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Retrograde Judgement Rewards Hindutva Zealots .
By Anand Teltumbde .
04 October, 2010 .
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Countercurrents.org .
The parallel may not be palatable to everyone but the recent verdict of the Allahabad bench of the Lucknow high court may be compared with a case that was decided some eight decades ago in a small colonial court of Mahad in Maharashtra. Like this one, which has great implication to our secular fabric the Mahad judgement pivoted the future of a nascent movement launched by the Untouchables for securing their civil rights. The case was filed by the orthodox Hindus of Mahad to block the move of the Untouchables to perform Satyagraha at the Chavadar Tank in Mahad in December 1927 with the contention that the tank was their private property and hence the Untouchables could not trespass it. The court of the sub-judge of Mahad granted them temporary injunction on the eve of the proposed Satyagraha. Although the Satyagraha therefore was suspended, the case was zealously fought by none other than Dr Ambedkar and won. Just imagine if the court had relied on the faith and belief of the majority Hindus as the Allahabad judges did, what would have been the fate of the case and consequently that of the entire social reform movement in India. Surely, the faith and belief of the Hindus would have certainly considered the Chavadar tank as theirs to keep the Untouchables away in the first quarter of the last century. .
Those were the colonial times. Nearly a century later, the independent India swearing by so many lofty ideals in its Constitution and aspiring to be a global superpower, we have gone back to faith and belief of the Hindus to decide the most important aspect of our national character, secularism, which represents a social contract this country had with its minorities. On many other aspects too, it would put us into reverse gear. Just imagine, if the courts were to take faith and belief of the Hindus for deciding cases, the decadent customs like sati, child marriages, untouchability, caste atrocities, etc. will all get validated and perhaps the Manusmriti may replace our Constitution. This judgement needs to be read in this perspective and seen in its potential danger to the basic premises of our nationhood. .
Surely the Ayodhya judgement has miserably failed us on these counts. As such, it was a simple case of deciding property right over the disputed land around the spot on which the Babri masjid once stood. In absence of the clear title deed to the contrary, the court had to go by the physical evidence that the masjid existed there. There is a principle of possessory provision in the law which entitles land title to those who have uninterrupted and unchallenged possession of an area for twelve years or more. Surprisingly, the court dismissed the case of the Waqf Board and the Nirmohi Akhara claiming titles to the Inner Courtyard (where the Babri masjid stood) and Outer Courtyard (where the Ram Chabutara was located) respectively. It was indisputable that the masjid was at the spot uninterrupted, from 1528 until 1949 (when the namaz was last read there) and also the Ram Chabutara of Nirmohi Akhara, where puja, bhajan-kirtans were performed .
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What Role For Palestinian Supporters Today? .
By Agustin Velloso .
13 August, 2007 .
Countercurrents.org .
1. Supporting Palestinian resistance: today as in 1947. .
After receiving from Chilean e-journal www.hojaderuta.org ("hoja de ruta" means "roadmap") the question What does it mean today to engage in political action for the Palestinians? the first thing I thought was : the same thing it meant forty years ago (in 1967) and sixty years ago (in 1947). That is to say, to support Palestinian resistance, which amounts to fighting the Zionist project in Palestine. The reason is that the problem has not changed: a colonialist enterprise is in motion of a scope that threatens the very existence of Palestinians as a people. .
Israels colonialism is the most extreme kind, since its aim is to expel Palestine's original inhabitants and appropriate their land to make room for Jews from all over the world who want to settle in the whole of Palestine. Since 1947, the way to achieve this aim has been through violence: combining the expulsion of as many persons as possible with repression of the ones who stay put and resist. .
The Zionist project, allegedly designed to protect Jews from all over the world, is being implemented through the sacrifice of millions of Palestinians, whose only crime is to be born in Palestine, the land they have inhabited since time immemorial but which Zionists have coveted since the XIX century. .
Now, the question is how to deal with Zionism in the XXI century. The Palestinian cause exists because Palestinians are Zionisms victims just as the Iraqi cause exists because Iraqis are Imperialisms victims. Both cases are totally contrary to human rights, international peace and the rights of nations. Supporting the Palestinian people (or the Iraqis) does not mean one considers them superior to other peoples, nor that one is pro Islamist nor, obviously, does it mean one is anti-Semitic, regardless of the perversion of this term by Zionists. .
On the contrary, if we agree that all nations are to live in peace in their own land and enjoy all rights internationally accorded to them, we must side with the people who are prevented from doing so and consequently fight those responsible for that violation. .
Although the Palestinian cause is the same today as in 1947 and the ethical response to it does not change, circumstances have changed over the years .
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Hyderabad to edit English organ Citizen. Socialist Party made him a candidate from Bikramganj parliamentary constituency in the general election of 1957. He lost the election. He again contested Bihar assembly election of 1962 from Kurtha constituency. He again lost. However, in 1967 he won from Kurtha constituency. 1969 saw mid-term election of Bihar .
assembly. In this election his party Shoshit Dal won six seats. He too handsomely won. .
