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Here's a new photo I just finished working on from a road trip here in New Zealand. I've been working on some NZ photos lately because I'm excited that I've finally become a citizen! Well, kinda. I got the email that says I've been approved and now just waiting on the ceremony. They give me a little tree I can take back and plant in the garden... It's all very exciting! Now I'll have two passports so I feel like a spy. A lot of people ask if I'm going to give up my US Passport. No... I'm not. I'm not anti-US or anything. I would prefer if 100% of my taxes went to NZ, where I actually live. The whole tax thing is a big mess, I tell ya. I did look into it and the US Government will add up all my assets and charge me 50% for the "right" to give up my passport. It's one of those things that is completely stupid and makes me lose almost all faith in amoral governments and the way they treat their citizens.
It's back to school in Chicago and many other American cities in Chicago and, as the quote taken from Scottish Author Jenni Fagan and her novel, The Panopticon, suggests, the brain is very powerful. We must remember to exercise it to the fullest extent and teach it to learn not just facts about the world, Math, Humanities, and Science, but to have empathy for all people in the world and to read carefully, knowing that "alternative facts" are actually code words for lies and that climate change is a very real thing....we must teach the brain and the heart at the same time about social justice and love for all people, including immigrants and refugees..I'd rather my tax dollars going to the needy than to Trump's golfing. That's what being a good American and also a good human being means.We must also show compassion for all students regardless of race, class, citizenship, or gender identity. These are the ways we teach the brain and the heart to function like a human so that we teach our children well.
**All photos are copyrighted. Please don't use without permission**
I took the Citizenship pledge yesterday and officially became an Australian Citizen. I haven't revoked my British Citizenship but now have dual :)
This was shot this morning out at Nudgee Beach, a great place at low tide with plenty of reflections to be had.
Stitched in CS5 from three vertically oriented shots.
Canon EOS 40D, Sigma 10-20mm lens, Lee 0.9 hard grad.
[RP Pic] Message to Dr. Josie Ryder
From: Director, World Union Justice Ministry
To: Dr. Josephine Ryder
Subject: Release from Detention
Doctor Ryder,
It is my distinct pleasure to provide this notification that the initial charges of War Crimes brought against you by the Asian Coalition have been dropped by their Ministry of Defense.
Accordingly, you have been provided with an immediate release from your duties with Frontier Medical Missions, reinstatement of full World Union Citizenship and your judicial record has been expunged.
This release is contingent on your signed non-disclosure agreement on all events related to those of the initial inquiry and its ultimate revelations.
You will be provided transportation to the Port of Seattle-Vancouver, and a monetary compensation deposit has been made to your account to reimburse you for wartime loss-of-property by the Coalition, as well as damages you suffered as a result of your Detention.
Your unrestricted medical license has been reinstated, and I wish you well in all your future endeavors.
Sincerely,
Chelsea Clinton-Ming
World Union Director of Justice
**Best wishes to the wonderful folks in Midian City, and thanks for the good times!**
The Royal Selangor Club (Malay: Kelab Di-Raja Selangor) is a social club in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, founded in 1884 by the British who ruled Malaya.
While the club is more than 100 years old, much of its early records were lost during the three-year Japanese occupation of Malaya from 1942 to 1945, and the 1970 fire that damaged the club (see #Flooding and fire).
The club was founded as the Selangor Club in 1884 as a meeting point for educated and high-ranking members of British colonial society. Nevertheless, membership to the club is primarily determined by high educational and social standards, rather than race or citizenship. The organisation was initially based in a small wooden building with an attap roof at near the north eastern corner of the padang, which was replaced by a two-storey structure in 1890 on the west side of the padang, the present site of the club, and designed by AC Norman, a Government Architect. The building was later redesigned by architect Arthur Benison Hubback (who was notably credited for the design of the Kuala Lumpur Railway Station) and rebuilt in 1910, with two additional wings on either side of the main building and a Mock Tudor styling.
The club was nicknamed "The Spotted Dog" as two Dalmatians belonging to the wife of one of the club founders were left to guard the entrance of the club whenever they visited the club. The club is also simply referred to as "The Dog".
Over the years, the club's membership increased and had also begun to include high-ranking Malaysian civil servants: judges, lawyers and important people in society. The club's proximity to the old High Courts at the other side of Dataran Merdeka has also made the club a suitable meeting place for the legal fraternity.(Wikipedia)
Unser Bürgerrecht ist in den Himmeln, von woher wir auch den Herrn Jesus Christus als Retter erwarten.
Philipper 3,20
But our citizenship is in heaven, and it is from there that we are expecting a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ.
Phil. 3,20
Bild / Picture: wird nachgetragen
"This is Our Town" a Faith and Freedom Reader on American Citizenship from the Catholic University of America. By Sister Marguerite, illustrated by Charlotte C. Ware. Copyright 1942 by Ginn and Company.
Does one wish another Happy Australia Day? Is it just an opportunity to take a day off with pay and instead cut the grass? Do we risk the perils of jingoism in that act? Is it too offensive to some of its citizens to utter in fear of offence or is it an oxymoron when a citizen is offended by their citizenship? These are deep questions!
The truly great social progressive Don Dunstan wrote of an Australian cuisine, if such could exist, as garnering the best of everything. Here are the familiar Anglo-Celtic lamb chops and sausages sitting cheek by jowl with the melanzane of the Greeks, the zucchini of the Italians; the whole lot lubricated with Spanish olive oil. It'll go nicely with Arab flatbread, the early figs grilled with balsamic vinegar and more of that oil, Lebanese toum and a Greek salad; this one with Cretan oil. Last evening it was Indonesian takeaway followed by a frozen persimmon — a Korean treat celebrating last Autumn. Why, this screams, is nationalism required?
Should we reject 26 January as a day of national commemoration? Don't be absurd! We can rearrange Easter because it falls after the full moon following the Northern Hemisphere vernal equinox. It is faux. Christmas is even less subject to rules. It's a thanksgiving celebration for having made it past the Northern Hemisphere winter solstice and hijacked for some fantasy kid's birthday. Yep, that's faux too. But you can't change factual historical dates. Party if you must; cry, mourn and weep if that helps. But do it together so we can lean on and learn from each other.
Across the country today there is feeble-minded desecration of statues of the navigator James Cook. Widespread ignorance links 26 January to his landing in Australia. Rubbish! Cook landed at the end of April. It was Arthur Phillip, first Governor of the state which became Australia who landed on 26 January 1788. Don't think either to transfer the blame to Cook for his "discovery". He was long dead before the First Fleet was conceived. Instead look outside your petty bigotry to a bigger picture. Discover George Washington, the American War of Independence and what this did to British fortunes. Consider that it was part of the plan for the British East India Company to have a supply port somewhere nearer to the East Indies. Look too to Joseph Banks, a major proponent of the project. Here's an idea: go to school and raise yourself from the self-harm that ignorance, self-pity and prejudice impose.
