Hillend Camera Club Gallery
View allAll Photos Tagged Syllabus,
Both are translated books
1 - Marx a la plage - Le Capital dans un transat, ,Jean Numa Ducange
2. Let Nietzsche be yr Shrink . Author is a Korean
The first book is written by a French writer. He tried to make Marx ideas easy to understand thus the name Marx at the beach. Marxism was not in our sch syllabus & given the status of Satan's by the gov & many conservatives. IMHO this is a bad policy. It is just like taking photo with only one POV....
Model : My lovely student Fikri Zulhafiz..
Taken during Self - Management lesson [ one of the syllabus ]
Ordo Fagales Engl., Syllabus: 94. 1892
Familia Fagaceae Dumort., Anal. Fam. Pl.: 11 (-12). 1829 (as Fagineeae)
Subfamilia Vidensk. Meddel. Dansk. Naturhist. Foren. Kjöbenhavn: 5. 1866
Genus Quercus L., Sp. Pl. 2: 994.1753
Subgenus Quercus (Loudon) Nixon, 1993
Species Quercus turbinella Greene, Ill. W. Amer. Oaks. 1: 37. 1889.
Synonyms:
Quercus dumosa Nuttall subsp. turbinella (Greene) A.E.Murray
Quercus dumosa Nuttall var. turbinella (Greene) Jepson
Q. subturbinella Trelease
Sonoran Scrub Oak, Shrub Live Oak, Turbinella Oak, Turban Oak., Chêne arbustif turbinelé,
Turban-Eiche
Plant from "Eichen (Oak) Döring", grown from seeds received from the Denver BG.
The foliage of this has a nice, very light blue coloring!
Two ornament image books for collage at $1 each, and the lovely Lynda Barry book Syllabus about her creativity classes from U of W. ( $3 )
Vampire T-55 U-1235 Swiss-AF. On his way with a student during one of its last syllabus flights. Emmen AB (Flugplatz) Switzerland, 22-03-1988.
An den Lichtwiesen, Sommerquartier Mediterrane und Mexikanische Pflanzen.
Ordo Fagales Engl., Syllabus: 94. 1892
Familia Fagaceae Dumort., Anal. Fam. Pl. 11, 12. 1829
Subfamilia Quercoideae Oerst., Vidensk. Meddel. Dansk. Naturhist. Foren. Kjøbenhavn: 5. 1866
Tribu Querceae Dumort.,
Genus Quercus L., Sp. Pl. 2: 994, 1753
Sectio Quercus L 1753 (White Oaks)
Species Quercus germana Schltdl. & Cham., Linnaea 5: 78. 1830
Synonyms:
Quercus galeottii Martens& Galeotti 1843
Quercus substenocarpa Trelease 1924
Native range: East and N.E. Mexico, in Chiapas, Hidalgo, Oaxaca, Puebla, Potosí, Tamaulipas and Veracruz. Usually found at 800 to 1800 m (2625 to 5905 ft) in submontane seasonal dry cloud forests, .
Common names: Mexican Royal Oak, Encino roble, Encino Blanco
Ordo Fagales Engl., Syllabus: 94. 1892
Familia Fagaceae Dumort., Anal. Fam. Pl.: 11 (-12). 1829 (as Fagineeae)
Subfamilia Vidensk. Meddel. Dansk. Naturhist. Foren. Kjöbenhavn: 5. 1866
Genus Quercus L., Sp. Pl. 2: 994.1753
Subgenus Quercus (Loudon) Nixon, 1993
Species Quercus turbinella Greene, Ill. W. Amer. Oaks. 1: 37. 1889.
Synonyms:
Quercus dumosa Nuttall subsp. turbinella (Greene) A.E.Murray
Quercus dumosa Nuttall var. turbinella (Greene) Jepson
Q. subturbinella Trelease
Sonoran Scrub Oak, Shrub Live Oak, Turbinella Oak, Turban Oak., Chêne arbustif turbinelé,
Turban-Eiche
Plant from "Eichen (Oak) Döring", grown from seeds received from the Denver BG.
The foliage of this has a nice, very light blue coloring!
Day #1 of the holidays. Should be revising. Or learning the history syllabus.
List of things I have done today:
Typed up theatre lines
Eaten
Drove (Learnt to bay park!)
Listen to music
Eaten
Photos
Flickr
Played tetris.
Ahh, procrastination.
I am, however, still enjoying this crazy happiness, and very much looking forward to thursday.
Thank you for the testimonial, darling, it means more than words can say! x
We remember those students and teachers who had to leave school in 1938 because they were Jewish.
The topic "Holocaust" in the classroom
"Holocaust Education" in Austria from 1945 to today
The "direct" education by teachers respectively parents' house is often superimposed by society's socializing effects that are unconscious throughout life. Parents need to acknowledge today that mass media education largely substitutes parenting and schooling.
Austrian studies on "Holocaust education", which have been carried out by opinion research institutes or diploma theses in the last decade, must therefore also be considered in this respect.The articles that form the basis of this article mainly focus on the Holocaust and National Socialist education in Germany Parental home and school. What is partly missing is an in-depth study of how this issue has been and will be dealt with in the media of the Second Republic.
Taboo subject National Socialism
Eva Müllhofer-Gurion comes in her 1996 completed thesis on the topic of National Socialism in the parental home to the little surprising conclusion that in the family education of the Austrian post-war generation from 1945 to 1990 history images were conveyed that predominantly downplayed National Socialism. Even in 1990, in about half of the families, the events of National Socialism were either hushed up or justified. The number of parents who openly talk to their children about the Nazi period would have increased noticeably since 1980, summarizes Eva Müllhofer-Gurion. Nevertheless, young people still learn more about the Nazi era from television and radio than from their grandparents and parents.
As a study carried out in the late 1980s by the opinion polling agency Fessel revealed, even the discussion following the Waldheim affair did not change much. The Waldheim Cause was hardly taken as an opportunity in Austrian families to discuss the background of the Nazi period. In many cases, they limited themselves to commenting on the election campaign or the "watchlist" decision of the US government. Parents were afraid of arguments in the family or believed that the Nazi era was not an issue for young people.
However, this does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that adolescents at home would be indoctrinated with anti-Nazi ideas. Rather, it has to be taken into account what a study by the Fessel-Institut from 1993 reveals: young people are taking over less and less of the political attitude of the parents and grandparents generation without reflection. The number of those who agree on political issues with their parents or grandparents halved in the period from 1986 to 1992. The young people of the 90s are a largely politically and ideologically unbounded generation, which is only to a small extent open to right-wing attitudes. Thus one estimates the hard core of extreme right among young people on approximately 2%. However, about 20% in one form or another are in the broadest sense susceptible to right-wing extremist ideas.
The curricula and teachers at the schools in the period from 1945 to the 70s is a very bad testimony to education about the Nazi period issue. This is related to the lack of denazification of the teaching body after 1945 as well as to the general social situation in post-war Austria.
Syllabi of the post-war period
The curricula of the immediate post-war years were fully aligned with those of the inter-war period with the goal to "train the youth to faithful and efficient citizens of the republic." It was not until the 1970s that the goal was to educate students (male and female ones) to become mature citizens and promote their capabilites to form an independent opinion. The history lesson usually ended with World War I. Subjects such as National Socialism were barely discussed in the classroom, and about contemporary history teachers (male and female ones) did not believe that they had to say schoolgirls and schoolboys anything, "as recent history still does not go far enough into the past to be able to make statements about it ".
Dr. Hermann Lein, survivor of the Dachau and Mauthausen concentration camps and secondary school teacher in the 1950s, is one of the few exceptions here. He tried without telling of his personal fate - to enlighten the students intensively about National Socialism. The danger that his teaching would be considered implausible seemed too great.
Many teachers were neither didactically nor substantively trained in contemporary history during their training. It was not until the 1960s that this slowly changed as at universities departments of contemporary history were established and the recent past became the subject of scientific research. Other important impulses were the foundation of the "Scientific Commission for the Study of the History of the Republic of Austria" (1972) and the Decree of the Federal Ministry of Education (1978), which made political education an integral part of school education.
Thus, the prerequisites for the reform of the teaching content were also created in history lessons. Today at least 90% of pupils are taught about the Nazi period. This makes the school for young people by far the most important source of information about National Socialism and the Holocaust. Especially the curricula of the history lessons of the 4th grade Hauptschule/Gymnasium and the 8th grade Gymnasium provide this. In addition, the topic is often treated in German and religious education. 80% of the students visit today the former concentration camp Mauthausen. The Department of Political Education in the Ministry of Education offers constantly updated teaching materials, the Institutes for Contemporary History procure contemporary witnesses. And the interest is great. Compared to the school climate of the 1950s, it is the other way around: eyewitnesses are in demand because they can testify to the Nazi abominations from their personal experience. In recent years, schools have sometimes carried out quite remarkable projects on contemporary history.
"Secret" syllabus
What remains is the very different quality of teaching. It depends largely (still) on the personal commitment of teachers, whether and how the topic is treated. Sometimes teachers are overwhelmed with the topic itself. It still happens that students of both gender attend memorials without any preparation or follow-up. And unfortunately, some older teachers are unwilling to incorporate new content into their lessons. Too often, the "secret" curriculum seems to override the official curriculum, which can not change the best curricula, the best continuing education courses, the best teaching materials, teachers are part of society, and they also represent the full range of political attitudes, that exists in a society.
Christian Klösch, historian, former commemorative service at the Leo Baeck Institute New York
Das Thema „Holocaust" im Unterricht
„Holocaust-Education" in Österreich von 1945 bis heute
Die „direkte" Erziehung durch die Lehrerinnen bzw. das Elternhaus wird oft von während des ganzen Lebens unbewußt wirkenden Sozialisations-effekten der Gesellschaft überlagert. Eltern und Pädagoginnen müssen sich heute eingestehen, daß Meinungsbildung durch Massenmedien weitgehend Erziehung durch Elternhaus und Schule ersetzt.
Österreichische Studien über „Holocaust-education", die im letzten Jahrzehnt von Meinungsforschungsinstituten oder im Rahmen von Diplomarbeiten durchgeführt wurden, müssen deshalb auch unter diesem Aspekt betrachtet werden. Die diesem Artikel als Grundlage dienenden Arbeiten konzentrieren sich hauptsächlich auf die Aufklärung über Holocaust und Nationalsozialismus in Elternhaus und Schule. Was teilweise fehlt, ist eine eingehende Untersuchung, wie mit dieser Thematik in den Medien der Zweiten Republik umgegangen wurde und wird.
