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John Burroughs
Truth Matters! Character Matters!
dahlia, j c raulston arboretum, ncsu, raleigh, north carolina
JAMAL KHASHOGGI
Jamal Ahmad Khashoggi (Medina, Saudi Arabia, 13 October 1958 – Istanbul, Turkey, 2 October 2018) was a Saudi journalist, political commentator, and dissident voice who became a global symbol of the price of truth when truth disturbs absolute power. His story is not that of an ordinary reporter: it is the story of a man who grew up within an authoritarian system, who understood the machinery of power from the inside, and who therefore knew exactly how propaganda can turn into violence.
Origins, family, and education
Khashoggi was born in Medina, one of the most important cities in Islam. He came from a well-connected and socially recognized Saudi background: his family had status and access, and he grew up close enough to institutions and elites to understand how authority truly functions. This point is crucial: Jamal Khashoggi was not a dissident “from the margins.” He was a man who knew the structure—and became dangerous precisely when he chose not to lie.
He studied and developed part of his education abroad, which helped shape a broader view of politics and freedom of expression. His professional identity was built on journalism rooted in facts and direct observation: he did not write to entertain, he wrote to expose.
Journalistic career and public role
For decades, Khashoggi worked as a journalist in Saudi Arabia and across the Arab world. He had close knowledge of political life and witnessed crises, wars, transformations, and power struggles. He wrote about sensitive subjects: corruption, extremism, internal repression, war, and the relationship between society and religious authority.
In this stage, his role was complex: on one side he was a journalist with access and connections; on the other he tried to preserve an independent space of thought. This tension reflects a country where speaking truth is always dangerous and every sentence becomes a negotiation with the limits imposed from above.
Exile and the choice to speak
In the final years of his life, as political repression intensified in Saudi Arabia and the control of critical voices grew harsher, Khashoggi increasingly collided with power. His public positions, his call for reform, his criticism of censorship, and his denunciation of arrests of opponents made him unacceptable to the regime.
He moved to the United States and began writing as a columnist for The Washington Post. At that point his voice became international—and therefore even more intolerable. He was no longer a manageable dissenter within the country’s borders: he had become a global witness.
Private life and his relationship with Hatice Cengiz
On a human level, Jamal Khashoggi was not only a political symbol: he was a man with a private life, love, and plans. He was engaged to Hatice Cengiz, who would later become a crucial witness after his disappearance. Their story makes the tragedy even more brutal: Khashoggi entered a building expecting to complete paperwork necessary to marry and build a life, and was instead erased.
His death: how, where, and why
On 2 October 2018, Jamal Khashoggi entered the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul, Turkey, to obtain documents required for his marriage. He never came out.
International investigations and reconstructions indicate that he was lured into a trap: inside the consulate a team of Saudi agents was waiting. Khashoggi was killed and his body was made to disappear. The brutality of the operation—carried out inside a consulate, a formally diplomatic space—turned the case into a message to the world: no place is safe if power decides you must vanish.
The murder of Khashoggi was not “just another killing.” It was a political execution. An act of state terror against an unarmed man, guilty of only one thing: writing, criticizing, thinking.
Those who ordered it, and its historical meaning
Questions about who ordered the murder and higher-level responsibility have marked the entire case. The most disturbing truth is this: an operation of that kind is not the action of uncontrolled criminals, but the expression of a power structure capable of using death as a political instrument.
Khashoggi became a symbol of the violation of press freedom, the repression of dissidents, and the fragility of human rights when they collide with economic interests and geopolitical convenience.
Why Khashoggi belongs in this series
Jamal Khashoggi died for truth in a modern and terrifying way: not in a public execution, but through a planned disappearance, inside an official building, in the twenty-first century.
His death forces a question the world continues to avoid: how many times does global politics choose silence over justice when truth becomes inconvenient for the powerful?
Martin Luther King Jr. (Atlanta, Georgia, 15 January 1929 – Memphis, Tennessee, 4 April 1968) was a Baptist minister, intellectual, and one of the most influential leaders in modern history. He became the moral and strategic heart of the American Civil Rights Movement, transforming the fight against racism and segregation into a universal struggle for human dignity. He was not simply a “speaker”: he was an organizer, a strategist of nonviolent resistance, and a global symbol of justice.