However, in 1972 he lost the election. .
He did not support Jai Prakash Narain led student movement of 1974. He was of the view that though the issues of the movement were good, the leadership was not good. He kept his organization separate from Jai Prakash led movement. .
With every passing year the martyrdom of Jagdeo Prasad is becoming more and more solidified on the stone of time. His legacy of blending culture with politics and of uncompromising struggle against caste-based exploitation and oppression will continue to shine like lode star for the millions and millions of marginalized people of this country. ... .
(The above write-up is based on memoirs and articles on Jagdeo Prasad published in Hindi monthly Mandal Vichar, August, 2007) .
[source : countercurrents.org] .
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Hashimpura Muslim Massacre Trial Reopens: Can Justice Be Expected? .
By Azim A. Khan Sherwani .
26 September, 2006 Countercurrents.org .
The criminal proceedings against the accused in the notorious Hashimpura massacre case have recently reopened in New Delhi's Tis Hazaree Court. It is a chilling reminder of the apathy of the state towards access to justice for Muslims that it has taken nineteen long years for this to happen. .
In May 1987 policemen belonging to the Uttar Pradesh Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) shot dead 42 Muslim men, most of them youths, including some minors, from the Hashimpura locality in Meerut. The massacre occurred in the wake of the communal riots that broke out in Meerut in April that year after the Rajiv Gandhi government decided to open the gates of the Babri Masjid to allow Hindus to worship therein. The violence was brought under control in a few days. In May, however, Meerut exploded again. .
The violence this time was unprecedented and a massive force, including the Army, was deployed in the affected areas. Curfew was imposed and PAC personnel conducted searches in several Muslim localities in the city. On May 22, 1987, they booked hundreds of Muslim youth from Hashimpura, although there was no rioting in that area of Meerut city. Nineteen PAC personnel, under platoon commander Surinder Pal Singh, took about 50 Muslim youths, most of them daily wage labourers and poor weavers, in a PAC truck from Hashimpura to the Upper Ganga Canal in Murad Nagar, Ghaziabad, instead of taking them to the police station. They shot them dead in cold blood and threw their bodies into the canal. The PAC personnel then drove ahead in their truck to the Hindon Canal in Makanpur and shot dead several other Muslim youths they had taken with them. Two of the persons who survived the Hindon Canal massacre and managed to escape lodged an FIR at the Link Road Police Station. One of the four others who managed to escape the massacre at the Upper Ganga Canal filed an FIR at the Murad Nagar police station. .
The horrific incident outraged sections of the media and Muslim organisations. The People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court seeking more compensation to the families of the victims and an inquiry into the incident. The Supreme Court directed the state government to pay an additional compensation of a mere Rs.20,000 to the families of each of the victims. In 1988, the state government ordered an inquiry by the Crime Branch Central Investigation Department (CBCID). .
During the CBCID inquiry, Sub-Inspector Virendra Singh, who was in charge of the Link Road Police Station, related that when he received information about what had happened he set off towards the Hindon Canal. On his way, he saw a PAC truck heading back from the place where the massacre had taken place. He then tried chasing the truck and saw it enter 41st Vahini, a camp of the PAC. The gatekeeper on night duty stopped it. Soon, .
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I have on several occasions commented on the unfortunate fact that leading lights of a major Left party like the CPIM have often reproduced patriarchal ideology, especially in denigrating rape complainants and in running down female political rivals. The latest instance was when the Kerala CPIM stalwart VS Achutanandan commented on a former SFI leader Sindhu Joy who joined the Congress, saying she was like an abhisarika (courtesans) who has been dumped by the Congress after use. No doubt, the CPIM has to answer for its endless tolerance of such statements by its topmost leaders. But the point I would like to make in this article goes beyond the culpability of a particular Left party alone. As I have noted before, it is the Left parties alone, among political forces in India, which have a radical critique of patriarchy and gender ideology. Left-led womens groups in India have, historically, drawn in masses of women, especially of the labouring classes, poor peasantry and adivasis. But to what extent does this Left critique of patriarchy grip the masses and become a material force? Left movements cannot assume that radicalization of gender relations and critique of gender ideology will follow as an inevitable side-effect once women are mobilized in struggles. Of course, when women become politically active, especially in radical Left politics, or even when she enters the labour market, a disturbance of the prevailing balance of forces in her household and her social environment usually follows. And this process is usually encouraged by Left forces. But I feel that a radical Left agenda must seek to challenge and destabilise prevailing gender relations and patriarchal ideology as a goal in its own right, and not just as a welcome but inevitable effect of womens entering the labour market or political activism. We have to find more effective ways of creating social and political movements that pose a challenge, not only to actual acts of violence on women, but the material and ideological arrangements that underwrite such violence: including caste endogamy, womens sexual and reproductive labour arrangements within and outside marriage and the household, control of womens sexual and personal autonomy, and the culture of patriarchal guardianship of women, however seemingly benign. These issues cannot remain confined largely to theoretical discussions and party schools they must inform the day to day praxis of radical Left movements. .