Tabuthema Nationalsozialismus
Eva Müllhofer-Gurion kommt in ihrer 1996 fertiggestellten Diplomarbeit zur Thematisierung des Nationalsozialismus im Elternhaus zu dem wenig überraschenden Schluß, daß in der familiären Erziehung der österreichischen Nachkriegsgeneration von 1945 bis 1990 Geschichtsbilder vermittelt wurden die den Nationalsozialismus überwiegend verharmlosen. Selbst 1990 wurden in etwa der Hälfte der Familien die Geschehnisse des Nationalsozialismus entweder totgeschwiegen oder gerechtfertigt. Die Zahl jener Eltern, die mit ihren Kindern offen über die NS-Zeit reden, hätte sich aber seit 1980 merklich erhöht, resümiert Eva Müllhofer-Gurion. Dennoch erfahren Jugendliche immer noch mehr über die NS-Zeit aus Fernsehen und Rundfunk als von ihren Großeltern und Eltern.
Wie eine Ende der 80er Jahre durchgeführte Untersuchung des Meinungsforschungsinstitutes Fessel ergeben hat, haben selbst die Diskussion in Folge der Waldheim-Affäre nicht viel daran geändert. Die Causa Waldheim wurde in österreichischen Familien kaum zum Anlaß genommen, Hinter-gründe der NS-Zeit zu diskutieren. In vielen Fällen beschränkte man sich auf die Kommentierung des Wahlkampfes oder der „Watchlist'-Entscheidung der US-amerikanischen Regierung. Eltern scheuten sich vor Auseinandersetzungen in der Familie oder glaubten, daß die NS-Zeit kein Thema für Jugendliche sei.
Daraus ist jedoch nicht unbedingt der Schluß zu ziehen, daß Jugendliche zu Hause mit NS-verharmlosenden Gedankengut indoktriniert würden. Vielmehr ist zu berücksichtigen, was eine Untersuchung des Fessel-Instituts aus dem Jahr 1993 feststellt: Jugendliche übernehmen zu einem immer geringeren Teil politische Einstellung der Eltern- und Großelterngeneration unreflektiert. Die Zahl jener, die in politischen Fragen mit ihren Eltern bzw. Großeltern übereinstimmen, hat sich in der Zeit von 1986 bis 1992 halbiert. Bei den Jugendlichen der 90er Jahre handelt es sich um eine größtenteils politisch und weltanschaulich ungebundene Generation, die auch nur zu einem geringen Teil offen rechtsextremistisch ist. So schätzt man den harten Kern von Rechts-extremen unter Jugendlichen auf zirka 2 %. Allerdings sind etwa 20 % in der einen oder anderen Form im weitesten Sinne für rechtsextremes Gedankengut anfällig.
Den Lehrplänen und Lehrenden an den Schulen in der Zeit von 1945 bis in die 70er Jahre ist ein sehr schlechtes Zeugnis bezüglich Aufklärung über die NS-Zeit auszustellen. Dies hängt mit der mangelnden Entnazifizierung des Lehr-körpers nach 1945 ebenso zusammen wie mit der allgemeinen gesellschaftlichen Situation im Österreich der Nachkriegszeit.
Lehrpläne der Nachkriegszeit
Die Lehrpläne der unmittelbaren Nachkriegsjahre knüpften an jene der Zwischenkriegszeit vollinhaltlich an und hatten das Ziel, „die Jugend zu treuen und tüchtigen Bürgern der Republik zu erziehen". Erst seit den 70er Jahren verfolgt man das Ziel, Schülerinnen zu mündigen Staatsbürgerinnen zu erziehen und ihre Fähigkeiten, sich eine eigenständige Meinung zu bilden, zu fördern. Der Geschichteunterricht endete meist mit dem 1. Weltkrieg. Themen wie Nationalsozialismus wurden im Unterricht kaum behandelt. Über Zeitgeschichte glaubten viele Lehrerinnen ihren Schülerinnen nichts sagen zu müssen, „da die jüngere Geschichte noch zu wenig weit zurückliege, um darüber Aussagen treffen zu können".
Dr. Hermann Lein, Überlebender der Konzentrationslager Dachau und Mauthausen und Gymnasiallehrer in den 50er Jahren ist hier eine der wenigen Ausnahmen. Er versuchte ohne von seinem persönlichen Schicksal zu erzählen - die Schülerinnen intensiv über den Nationalsozialismus aufzuklären. Die Gefahr, daß sein Unterricht als unglaubwürdig betrachtet werden würde, erschien ihm zu groß.
Viele Lehrerinnen wurden während ihrer Ausbildung weder didaktisch noch inhaltlich in Zeitgeschichte ausgebildet. Erst in den 60er Jahren veränderte sich dies langsam, als an den Universitäten Zeitgeschichteinstitute eingerichtet und die jüngste Vergangenheit Gegenstand der wissenschaftlichen Forschung wurde. Weitere wichtige Impulse waren die Gründung der „Wissenschaftlichen Kommission zur Erforschung der Zeit-geschichte der Republik Österreich" (1972) und der Erlaß des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht (1978), der Politische Bildung zu einem integrativen Bestandteil im Schulunterricht machte.
Damit waren die Voraussetzungen für die Reform der Lehrinhalte auch im Geschichteunterricht geschaffen. Heute werden zumindest 90% der SchülerInnen über die NS-Zeit unterrichtet. Damit ist die Schule für Jugendliche die mit Abstand wichtigste Informationsquelle über Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust. Vor allem die Lehrpläne des Geschichteunterrichts der 4. Klasse Hauptschule/Gymnasium und der 8. Klasse Gymnasium sehen dies vor. Darüber hinaus wird das Thema vielfach im Deutsch- und Religionsunterricht behandelt. 80% der Schülerinnen besuchen heute das ehemalige Konzentrationslager Mauthausen. Die Abteilung für Politische Bildung im Unterrichtsministerium bietet ständig aktualisierte Unterrichtsmaterialien an, die Institute für Zeitgeschichte vermitteln ZeitzeugInnen. Und das Interesse ist groß. Im Vergleich zum Schulklima der 50er Jahre ist es gerade umgekehrt: ZeitzeugInnen sind gefragt, weil sie die Nazi-Greuel aus ihrem persönlichen Erleben bezeugen können. In den letzten Jahren wurden an Schulen teilweise sehr beachtliche Projekte zum Thema Zeitgeschichte durchgeführt.
„Heimlicher" Lehrplan
Was jedoch bleibt, ist die sehr unterschiedliche Qualität des Unterrichts. Es hängt weitgehend (noch immer) vom persönlichen Engagement der LehrerInnen ab, ob und wie das Thema behandelt wird. Manchmal sind Lehrende mit der Thematik selbst überfordert. Noch immer geschieht es, daß Schülerinnen ohne jegliche Vor- und Nachbereitung Gedenkstätten besuchen. Und leider sind einzelne ältere Lehrende nicht bereit, neue Inhalte in ihren Unterricht zu integrieren. Zu oft noch scheint der „heimliche" Lehrplan den offiziellen außer Kraft zu setzen. Dies können die besten Lehrpläne, die besten Fort-bildungskurse, die besten Unterrichtsmaterialien nicht ändern. LehrerInnen sind Teil der Gesellschaft und auch sie repräsentieren das gesamte Spektrum an politischen Einstellungen, das in einer Gesellschaft vorhanden ist.
Christian Klösch, Historiker, ehem. Gedenkdienstleistender am Leo Baeck Institute New York
I saw this bespectacled student just browsing through her syllabus in the park at the top of Sinosteel Plaza. Her huge eyeglasses drew my immediate attention and looks quite cute.
Ordo Fagales Engl., Syllabus 94. 1892
Familia Myricaceae Rich. ex Kunth, Nov. Gen. Sp. (quarto ed.) 2: 16. 1817
Genus Myrica L. Sp. Pl. 2: 1024. 1753
(Syn.: Morella Lour., Gale Duhamel)
Species
Myrica cerifera L., Sp. Pl. 2: 1024 1753
Syn. Cerophora lanceolata Rafinesque; Cerothamnus arborescens (Castiglioni) Tidestrom; C. ceriferus (Linnaeus) Small; C. pumilus (Michaux) Small; Morella cerifera (Linnaeus) Small; Myrica cerifera var. angustifolia Aiton; M. cerifera var. arborescens Castiglioni; M. cerifera var. dubia A. Chevalier; M. cerifera var. pumila Michaux; M. pumila (Michaux) Small; M. pusilla Rafinesque
Southern Bayberry, Southern Wax-myrtle, Wachs-Gagel, Wachs-Myrte, Arbre à suif,
Ordo Fagales Engl., Syllabus 94. 1892
Familia Myricaceae Rich. ex Kunth, Nov. Gen. Sp. (quarto ed.) 2: 16. 1817
Genus Myrica L. Sp. Pl. 2: 1024. 1753
(Syn.: Morella Lour., Gale Duhamel)
Species
Myrica cerifera L., Sp. Pl. 2: 1024 1753
Syn. Cerophora lanceolata Rafinesque; Cerothamnus arborescens (Castiglioni) Tidestrom; C. ceriferus (Linnaeus) Small; C. pumilus (Michaux) Small; Morella cerifera (Linnaeus) Small; Myrica cerifera var. angustifolia Aiton; M. cerifera var. arborescens Castiglioni; M. cerifera var. dubia A. Chevalier; M. cerifera var. pumila Michaux; M. pumila (Michaux) Small; M. pusilla Rafinesque
Southern Bayberry, Southern Wax-myrtle, Wachs-Gagel, Wachs-Myrte, Arbre à suif,
Ordo Fagales Engl., Syllabus 94. 1892
Familia Myricaceae Rich. ex Kunth, Nov. Gen. Sp. (quarto ed.) 2: 16. 1817
Genus Myrica L. Sp. Pl. 2: 1024. 1753
(Syn.: Morella Lour., Gale Duhamel)
Species
Myrica cerifera L., Sp. Pl. 2: 1024 1753
Syn. Cerophora lanceolata Rafinesque; Cerothamnus arborescens (Castiglioni) Tidestrom; C. ceriferus (Linnaeus) Small; C. pumilus (Michaux) Small; Morella cerifera (Linnaeus) Small; Myrica cerifera var. angustifolia Aiton; M. cerifera var. arborescens Castiglioni; M. cerifera var. dubia A. Chevalier; M. cerifera var. pumila Michaux; M. pumila (Michaux) Small; M. pusilla Rafinesque
Southern Bayberry, Southern Wax-myrtle, Wachs-Gagel, Wachs-Myrte, Arbre à suif,
Cbse syllabus The CBSE board is one of the biggest educational organizations in India and prepares the syllabus for students from lower nursery group to grade 12, for schools affiliated with it. The Syllabus of CBSE is set by NCERT (National Council of Educational Research and Training). The CBSE Board conducts and prepare syllabus for country’s two nation-wide board examinations: All India Senior School Certificate Examination for Class 12 and All India Secondary School Examination for Class 10.
