how even secular women in Muslim countries can be made to wear the veil due to a social or political context.[44] Some criticise the hijab in its own right as a regressive device, such as Polly Toynbee stating that it 'turns women into things'.[45] Faisal al Yafai meanwhile argues that the veil should be debated, but that more pressing issues like political and legal rights of women should be a greater priority.[46]
Writers such as Leila Ahmed and Karen Armstrong have highlighted how the veil became a symbol of resistance to colonialism, particularly in Egypt in the latter part of the 19th Century, and again today in the post-colonial period. In The Battle for God, Armstrong writes:
“The veiled woman has, over the years, become a symbol of Islamic self-assertion and a rejection of Western cultural hegemony.”[47]
While in Women and Gender, Ahmed states:
“...it was the discourses of the West, and specifically the discourse of colonial domination, that in the first place determined the meaning of the veil in geopolitical discourses and thereby set the terms for its emergence as a symbol of resistance.”[48]
The issue of the veil has thus been “hijacked” to a degree by cultural essentialists on both sides of the divide.[citation needed] Arguments against veiling have been co-opted, along with wider “feminist” discourse, to create a colonial “feminism” that uses questions of Muslim women’s dress amongst others to justify “patriarchal colonialism in the service of particular political ends.”[citation needed] Thus, efforts to improve the situation of women in Muslim (and other non-Western) societies are judged purely on what they wear.[citation needed] Meanwhile, for Islamists, rejection of “Western” modes of dress is not enough: resistance and independence can only be demonstrated by the “wholesale affirmation of indigenous culture”[49]—a prime example being the wearing of the veil.
Tracing the Victorian law of coverture, Legal Scholar L. Ali Khan provides a critique of the British male elite that wishes to impose its own "comfort views" to unveil Muslim women from Asia, Africa, and Middle East.[50]
In her discussion of findings from interviews of university-educated Moroccan Muslim women who choose to wear the Hijab, Hessini argues that wearing the Hijab is used as a method of separation of women from men when women work and therefore step into what is perceived to be the men’s public space, so in this case, when women have the right and are able to work, a method has been found to maintain the traditional societal arrangements.[51]
Academic Rema Hammai quotes a Palestinian woman reflective of an "activist" resistance to "hijabization" in Gaza saying that "in my community it's natural to wear" hijab. "The problem is when little boys, including my son, feel they have the right to tell me to wear it."[52] Similarly Iranian-American novelist Azar Nafisi, author of Reading Lolita in Tehran, Marjane Satrapi, author of the graphic novel Persepolis, and Parvin Darabi, who wrote Rage Against the Veil are some of the famous opponents of compulsory hijab, which was protested when first imposed.[53]
Cheryl Benard, writing an opinion piece in Rand Corporation, criticized those who used fear to enforce the hijab and stated that "in Pakistan, Kashmir, and Afghanistan, hundreds of women have been blinded or maimed when acid was thrown on their unveiled faces by male fanatics who considered them improperly dressed."[54]
Lubna al-Hussein, a journalist in Khartoum, was arrested by the Public Order Police for wearing trousers. She is protesting the punishment for breaking hijab: forty lashes and an indeterminate fine.
Balthasar de Monconys (1611-1665) was a French physicist and judge, born in Lyon. In 1618, Monconys' parents sent him to a Jesuit boarding school in Salamanca, Spain, as a plague had broken out in Lyon. Monconys was deeply interested in metaphysics and mysticism, and studied the teachings of Pythagoras, Zoroastrism, and Greek and Arab alchemists. From a young age, he dreamed of travelling to India and China. However, he returned to Lyon after finishing his studies. At the age of thirty-four years old he was finally able to leave behind the safety of his library and the theoretical speculation of the laboratory, and become a tireless traveller in Europe and the East.
Monconys travelled to Portugal, England, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Istanbul and the Middle East with the son of the Duke of Luynes. Even in his very first journey to Portugal, it is obvious that in each city Monconys is very soon able to connect with mathematicians, clergymen, surgeons, engineers, chemists, physicians and princes, to visit their laboratories and to collect “secrets and experiences”.