King was born into a deeply rooted Black Christian community. His birth name was Michael King Jr., later changed to Martin Luther King Jr. He studied at Morehouse College, then at Crozer Theological Seminary, and earned a PhD in Systematic Theology from Boston University. His education and faith shaped a rare combination: spiritual authority, intellectual depth, and political clarity.
He married Coretta Scott King, who would become a powerful activist in her own right and carry his legacy forward. Together they had four children: Yolanda, Martin Luther King III, Dexter Scott, and Bernice. King’s family life was inseparable from his mission: his wife and children lived under constant threat, surveillance, and hatred, because his struggle disturbed the foundations of a racist system.
King rose to national prominence during the Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955–1956), triggered by Rosa Parks’ arrest. The boycott was not only a protest: it was a disciplined political campaign that proved collective dignity could defeat legalized humiliation. King’s leadership helped turn nonviolent resistance into a mass force—organized, strategic, and morally unbreakable.
In 1957 he became the first president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), helping coordinate civil rights campaigns across the South. He led and supported major actions in Birmingham, Selma, and other cities, facing arrests, beatings, threats, and violent repression. He was jailed multiple times; his “Letter from Birmingham Jail” became a landmark of modern political ethics, defending civil disobedience against unjust laws and condemning the dangerous comfort of neutrality.
On 28 August 1963, during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, King delivered the speech that became one of the most famous in human history: “I Have a Dream.” It was not a poetic moment alone—it was a political declaration that made equality a global moral demand. In the following years, the Civil Rights Movement achieved historic legal victories, including the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the Voting Rights Act (1965), milestones that changed the United States forever.
In 1964 King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for leading nonviolent resistance to racial injustice. The prize recognized not only his words, but the discipline and courage of a movement that faced hatred with moral strength and political strategy.
In his final years, King expanded his struggle beyond segregation. He spoke openly against poverty, economic exploitation, and the Vietnam War—positions that made him even more threatening to power. He launched what would become the Poor People’s Campaign, insisting that civil rights without economic justice were incomplete.
In 1968 King traveled to Memphis to support the strike of Black sanitation workers—men demanding dignity, fair treatment, and the right to live as human beings. On 4 April 1968, King was standing on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel when he was shot and killed. He died at the age of 39. James Earl Ray was convicted of the assassination. King’s death sparked grief, rage, and uprisings across the United States, because his murder was widely felt as the execution of hope itself.
Martin Luther King Jr. was killed because he was effective. He exposed injustice with clarity, and he organized people to defeat it without becoming what they fought against. He proved that nonviolence is not weakness: it is discipline, courage, and political power. His life remains a permanent accusation against racism, indifference, and every system built on humiliation.
Giulio Regeni (Trieste, 15 January 1988 – Cairo, 3 February 2016) was an Italian researcher: rigorous, lucid, and deeply human. He belonged to that rare category of young intellectuals who do not observe the world from above, but enter it, listen to it, and study it from the inside. His work was built on field research, on real voices, and on a sincere attention to the lives of ordinary people.
Regeni focused on social and economic dynamics related to labour. In Egypt, he studied independent trade unions and workers’ forms of organization: a sensitive field, because wherever people try to unite to defend rights and dignity, authoritarian regimes perceive a threat. His work was not propaganda. It was knowledge, analysis, and documentation. And this is precisely why it became dangerous: social truth—about exploitation, fear, repression, poverty, and power—is never neutral for those who rule.
In January 2016 Giulio was in Cairo. On 25 January he disappeared. Days passed in silence, while his family and the public demanded answers. On 3 February his body was found. The signs of torture were undeniable, consistent with systematic methods of violence. His murder was not a private tragedy: it was a political message, a deliberate attempt to erase an investigation and intimidate anyone who tries to see too much, understand too much, name what must not be named.
Giulio Regeni became the symbol of an unbearable truth: that research itself can be treated as a crime when it touches the nerve centres of power; that studying labour rights means entering forbidden territory; that knowledge, in repressive systems, is punished as dissent.
Regeni did not die “by chance.” He was kidnapped, tortured and murdered because he was making visible what was meant to remain invisible: the machinery of repression, the imposed fear, the crushed dignity of work.