Ordo Fagales Engl., Syllabus 94. 1892
Familia Myricaceae Rich. ex Kunth, Nov. Gen. Sp. (quarto ed.) 2: 16. 1817
Genus Myrica L. Sp. Pl. 2: 1024. 1753
(Syn.: Morella Lour., Gale Duhamel)
Species
Myrica pensylvanica Mirbel in H. Duhamel du Monceau et al., Traité Arbr. Arbust. Nouv. ed. 2. : 190. 1804.
Syn. Cerothamnus pensylvanica (Mirbel) Moldenke; Myrica cerifera Linnaeus var. frutescens Castiglioni;
Northern Bayberry, Waxberry, Tallow Bayberry, Small Waxberry, Tallowshrub, Swamp Candleberry, Candlewood, Candletree, Myrique de Pennsylvanie, Pennsylvanische Wachsmyrte, Amerikanischer Gagelstrauch
Assam Police Constable Admit Card 2016 will be uploaded at assampolice.com.You can also download Assam Police Constable Exam Pattern & Syllabus from this post.
Assam Police Constable Admit Card 2016, Assam Police Exam 2016: Assam Police department announced the notification to conduct the written exam for constable post. Assam police is going to recruit the candidates for 6748 vacant posts of constable. Those have registered for Assam police armed force constable recruitment they would appear in written test.
The written exam for constable post will be held in upcoming two month. Candidates are preparing for written test they can download syllabus and admit card. For Assam Police constable post many candidates have applied. Applicants can also download Assam Police Constable exam pattern and syllabus from this post.
Assam Police Constable Admit Card 2016, Assam Police Exam 2016:
1st PST Test and Then Medical test, 2nd stage PET Test and 3rd stage written Test
So applicants are required to prepare for all stages. In 1st stage test, candidates are selected on the basis of their physical standard. For male and female candidates physical standard is different so check the physical standard here. For male candidates height standard is as following:
Category
Male
Female
Gen/OBC
162.56 cm
154.94 cm
ST/SC
160.02 cm
152.40 cm
For 3rd stage exam candidates must know complete syllabus of written exam so download syllabus for written test and then start your exam preparation.
PET Standard for male and female candidates is given below:
Male
Female
Max Marks
Min Marks
1600 meter Race
1200 meter Race
15
8
100 meter Sprint
80 meter Sprint
15
8
Long and High Jump
Long and High Jump
15+15
8+8
60
24
Those candidates will qualify the 1st stage and 2nd stage exam they will appear in written exam. So to qualify written test candidates must know the syllabus and exam pattern
Assam Police Constable Exam Pattern and Syllabus:
This is an offline written test and all questions will be objective type.
Subject
Marks
GK/Current affairs
5 Marks
State level GK, history, economy and politics
5 marks
Mental ability and reasoning
5 marks
General English
5 marks
Elementary Arithmetic
5 marks
Special skills candidates will get extra marks as per their skill and qualification which are mentioned below: -
Special skill
Marks
Education Qualification
Max 5 marks
NCC/Sport
Max 5 marks
ITI/Diploma/Technical skill
Max 5 marks
Assam Police Constable Admit Card 2016:
After all preparation candidates will appear in written test. To get permission to appear in exam hall candidates will require their original admit card. All candidates will get their permission letter online on the official website.
Go to official website: assampolice.com
And search admit card of constable exam
Click on direct link of admit card: Assam Police Exam Admit Card 2016
Then click on admit card link and enter application number and birth date
Your permission letter will be displayed on the screen. You can print the admit card for exam. Your exam date, exam center and other details will be printed in exam permission letter. You have to carry your exam admit card for permission in exam hall.
Related Post:
Assam Police Recruitment 2016 www.jobonweb.in/assam-police-constable-admit-card.html
Sir George William Ross
Ontario Premeire
(1841 - 1914)
Plot V - Lot R
ROSS, Sir GEORGE WILLIAM, educator and politician; b. 18 Sept. 1841 near Nairn in Middlesex County, Upper Canada, son of James Ross and Ellen McKinnon; m. first 1862 Christina Campbell (d. 1872), and they had three daughters and two sons; m. secondly 17 Nov. 1875 Catherine Boston (d. 1902) in Lobo Township, Ont., and they had a son and three daughters; m. thirdly 8 May 1907 Mildred Margaret Peel in Toronto; d. there 7 March 1914.
In 1831 James Ross, a shoemaker in Tain, Scotland, immigrated to Upper Canada with his wife, their four children, and two nieces. He purchased land in Middlesex in what would become East Williams Township. Born in 1841, the third son among eight children, George W. Ross perceived perhaps that his father’s moderate success was unlikely to advantage him and all his siblings. Or, experiencing the struggle of pioneer farming, he may have concluded that he was unsuited for agricultural life. He left in his teens to obtain an education and teach.
After acquiring a third-class certificate in 1857, Ross began teaching in the log school where he had been a pupil. Two years later he qualified for a second-class certificate. In 1866 he mounted what he termed a “public ‘crusade’” against the system of local superintendents, who, he argued, were lax in visiting schools and advising teachers. Instead, he advocated a county superintendency. Ross left teaching in 1867, when he bought the Strathroy Age from William Fisher Luxton*. Eking out a living, he sold it in 1868 or 1869 and purchased a partnership in the Seaforth Expositor, which he retained for an even shorter time. In 1868 he was made school superintendent for East Williams, and the next year he entered the Toronto Normal School. After he obtained a first-class provincial certificate in 1871, he was appointed inspector for east Lambton County. Ross also studied law, starting in the early 1870s, and in 1883 he would receive an llb from Albert College in Belleville.
From 1876 to 1880 Ross served on the Department of Education’s central committee of examiners. Originally established to certify teachers, it had been assigned administrative and policy duties by Adam Crooks*, Ontario’s first minister of education. Ross chaired its subcommittee on model schools and assumed responsibility for them as provincial inspector and for preparing the model school syllabus. Conservative critics accused the central committee of authorizing textbooks and work-books that its members had written, Ross’s contribution being a book of dictation exercises.
Despite its brevity, Ross’s newspaper work had confirmed his interest in politics. He was nominated to run for the House of Commons in 1867, and in the provincial election of 1871 he campaigned in Middlesex West for Alexander Mackenzie*, at the time an mp and the federal Liberals’ unofficial leader. Recruited to contest Middlesex West in the dominion election of 1872, Ross hesitated. He was inclined to the provincial legislature, where he felt he stood the best chance to rise. He also worried about his county inspectorship, since Egerton Ryerson*, Ontario’s chief superintendent of education, had questioned the propriety of his candidacy and had urged Mackenzie to have him resign. Once he was elected, however, any conflict of interest was forgotten.
The life of a backbencher held little appeal for Ross, who rarely participated in debate. When he did speak, on the Pacific railway or on tariff policy, he merely reiterated his party’s positions, though he did so with skill. On prohibition he was more creative. In 1873 he served on, and in 1874 chaired, a select committee which favoured prohibition, but he astutely recognized the damage that could be done to any party advocating restrictions that exceeded those required by public sentiment. Although he moved a resolution in 1875 in support of prohibition, in 1877 he opposed a similar motion on the grounds that “steady work” outside parliament would advance the cause more effectively. He therefore defended Richard William Scott’s Canada Temperance Act of 1878, which allowed for local option.
Ross sat in the commons for 11 years. His election in 1882 was successfully protested in October 1883. Rather than try to regain his seat, Ross accepted the invitation of Oliver Mowat*, premier of Ontario, to join his cabinet as minister of education. He was elected for Middlesex West at a by-election on 14 Dec. 1883. Mowat’s first choice had been George Monro Grant*, the principal of Queen’s College in Kingston, but Grant had insisted that education be removed from the political realm and Mowat did not want education to revert to the sort of bureaucratic fiefdom that had existed under Ryerson. In Ross, Mowat found a minister who was acceptable to the teaching profession and could carry a marginal riding, and who could administer a department in ways that would extend state authority.
Ross’s predecessor, Crooks, had made some progress in wresting control from the department’s bureaucracy, though ill health and the recalcitrance of his deputy, John George Hodgins, impaired his effectiveness. Among Ross’s first initiatives was a new set of internal regulations in April 1884, which diminished Hodgins’s authority by giving the minister responsibility for personnel, purchasing, reports, and correspondence that was not strictly internal. His Public Schools and High Schools acts of 1885 stipulated formal ministerial control and legislative approval for all regulations pertaining to schools and teachers. The talent that would be drawn to the department was remarkable – among the influential educationists recruited were John Millar* and John Seath. Though it included men of different political persuasions and many with difficult personalities, Seath for instance, they accepted ministerial responsibility.
Secure within the management of his department, Ross proceeded to create the Liberal alternative to Ryerson’s model. For Ryerson free public schools constituted a total system. Those destined to go on would prepare for university and the professions in the tuition-charging high schools. Ross, on the other hand, argued that an integrated system, from kindergarten (introduced in 1883 with Crooks’s support) to university, provided “the great stairway of learning” necessary for meritocratic rise.
Each step, Ross maintained, was worthy of attainment but it should also qualify a student for the next step. Under this system, departmental examinations at all levels took on greater significance as accreditation. Ross applauded the growing desire among students who had no intention of going further to take entrance and leaving exams. As he maintained, “Every certificate granted has a commercial value.” He reported with pride that in 1893 his department had issued nearly 750,000 examination papers for various levels of certification. The objection that uncontrolled certification might produce more teachers, lawyers, or doctors than could be gainfully employed offended him as an élitist response. “I am not prepared to admit that the son of the farmer or mechanic should be restrained in his aspirations,” he retorted.