Today is a day of deep reflection. A national living treasure, part Aboriginal, part European, part convict, all thinking, has written of the evils of nationalism sitting as we do at a time of nascent conflict in Eastern Europe, with an indigenous population divided among themselves and a seemingly thoughtless and inward looking government. His call instead is for good governance, accountability, rule of law, kindness, tolerance, empathy and respect. In short, do all these things and your identity will look out for itself. He counsels "A shared sense of citizenship is crucial to a functioning democracy but the prevalence of a debilitating, censorious, tribal identity politics is the enemy of a shared citizenship. It has proved a cancer on democracy".
Meanwhile race-based debates rage. Our erstwhile Prime Minister chose yesterday to announce that the standard symbol of Aboriginal Australia, the beautiful flag, genius work of Harold Thomas, had been "freed" for all Australians. The Commonwealth Government has acquired copyright over the design. What I know of the Government's history on exercising copyright over symbols suggests that it will be anything but free. Whereas this was a potent symbol outside of Government it will now be brought under the legal control of a powerful institution with different ideals, intent and sympathies. Unless we can all call this our own and reject the current national flag, itself dating from just 1953, then nothing will be settled by this silly, politicised act of acquisition.
Also yesterday, the outgoing Australian of the Year gave the Prime Minister the frosty reception he deserved. She was accused of disrespect! Here's a message for office holders: the office of Prime Minister is worthy of respect. However, respect doesn't come with the title. That is earned. This is a PM who has failed to address reports dealing with gender issues in a timely manner, snubbed his nose at climate change, watched his country burn from a safe distance in Hawai'i and failed again, and again to properly address the COVID-19 pandemic. I stand with you girl, and I stand with Australia. Nah, yeah: happy straya day!
FROM WIKIPEDIA
+++++++++++++++++++++++
Isabella Khair Hadid (/həˈdiːd/; born October 9, 1996)[4] is an American fashion model, signed to IMG Models in 2014. In December 2016, the Industry voted her "Model of the Year" for Model.com's Model of the Year 2016 Awards.[5]
Early life
Isabella Khair Hadid was born and raised in Los Angeles, California[6] to real-estate developer Mohamed Hadid[7][8] and former model Yolanda Hadid. Her mother is a Dutch-born American, and her father is Palestinian American.[9] Hadid has two siblings, an older sister named Gigi, who is also a model, and a younger brother, Anwar. She has two older half-sisters, Marielle and Alana, on her father's side.[10]
Hadid and her siblings were originally raised on a ranch in Santa Barbara, California for ten years.[11] As a teenager, Hadid was an equestrian and had dreams of attending the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeiro but had to give up competing in 2013 due to her suffering from chronic Lyme disease.[12][13][14] It was not announced that she suffered from chronic Lyme until October 2015.[15] She was diagnosed, along with her mother and brother, with the chronic illness in 2012.[16]
In Fall of 2014, Hadid moved to New York City and began studying photography at the Parsons School of Design, signing to IMG shortly before. She has since dropped out of school due to the success of her modeling career, but has expressed interest in returning to school to take on Fashion Photography as a career once she is done modeling.[17] Hadid has also expressed interest in acting.[18]
Career
2012–2014: Early work
Hadid began modeling at age 16 with a Flynn Skye commercial project. Hadid also starred in the "Swan Sittings" by Lesa Amoore, alongside actor Ben Barnes, and "Smoking Hot" by Holly Copeland, modeled for Hannah Hayes F/W 2013 collection, various other commercial projects, and had done campaign work for Chrome Hearts in summer 2013 and 2014.[19][20]
2014–2015: Professional rise
Bella Hadid starring as "Black Widow" in Love Advent, Day 14 2015
Hadid signed to IMG Models on August 21, 2014.[21]
She made her New York Fashion Week debut in the fall of 2014, walking for Desigual. In the spring fashion weeks of 2015, Hadid walked for Tom Ford in Los Angeles, and walked in the amfAR 22nd Cinema Against AIDs Gala fashion show in May. In the fall 2015 New York Fashion Week, she walked for Diane von Fürstenberg, Tommy Hilfiger, Jeremy Scott (she closed his show), and Marc Jacobs. At London Fashion Week, walked for Topshop Unique and Giles, and at Milan Fashion Week for Philipp Plein, Moschino, Missoni, and Bottega Veneta. While at Paris Fashion Week she walked for Balmain. In December 2015 she made her Chanel debut, walking for the first time in the luxury brand's Métiers d'Art show in Rome.[22][23]
In December 2014, Hadid made her first cover appearance on Jalouse Magazine and was featured on Day 27 of Love Magazine's Love Advent that same year.[24][25] Hadid appeared on the November 2015 cover of Seventeen and has shot editorials for magazines, including Vogue Australia and Elle.[26] She was also on the cover of Unconditional Magazine, Grey Magazine, Jalouse Magazine, V Magazine (with sister, Gigi), Editorialist, Wonderlands 10th Birthday Issue, S Moda, Evening Standard, Teen Vogue, and Twin Magazine F/W Issue.[27][28][29]
Hadid also featured in numerous editorials for various magazines, including Vogue Girl Japan, Harper's Bazaar, GQ, W magazine, Town and Country, Pop magazine, three for Glamour magazine, and two for Love magazine. She was also featured again in Love magazine's Love Advent Day 14 and 15 in 2015. Hadid also made an appearance in two CR Fashion Book's – "Body Book" and "Fantasy Campaigns".[30][31]
Hadid was one of eight young models to land Topshop's Holiday campaign and appeared in Balmain's Fall 2015 ad campaign (alongside sister Gigi), as well as starring in the Holiday campaign for Victoria's Secret's younger line, PINK, alongside spokesmodel Rachel Hilbert and Devon Windsor.[32] Hadid was also featured in the Spring 2015 ad campaign for Botkier Bags and the Fall 2015 ad campaign for Ralph Lauren Denim & Supply, as well as the campaign for Boghossian Jewels. She was also a co-star in Samsung's Fall/Winter Look Book, alongside Xiao Wen Ju, which incorporated both technology and fashion.[33]
At the end of 2015, she was awarded Model.com's Break Out Star: Women for Reader's Choice Category.