After Portugal, Monconys travelled to Italy, and finally departed to the East, to study the ancient religions and denominations, and meet the gymnosophists. In 1647-48 he was in Egypt. Seeking the Zoroasters and followers of Hermes Trismegistus, he reached Mount Sinai. In Egypt, the 17th century European was lost in a labyrinth of small and winding streetlets, and discovered different cults and religions, the diversity of ethnicities and their customs: Turks, Kopts, Jews, Arabs, Mauritans, Maronites, Armenians, and Dervishes. He followed several superstitious suggestions and discovered marvellous books of astronomy in Hebrew, Persian and Arabic. Later on, after his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, he crossed Asia Minor and reached Istanbul, from where he planned to travel to Persia. For once more in his life however, the plague forced him to change his course; he left for Izmir, and returned to Lyon in 1649.
Fron 1663 to 1665 Monconys travelled incessantly between Paris, London, the Netherlands and Germany. He visited princes and philosophers, libraries and laboratories, and maintained frequent correspondence with several scientists. Finally, after consequent asthma attacks he passed away before his travel notes could be published.
His travel journal (1665-1666) was edited and published by his son and by his Jesuit friend J. Berchet. The journal is enriched by drawings which testify to the wide scope of Monconys' interests. Monconys collected a vast corpus of material which includes medical recipes, chemistry forms, material connected to the esoteric sciences, mathematical puzzles, questions of Algebra and Geometry, zoological observations, mechanical applications, descriptions of natural phenomena, chemistry experiments, various machines and devices, medical matters, the philosopher's stone, astronomical measurements, magnifying lenses, thermometres, hydraulic devices, drinks, hydrometres, microscopes, architectural constructions and even matters connected to hygiene or the preparation of liquors.
The third volume includes a hundred and sixty-five medical, chemical and physics experiments with their outcomes as well as a sonnet on the battle of Marathon. There are five detailed indexes for the classification of the material. At the same time, this three-volume work permits the construction of a list of names (more than two hundred and fifty) of scholars, physicians, alchemists, astrologists, mathematicians, empirical scientists and other researches. From Monconys' text and correspondence a highly interesting network emerges, as it is possible for specialists of all disciplines to reconstruct the contacts between scientists and scholars of Western Europe, for a period spanning more than a decade in the mid-17th century.
Monconys' work is written in a monotonous style, but nevertheless possesses a perennial charm, as it is a combination of a travel journal and a laboratory scientist's workbook. The drawings accompanying the text make up a corpus of material unique in travel literature.
Written by Ioli Vingopoulou
Fransız asıllı fizikçi ve yargıç Balthasar de Monconys (1611-1665) (okunuş: Baltazar dö Monkoni) Lyon şehrinde doğar. Yaşadığı kentte 1618 yılında veba salgını baş gösterince, ailesi onu Salamanka şehrine bir Cizvit yatılı okuluna gönderir. Metafizik ve gizemcilik (mistisizm) için yoğun ilgi duyan Monconys, Pythagoras öğretilerini, Zerdüştlüğü, hatta Yunan ve Arap simyacıların eserlerini okur. Daha küçük yaştan beri Hindistan ve Çin'e kadar ulaşmayı düşlemesine karşın eğitimini tamamladıktan sonra Lyon'a geri döner ve nihayet 34 yaşındayken kütüphane güvenliğini ve teorik laboratuvar bilgilerini terkedip kararlı bir biçimde Avrupa ve Doğu'ya seyahat etmeye başlar.
Monconys, Luynes dükünün oğluyla birlikte Portekiz, İngiltere, Almanya, İtalya, Alçak Ülkeler (Hollanda), İstanbul ve Orta Doğu'ya seyahat eder. Daha ilk yolculuğundan (Portekiz'de) uğradığı her şehirde kısa zamanda matematikçi, rahip, cerrah, mühendis, kimyager, doktor ve prens gibi çeşit çeşit insanlarla bağ kurup laboratuvarlarını ziyaret ederek "sır ve tecrübeler" derler. Yazdığı metinde bu süreci izlemekteyiz. Portekiz'den sonra ilk kez olarak İtalya'ya gider ve nihayet çeşitli dogmaları, eski dinleri ve "gymnosophist"leri (çıplak bilgeler) incelemek üzere Doğu'ya doğru yola çıkar. 1647-48 yıllarında Mısır'da bulunmaktadır; Zerdüştçüler ve Hermes-Thot (Hermes Trismegistus) müritleriyle karşılaşmak için Sina dağına kadar ulaşır. Mısır'da 17. yüzyılın bu Batı Avrupalısı daracık sokakların oluşturduğu labirent içinde yitip, türk, kıptî, yahudî, arap, moritanyalı, maruni, ermeni, derviş gibi binbir çeşit dogma ve mezhep, milliyet ve kültürel adet keşfeder. Batıl inançlara uyar, ibranice farsça yada arapça dillerinde yazılmış şahane gökbilim kitapları keşfeder. Kutsal Yerlere hacılık ziyaretinin ardından Anadolu'yu boydan boya geçip İstanbul'a varır. Buradan İran'a gitmeyi planlar. Ancak veba salgını bir kez daha onu kaçmaya zorlar; İzmir'e geçip oradan 1649 yılında Lyon'a döner.