Implementing the “educational ladder” meant overcoming institutional self-interest, especially among the universities. In claiming the state’s authority to qualify students for entry into the universities and the professions, Ross sought to introduce common matriculation requirements, components of which the department recognized for the non-professional or academic certification of teachers. Treating the University of Toronto as the provincial university, in the regulations of 1885 he tied the high-school course of study to the matriculation examinations of that institution. He then persuaded it to accept exams for second- and first-class teaching certificates as the equivalent of junior and senior matriculation. He thus acquired for his department the right to judge through its own examinations, not those set and marked by university officials, whether provincial educational standards were being met.
In an earlier move to exert control, in 1884, Ross had entered discussions on university federation. Originally suggested by William Mulock*, vice-chancellor of the University of Toronto, as a way to enhance its claims for greater funding, federation was seen by Ross as a way to diminish the sectarian nature of Ontario’s universities; he made it clear that the state would not support denominational teaching. He therefore translated the proposal into legislation in 1887. Federated denominational institutions, if located in Toronto, could draw upon the provincial university for instruction in arts, while providing training in theology and other subjects judged central to a religious education. The sciences and professional training would be reserved to the University of Toronto. In return, the colleges would not grant degrees in areas other than theology. Wycliffe College accepted federation in 1889, Knox College and Victoria University [see Nathanael Burwash] the next year, but St Michael’s College negotiated special terms and Trinity, Queen’s, and Toronto Baptist College (chartered as McMaster University in 1887 over Ross’s opposition) all refused.
Ross’s desire for an integrated system was complicated by provisions for minority education. The separate schools and bilingual education drew sharp criticism from the Conservatives, whose English-only policy was reinforced by Protestant reaction in the late 1880s and 1890s to the Jesuit estates question [see D’Alton McCarthy*; François-Eugène-Alfred Évanturel*]. Ross none the less accepted the constitutional right of Catholic parents to separate schools. His policy, he argued repeatedly, was “to promote efficiency” in the separate system, improve its fiscal base, and make it functionally more like the public system. For this reason he amended legislation in 1886 to facilitate the allocation to the separate schools of taxes paid by Catholic tenants and corporations with Catholic shareholders. Other changes made the school year conform to that of the public system and gave separate-school trustees comparable responsibilities. Maintaining that Catholics were overlooked when municipal councils made appointments, Ross obtained legislation in 1885 which permitted separate-school trustees to appoint a Catholic to the local high-school board. Ross offered only what had been given to public trustees.
Critics also ignored public-school practice when they denounced Ross and Mowat for not extending the secret ballot to the election of separate-school trustees. Though permitted since 1885 when requested by public-school electors, the ballot was by no means widely used. As anti-Catholics vented their anger over the lack of democratic electoral practice, pressure built on the church, which reluctantly acquiesced in 1894. Ross’s critics tried to make the case that there had been collusion between Liberals and Catholics, but he had, in fact, adopted a course of moderation. He opposed Catholic demands, such as the appointment of a deputy minister for separate schools, that were not compatible with greater state authority. He insisted too on authorizing the texts to be used in separate schools, making teachers meet the certification standards of the public system, and inspecting the schools.
To its list of complaints about minority education, the Protestant opposition added bilingual instruction. French-language schools dominated debate in the legislature in the spring of 1889 and were a central issue in the election of 1890. But Ross refused to end French-language instruction. When he spoke in March 1889 of the requirement for education to “assimilate the people and the languages of other nationalities,” he did not necessarily anticipate a unilingual nationalism. If the use of a foreign tongue was made “a stigma . . . which precludes . . . the full privileges of citizenship,” he reminded Ontarians, then immigrants would find Canada inhospitable. Since the “Anglo-Saxon race” would remain dominant in Canada, he confidently believed, linguistic unity was not essential for a patriotic citizenry. Still, stressing the much-used argument that the language of the state was English, Ross had made the study of English and teaching in English, as much as possible, mandatory in 1885; if taught exclusively, French or (in such areas as Waterloo County) German could breed sectarian and unpatriotic values. Publicly, for political reasons, Ross emphasized that French-speaking parents wanted their children to learn English. It was far more difficult to explain how their equally strong desire to have their children learn to read and write in French could be accommodated in the curriculum. He therefore attributed the slow progress in English through the late 1880s to a lack of bilingual teachers and texts.
An inquiry in 1889 took the actual measure of French-language instruction. It discovered readers with Catholic content in the public schools and reported that religious instruction – Catholic in the French-language public schools and both Catholic and Protestant in the German public schools – was being given during regular hours, contrary to regulations. As well, history texts in French public and separate schools were found “written in a spirit unfriendly to the British Empire and to the development of a patriotism embracing the whole Dominion of Canada.” In reaction, Ross reminded trustees and inspectors about the regulations concerning religious instruction and authorized the introduction of the English-French readers used in the Maritimes. A model school to train French-speaking teachers, authorized in 1886, was finally opened in 1890 at Plantagenet, in Prescott County.
A second inquiry, in 1893, assured Ross that English teaching and students’ proficiency had improved in both public and separate schools. The controversy over religious instruction and the enforcement of regulations pertaining to it, however, had sparked the shift of 27 schools in Prescott and Russell counties from the public to the separate system. Though Ross no doubt regretted this shift, he could take encouragement in the demands of some Catholic parents for educational improvement, as exemplified by the request of the Ottawa separate-school trustees for an investigation of their schools. The inquiry of 1893 also led to an evaluation of teaching by the religious orders, and strengthened the demands of Catholic parents that teaching brothers and sisters accept the process of certification prescribed for lay teachers.
Though Ross resisted church influence, he saw religious instruction as a necessary part of moral education. He quickly learned, however, that sectarianism and theological difference could frustrate the introduction into the classroom of anything aimed at promoting a “common Christianity.” In December 1884 he made religious instruction obligatory in the form of opening and closing prayers and the reading of Scripture. The so-called Ross Bible program, however, proved offensive to many Protestants and Catholics. Seeking accord, Ross accepted suggestions from the Catholic archbishop of Toronto, John Joseph Lynch*, and from a Protestant committee. But other bishops – James Joseph Carbery of Hamilton, James Vincent Cleary* of Kingston, and John Walsh* of London – did not share Lynch’s view. Moreover, the anti-Catholic Toronto Daily Mail [see Christopher William Bunting*] objected even to the consultation with Lynch and denounced the scriptural extracts as mutilations. Although Ross argued that the readings facilitated rather than distorted students’ understanding, concessions had to be made. Critics were privately conciliated, objectionable parts of the readings were revised, the actual Bible was permitted as an alternative, the exemption of Catholic children and teachers was guaranteed, and a compromise with the offended bishops was quietly negotiated by Ross’s cabinet colleague Christopher Finlay Fraser*. Despite this backtracking, Ross remained committed, as he put it in 1887, to making Christianity “the basis of our school system.”
Religious instruction was not the only approach to moral education. Ross believed that the most effective means were indirect: students picked up values and influences from their surroundings and from lessons in school. Thus, authorized readers contained selections that would appeal to a child’s “moral and religious nature.” Discipline in school should mirror the family. Regulations therefore obliged teachers to exercise the discipline of a “judicious parent” and, through example, instruction, and authority, “imbue every pupil with respect for those moral obligations which underlie a well formed character.” To promote civic service, in 1885 Ross introduced Arbor Day, on which children planted trees, cleaned up the school grounds, and shaped an environment that symbolized the ideal for society.
In 1896 Ross asked his public-school inspectors about the outcome of state education, namely the policies of the Department of Education over 20 years and the compulsory attendance laws of 1871 and 1891. Had the moral standing of teachers and students improved? The consensus was positive, but some questioned whether improvement had penetrated to the true, inner characters of individuals. Though surveillance of both children and teachers was more effective, attendance remained irregular; only 50 per cent of school-age children attended in 1887. Aware perhaps of the limits of moral education, Ross introduced more punitive disciplinary measures. In 1891, for instance, police commissions or school trustees were enabled to appoint truant officers. In his report of 1898 Ross speculated that even more rigorous measures were needed.
Much of what Ross accomplished as minister of education had been started by his predecessors. The assertion of ministerial responsibility, the enforcement of school attendance, the attachment of secondary and post-secondary education to the public system, the professional training of teachers, and the preparation of textbooks under departmental supervision completed a generation of school promotion in Ontario. To these major achievements Ross added a number of specific measures that extended departmental and ministerial authority: compelling through order in council in 1884 the admission of women to the University of Toronto [see Sir Daniel Wilson*], supporting kindergartens and developing specialized training for their teachers, introducing temperance education on an optional basis in 1885, encouraging manual training and domestic science, and promoting technical and adult education. But Ross’s most important contribution was administrative. Amendments shortened the legislation covering education and gave him the authority to use departmental regulations to make the educational ladder operate more efficiently as a system of accreditation.
Ontario’s schools had provided Ross in his youth with a way out of country life and limited prospects. As industrialization and urbanization transformed the province, he was satisfied that others too could demonstrate strength of character – for him the prerequisite for success – by meeting the challenges set, evaluated, and certified by the Department of Education. Conservative leader James Pliny Whitney, however, judged that Ross’s concern with accreditation had impaired the ability of elementary schools to provide adequate training for the children of the “poorer classes,” at the same time as departmental parsimony had left the secondary system and the University of Toronto underfunded. Perceiving a weakness in Liberal policy, from 1897 Whitney shifted opposition criticism to these areas, away from minority rights. As well, Ross’s refinement of Ontario’s educational system was receiving mixed assessments at meetings of the Dominion Educational Association and other professional bodies. Within the system his call for more coercive discipline implicitly questioned the effectiveness of the system in forming character among students. Ross responded eloquently, if defensively, reminding critics that the Ontario model had been adopted by other provinces. “I think we have gone about as far as we need to go,” he concluded in 1899. No doubt too he took satisfaction in having his accomplishments acknowledged by honorary degrees from the University of St Andrews in Scotland (1888), Victoria (1892), and the University of Toronto (1894); similar honours would be granted by McMaster (1902) and Queen’s (1903).