2016: Model of the Year
In January, Hadid made her Chanel Couture debut during Paris Haute Couture S/S Fashion Week.[34] She walked exclusively for Givenchy and walked for Chanel and Miu Miu at their shows in Paris Fashion Week in March 2016, as well as walking for FentyxPuma in New York Fashion Week in February 2016.[35] She also made her first Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week Australia appearance in May 2016, exclusively opening and closing the Misha Resort 2017 show.[36] Hadid walked for the amfAR 23rd Cinema Against AIDs fashion show and Dior Cruise 2017 show in London in May.[37][38] In June, she walked in the Haute Couture segment of Givenchy's Menswear S/S 2017 show during Men's Paris Fashion Week. During Paris Haute Couture F/W Fashion week she walked for both Versace, Dior, and Alexandre Vauthier, where she closed the show. Hadid also closed the show for Fendi Haute Couture in Rome later that week.[39] Hadid started off the S/S 2017 season during NYFW, opening for DKNY and walking for Michael Kors, Anna Sui, Ralph Lauren, and Marc Jacobs.[40][41] During London Fashion Week Hadid walked exclusviely for Versus Versace, opening the show. The next week, in Milan, she opened for Alberta Ferretti and Fendi; as well as walking for Max Mara, Moschino, Versace, Bottega Veneta, and closing for Philosophy di Lorenzo Serafini.[42][43] On November 30, Hadid walked in the Victoria's Secret Fashion Show, wearing two looks, one from their Bright Night Angels segment and one from Secret Angels. Her Bright Night Angels look also featured a pair of wings.[44]
During 2016, she appeared on the covers of Seventeen Magazine Mexico, Self Service Magazine, CR Fashion Book's #CRGirs, V Magazine, Harper's Bazaar Spain, Japan, Australia, and Russia; Elle Brasil, US, UK, Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia; Allure, Double Magazine, Glamour Germany, US, Russia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey, and Iceland; Exit magazine, W magazine Korea, L'Officiel Russia, Sunday Times Style, British GQ, Flare, and Paper Magazine.[45][46][47][48][49] In May, Hadid spotlighted on her first Vogue cover for Vogue Turkey, a Vogue Me cover with Korean rapper G-Dragon in August, and received another three Vogue covers for Japan, Italia, and Paris, alongside model Taylor Hill, in September.[50][51] She had editorials in these magazines, as well as in; Glamour UK, British GQ, LOVE Club, Dazed, W Magazine, Vogue US and Paris, as well as an online editorial in Vogue for Valentine's Day. In May, Hadid made her first short film appearance of the year, starring in Tyer Ford's film, Private.[52] Hadid was also the star of LOVE Advent's calendar for Day 1 in a segment entitled "Aerobics".[53]
Hadid was also featured in the "My America" campaign by Marc Jacobs, TopShop's Denim Campaign for Summer 2016, starred in Joe's Jeans 2016 campaign, and Misha Collection's Resort and Misha Gold campaign.[36][54][55] Alongside Frank Ocean, Kate Moss, and others, she was featured in the Calvin Klein F/W 2016 global campaign. She starred in J.W Anderson's Fall/Winter campaign.[56] Hadid was also featured in Givenchy F/W 2016 campaign and in the brands' Resort 2017 line.[57]
On May 31, it was announced that Hadid is the new ambassador of Dior Makeup and would be starring in a new web series from the fashion house called Dior Makeup Live with Bella Hadid starting in June, and did a tutorial using their makeup for Vogue US's YouTube channel in August.[38] Hadid's first collaboration was announced on December 13. She partnered up with her best friend's, Jesse Jo Stark, family's brand, Chrome Hearts.[58] Hadid also shot her first campaign with the brand, just after turning 16 years old, and recently played the role of photographer for the Stark family for W Magazine back in August.[59][60] The date the collection she co-designed will be coming out is yet to be announced.
In March 2016, Hadid won Model of the Year at the Daily Front Row's Fashion Los Angeles Awards.[61] In June 2016, Hadid was ranked among Models.com's Top 50 Models list. In September 2016, she won Model of the Year at the GQ Men of the Year Awards in London.[62] In December, Models.com nominated Hadid for their Reader's Choice awards; for both Model of the Year and Social Media Star of the Year. She won Model of the Year Women from the Industry's vote.[63]
2017
Bella Hadid, alongside sister Gigi, backstage at Anna Sui F/W 2017.
In January 2017, Hadid walked in Givenchy's S/S 2017 Haute Couture segment during their F/W Menswear Fashion Show in Paris.[64] During Haute Couture S/S week, she also walked for Chanel and opened Alexandre Vauthier. In February, she walked in her sister, Gigi's, Tommy Hilfiger collaboration "TommyxGigi" in Los Angeles and in Paris she closed the H&M Studio show, both last minute additions to the S/S 2017 season.[65] To start off the F/W 2017 season, Hadid walked for Alexander Wang, Sies Marjan, Carolina Herrera, Brandom Maxwell, Michael Kors, Anna Sue, Ralph Lauren; and opened for Prabal Gurung and Zadig et Voltaire; and closed for Oscar de la Renta, during NYFW.[66][67][68] During London Fashion Week, she was exclusive at Versace Versus, where she opened the show.[69] In Milan she walked for Albertta Feretti, Fendi, Moschino, and Versace. To close out the F/W 2017 RTW season, in Paris, she walked for Lanvin, Chanel, and opened Off-White. Hadid also starred in Alexandre Vauthier's F/W 2017 look book, in place of a runway show. While in Cannes, France for the 70th Annual Film Festival, she walked for Naomi Campbell's Fashion for Relief and the amfAR Gala's charity walks.[70][71] For the F/W 2017 Haute Coutre week, she walked for Miu Miu Resort, Maison Margiela, Fendi, and opened for Alexandre Vauthier.[72]
Hadid's first cover of the year was for the January issue of W Magazine Korea, a reprint of her W editorial from the US editions "Royals Issue".[73] Her first new cover of the year was for the recently rebranded Teen Vogue, Hadid starred on one of the Volume 1 covers with best friend, Jesse Jo Stark. Her first standard issue vogue cover was for the year was for Vogue China in April, appearing on their cover again in September, and another in June for Vogue Italia.[74][75][76][77] Hadid also appeared on the cover of CR Fashion Book, Grazia Italia, Sunday Times Style, Porter Magazine; ELLE US, Russia, and France; InStyle, 032c, and was one of the covers for the first issue of Super ELLE China.[78] In 2017, she also had editorials in Vogue Paris, LOVE Magazine, V Magazine, and Dazed Magazine.[79]
Hadid and her sister, Gigi, started off the S/S campaign season together - starring alongside one another in both that seasons Fendi and Moschino campaigns.[80] Along with shooting a campaign with her sister, Hadid also shot a campaign for Zadig & Voltaire with her younger brother, Anwar. Hadid also starred solo in the DKNY, TAG Heuer, and Boghossian Jewels Les Merveilles S/S 2017 campaigns.[81][82][83] Hadid also starred in both Ochirly's Spring and Summer campaigns and in the ZaynxVersus capsule collection campaign. She starred in her first beauty campaign in S/S 2017 for Dior Makeup's "Pump N' Volume" mascara.[84] After being declared one of their Nike: NY Made ambassadors in 2016, Hadid starred in her first campaign with Nike for their OG Cortez sneaker.[85] As ambassador of the brand's accessorie's line, Hadid starred as the face of Bulari's Goldea Roman Night fragrence and F/W 2017 Serpiniti collection campaign.[86][87] Hadid starred in a second accessories campaign for Max Mara.[88] Also in the F/W 2017 season, Hadid starred alongside Miles McMillan in Giuseppe Zanotti, Justin Grossman in NARS Cosmetics, and Kendall Jenner in Ochirly's Fall campaign.[89][90]
As ambassador of Dior Beauty, Hadid also starred in a series of videos entitled "Dior Makeup with Bella Hadid" throughout the year; these videos had begun in December 2016. On February 8, Hadid was announced the new ambassador for Bulgari's accessory lines and, on February 13, she was announced the new face and ambassador of TAG Heuer.[91][92]
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My grandfather, Nazareth Yazijian received this certificate on 21 March, 1924 to note that he passed the course in citizenship training. He subsequently became a United States citizen.