I publish these portraits to keep history from being forgotten: not the convenient version, not the one simplified by media narratives, but the true story of real people—ethical, courageous human beings—who gave their lives for human rights, for dignity, for justice, and for the protection of others, asking for nothing in return. Because those who died for the truth must not be erased by indifference.
**Socrates — a documented, contextual biography**
Socrates (Athens, c. 470/469 BC – Athens, 399 BC) is one of the decisive figures of Western thought. Paradoxically, he is also one of the hardest to define historically: he left no writings, and everything we know about him comes from indirect testimony, shaped by different intentions—defence, satire, philosophical interpretation. The main sources are Plato and Xenophon (both his disciples), while Aristophanes portrayed him in satirical form. For this reason, any biography of Socrates is also a critical comparison between conflicting portraits.
**Origins, private life, and public presence**
Socrates was an Athenian citizen. Ancient tradition describes him as living simply—often in relative poverty—and as having an unusual public role: he spoke in the streets, in meeting places, in gymnasia, questioning citizens of every kind (politicians, craftsmen, poets, and especially young men of the elite). He founded no institutional “school” like Plato’s Academy, and he presented no written system. His work was living dialogue.
Regarding family life, ancient sources mention his wife Xanthippe and children. These details remain secondary in philosophical texts, but they recur in tradition. What matters most historically is that Socrates appears as a man rooted in the city: not a hermit, but someone who made the polis the stage of his ethical mission.
**The method and what made him uniquely dangerous**
Socrates’ uniqueness lies not in a written doctrine but in a practice: the pursuit of truth through relentless questioning, refutation, and careful definition. Modern scholarship often calls this style the “Socratic method” (elenchus): Socrates tests another person’s beliefs until contradictions and self-deceptions are exposed. This was not intellectual sport. It was a moral operation, because it forced people to choose between truth and comfortable illusion.
In Plato’s dialogues, Socrates insists that his strength is a kind of “negative knowledge”: knowing that he does not know, and therefore refusing easy certainties. That is precisely what made him politically explosive: a citizen trained to reason cannot be governed through slogans, fear, or prestige.
**Religion, the daimonion, and the accusation of impiety**
Socrates is often misunderstood as simply “atheist.” The sources rather describe his experience of the daimonion—an inner voice or divine sign that restrained him from actions he considered wrong. This element contributed to suspicion in a highly sensitive religious and political context, because it could be interpreted as introducing “new divinities” or deviating from civic cults.
**Historical background: a wounded Athens, scapegoats, and political fear**
The trial of 399 BC took place in a traumatized Athens: the city had been defeated in the Peloponnesian War and had passed through internal crises and political violence. In such climates societies look for scapegoats and tighten control over anything perceived as threatening order and cohesion. This context is crucial for understanding how a philosopher could become “dangerous.”
In addition, certain figures associated with Socrates’ circle carried politically compromising associations for Athenian memory. Modern reconstructions often consider this an important background factor, even though the indictment itself was formally religious and moral.
**The trial: charges, accusers, and condemnation**
The formal charges were two: (1) impiety (asebeia)—not recognizing the gods of the city and/or introducing new divinities; (2) corrupting the youth. In the best-known accounts, the accusers are Meletus, Anytus, and Lycon (as presented in Plato’s tradition). Socrates delivered his defence (the “Apology” in Plato and also in Xenophon) and was found guilty by a citizen jury. Ancient and modern reconstructions agree on a key fact: his death was not accidental, but a legal death sentence within Athenian procedure.
**Hemlock: imposed by the State, accepted by him**
The hemlock was the method of execution and therefore imposed by the State. Socrates did not “choose death” as a free suicide: he chose not to escape and not to renounce his life’s coherence. His death is therefore both a juridical-political execution and an ethical act of integrity—accepting the consequences of one’s life without surrendering to fear.
**Historical significance: what changes after Socrates**
Socrates became a point of no return. After him, philosophy in the West increasingly defined itself as care of the soul, moral responsibility, and the search for truth—not merely as rhetorical technique or speculation. Through Plato and Xenophon, Socrates also became a permanent symbol: the man who, in front of power, refused to abandon the duty to question.
I publish this series of figures to awaken consciences and to remember how many people died defending truth, justice, and the rights of the oppressed. I want to highlight the injustices that still exist and show young people that the only thing we can do is to fight, because evil still rules and continues to target those who try to make a difference. This series is an invitation to remember, reflect, and never accept injustice.