As minister, Ross had involved himself steadily in the administrative minutiae of his department, and his assertion of authority was often quite abrasive. He could be tenacious and mean-minded once he had embarked on a course of action. His campaign against Hodgins, himself a difficult man to work with, revealed this unpleasant side of Ross’s character. He not only marginalized Hodgins, afraid perhaps of the political repercussions of dismissing him, but also found ways to insult him and in the end Hodgins resigned in 1890. In another instance Ross engaged Professor Eugene Emil Felix Richard Haanel in a nasty and unnecessarily prolonged dispute over the latter’s loss of his position at Victoria when it federated with the University of Toronto. Similarly, Ross’s relations with G. M. Grant and William Mulock, both strong-willed men, were strained as they battled about questions of ministerial authority over universities. Mulock denounced Ross for acting like “a Bismarck or Mentchikoff, but not a representative of the free people of Canada.”
With the retirement on 20 Oct. 1899 of Arthur Sturgis Hardy*, premier since 1896, Ross as senior minister became premier and provincial treasurer. He faced a difficult situation. Under Hardy the strength of the Liberals had seriously declined, even though the province was in good shape economically. The extension of Ontario’s northern boundaries, the assertion of provincial rights over crown lands, and the development of resources had produced a revenue base which allowed the government to build a surplus. The opening of northern Ontario promised a revival of the pioneering era that had sustained Liberalism under Mowat. At the same time Ontario’s schools aimed at instilling in the province’s youth the self-discipline, individualism, and civic morality that Liberalism had associated with the farmer and the artisan. But Ontario had changed: it was increasingly urban and the urban population was concentrating in the largest centres. Ross nevertheless moved to focus his government’s attention on the north – “New Ontario” – and on the resource sector.
In the first year of his administration Ross commissioned an extensive survey of northern Ontario. It lauded the potential of the northeast’s Great Clay Belt as a new frontier for settlement. The premier subsequently delivered promotional speeches, wrote to British newspapers encouraging immigration, pressed the federal government to direct agricultural immigrants to the north, and set up a bureau of colonization. To attract capital, his government continued to distribute generously rights to exploit resources and offered subsidies for rail construction. Pulpwood-cutting concessions were sold privately, not at public auction as demanded by the Conservatives. Mining properties could be held on terms suited to the financial means and speculative interest of the investor, and in 1900 the government eliminated royalty payments. That it should undertake the construction, in 1903, and later the operation of the Temiskaming and Northern Ontario Railway did not necessarily contradict its rejection of public enterprise in other sectors: the line was analogous to government-built colonization roads and drew enthusiastic support in the north and from Toronto business.
The stimulation of manufacturing proved more difficult. In 1900 Ross extended the manufacturing condition imposed on pine by the Hardy government to require that spruce pulpwood cut on crown land be processed in Canada. Though several pulp-and-paper companies attempted to establish operations, the recession of 1903 and the American tariff on Canadian pulp, paper, and newsprint contributed to their collapse. Changes to the Mines Act, also in 1900, levied fees on nickel ore that would be remitted if it was refined in Canada. Interested American capitalists appealed for federal disallowance, charging that the province had no authority to regulate trade. Though Liberal Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier agreed, he hesitated for political reasons to disallow the legislation, preferring to have Minister of Justice David Mills* communicate only the grounds upon which it might be set aside. Ross angrily proposed submitting the matter to the courts, but he soon had second thoughts: unlike trees cut on crown land, ore was extracted from private property and the courts could rule against the province. As well, he may have concluded that Attorney General John Morison Gibson*, who was also the solicitor for a syndicate promoting a smelter in Hamilton, had exaggerated the viability of nickel refining in Canada [see Andrew Trew Wood*]. Ross never referred the act to the courts nor did he request the lieutenant governor’s assent.
Pride of place in Ross’s industrial ambitions for the north was held by Francis Hector Clergue*’s complex of hydroelectric, railway, chemical, pulp-and-paper, and iron and steel companies at Sault Ste Marie. Having showered the enterprise with bonuses, Ross felt obliged to step in when Clergue failed to pay his workers and creditors in September 1903. Militiamen were sent from Toronto to control demonstrations and on 1 October Ross guaranteed the overdue wages of Clergue’s umbrella company. In March 1904 the government loaned $2 million to a reorganized corporation. Challenged by Conservative leader J. P Whitney, who warned that the province could end up taking it over, Ross rejected the prospect. The government could always sell the property. For Ross, the responsibility of the liberal state was only to create a climate within which individual initiative could thrive.
Ross similarly rejected provincial ownership of a utility to generate and transmit hydroelectricity from Niagara Falls. He saw no reason to assume public debt for a service which could be enjoyed only by a small portion of the population. Preferable were franchises that could generate public revenue. Rights at Niagara had initially been assigned in 1892; in 1900 the government signed a second agreement, with an American syndicate. Three years later a third franchise was granted, to the Electrical Development Company, controlled by Toronto entrepreneurs William Mackenzie*, Frederic Nicholls*, and Henry Mill Pellatt*. Despite pressure from manufacturers and municipal reformers, Ross refused to reserve sites for a power plant owned by a municipal co-operative, although legislation in 1903 did allow for a municipal commission to undertake transmission at its own expense. A charge of corporate influence seemed plausible because Ross at the time was president of Manufacturers’ Life Insurance Company, which was interested in the stock of Electrical Development and on whose board Mackenzie and Pellatt also served, and J. M. Gibson was involved in another power company. Ross did nothing to allay suspicions when, in the dying days of his government, he granted the remaining generating sites to Electrical Development. The popular appeal of the public-power movement [see Sir Adam Beck*] clearly baffled Ross, and in subsequent speeches and writings he attempted with little success to grapple with the challenge of a new conception of the state.
The mining and hydroelectric questions do not reveal Ross at his best. He may have allowed others, especially Gibson, too much latitude in determining the course of policy. When he could choose his associates and maintain discipline through ministerial authority, as he had done in the Department of Education, he functioned well. But, as the first among equals, he was at a disadvantage; he could not or would not command. Lacking perhaps the political smartness of Mowat or Hardy, he relied too heavily for political initiative on Provincial Secretary James Robert Stratton, who was not much more than a ward-heeler, and Gibson, whose social élitism bred a disdain for the niceties of democratic procedure.
In contrast to power, prohibition would have been a liability for any government. Though a long-time temperance man, Ross endeavoured to separate the issue from his electoral campaigns. The decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in November 1901 that the Manitoba prohibition act was constitutional encouraged the cause in Ontario. In February 1902, following Manitoba’s example, Ross introduced legislation which allowed prohibition should it be favoured by a number equal to a majority of those voting in the election of 1898. In a referendum on 4 Dec. 1902, the number of votes fell short. Five days later, in a speech to the Sons of Temperance in Toronto, Ross declined to take further action [see Francis Stephens Spence].
The disappointment of prohibitionists would affect the election of 1905, but of immediate significance were charges of electoral scandal. Under Mowat and Hardy a machine, directed by the Ontario Liberal Association, had operated efficiently to get the vote out and maintain the Liberals’ hold on power. During the 1890s the machine began to give way. By relentlessly protesting irregularities, Whitney skilfully made corruption a political issue. To investigate charges in the Elgin West election in 1898, Ross named a commission of inquiry shortly after assuming the premiership. Its discovery that the ballots had been burned seemed to reveal a cover-up. More damaging were the accusations made on 11 March 1903 by Robert Roswell Gamey, the Conservative member for Manitoulin. Following the election of 1902, he charged, a Liberal organizer had approached him to support the government in exchange for money and the control of patronage in his riding; he reputedly received a payment in the outer office of Provincial Secretary Stratton. Although a royal commission struck by Ross cast doubts on Gamey’s evidence and exonerated Stratton, pressure did not let up. In September 1904 a trial concerning charges arising from the by-election of 1903 in Sault Ste Marie revealed that the Liberal victor had been assisted illegally by F. H. Clergue’s Algoma Central Railway. A company steamship had transported 20 men from the Michigan side to vote under the names of dead or absent miners. Aware of plans for the deception, the Conservative candidate had complained to Attorney General Gibson, who took no action.
Opinion on Ross’s involvement differed. Reporter Hector Willoughby Charlesworth* judged him “guileless,” unaware of the “unscrupulousness . . . around him,” while John Stephen Willison* believed that Ross, out of desperation, participated in what was going on. Both were probably right. Though no machine politician like Hardy, Ross knew from experience the ends to which organizers at times had to go to secure victory; he did not need to know the details of every constituency fight, only to assure that in the wake of an election controverted returns were managed to contain any damage. But going into the election of January 1905, he had to clean house; he accepted Stratton’s resignation and demoted Gibson. In addition, in November 1904 a new organization, the General Reform Association of Ontario, replaced the OLA, whose general secretary, James Vance, was removed as organizer. These steps, along with the premier’s confession – “We have sinned and repented and are sorry for it” – went unrewarded, as the Conservatives swept to a 40-seat majority.
Moral revulsion, prohibition, and the separate schools issue all contributed to the loss, as Ross admitted. The fact was, moreover, that despite a long record of victories the Liberal hold on office, even before Ross’s short term, rested on a popular vote only marginally higher than that of the opposition. In the election of 1902 the party had won a majority with less than half the vote, and a shift in a few ridings in 1898 or 1902 could have produced much different results. Furthermore, although the Ross government claimed credit for the long history of Liberal legislation on industry, its record, beyond its commitment to resource development, was modest. Measures such as bonuses to the sugar-beet industry, the promotion of the dressed-beef trade, and the appointment of a good-roads commissioner and the allocation of a million dollars for highway improvement, though useful programs, likely did not arouse much partisan enthusiasm. With hindsight, Ross would state in Getting into parliament and after (Toronto, 1913) that there had been nothing left to “appeal to the vivid conceptions of Government which attract the masses.” Liberalism had exhausted itself in Ontario.
Ross led the opposition through two sessions before he happily accepted a Senate seat on 15 Jan. 1907. Perhaps because some party veterans questioned his executive ability and commitment to “true Reform principles,” the cabinet position Ross desired did not materialize, but other honours did: a knight bachelorhood in 1910 and leadership of the Liberals in the Senate in 1911. Advancing a principled role for the Senate as a trustee of provincial rights and a defender of empire, Ross would lead its obstruction of the Conservative government of Robert Laird Borden* after 1911.