As a corporate citizen, Alpay sets an exceptional example of social responsibility for other organizations through his wide-ranging support of youth, sport, arts, culture, health care and social causes. His quiet personal philanthropy extends to his belief in corporate philanthropy, and his company is his most visible way of giving back to the community through sponsorship of, and donations to, countless organizations and
events.
As an employer, he truly believes that good culture starts at the top. In recognition of this, in 2017, his Canadian Tire store was presented the award for Outstanding Corporate Culture at the Prince George Chamber of Commerce Business Excellence Awards.
www2.gov.bc.ca/gov/content/governments/celebrating-britis...
Es una infografía sobre la responsabilidad que debemos tener al postear algo pensando en nuestra huella digital y en los efectos causados a terceros. Está inspirada en un trabajo en inglés con adaptaciones.
Kamera: Nikon F3 (1989)
Linse: Nikkor-S Auto 50mm f1.4 (1970)
Film: Cinestill BWXX (Kodak 5222) @ ISO 200
Kjemi: Xtol (stock / 8 min. @ 21°C)
- Here are some clips clip from Paul Verhoeven´s classic satirical anti-fascist anti-american film Starship Troopers (1997) that these days somehow seems like it could be a contemporary «documentary» from Israel… and USA.
A movie everyone should see again.
«Service guarantees citizenship! Would you like to know more?»
Starship Troopers: Propaganda (1997)
ISRAEL IS NOT A DEMOCRACY [Listen here]
by Chris Hedges (b. 1956), The Real News Network January 5, 2024
Israel's status as a bona fide democracy is often taken to be a self-evident truth, but a more critical look at the history and reality of Zionism calls this into question. After all, how can a democracy exist in a country constitutionally defined as an ethnostate that can only exist through the suppression and gradual elimination of its Others? Israeli historian Ilan Pappé joins The Chris Hedges Report for a discussion on Israel as an inherently colonial, and therefore anti-democratic, project.
Ilan Pappé (b. 1956) is a professor with the College of Social Sciences and International Studies at the University of Exeter in the UK, where he directs the European Centre for Palestine Studies, and co-directs the Exeter Centre for Ethno-Political Studies. Prior to coming to the UK, Pappé was a historian and politician in Israel. He is the author of several books, including The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine.
Studio Production: Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley
Post-Production: David Hebden
TRANSCRIPT
The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.
Chris Hedges:
The scholar, Yeshayahu Leibowitz (1903-1994), who Isaiah Berlin (1909-1997) called the conscience of Israel, warned that, "If Israel did not separate church and state, it would give rise to a corrupt rabbinate that would warp Judaism into a fascistic cult. Religious nationalism is to religion what National Socialism was to socialism," warned Leibowitz, who died in 1994. He understood that the blind veneration of the military, especially after the 1967 war that captured the West Bank and East Jerusalem was dangerous and would lead to the ultimate destruction of democracy. "Our situation will deteriorate to that of a second Vietnam, to a war and constant escalation without prospect of ultimate resolution," he wrote.
He foresaw that, "The Arabs would be the working people and the Jews, the administrators, inspectors, officials and police; mainly secret police. A state ruling a hostile population of 1.5 million to 2 million foreigners would necessarily become a secret police state. With all that implies for education, free speech and democratic institutions. The corruption characteristic of every colonial regime would also prevail in the state of Israel. The administration would have to suppress Arab insurgency on the one hand and acquire Arab Quislings on the other. There is also good reason to fear that the Israeli Defense Force, which has been until now, a people's army would, as a result of being transformed into an army of occupation to generate and its commanders who will have become military governors, will resemble their colleagues in other nations." He warned that the rise of virulent racism would consume Israeli society. He knew that prolonged occupation of the Palestinians would spawn concentration camps for the occupied, and that in his words, "Israel would not deserve to exist and it will not be worthwhile to preserve it."
The decision to obliterate Gaza has long been the dream of Israeli fanatics, heirs of the fascistic movement led by the extremist Meir Kahane (1932-1990), who was barred from running for office and whose Kach Party was outlawed in 1994 and declared a terrorist organization by Israel and the United States. These Jewish extremists who today make up the ruling coalition government are orchestrating the genocide in Gaza, where hundreds of Palestinians are being killed or wounded a day. They champion the iconography and language of their homegrown fascism. Jewish identity and Jewish nationalism are the Zionist versions of blood and soil. Jewish supremacy is sanctified by God as is the slaughter of the Palestinians who are compared to the biblical Amalekites massacred by the Israelites. Enemies, usually Muslims, slated for extinction are subhuman who embody evil. Violence and the threat of violence are the only forms of communication those outside the magic circle of Jewish nationalism understand. Millions of Muslims and Christians, including those with Israeli citizenship, are to be purged.
Joining me to discuss what the occupation of Palestine has done to Israeli society and what the results of the current murderous campaign in Gaza and the West Bank portends for Israel in the future is Ilan Pappé, Professor of History of the University of Exeter in Great Britain, who has described what Israel does to the Palestinians as incremental genocide. He has written numerous books including The Biggest Prison on Earth: A History of the Occupied Territories and The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, which his French publisher has ceased publishing despite a surge in sales since the October 7th attacks, part of the concerted campaign by Zionists and their supporters to discredit and censor narratives that are critical of Israel.
I'd like to begin with a look at post Israel, the Zionist project that begins in the 1920s, and see whether the project itself, even before the creation of the state of Israel had built within it the seeds of its own destruction.
Ilan Pappé:
Yes, I do think it did. And you are right in pointing to the 1920s because of course the Zionist movement existed before, but I think it's in the mid-1920s when it started to purchase land and evict the people who were living on that land. And that happened around 1926. It became a settler colonial project and not just a project for salvaging Jews from anti-Semitism or a national cultural redefinition of Judaism as nationalism instead of as religion.