One has had many occasions to express anger at the outrageous statements by authority figures and those in responsible positions, questioning womens character to deflect the issue of sexual violence. This article has been a welcome occasion to think through some of the issues relating to how we in the womens movement and the Left movement conceptualise struggles against sexual violence. .
(Kavita Krishnan is the National Secretary of the All India Progressive Womens Association AIPWA and can be contacted at kavitakrish73@gmail.com) .
Left movements Left parties like CPIM their many instances of patriarchal ideology Cant just leave it to side effects. It has to be a goal in its own right. .
www.countercurrents.org/krishnan250511.htm .
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RSS' TRYST WITH TERRORISM: PAST & PRESENT.
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By Shamsul Islam.
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20 January, 2013.
Countercurrents.org.
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Despite shrill public denials by the RSS top-brass that its.
swayamsevaks or cadres never indulged in terrorist activities, the.
RSS chief, Mohan Bhagwat, while addressing a meeting of the.
RSS members on January 10, 2011 at Surat (Gujarat) made a.
significant statement saying that.
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of the majority of the people whom the government has.
accused (in various blast cases), a few had left.
voluntarily and a few were told by the Sangh that this.
extremism will not work here so you go away.1.
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It was a candid admission by the supremo of the RSS who was.
naturally better informed about the happenings within his.
organization which works in a clandestine fashion that many of.
these alleged terrorists were part of the RSS. This statement raises.
few questions which RSS as an organization must answer. The first.
is that RSS must share the names of those terrorists who left.
`voluntarily' or were asked to `go away' with the people of this.
country and especially with the police investigating agencies of the.
Indian State. In fact, the latter should have by now put Mohan.
Bhagwat under scanner to seek the names of these `terrorists' not.
only in order to verify whether the ones so far arrested were the.
same who were referred to by Mohan Bhagwat but also to know.
about others who may still be indulging in terrorist activities and.
have not been brought to book as yet..
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The whole issue raises another pertinent question. When RSS.
claims that a particular person indulging in terrorist activities is not.
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1 `No place for radicals in RSS, says Bhagwat', The Indian Express, Delhi, 11-01-2011, p. 3.
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Headline Singur .
By Amitadyuti Kumar .
30 December, 2006 .
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Countercurrents.org .
It was the 3rd week of May, 2006 the 18th day to be exact. The Left Front Government was sworn in for the 7th time in a row. Almost immediately Singur, an otherwise non-descript rural area in the Hooghly District, suddenly made the headlines. On that afternoon, the Chief Minister Mr. Buddhadeb Bhattacharyee, sitting alongside Mr Ratan Tata, the chief of a dominant Indian capitalist group -the TATAs, announced in a press conference that Tata Motors had made an agreement with the state government to set up a factory for small cars at Singur. In the press conference it was also made public that the state government would hand over 1000 acres of land in Singur. It cleverly remained silent on whether any Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) had been signed. .
Towards the evening the news spread in Singur and so did the peoples anger. The next day marked the beginning of public outrage. It did not wait for any organizational strength, political leadership. The fear of unemployment and starvation was so palpable that it broke all the barriers of age, gender and whats more their political identities. It is not the first time that farmers land is taken away. Haldia, Bakreshwar or Rajarhat have their own sordid tales of how the government had given away their land to the industrialists or promoters, all in the name of development and industrialization. There were resentments and protests in those areas too. But the administration strengthened by the muscle power of the ruling party CPI (M) chose to ignore the popular sentiment. Protest and opposition in Singur assumed a different dimension, and because it assumed a different dimension, Singur could find a place in the media, if not hitting the headlines. Even the ruling CPM organ the Ganashakti had to find place for two to three news item/ commentaries a day without exception for the last seven months---because while struggling for their right to life and a dignified livelihood Singur people has brought to the fore certain basic and important issues regarding development-industralsation-urbanisation and the eventual eviction and destruction of farmland. The more the issues were raised and in-depth discussions and debates went on, the more the government, the ruling party and their leaders took refuge in more and more lies and deceptions. The movement of the people of Singur for their right to life and farmland no longer remained the struggle of Singur people alone. It gave rise to more serious questions about the efficacy of development projects that keep 96% of the population of the area outside its ambit. The intelligentsia, economists politicians and sociologists came forward to find solutions of such riddles and have tried to deal with the issues. Their overwhelming opinions supported by facts and figures, expert opinions, and past experiences in home and abroad conclusively point to the fact that the .
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