As a politician Ross’s strength was his power of oratory. He was widely regarded as one of Canada’s finest speakers, and, although the written versions of many of his addresses lack intellectual substance, his parliamentary debating skill was substantial. Much of his imperialism was the enthusiasm of a sentimental politician delivering an after-dinner speech, and empire was a subject to stir English Canadian audiences, especially in the years following Queen Victoria’s diamond jubilee and the South African War. On this emotional level, imperialism provided a vehicle for the patriotic feeling that Ross believed was essential for sound citizenship. To this end, as minister of education, he had compiled Patriotic recitations and Arbor Day exercises (Toronto, 1893) for school use. Later, in 1899, he introduced Empire Day into the schools [see Clementina Trenholme]. In speeches he emphasized the national unity that was possible within imperialism. Just as people of Anglo-Saxon, Celtic, and Gallic ancestry had all contributed to the grand achievements of empire, so too could people of diverse backgrounds realize grand attainments in Canada. There were limits on this diversity, however. In an address in England in 1901, Ross felt free to express concern about the emigration of Doukhobors, Galicians, and Mennonites, people who “have to go through a course of naturalization.” On his return to Ontario, he stated that, instead, “we want . . . people who are of our own kith and kin, men . . . educated in the confident elief in British institutions.”
At the practical level, although Ross wished for closer relations within the British empire, he doubted the British commitment to defend Canadian interests, especially in negotiations with the United States. Imperial federation interested Ross as the final step in the devolution of sovereignty, from the British parliament to an imperial parliament of Britain and the dominions, but the prospect of federation of this sort, he claimed, was distant. In the interim, more modest measures would satisfy him, among them the promotion of capital investment and immigration to Canada, and preferential trade. The British prejudice for free trade, he suggested, could be overcome by directing the revenue from preferential tariffs to imperial defence.
After 1909 the issue of imperial defence generated deep partisan divisions. Ross strongly supported Laurier’s Naval Service Bill of 1910, which called for the establishment of a small Canadian navy that would contribute to imperial defence in times of emergency. Following Launer’s defeat in 1911, the Liberal-dominated Senate stubbornly opposed the Borden government’s legislative agenda. Bill after bill was rejected or amended; most significant was the Naval Aid Bill. Unable to foresee any emergency that would justify a grant of $35 million to the Royal Navy and angered by Borden’s inaction in establishing a Canadian navy, the Liberals dragged out debate in the commons from 5 Dec. 1912 until May, when the bill passed under closure. The Conservative leader in the Senate, James Alexander Lougheed*, negotiated an agreement with Ross whereby the government would accept an amendment to provide appropriation for a Canadian navy if the Senate would pass the bill. Ross had wanted a stronger commitment to an independent navy, but he privately favoured the bill as a “contribution for the protection that Britain has afforded us for the last 150 years.” As well, he had grown unhappy with Laurier’s naval policy and had talked about leaving the party over reciprocity. Furious that the commons had been gagged, the other Liberal senators and Laurier rejected any compromise. Ross accepted his party’s position and led the Senate opposition in forcing the bill’s return to the commons on 30 May 1913.
As Ross feared, the defeat provoked demands for Senate reform. When Borden’s proposal to enlarge the Senate with more representation from the west was rejected by the upper house, the prime minister seriously contemplated a plebiscite on an elected senate. In defence, Ross assembled ideas he had advanced on various occasions and published them as The Senate of Canada . . . (Toronto, [1914]). More than partisan rhetoric, it advanced a credible ideological justification. Only by agreement among the original provinces could the Senate be reformed, he argued.
In opposing Senate reform and, before that, public ownership, Ross adopted positions which appeared out of sympathy with popular democratic sentiment. In his ideal society, men took individual initiatives and enjoyed the fruits of their efforts. It was, he stated in the Senate in May 1913, “a fact that the most successful men in our professions, and in commercial life, have been raised upon the farm up to a certain age, and with that strong mental and physical push which they possess, because of their environment, they have been able to grapple more successfully with the problems and the difficulties that they encountered.” Such had been his own experience. But by the 20th century an increasingly smaller proportion of the population had been born on the farm, and the values associated with that background had lost much of their political appeal.
The naval debate was Ross’s last major campaign. On occasion the rheumatism which had afflicted him since the 1880s kept him away from the Senate, and in the spring of 1913 he carne down with a mild attack of pneumonia. On 24 Jan. 1914 he collapsed suddenly while speaking to the Senate. Rushed back to Toronto, he remained in hospital until his death on 7 March; he was survived by his third wife, two sons, and six daughters.
On April 8 1915 the first fifty New Zealand Army Nursing Service (NZANS) nurses to serve in the First World War sailed from Wellington. To celebrate the event we are highlighting some other records associated with the history of nursing in New Zealand. The images presented this week in relation to nursing have all come from a collection of records transferred to Archives New Zealand by the School of Advanced Nursing Studies (SANS).
The need for increased educational opportunities for nurses was recognised in 1923 by the first director of Nursing, Department of Health, Miss J. Bicknell, who, influenced by developments overseas, considered that similar opportunities should be available in New Zealand to prepare nurses for administrative and teaching responsibilities in the hospital and public health nursing services. She presented her views to a conference of the New Zealand Registered Nurses' Association, from which a strong recommendation was forwarded to the Government asking for the establishment of a school of nursing in conjunction with the University of New Zealand. This School was commenced in 1925 offering a five-year diploma programme. The students registered at the University of Otago for two years and then spent three years at a hospital. This course was discontinued in 1926 due to lack of finance.
A school for post-graduate nursing study was established in 1928 within the Wellington Hospital complex. The school was guided by a Committee of Management, which had representatives from Victoria University of Wellington, the Department of Health and Wellington Hospital Board. The school later become known as the New Zealand Post-Graduate School for Nurses and initially offered a six-month course. Courses were conducted by the Department of Health, Victoria University College, Wellington Hospital and the Royal Sanitary Institute of Great Britain. In 1940 Wellington Teachers’ Training College also participated in lectures at the school. In 1952 the length of the course was extended to nine months.
In 1970 the school changed its name to the New Zealand School of Advanced Nursing Studies. In 1972 the School’s Management Committee was disbanded and reconstructed as the Advisory Committee to the School. The Advisory Committee had representatives from the New Zealand Registered Nurses Association plus the Department of Health, the Hospital Boards and Victoria University of Wellington. During the 1970s the curriculum was revised to meet the many changes in the nursing environment. The date of the school’s disestablishment is not known, but is estimated to be around 1979.
These images are from the Auckland District Hospital Syllabus of Instruction to pupil nurses, 1914. Nurse training in hospitals from the 1880s had followed the formal Nightingale system of 3 to 4 years tuition and practical work. The 1901 Nurses Registration Act was a defining moment for the professionalisation of nursing.
This syllabus was for a four-year course including Elementary Anatomy and Physiology, Surgical Nursing, Medical Nursing, Practical Nursing, Ophthalmic Nursing, Nursing in Ear and Throat Cases, Massage, and Practical Dispensing. There were also 18 lectures and demonstrations in cooking including ‘Serving of food for invalids, [and] tray decoration’. Cookery was an important part of the nurses’ role and they were expected to prepare and cook individual meals for patients to suit their needs.
Archway link:
collections.archives.govt.nz/web/arena/search#/?q=13235331
Sources:
www.teara.govt.nz/en/health-practitioners/page-3
www.nzans.org/NZANS History/NZANSHistory1910.html
For any enquiries please email Research.Archives@dia.govt.nz
Stay tuned for further tweets and images related to the history of NZ Nursing this week.
Singapore (Listeni/ˈsɪŋɡəpɔːr/), officially the Republic of Singapore, and often referred to as the Lion City, the Garden City, and the Red Dot, is a global city and sovereign state in Southeast Asia and the world's only island city-state. It lies one degree (137 km) north of the equator, at the southernmost tip of continental Asia and peninsular Malaysia, with Indonesia's Riau Islands to the south. Singapore's territory consists of the diamond-shaped main island and 62 islets. Since independence, extensive land reclamation has increased its total size by 23% (130 km2), and its greening policy has covered the densely populated island with tropical flora, parks and gardens.
The islands were settled from the second century AD by a series of local empires. In 1819, Sir Stamford Raffles founded modern Singapore as a trading post of the East India Company; after the company collapsed, the islands were ceded to Britain and became part of its Straits Settlements in 1826. During World War II, Singapore was occupied by Japan. It gained independence from Britain in 1963, by uniting with other former British territories to form Malaysia, but was expelled two years later over ideological differences. After early years of turbulence, and despite lacking natural resources and a hinterland, the nation developed rapidly as an Asian Tiger economy, based on external trade and its human capital.
Singapore is a global commerce, finance and transport hub. Its standings include: "easiest place to do business" (World Bank) for ten consecutive years, most "technology-ready" nation (WEF), top International-meetings city (UIA), city with "best investment potential" (BERI), 2nd-most competitive country (WEF), 3rd-largest foreign exchange centre, 3rd-largest financial centre, 3rd-largest oil refining and trading centre and one of the top two busiest container ports since the 1990s. Singapore's best known global brands include Singapore Airlines and Changi Airport, both amongst the most-awarded in their industry; SIA is also rated by Fortune surveys as Asia's "most admired company". For the past decade, it has been the only Asian country with the top AAA sovereign rating from all major credit rating agencies, including S&P, Moody's and Fitch.
Singapore ranks high on its national social policies, leading Asia and 11th globally, on the Human Development Index (UN), notably on key measures of education, healthcare, life expectancy, quality of life, personal safety, housing. Although income inequality is high, 90% of citizens own their homes, and the country has one of the highest per capita incomes, with low taxes. The cosmopolitan nation is home to 5.5 million residents, 38% of whom are permanent residents and other foreign nationals. Singaporeans are mostly bilingual in a mother-tongue language and English as their common language. Its cultural diversity is reflected in its extensive ethnic "hawker" cuisine and major festivals - Chinese, Malay, Indian, Western - which are all national holidays. In 2015, Lonely Planet and The New York Times listed Singapore as their top and 6th best world destination to visit respectively.
The nation's core principles are meritocracy, multiculturalism and secularism. It is noted for its effective, pragmatic and incorrupt governance and civil service, which together with its rapid development policies, is widely cited as the "Singapore model". Gallup polls shows 84% of its residents expressed confidence in the national government, and 85% in its judicial systems - one of the highest ratings recorded. Singapore has significant influence on global affairs relative to its size, leading some analysts to classify it as a middle power. It is ranked as Asia's most influential city and 4th in the world by Forbes.