The moment that happened, it was very clear that it's going to impose itself by force on an indigenous native population. And it was not just the classical settler colonial imposition of settlers from abroad imposing themselves on a native population, it also was kind of creating this idea that they can produce or establish a European state in the midst of the Arab world, very much like the white supremacists in South Africa. And there's two facts, that you are trying to implement a project of displacement and replacement of an indigenous population and that you are trying to create a cultural political entity that would alienate the area it belongs to and the area would alienate you were sold, I think had been sold in the 1920s. And we can see the effect of this to our days, no doubt.
Chris Hedges:
And yet there was always a tension within the Zionist project. I, you may have known him too, I knew Abba Eban (1915-2002), Teddy Kollek (1911-2007). When I was in Israel, they outlawed Meir Kahane's Kach Party. The people around Netanyahu now are of course the heirs to the Kach Party, later assassinated, this very right wing rabbi. And I want you to talk about that tension because it was there. I mean, Teddy Kollek when he was mayor of Jerusalem, when I was there, he was building sewer systems for... it was a different approach to colonization, or perhaps I have that wrong?
Ilan Pappé:
It was a different approach, but it remained colonization. If I'm a bit more abrupt about it, I would say that there was definitely an ideological stream within Zionism that believed that you could be a progressive colonizer or an enlightened colonizer. And yet from the colonized people's point of view, even if you provided some benefits in economic terms, in infrastructural terms, the colonization was still there. And the colonization was translated not only in terms of whether you provide sewages for Jerusalem or not, but by the fact that Teddy Kollek as the mayor of Jerusalem oversaw the ethnic cleansing of quite a large number of Palestinians from East Jerusalem in order to make space for building new Jewish neighborhoods, which should rightly be called Jewish colonies or settlements.
So in the end of the day, the Zionist vision, even in its most liberal version, meant that the Palestinians at best, at best could be tolerated as individuals in limited spaces within Palestine. That would be determined according to the Israeli notions of national security. And at worst, they're an obstacle that has to be removed. And as the time went by, most of the Israeli Jews said, "Why just be content with limiting their presence? Why not get rid of them altogether?"
Chris Hedges:
And yet these figures represented a secular strain of Zionism. And I want you to talk a little bit about Yeshayahu Leibowitz, who you knew, who I quoted it in the introduction, and he talks about this religious strain within Zionism where the land itself becomes sacred as particularly dangerous, I think he even uses the word fascistic. There is that split. And of course those of us, Abba Eban spoke better English than I did, Oxford educated, urbane. And so talk a little bit about that tension between secular and religious Zionism. And of course ultra orthodox religious Zionism has essentially proved triumphant.
Ilan Pappé:
Yes, I call this tension, which you rightly point to, the struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Judea. The State of Judea grows up among the national religious groups and becomes particularly potent after '67 and it's kind of headquarters, it's habitat if you want, the settlements in the West Bank, and before that, even in the Gaza Strip. And they become a force to reckon with and they combine exactly what Leibowitz was talking about, and he saw it in the making. I mean I say it in hindsight, to his credit, he saw it and kind of predicted it happening, but now we have the benefit of time to see that he was absolutely right.
So that State of Judea, what you can call the settler state, is a combination of a messianic kind of Zionism combined with fundamentalist interpretation of Judaism, a wish to create a theocracy in which also secular Jews are the enemy, not just the Palestinians. And they become stronger. They used to be on the margins and we used to think that they are not really relevant, but now they are a central power in Israel. And against them stands the State of Israel. That is the kind of pre '67 Israel that wanted to be a liberal democracy, a pluralist, secular, but is losing it in the struggle against the State of Judea.
But what is so interesting and frustrating about this struggle, it does not concern the Palestinians at all. As you probably know, and we forgot it because of the dramatic events that occurred after 7th of October, but until the 7th of October, we witnessed in Israel a kind of a mini civil war between those two states that I'm talking about, the State of Israel and the State of Judea when hundreds of thousand of secular Israelis demonstrated daily trying to defend the kind of Israel they want. But when Palestinian citizens of Israel ask them, "Can we join you? And can we also include a rejection of the occupation as part of our struggle for a better Israel?" They were chucked out of this movement of protest because it was not against the occupation, it's not against the semi apartheid or full apartheid of Israel, depends where it is. It is what kind of an apartheid Israel should we have? A liberal democratic one for the Jews or a theocratic one for the Jews?
But unfortunately it does not evolve around the main issue, the most important issue that we started our conversation with, that can you impose yourself militarily and violently on millions of people against their will?
Chris Hedges:
I want to talk about 1948, this is the war of independence. All settler colonial projects are implanted by violence as was the one in the United States. The difference is that I think by 1600, over a 100-year period, 56 million indigenous inhabitants in North, Central and South America were obliterated through either diseases or violence so that by 1600 you only had about 10% of the original indigenous population was there. That wholesale extermination essentially allows a settler colonial project to survive because there's physically no opposition. That's not true in Israel. You have about 5.5 million Palestinians living under occupation, 9 million living in the diaspora. This from the establishment of the state of Israel is a huge problem for Israeli leaders. How are they going to cope? The demographic time bomb is real in terms of Arabs having larger families. You have huge flight, a kind of brain drain from Israel. I think there's a million Israelis living in the United States. But let's look at 1948, how they deal with a problem. And then we'll go to 1967 when Israel occupies what is the remaining part of Palestine, the West Bank and Gaza.
Ilan Pappé:
Yes, as you rightly say, settler colonial projects have always these two dimension, geography and demography, or if you want space and population, you want the space without the population. And the more space you take, the more unwanted population you have. So the Zionist leadership exploited the end of the mandate, the circumstances that developed in the region and in the world three years after the Holocaust to implement a massive ethnic cleansing that left half of the Palestinian refugees and expelled half of the Palestinian population, destroyed half of the Palestinian villages, more than 500, and demolished most of the Palestinian towns.
So within the borders that were kind of established after 1948, that is Israel today without the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, Israel was unable to fully complete the ethnic cleansing, but it had a relatively small Palestinian minority that did not endanger the demographic majority of the Jews. So you could even have a demographic state because you always knew that democracy and demography would go hand in hand. Although because of the paranoia of Ben-Gurion until 1966, although the Palestinians in Israel had the right to vote and to be elected, they were under a very harsh military rule as it is.
Now, it's not surprising that David Ben-Gurion (1886-1973), the big architect of the ethnic cleansing of 1948, was trying to pressure the government of Israel. He was out of effective politics already in 1963, but he was trying after June '67 to convince the Israeli government to get out of the West Bank, almost saying to them, "I was able to get rid of about 1 million Palestinians, and now you are incorporating even a larger number of Palestinian under your rule." The kind of leadership that followed him, some of them were young generals during the '48 war and some other politicians like Levi Eshkol (1895-1969) and you mentioned also Abba Eban and Teddy Kollek, they decided there is no need for massive ethnic cleansing in order to keep the demography in such a way that it doesn't endanger the Jewish democracy.