“In truth, it was not so much his opinions as his audacity in thinking that condemned him.” (on the Bruno case — Arthur Schopenhauer)
GIORDANO BRUNO—Giordano Bruno (Nola, 1548 – Rome, 17 February 1600) was a philosopher, Dominican friar, writer, poet, and one of the most radical and free minds in European history. His name does not stand only for a victim of the Inquisition: it stands for a rupture. Bruno broke the mental architecture of the medieval and dogmatic world—not through superficial rebellion, but through immense intellectual work and a rare moral force: the refusal to kneel.
Bruno was not killed for a single sentence. He was killed because he was too great, too free, too dangerous: because he made a new human being possible—a human being who thinks without a master.
Origins and formation
He was born in Nola, in the Kingdom of Naples, in 1548. His birth name was Filippo Bruno; he took the name Giordano when he entered the Dominican Order. Very young, he moved to Naples, into a vibrant cultural environment where philosophy, literature, and theology coexisted in constant tension. He was brilliant, hungry for knowledge, and profoundly allergic to every form of dogma.
He entered the convent of San Domenico Maggiore in Naples. There he studied Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas, and the classics, but also texts outside orthodoxy. Bruno was an “impossible” friar: not made for obedience. His mind was made for research and contradiction. Accusations of heresy began early: Bruno read, debated, doubted, attacked superstition, and refused mechanical devotion.
Flight from Italy and European exile
When he understood that the inquisitorial machine was closing in, Bruno fled. Thus began a wandering European life that lasted for years: Geneva, Toulouse, Paris, London, Oxford, Wittenberg, Prague, Helmstedt, Frankfurt… Bruno became a European intellectual before Europe existed as a modern idea.
This was not a peaceful exile: wherever he went, he caused scandal. Because Bruno was not accommodating. He did not seek protection. He sought truth. He challenged professors, theologians, academies. He exposed cultural hypocrisy. He defended freedom of thought with an energy that made him beloved by a few and hated by many.
Major works: what he left behind
Bruno left a vast body of philosophical and literary work. Among the most important:
La cena de le Ceneri (1584): a dialogue in which he discusses cosmology and attacks closed, authoritarian mentalities.
De la causa, principio et uno (1584): a philosophical work on the deep principle of reality and the structure of being.
De l’infinito, universo e mondi (1584): perhaps his most revolutionary text; it proclaims an infinite universe and multiple worlds, rejecting the closed and hierarchical medieval cosmos.
Lo spaccio de la bestia trionfante (1584): a satirical and philosophical attack on moral vices and spiritual degradation.
De gli eroici furori (1585): a high work that fuses philosophy and poetry, presenting the desire for the infinite as the heroic drive of the soul.
Another crucial line of his work concerns the art of memory (mnemonics), but not as a scholastic exercise: as the strengthening of the mind, as the construction of thought itself.
To say “Bruno was a philosopher” is not enough. Bruno was an architect of consciousness.
His most explosive idea: the infinite
Bruno broke the idea of a closed, finite universe with a single center, governed by metaphysical hierarchies in which human beings must obey.
He imagined a cosmos without center, without limits, filled with worlds. An infinite universe means one terrible thing for power: if the universe is infinite, then no authority can claim to be “the center.”
This was not only a scientific issue; it was a political and religious one. It undermined the mental scaffolding through which souls were controlled.
Why he truly disturbed power
Bruno disturbed power on several fronts—each deadly in his time:
1) Radical freedom of thought: Bruno did not negotiate—he thought. In a system built on dogma, a man like that becomes contagion.
2) Infinite cosmology and plurality of worlds: not just astronomy, but an assault on hierarchy, on the “center” of authority.
3) Ferocious critique of superstition and hypocrisy: Bruno did not whisper—he exposed and ridiculed lies.
4) A new idea of the human being: not born to obey, but to know. A bomb.
Return to Italy: the trap
After years of exile, Bruno returned to Italy. It was a tragic passage: perhaps he hoped for stability, perhaps he underestimated the danger. He was denounced, arrested, and handed to the Inquisition.
Trial and imprisonment
Bruno spent years in prison. The Inquisition did not only seek to condemn him: it sought to break him. Interrogations, pressure, demands to retract.