Singapore is a unitary, multiparty, parliamentary republic, with a Westminster system of unicameral parliamentary government. The People's Action Party has won every election since self-government in 1959. One of the five founding members of the ASEAN, Singapore is also the host of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Secretariat, and a member of the East Asia Summit, Non-Aligned Movement, and the Commonwealth of Nations.
ETYMOLOGY
The English name of Singapore is derived from the Malay word, Singapura, which was in turn derived from Sanskrit (Singa is "lion", Pura "city"; Sanskrit: सिंहपुर, IAST: Siṃhápura), hence the customary reference to the nation as the Lion City, and its inclusion in many of the nation's symbols (e.g., its coat of arms, Merlion emblem). However, it is unlikely that lions ever lived on the island; Sang Nila Utama, who founded and named the island Singapura, most likely saw a Malayan tiger. It is also known as Pulau Ujong, as far back as the 3rd century, literally 'island at the end' (of the Malay Peninsula) in Malay.
Since the 1970s, Singapore has also been widely known as the Garden City, owing to its extensive greening policy covering the whole island, a priority of its first prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, dubbed the nation's "Chief Gardener". The nation's conservation and greening efforts contributed to Singapore Botanic Gardens being the only tropical garden to be inscribed by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site. The nickname, Red Dot, is a reference to its size on the map, contrasting with its achievements. In 2015, Singapore's Golden Jubilee year, the celebratory "SG50" branding is depicted inside a red dot.
HISTORY
Temasek ('Sea Town' in the Malay language), an outpost of the Sumatran Srivijaya empire, is the earliest written record relating to the area now called Singapore. In the 13th century, the Kingdom of Singapura was established on the island and it became a trading port city. However, there were two major foreign invasions before it was destroyed by the Majapahit in 1398. In 1613, Portuguese raiders burned down the settlement, which by then was nominally part of the Johor Sultanate and the island sank into obscurity for the next two centuries, while the wider maritime region and much trade was under Dutch control.
BRITISH COLONISATION 1819-1942
In 1819, Thomas Stamford Raffles arrived and signed a treaty with Sultan Hussein Shah of Johor, on behalf of the British East India Company, to develop the southern part of Singapore as a British trading post. In 1824, the entire island, as well as the Temenggong, became a British possession after a further treaty with the Sultan. In 1826, Singapore became part of the Straits Settlements, under the jurisdiction of British India, becoming the regional capital in 1836.
Prior to Raffles' arrival, there were only about a thousand people living on the island, mostly indigenous Malays along with a handful of Chinese. By 1860, the population had swelled to more than 80,000 and more than half were Chinese. Many immigrants came to work at rubber plantations and, after the 1870s, the island became a global centre for rubber exports.
After the First World War, the British built the large Singapore Naval Base. Lieutenant General Sir William George Shedden Dobbie was appointed General Officer Commanding of the Malaya Command on 8 November 1935, holding the post until 1939;
WORLD WAR II AND JAPANESE OCCUPATION 1942-45
in May 1938, the General Officer Commanding of the Malaya Command warned how Singapore could be conquered by the Japanese via an attack from northern Malaya, but his warnings went unheeded. The Imperial Japanese Army invaded British Malaya, culminating in the Battle of Singapore. When the British surrendered on 15 February 1942, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill called the defeat "the worst disaster and largest capitulation in British history". Between 5,000 and 25,000 ethnic Chinese people were killed in the subsequent Sook Ching massacre.
From November 1944 to May 1945, the Allies conducted an intensive bombing of Singapore.
RETURN OF BRITISH 1945-59
After the surrender of Japan was announced in the Jewel Voice Broadcast by the Japanese Emperor on 15 August 1945 there was a breakdown of order and looting and revenge-killing were widespread. The formal Japanese Occupation of Singapore was only ended by Operation Tiderace and the formal surrender on 12 September 1945 at Singapore City Hall when Lord Louis Mountbatten, Supreme Allied Commander of Southeast Asia Command, accepted the capitulation of Japanese forces in Southeast Asia from General Itagaki Seishiro.
A British Military Administration was then formed to govern the island. On 1 April 1946, the Straits Settlements were dissolved and Singapore became a separate Crown Colony with a civil administration headed by a Governor. Much of the infrastructure had been destroyed during the war, including the harbour, electricity, telephone and water supply systems. There was also a shortage of food leading to malnutrition, disease, and rampant crime and violence. High food prices, unemployment, and workers' discontent culminated into a series of strikes in 1947 causing massive stoppages in public transport and other services. In July 1947, separate Executive and Legislative Councils were established and the election of six members of the Legislative Council was scheduled for the following year. By late 1947, the economy began to recover, facilitated by a growing demand for tin and rubber around the world, but it would take several more years before the economy returned to pre-war levels.
The failure of Britain to defend Singapore had destroyed its credibility as an infallible ruler in the eyes of Singaporeans. The decades after the war saw a political awakening amongst the local populace and the rise of anti-colonial and nationalist sentiments, epitomized by the slogan Merdeka, or "independence" in the Malay language.
During the 1950s, Chinese Communists with strong ties to the trade unions and Chinese schools carried out armed uprising against the government, leading to the Malayan Emergency and later, the Communist Insurgency War. The 1954 National Service Riots, Chinese middle schools riots, and Hock Lee bus riots in Singapore were all linked to these events.
David Marshall, pro-independence leader of the Labour Front, won Singapore's first general election in 1955. He led a delegation to London, but Britain rejected his demand for complete self-rule. He resigned and was replaced by Lim Yew Hock, whose policies convinced Britain to grant Singapore full internal self-government for all matters except defence and foreign affairs.
SELF-GOVERNMENT 1959-1963
During the May 1959 elections, the People's Action Party won a landslide victory. Singapore became an internally self-governing state within the Commonwealth, with Lee Kuan Yew as its first Prime Minister. Governor Sir William Allmond Codrington Goode served as the first Yang di-Pertuan Negara (Head of State), and was succeeded by Yusof bin Ishak, who became the first President of Singapore in 1965.
MERGER WITH MALAYSIA 1963-65
As a result of the 1962 Merger Referendum, on 31 August 1963 Singapore joined with the Federation of Malaya, the Crown Colony of Sarawak and the Crown Colony of North Borneo to form the new federation of Malaysia under the terms of the Malaysia Agreement. Singaporean leaders chose to join Malaysia primarily due to concerns over its limited land size, scarcity of water, markets and natural resources. Some Singaporean and Malaysian politicians were also concerned that the communists might form the government on the island, a possibility perceived as an external threat to the Federation of Malaya.However, shortly after the merger, the Singapore state government and the Malaysian central government disagreed on many political and economic issues, and communal strife culminated in the 1964 race riots in Singapore. After many heated ideological conflicts between the two governments, on 9 August 1965, the Malaysian Parliament voted 126 to 0 to expel Singapore from Malaysia with Singaporean delegates not present.
INDEPENDENCE 1965 TO PRESENT
Singapore gained independence as the Republic of Singapore (remaining within the Commonwealth of Nations) on 9 August 1965. Race riots broke out once more in 1969. In 1967, the country co-founded ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and in 1970 it joined the Non-Aligned Movement. Lee Kuan Yew became Prime Minister, leading its Third World economy to First World affluence in a single generation. His emphasis on rapid economic growth, support for business entrepreneurship, limitations on internal democracy, and close relationships with China set the new nation's policies for the next half-century.
In 1990, Goh Chok Tong succeeded Lee as Prime Minister, while the latter continued serving in the Cabinet as Senior Minister until 2004, and then Minister Mentor until May 2011. During Goh's tenure, the country faced the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the 2003 SARS outbreak and terrorist threats posed by Jemaah Islamiyah.
In 2004, Lee Hsien Loong, the eldest son of Lee Kuan Yew, became the country's third Prime Minister. Goh Chok Tong remained in Cabinet as the Senior Minister until May 2011, when he was named Emeritus Senior Minister despite his retirement. He steered the nation through the 2008 global financial crisis, resolved the disputed 79-year old Malayan railways land, and introduced integrated resorts. Despite the economy's exceptional growth, PAP suffered its worst election results in 2011, winning 60% of votes, amidst hot-button issues of high influx of foreign workers and cost of living. Lee initiated a major re-structuring of the economy to raise productivity, improved universal healthcare and grants, especially for the pioneer generation of citizens, amongst many new inclusive measures.
On 23 March 2015, its founding prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, who had 'personified Singapore to the world' for nearly half a century died. In a week of national mourning, 1.7 million residents and guests paid tribute to him at his lying-in-state at Parliament House and at community sites around the island.
Singapore celebrated its Golden jubilee in 2015 – its 50th year of independence, with a year-long series of events branded SG50. The PAP maintained its dominance in Parliament at the September general elections, receiving 69.9% of the popular vote, its second-highest polling result behind the 2001 tally of 75.3%.
GEOGRAPHY
Singapore consists of 63 islands, including the main island, Pulau Ujong. There are two man-made connections to Johor, Malaysia: the Johor–Singapore Causeway in the north and the Tuas Second Link in the west. Jurong Island, Pulau Tekong, Pulau Ubin and Sentosa are the largest of Singapore's smaller islands. The highest natural point is Bukit Timah Hill at 163.63 m. April and May are the hottest months, with the wetter monsoon season from November to January.
From July to October, there is often haze caused by bush fires in neighbouring Indonesia, usually from the island of Sumatra. Although Singapore does not observe daylight saving time (DST), it follows the GMT+8 time zone, one hour ahead of the typical zone for its geographical location.
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS
Singapore is a parliamentary republic with a Westminster system of unicameral parliamentary government representing constituencies. The country's constitution establishes a representative democracy as the political system. Executive power rests with the Cabinet of Singapore, led by the Prime Minister and, to a much lesser extent, the President. The President is elected through a popular vote, and has veto powers over a specific set of executive decisions, such as the use of the national reserves and the appointment of judges, but otherwise occupies a largely ceremonial post.
The Parliament serves as the legislative branch of the government. Members of Parliament (MPs) consist of elected, non-constituency and nominated members. Elected MPs are voted into the Parliament on a "first-past-the-post" (plurality) basis and represent either single-member or group representation constituencies. The People's Action Party has won control of Parliament with large majorities in every election since self-governance was secured in 1959.