Monconys 1663'ten 1665'e kadar hiç ara vermeden Paris, Londra, Hollanda ve Almanya arasında mekik dokuyup prens ve filozoflarla konuşur, çeşitli kütüphane ve laboratuvarları ziyaret eder ve birçok bilim adamıyla yoğun bir mektuplaşma sürdürür. Ancak sonunda üstüste geçirdiği astım krizlerinden sonra seyahat notlarının kitap olarak basılmış halini göremeden ölür.
Sözkonusu yayın (1665-1666) Monconys'nin oğlu ve dostu Cizvit rahip J. Berchet tarafından hazırlanmıştır. Monconys'nin geniş bir ilgi alanına sahip oluşu günlüğünü tamamlayan desenlerle kanıtlanmaktadır. Derlemiş olduğu çeşitli ve zengin malzeme içinde: ilâç reçeteleri, kimyasal formüller, gizli ilimlerle ilgili malzeme, matematik bilmeceleri, cebir ve geometri problemleri, zoolojiye (hayvan bilimi) ilişkin gözlemler, mekanik uygulamalar, doğa fenomenleri betimlemeleri, kimyasal deneyler, makineler, tıp konuları, felsefe taşı, astronomi ölçümleri, büyüteçler, termometreler, su tesisatıyla ilgili cihazlar, içkiler, hidrometreler, mikroskoplar, mimarî yapılar, hijyen ve likör yapımı gibi konular var.
Kitabın üçüncü cildinde işlenen konular arasında 165 tane fizik kimya ve tıp deneyi ve sonuçları, ve Maraton muharebesi hakkında bir sone yer almaktadır. Bu içeriğin sınıflanması için kitaba beş tane ayrı çözümlemeli dizin eklenmiştir. Aynı zamanda, Monconys'nin üç ciltlik eserinden upuzun bir isimler katalogu da (250'den fazla isim) elde edilebilir. Bu isimler yazar ve düşünür, doktor, simyacı, astrolog, matematikçi, deneyci ve çeşitli uzman araştırmacılara aittir. Monconys'nin metninden ve mektuplaşmalarından, 17. yüzyıl ortalarında özellikle batı Avrupa'da, 20 yıldan fazla bir süre için, tüm bilim uzmanlarının yeniden birleştirebileceği son derece ilginç bir bilimler arası ilişki ağı ortaya çıkmaktadır.
Monconys'nin yazış uslubu tekdüze olmakla birlikte, bir laboratuvar araştırmacısının seyahat günlüğü ile gözlem defterini bir arada bulundurması açısından eşsiz bir cazibeye sahiptir. Metne eşlik eden desenler seyahat edebiyatı yayınlarında rastlanan ender türden bir malzeme oluşturmaktadır.
Yazan: İoli Vingopoulou
My photographs and videos and any derivative works are my private property and are copyright © by me, John Russell (aka “Zoom Lens”) and ALL my rights, including my exclusive rights, are reserved. ANY use without my permission in writing is forbidden by law.
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From my set, "Cold Press:"
www.flickr.com/photos/motorpsiclist/sets/72157631942231008/
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Painted in 1917. The subject of this painting comes from the Iliad, when the Trojan hero Hector bids goodbye to his wife Andromache before he leaves to fight the Achaeans. Italian artist Giorgio De Chirico (1888-1978) painted the figures into geometrical shapes typical of his 'metaphysical' style.