Their obsession was not to punish a man, but to destroy an example.
But Bruno did not yield. He did not step back into the enclosure. He did not kneel. He did not “correct” his ideas to save himself.
Death: the stake at Campo de’ Fiori
On 17 February 1600, Giordano Bruno was condemned and burned alive at Campo de’ Fiori in Rome.
That death was not simply an execution. It was a declaration of power: “whoever thinks outside the enclosure burns.”
And Bruno became the opposite of what they wanted: eternal.
Legacy
Giordano Bruno remains a symbol of freedom of thought, but also something deeper: proof that intelligence and conscience can be considered more dangerous than weapons.
Bruno is not only a martyr—he is a threshold. After him, European thought can no longer pretend the world is closed.
And it can no longer pretend human beings must obey in order to live.
Bruno left a tragic and luminous certainty: you can burn a body, but you cannot burn the infinite.
Dom Phillips (23 June 1964 – 5 June 2022) was a British investigative journalist, born in Bebington, United Kingdom. He devoted a significant part of his professional life to reporting on Latin America, and especially Brazil, becoming one of the clearest and most courageous voices denouncing the destruction of the Amazon rainforest.
Phillips worked with major international media outlets and spent years reporting from the field, with rigor and determination, on issues many preferred to ignore: illegal deforestation, poaching, illegal fishing, criminal trafficking networks, local corruption, and the systematic violence directed at Indigenous communities and environmental defenders.
In 2022, he traveled to the Javari Valley region—one of the most remote and vulnerable areas of the Brazilian Amazon—to gather evidence and testimonies for a research and writing project focused on the protection of the rainforest and the survival of Indigenous peoples. In that territory, criminal groups involved in illegal exploitation had turned the forest into a silent war zone: a conflict without uniforms, where those who speak are eliminated.
On 5 June 2022, Dom Phillips was murdered together with Bruno Pereira, a Brazilian Indigenous affairs expert. Their journey ended exactly where truth becomes dangerous—where illegal profit collides with witnesses. Their bodies were hidden in the forest, as happens when murder is meant not only to kill a person, but to erase a message.
Dom Phillips did not die by chance.
He was killed because he documented what many want buried: that the Amazon is not being “used,” it is being looted; that water, land, and the lives of Indigenous peoples are treated as obstacles; and that behind certain economic interests there are threats, weapons, and complicity.
His death is an international wound and a clear symbol: when a man is eliminated for telling the truth, the blame is not on the jungle, not on fate, not on “crime.”
The blame lies with the system that protects profit and fails to protect life.
I publish these portraits to remind young people of real history: not the polished version offered by media narratives, but the true history of ethical and moral human beings who died for the people, for human dignity, and for the world’s resources. Those who gave their lives for truth must not be erased by indifference.
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
Jan Palach (Všetaty, 11 August 1948 – Prague, 19 January 1969) was a Czechoslovak student who became one of the most intense and shocking symbols of civil resistance against the Soviet occupation and against the moral surrender of an entire people. His is not a “romantic” story, nor an impulsive act: Palach is a historical figure because, at the very moment when society began to grow accustomed to fear, he chose to break that normality.
Origins, family, and education
Jan was born in Všetaty, a small town north of Prague in Czechoslovakia. He came from a simple, working family: his father was a small shopkeeper (also connected to a pastry business), and Jan grew up with an upbringing rooted in work, a strong sense of duty, and a concrete morality—never displayed for appearance. This is important: Palach did not come from political elites. He was an ordinary young man who studied, observed, and decided.
In the post-war years, Czechoslovakia experienced the progressive hardening of the communist regime into an authoritarian system: social control, censorship, and limits on freedom of thought. Jan Palach therefore grew up in a world where freedom was not guaranteed and where truth was managed from above.
He became a university student and enrolled at Charles University in Prague, one of the most important cultural institutions in Central Europe. Palach was not known for showmanship: he is described as serious, reflective, determined, with a very strong sense of responsibility. His was not the psychology of an “hero,” but the ethics of someone who refuses to accept humiliation as normal.
The Prague Spring and shattered hope
In 1968 Czechoslovakia went through an extraordinary historic moment: the so-called Prague Spring, an attempt at reform and liberalization that sparked hope for a more humane socialism—freer, less repressive. For months the country breathed again: civil society moved, culture revived, and public speech returned to life.