So what did they do? They decided to keep millions of people in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip without the right to take part in the Israeli political system. When some people said to them, "Okay, that's fine, but can you in return give the Palestinian the right to determine their future in a Palestinian state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip?" They didn't accept that either. So they really believed that they could somehow contain the Palestinian national ambition and resistance within that idea of a West Bank and a Gaza Strip that is our enclave controlled by Israel, maybe with some autonomy for the Palestinian inside, and convince the world that this is the best solution and even call it a kind of a two-state solution. Of course, it had nothing to do with a two-state solution.
So historically speaking, it's the same problem all the time, as you rightly say, Chris, it's having the territory without the people, but because of circumstances and things that changed, '48 is not '67 and '67 is not 2023, and because of that, the methods of maintaining this balance between territory and population changes. But the vision is the same one, and the purpose is the same one, and the failures are the same one. The massive expulsion didn't work. The idea of keeping people without citizenship rights is not working, and even putting them under siege as we have seen on the 7th of October is not working. And whatever the Israelis have in mind for Gaza, I can assure you, without knowing how it would unfold, it's going to be a huge failure, which unfortunately will have an incredible human cost, mainly for the Palestinians.
Chris Hedges:
Leibowitz really takes the 1967 war, which sees Israel seize the remaining land by Palestinians as the dividing point. He defines himself as a Zionist. He seems to argue that the pre 1967 borders known as the Green Line could work. But '67 for him and the refusal on the part of the Israeli leadership to give up the occupation, or after '67, move back to the pre '67 borders, really, he argues quite passionately is in many ways the death now of Israeli democracy, civil society. Can you explain that?
Ilan Pappé:
Yeah. Well, first of all, I would say that I think that as we started our conversation, the seeds for this end or implosion from within had been sold much earlier in the 1920s. But let's go along with this thesis, although I think it was doomed to fail from the very beginning. But there's no doubt that the occupation of 1967 accelerated these processes by which you had a legal system, a political system, and the culture system that justified a daily violation of the human rights and the civil rights of the Palestinians, at least inside Israel. In the pre '67 Israel, there was an attempt all the time to improve the situation of the Palestinian citizens in Israel. And as we said, they had the right to vote, they had the right to be elected, and finally they even were allowed to create their own national parties and so on.
But at the same time, the direction in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip was going towards a different kind of a future, a long and never ending building of two mega prisons, one in the West Bank and one in the Gaza Strip maintained by at least hundreds of thousands of Israeli had to be daily involved in maintaining this mega prison of policing millions of people. And the idea, and I think that's where Leibowitz, which was different from Kollek and Abba, even for instance, Leibowitz warned them that their sense that they might separate, there will be this democratic liberal pluralist Israel within the pre '67 borders, and there will be something less admirable, less fortunate, but hopefully manageable beyond the Green Line, beyond the borders of Israel. And he warned rightly so that you will not be able to contain it, that it would spill over into Israel, and you will not have, in the end of the day, two entities, namely a liberal democratic Israel next to an occupied Palestine.
No, in the end of the day, you will have one apartheid system that may have varieties in the way it controls the lives of Palestinians, but in essence, as indeed Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International eventually understood recently, would have to be ruled through segregation, discrimination, and oppression. And it doesn't matter whether we talk about Tel Aviv and Haifa or we talk about Nablus and Gaza, it became one organic country where the people who are Palestinians are subjected to a variety of legal regimes and military regimes that violate the basic civil and human rights.
Chris Hedges:
And I just want to say that Israeli Arabs, even though pre '67 there were moves to incorporate them in the side, nevertheless did not serve in the army or the intelligence units. That's correct, right?
Ilan Pappé:
Yeah, yeah.
Chris Hedges:
Yeah. So Leibowitz, it's not just that the occupation for him is not sustainable, but it's what it does, how it deforms Israeli society. And I wonder if you could speak to what happened. I'm especially interested in why you believe these Zionist fanatics and bigots and crypto-fascists, these people surrounding Netanyahu, why they became ascendant?
Ilan Pappé:
Well, I think that there are two crises here at work. One crisis is what you can call the Zionist left, this attempt to, if you want, to square the circle to somehow say to yourself, I can be both an occupier and a socialist or a liberal. This failed to work on so many levels. First of all, the Palestinians were not impressed by that. They understood, as I once put it, that when a Zionist has a boot on your face, it doesn't matter whether he holds the Book of Marks or the Bible, what matters is the boot. And I think that's one reason the Zionist left was not working. Secondly, there was a sense among the Israeli Jewish electorate that this is a deception actually. And there was something in it, they said, "You actually think like us, but you would've liked it to be nicer. You would've liked the world not to be fully aware of it. You don't want to lose international legitimacy. It's not because you have different moral approach, but you have a more functional approach to it." And that did not convince the Jewish electorate.
So one crisis was this, what I call the failure to square the circle and take universal values and say that they can coexist with the values of colonialism and oppression. The second and no less important is the failure or the collapse of the idea that you can redefine Judaism as nationalism. There was an attempt to create a Jewish culture, a Jewish identity, which is secular, and it didn't work. There are some successes. There is a Hebrew culture, no doubt. I myself dream in Hebrew. Hebrew is my mother tongue so I'm fully aware of the success of Zionism to create a Hebrew culture. But the Hebrew culture is not a substitute for Judaism. It creates a culture around language, but doesn't have the power that a religious affiliation has.
And what happened was that while the religious Jews had a clear idea what Judaism is, Israeli Jews never knew what does it mean to be an Israeli Jew? As you probably know, in our idea, on our identity cards, our nationality is not Israeli. No, Israeli has an nationality identity that is an Israeli. In my idea, it's written that my nationality is Jewish. And in the idea of my neighbor who is a Palestinian Israeli, it says that his nationality is Muslim, not Palestinian or Christian, which I mean, they try to impose this idea that they can play with religious identities and even impose it on Christians and Muslims. It doesn't work. It doesn't work. And I think anywhere you look at the world and attempt to create a state identity that is equivalent to a religious identity in the modern world is not working. It is not working.
And this crisis has led to the return to Judaism as a religion by many Israeli Jews, including the Arab Jews who were anyway more traditional. And then they asked themselves similar things that are happening in political Islam. Can we translate the Jewish scriptures into political documents of our day? Can we impose the imperatives of the religion on the public domain, on the state policy, both the domestic one and the foreign one? And for secular Israelis, this is something they cannot coexist with. But they don't really have a very good answer. So what does it mean to be a Jew if it's not to be a religious Jew? What is a secular Jew? What is a secular Muslim for that matter? Or secular Christian? And that's a crisis that maybe also exists in other places, but there's no, this pressure cooker that Israel is where these questions become vital and existential.