But in August 1968 the invasion came: the troops of the Warsaw Pact, led by the Soviet Union, entered the country to crush the reforms. It was the end of hope and the beginning of “normalization”: repression, propaganda, resignation. Military violence was only the first blow; the second, deeper one was psychological violence: people began to adapt.
And it is precisely here that Jan Palach understood a terrifying truth: power does not win only when it occupies the streets, but when it occupies consciences.
The act: a protest against resignation
On 16 January 1969 Jan Palach carried out the act that would make him an eternal symbol: he poured flammable liquid over himself and set himself on fire in Wenceslas Square in central Prague. The place was not accidental: it was the civic, political, and historical heart of the city. It was an act of accusation against the occupation and against the gradual extinction of resistance.
This was not suicide in the ordinary sense. It was a political, moral, tragic sacrifice, meant to awaken society. Palach left messages and demands: among them, the denunciation of censorship and propaganda, and the need for a collective response. He did not call for revenge; he called for conscience.
His choice is terrible because it forces those who witness it to face a question: what is freedom worth? And above all: what is the cost of becoming accustomed to fear?
Death
Palach was taken to hospital with horrific burns. He did not die immediately: he remained alive for three days in terrible conditions and died on 19 January 1969, only twenty years old. In those days he already became a symbol, because his agony was the opposite of propaganda: it was physical truth, flesh, and pain revealing oppression.
Impact and memory
Palach’s funeral turned into a massive demonstration: an entire city was forced to look. The regime tried to minimize him, discredit him, turn him into a case of imbalance. But history did not erase him. Because his act is not “death”: it is accusation.
Jan Palach remains in European memory as a symbol of unarmed resistance and as a martyr of inner freedom. His figure returns over time: when societies begin to awaken again, his name reappears as warning and flame.
It must be said harshly: Palach did not die out of “personal despair.” He died because he understood that the most dangerous occupation is not the one imposed by tanks, but the one imposed on conscience—when a people stops believing that freedom is possible.
Why Jan Palach is a “necessary” figure
Jan Palach shows that there exists a rare kind of courage: the courage of someone who does not fight to win, but to refuse to lie. It is the courage of someone who pays everything to prevent society from getting used to humiliation.
And this is why Palach is not only Czechoslovak history: he is human history. Every time a people bends under fear, Palach returns to remind us that fear, when it becomes habit, is already defeat.
I publish this series of figures to awaken consciences and to remember how many people died defending truth, justice, and the rights of the oppressed. I want to highlight the injustices that still exist and show young people that the only thing we can do is to fight, because evil still rules and continues to target those who try to make a difference. This series is an invitation to remember, reflect, and never accept injustice.
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
Political badges. People's March for Free Press - Truth Matters! 25th March, 2017. Bryant Park / Sixth Avenue. Manhattan, New York City.
Justin
Christmas lights, ornaments twinkling, outdoors welcoming snow..gift-wrapped boxes beckon, a child's delight, little eyes wondering, little voices squealing, little fingers busying..old familiar Christmas tunes & jammies all day long..cameras flashing, toys a-whirring, laughter ringing, coffee brewing, breakfast sizzling..hugs & kisses & joyful noises as our souls sing constant praise to the One who gives it all.
~
And the Word became flesh and dwelt among us, and we have seen his glory, glory as of the only Son from the Father, full of grace and truth. John 1:14
A helpful illustration of the story behind the story.
Christ's beginnings as baby in a manger are just that: the very beginning. It's the rest of the Story that is critical, the story of God's gift of reconciliation to mankind.
"...but emptied himself, by taking the form of a servant, being born in the likeness of men. And being found in human form, he humbled himself by becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a cross." Philippians 2:7
Believe, receive. Live, and be changed forever.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
The Etz Family Institute for Civic Leadership & Dialogue presented "Truth Matters: Fruitfull Disagreement in an Age of Division", featuring a discussion with Cornel West, Professor of Philosophy and Christian Practice at the Union Theological Seminary, and Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. The moderator was Thomas Bell, Assosciate Professor of Political Science, and Director of The Etz Institute at Knox Coilege. The event was held at the historic Central Congregational Church in Galesburg, Illinois.
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