Chris Hedges:
When Thucydides (c. 460 BC – c. 400 BC) talked about the expansion of the Athenian Empire, he wrote that, "The tyranny Athens imposed on others, it finally imposed on itself." To what extent is the tyranny that Israel has imposed on occupied Palestinians now being imposed on itself?
Ilan Pappé:
Well, we had clear indications, especially... I mean, they were there before, but I think the 7th of October was a pretext for this tyranny to be directed towards freethinking Israeli citizens who are also Jewish by definition. We have a clear case of a history teacher in Petah Tikva who all he did, he shared with his students, pupils rather, some alternative views to the ones they hear in the Israeli media. And he was arrested for few days before he was released. Any attempt by Palestinian citizens of Israel or anti-Zionist Israeli citizens to express doubts or even say that you have to understand the context of the 7th of October is regarded by the police as incitement to terrorism. So inevitable, as any historian would know, this can never be contained towards one group of people, and eventually you use these powers against your own people, and it depends who is the one who uses the power.
There's some very important critical sociologists in Israel, which I am not one of them, but they followed the way that the upper echelons of the Israeli Security Service, the upper echelons of the army, are now populated by what I call the State of Judea, namely settlers, national religious settlers are now occupying very important position. You have, of course, the ultimate example, and this is the terrorist from the Judea state, Itamar Ben-Gvir (b. 1976), as the Minister of Internal Security. So even at the top, you have someone who doesn't hesitate to use the same means against free thinking Israelis, regardless of who they are, Jews or Arabs, as he wants to use them against the Palestinians. But he may be a bit of a joke even in the eyes of his own subordinates, but there are more serious people below him who supposedly are part of the civil service and are not politically elected, but they come from this ideological hotbed that sees people like myself, if you want, as dangerous as any Palestinian, and that is something that is now spreading in Israel.
Chris Hedges:
Let's talk about October 7th, both the micro impact and as a historian, the macro impact?
Ilan Pappé:
Well, the micro impact is a bizarre, really and I'm trying to get my head around it, although I can begin to understand this. Let's start with the Israeli Jewish society. There is this almost impossible mixture of total disbelief in the ability of the Jewish state to defend you or even provide you with the most fundamental services. So it's a total breakdown in the confidence of the State to provide for you, not only defend you because the military failed, but the way the state was not there after the 7th of October. I don't know how much people are aware of it, but the State did not function for about two months in terms of providing social, economical... it was all done by the civil society. The government did not function at all in terms of helping people who were evicted from the north or the south.
So on the one hand, there is this breakdown in believing in the State. On the other hand, there is a total support for the genocidal policies in Gaza. It's a contradiction, but one can understand where it comes from, and that's one of the micro kind of impact you have, that you will have an even more intransigent, inflexible, theocratic, fanatic Israeli Jew society in the post 7 October Israel.
As for the Palestinians, I think some big questions would be asked also by the Palestinian national movement because it's a big responsibility to stage an operation when you probably know beforehand what the Israeli reaction would be. It always reminds me of the two... I had a webinar with some people from Lebanon and we talked about it, and I think there are similarities. People say to me, "But Hamas was kind of building on the legacy of 2000 when Hezbollah bravely succeeded in pushing the Israeli army outside of Lebanon." So there is an example of an Arab paramilitary group being a match to the might of the Israeli Army. But I said, "Yes, but there's another legacy, that's a legacy of 2006 when Hassan Nasrallah (b. 1960), the leader of Hezbollah, said, 'Had I known that Israeli reaction to the abduction of three soldiers would be the destruction of Beirut, I would not have ordered that operation.'"
So he did talk with responsibility of when you strategize, you have responsibility also for your own people. It would be interesting to see in the micro level, first of all how the Palestinians are reacting to the Israeli retaliation, beyond of course their ability. And I think they were able to galvanize public opinion to show that however one condemns or doesn't condemn the service of October, it does not weaken the basic growing solidarity with the Palestinians.
Now let's talk about the macro. The macro is that Israel is not going to defeat the Hamas that easily, and is going to be stuck there. And in order even to maintain some sort of success, victory, they would have to stay there for years in direct occupation. And this could easily escalate into an uprising in the West Bank and attack from the north by Hezbollah, and who knows, even undercurrents in the Arab world that would change the Arab tolerance of Israel that we have seen so far. This can escalate to regional war. On the one hand, that's the bleak scenario.
The more positive scenario in the macro one is that the civil society that is now very much pro-Palestinian and even supports boycott and divestments from Israel, may succeed in convincing some governments in the Global North, and definitely in the Global South, to move beyond actions of civil society into sanctions and pressure on Israel, and maybe have a total new perception about the need to pressure Israel to give up its supremacist policies, its oppression, and so on.
It's too early to judge which of the two processes will unfold. They may even unfold in conjunction, namely, the more violent the region would become, the more willing maybe the international community would be willing to change its basic perceptions of what is the essence of the problem and what is the way out of it.
Chris Hedges:
But isn't the key Washington? I mean Israel, along with the US, is already on this issue, they're pariah states, as we saw with the vote in the UN. As long as there's unconditional support from Washington, Israel can resist any kind of pressure, can't they?
Ilan Pappé:
Well, that's a very big question because I think that the Global South also has power. I taught in a Chinese university recently in September, and it was very clear that China, for instance, is still reluctant to be involved in the question of Palestine because as you know, Chinese foreign policy, contrary to the way it's portrayed in America, is interested in economic gains more than anything else. And rightly so, Palestine is not an economic bonanza these days. So I don't think they're likely to be involved too much in it.
But I do think that there are other powers on the international map that could challenge the American hegemony on the question of Palestine, that's one point. And secondly, yes, America is still a key, but something is happening in the American civil society. Israelis and pro-Israelis in America like to call it the rise of new anti-Semitism, which is a very superficial analysis of the fact that the younger generation of Americans, A, is much more knowledgeable than the previous generation what goes on in Palestine. B, is far more committed, some people would say naively, but they are more committed to moral dimension of foreign and security policies. And that includes large chunks of the young American Jewish community. So I'm not sure that also this determinist view of an American policy is the right approach, either. I do think there's a chance of a different American policy as well.
But I do think Chris, probably the best way to do it is by saying there are two coalitions now when it comes to Palestine. One I call global Israel. Global Israel is still governments in the Global South, multinational corporation, military industries, security industries, communities of Christian Zionists and Jews who more or less continue to provide Israel immunity for almost everything it does, almost automatically, kind of a faith. And against that is global Palestine. And global Palestine is made of civil societies. Some governments in the Global South who are not only pro-Palestinian, but they really believe that the struggle for justice in Palestine connects very well with their own struggles against injustice in their own societies. And this is the younger generation of the world.
And I think that this is a battle that goes beyond a Palestine, connects ecological issues, poverty issues, rights of minorities issues with Palestine, and therefore I don't think the balance of power is just America versus the rest of the world. I think there are much more complex two global coalitions, which are relevant not only to Palestine, but I see the relevance mainly in the case of Palestine because I'm interested in it. But I'm sure they can be also exposed in other places of contention and where conflicts are still raging.
Chris Hedges:
Let's close by looking at Gaza. First I want to talk about intent. The UN says that half of Gazans now face starvation. I was in Sarajevo during the war, that was 300 to 400 shells a day, four to five dead a day, about two dozen wounded a day. This is just by comparison, I don't want to minimize what happened in Sarajevo, I still have nightmares about it. But that's nothing compared to what's happening in Gaza in terms of the level of bombing. What is the intent? Is the intent to create a humanitarian crisis of such extremity that the international community is forced to intervene and become a partner in ethnic cleansing? Well what? You know the mindset of the people around Netanyahu better than I do.
Ilan Pappé:
Well, first of all, I think that there was really here an inertia of revenge to begin with, rather than a very careful planning. And not everything should be attributed to clear and systematic planning. As the days went by, it was clear to at least one group within the policymakers who thought that the war gives a pretext to get rid of Gaza, a more systematic planning. So the end result, as far as they're concerned, is the depopulation of the Gaza Strip from as many Palestinians as possible either to Egypt or to other parts of the world, because Gaza, if it's not sustainable now, it wouldn't even be less sustainable in the future. I think there is one component among the Israeli policy makers who believe that they have the power to do it.
There is a more, I don't know, even call them more moderate, I'll call them more pragmatic people like Benjamin Gantz (b. 1959), Gadi Eizenkot (b. 1960), also depends. I mean, they joined the government in the last moment from the opposition. I don't know how influential they will be for the day after. But if they're still influential on the day after, they would like to see... They have a certain end game in mind, which is to annex part of the Gaza Strip directly to Israel, which what will remain is a very small piece of land with a huge number of people living in it and hoping that someone else would run the domestic affairs of Gaza, whether it's the PA or a multinational force.
However, they don't think that it's even possible to discuss the day after scenarios before they fulfill what they promised to the Israeli public, which is something they cannot fulfill. And that's one of the reasons for the carnage that we are seeing, that they could have this victory photo, kind of triumphant photo that shows that the Hamas is nowhere to be seen in Gaza, or at least nowhere to be seen as a military force. I don't think they can achieve it, but they still believe that they can.
And until that happens, they continue relentlessly doing it by the way, [by that, even endangering more the lives of the still 130 and so Israeli hostages still held by the Hamas in the Gaza Strip]. They claim that the two objectives of what they call the land maneuver is to destroy the Hamas as a military power and to salvage the hostages. It's very clear from the way they're acting, they have given up on the hostages, but they still believe they have the power to get this picture that they want, either a dead Yahya Sinwar (b. 1962) or an expelled Sinwar, the scenario of Lebanon 1982 Arafat leaving to Tunis with the rest of the Palestinian leadership. These are the scenarios they have, and all the means seems to be justified in their eyes to achieve that.
Chris Hedges:
And you are arguing they won't. So what happens when they don't achieve that?
Ilan Pappé:
That's what I meant before that what happens is that they are going to be stuck there for much longer than they think, involved in a guerilla warfare which is much longer than they think, endangering every day an escalation that could bring other factors as other actors into that conflict with dire consequences also for Israel itself. Can you imagine, Chris, what would've happened if in the 7th of October Hezbollah would've coordinated with the Hamas a similar attack on the north? Remember, the main military problem for Israel was that most of its army was in the West Bank helping to defend the settlers and helping them with their ethnic cleansing. So there was not enough soldiers in the North and not enough soldiers on the Gaza border to prevent a operation like the one the Hamas conducted. Imagine what would happen if the Hezbollah would've joined in, how Israel would've got out of that. And somehow this lesson is not being learned by the Israeli policymakers.
So I think that they are going to take Israel into a very dire future, even for the Israelis themselves, in terms of casualties, in terms of international isolation, in terms of economic crisis. And relying all the time on the American Congress, it's not the best and most solid pillar in the world to build a future for a younger generation and tell them that they live in the best place the Jews could be in the world right now. They're sort of digging their own hole here because they don't want to see what the problem is and what price they have to pay if they really want to build a different future.
Chris Hedges:
Great. That was Ilan Pappe, professor of history at the University of Exeter in Great Britain, author of the Biggest Prison on Earth: The History of the Occupied Territories and the Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. I want to thank the Real News Network and its production team, Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, David Hebden, and Kayla Rivara. You can find me at ChrisHedges.substack.com.
This article first appeared on The Real News Network and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
45 new Canadians participating in a citizenship ceremony in Charlottetown, June 2018
Participants included Her Honour, the Honourable Antoinette Perry, Lieutenant Governor of Prince Edward Island, Workforce and Advanced Learning Minister Sonny Gallant, and Charlottetown Deputy Mayor Duffy
Ellen Woo, USICS Assistant Regional Director congratulates the new citizens.
On Thursday, September 23, Grand Canyon National Park in coordination with The Department of Homeland Security, hosted a naturalization ceremony at the Mather Amphitheater on the South Rim. This is the first time in history that Grand Canyon National Park has hosted such an event..
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Under blue skies and before a breathtaking view, 23 individuals from 12 different countries including, Colombia, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Japan, Mexico, Morocco, Australia, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, Venezuela, Vietnam and Zambia, became naturalized citizens. Many family members and close friends of the candidates came to show their support for this special event. Park employees and visitors also watched on as the candidates stated the Oath of Allegiance, and received their certificates of naturalization. .
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Deputy Superintendent Palma Wilson welcomed the candidates and their families. The Presentation of Colors was done by the Air Force ROTC Honor Guard of Northern Arizona University. John M. Ramirez, Acting District Director for the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) administered the Oath of Allegiance to America's newest citizens. A keynote address was given by USCIS Ombudsman January Contreras. Ms. Contreras stated, “Everyday, we welcome new and diverse stories and heritages into the great patchwork of our Nation. United by our devotion to the Constitution and to the civic engagement it inspires, Americans remain committed to the fundamental principles established over two hundred years ago.”.
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This event is part of USCIS’s annual celebration of Constitution Day and Citizenship Day. An estimated 9,258 candidates will become citizens at 63 special ceremonies held across the country and around the world from Sept. 13-24..
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Constitution Day is celebrated on Sept. 17 in remembrance of the signing of the Constitution in 1787. Since 1952, Citizenship Day has been celebrated in conjunction with Constitution Day, although Congress first underscored the significance of United States citizenship in 1940, when Congress designated the third Sunday in May as “I Am an American Day.”
NPS Photo by Michael Quinn
On March 3, in partnership with the Institute for Canadian Citizenship and Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, Acadia University hosted a citizenship ceremony, celebrating 45 people from 13 countries as they became Canadians. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau surprised the new Canadians to welcome them home. Peter Olekevich photo