Although the elections are clean, there is no independent electoral authority and the government has strong influence on the media. Freedom House ranks Singapore as "partly free" in its Freedom in the World report, and The Economist ranks Singapore as a "flawed democracy", the second best rank of four, in its "Democracy Index". Despite this, in the 2011 Parliamentary elections, the opposition, led by the Workers' Party, increased its representation to seven elected MPs. In the 2015 elections, PAP scored a landslide victory, winning 83 of 89 seats contested, with 70% of popular votes. Gallup polls reported 84% of residents in Singapore expressed confidence in the government, and 85% in its judicial systems and courts – one of the highest ratings in the world.
Singapore's governance model eschews populist politics, focusing on the nation's long-term interest, and is known to be clean, effective and pragmatic. As a small nation highly dependent on external trade, it is vulnerable to geo-politics and global economics. It places great emphasis on security and stability of the region in its foreign policies, and applies global best practices to ensure the nation's attractiveness as an investment destination and business hub.
The legal system of Singapore is based on English common law, but with substantial local differences. Trial by jury was abolished in 1970 so that judicial decisions would rest entirely in the hands of appointed judges. Singapore has penalties that include judicial corporal punishment in the form of caning, which may be imposed for such offences as rape, rioting, vandalism, and certain immigration offences.There is a mandatory death penalty for murder, as well as for certain aggravated drug-trafficking and firearms offences.
Amnesty International has said that some legal provisions of the Singapore system conflict with the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, and that Singapore has "... possibly the highest execution rate in the world relative to its population". The government has disputed Amnesty's claims. In a 2008 survey of international business executives, Singapore received the top ranking with regard to judicial system quality in Asia. Singapore has been consistently rated among the least corrupt countries in the world by Transparency International.
In 2011, the World Justice Project's Rule of Law Index ranked Singapore among the top countries surveyed with regard to "order and security", "absence of corruption", and "effective criminal justice". However, the country received a much lower ranking for "freedom of speech" and "freedom of assembly". All public gatherings of five or more people require police permits, and protests may legally be held only at the Speakers' Corner.
EDUCATION
Education for primary, secondary, and tertiary levels is mostly supported by the state. All institutions, private and public, must be registered with the Ministry of Education. English is the language of instruction in all public schools, and all subjects are taught and examined in English except for the "mother tongue" language paper. While the term "mother tongue" in general refers to the first language internationally, in Singapore's education system, it is used to refer to the second language, as English is the first language. Students who have been abroad for a while, or who struggle with their "Mother Tongue" language, are allowed to take a simpler syllabus or drop the subject.
Education takes place in three stages: primary, secondary, and pre-university education. Only the primary level is compulsory. Students begin with six years of primary school, which is made up of a four-year foundation course and a two-year orientation stage. The curriculum is focused on the development of English, the mother tongue, mathematics, and science. Secondary school lasts from four to five years, and is divided between Special, Express, Normal (Academic), and Normal (Technical) streams in each school, depending on a student's ability level. The basic coursework breakdown is the same as in the primary level, although classes are much more specialised. Pre-university education takes place over two to three years at senior schools, mostly called Junior Colleges.
Some schools have a degree of freedom in their curriculum and are known as autonomous schools. These exist from the secondary education level and up.
National examinations are standardised across all schools, with a test taken after each stage. After the first six years of education, students take the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), which determines their placement at secondary school. At the end of the secondary stage, GCE "O"-Level exams are taken; at the end of the following pre-university stage, the GCE "A"-Level exams are taken. Of all non-student Singaporeans aged 15 and above, 18% have no education qualifications at all while 45% have the PSLE as their highest qualification; 15% have the GCE 'O' Level as their highest qualification and 14% have a degree.
Singaporean students consistently rank at or near the top of international education assessments:
- In 2015, Singapore topped the OECD's global school performance rankings, based on 15-year-old students' average scores in mathematics and science across 76 countries.
- Singaporean students were ranked first in the 2011 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study conducted by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, and have been ranked in the top three every year since 1995.
- Singapore fared best in the 2015 International Baccalaureate exams, taken in 107 countries, with more than half of the world's 81 perfect scorers and 98% passing rate.
The country's two main public universities - the National University of Singapore and Nanyang Technological University - are ranked among the top 13 in the world.
HEALTH
Singapore has a generally efficient healthcare system, even though their health expenditures are relatively low for developed countries. The World Health Organisation ranks Singapore's healthcare system as 6th overall in the world in its World Health Report. In general, Singapore has had the lowest infant mortality rate in the world for the past two decades.
Life expectancy in Singapore is 80 for males and 85 for females, placing the country 4th in the world for life expectancy. Almost the whole population has access to improved water and sanitation facilities. There are fewer than 10 annual deaths from HIV per 100,000 people. There is a high level of immunisation. Adult obesity is below 10%
The government's healthcare system is based upon the "3M" framework. This has three components: Medifund, which provides a safety net for those not able to otherwise afford healthcare, Medisave, a compulsory health savings scheme covering about 85% of the population, and Medishield, a government-funded health insurance program. Public hospitals in Singapore have autonomy in their management decisions, and compete for patients. A subsidy scheme exists for those on low income. In 2008, 32% of healthcare was funded by the government. It accounts for approximately 3.5% of Singapore's GDP.
RELIGION
Buddhism is the most widely practised religion in Singapore, with 33% of the resident population declaring themselves adherents at the most recent census. The next-most practised religion is Christianity, followed by Islam, Taoism, and Hinduism. 17% of the population did not have a religious affiliation. The proportion of Christians, Taoists, and non-religious people increased between 2000 and 2010 by about 3% each, whilst the proportion of Buddhists decreased. Other faiths remained largely stable in their share of the population. An analysis by the Pew Research Center found Singapore to be the world's most religiously diverse nation.
There are monasteries and Dharma centres from all three major traditions of Buddhism in Singapore: Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana. Most Buddhists in Singapore are Chinese and are of the Mahayana tradition, with missionaries having come into the country from Taiwan and China for several decades. However, Thailand's Theravada Buddhism has seen growing popularity among the populace (not only the Chinese) during the past decade. Soka Gakkai International, a Japanese Buddhist organisation, is practised by many people in Singapore, but mostly by those of Chinese descent. Tibetan Buddhism has also made slow inroads into the country in recent years.
CULTURE
Singapore has one of the lowest rates of drug use in the world. Culturally, the use of illicit drugs is viewed as highly undesirable by Singaporeans, unlike many European societies. Singaporeans' disapproval towards drug use has resulted in laws that impose the mandatory death sentence for certain serious drug trafficking offences. Singapore also has a low rate of alcohol consumption per capita and low levels of violent crime, and one of the lowest intentional homicide rate globally. The average alcohol consumption rate is only 2 litres annually per adult, one of the lowest in the world.
Foreigners make up 42% of the population, and have a strong influence on Singaporean culture. The Economist Intelligence Unit, in its 2013 "Where-to-be-born Index", ranks Singapore as having the best quality of life in Asia and sixth overall in the world.
LANGUAGES; RELIGIONS AND CULTURES
Singapore is a very diverse and young country. It has many languages, religions, and cultures for a country its size.
When Singapore became independent from the United Kingdom in 1963, most of the newly minted Singaporean citizens were uneducated labourers from Malaysia, China and India. Many of them were transient labourers who were seeking to make some money in Singapore and they had no intention of staying permanently. A sizeable minority of middle-class, local-born people, known as the Peranakans, also existed. With the exception of the Peranakans (descendants of late 15th and 16th-century Chinese immigrants) who pledged their loyalties to Singapore, most of the labourers' loyalties lay with their respective homelands of Malaysia, China and India. After independence, the process of crafting a Singaporean identity and culture began.
Former Prime Ministers of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew and Goh Chok Tong, have stated that Singapore does not fit the traditional description of a nation, calling it a society-in-transition, pointing out the fact that Singaporeans do not all speak the same language, share the same religion, or have the same customs. Even though English is the first language of the nation, according to the government's 2010 census 20% of Singaporeans, or one in five, are illiterate in English. This is a marked improvement from 1990 where 40% of Singaporeans were illiterate in English.
Languages, religions and cultures among Singaporeans are not delineated according to skin colour or ancestry, unlike many other countries. Among Chinese Singaporeans, one in five is Christian, another one in five is atheist, and the rest are mostly Buddhists or Taoists. One-third speak English as their home language, while half speak Mandarin Chinese. The rest speak other Chinese varieties at home. Most Malays in Singapore speak Malay as their home language with some speaking English. Singaporean Indians are much more religious. Only 1% of them are atheists. Six in ten are Hindu, two in ten Muslim, and the rest mostly Christian. Four in ten speak English as their home language, three in ten Tamil, one in ten Malay, and the rest other Indian languages as their home language.
Each Singaporean's behaviours and attitudes would therefore be influenced by, among many other things, his or her home language and his religion. Singaporeans who speak English as their native language tend to lean toward Western culture, while those who speak Chinese as their native language tend to lean toward Chinese culture and Confucianism. Malay speaking Singaporeans tend to lean toward the Malay culture, which itself is closely linked to the Islamic culture.
ATTITUDES AND BELIEFS
At the national level in Singapore, meritocracy, where one is judged based on one's ability, is heavily emphasised.
Racial and religious harmony is regarded by Singaporeans as a crucial part of Singapore's success, and played a part in building a Singaporean identity. Singapore has a reputation as a nanny state. The national flower of Singapore is the hybrid orchid, Vanda 'Miss Joaquim', named in memory of a Singapore-born Armenian woman, who crossbred the flower in her garden at Tanjong Pagar in 1893. Many national symbols such as the Coat of arms of Singapore and the Lion head symbol of Singapore make use of the lion, as Singapore is known as the Lion City. Other monikers by which Singapore is widely known is the Garden City and the Red Dot. Public holidays in Singapore cover major Chinese, Western, Malay and Indian festivals.
Singaporean employees work an average of around 45 hours weekly, relatively long compared to many other nations. Three in four Singaporean employees surveyed stated that they take pride in doing their work well, and that doing so helps their self-confidence.
CUISINE
Dining, along with shopping, is said to be the country's national pastime. The focus on food has led countries like Australia to attract Singaporean tourists with food-based itineraries. The diversity of food is touted as a reason to visit the country, and the variety of food representing different ethnicities is seen by the government as a symbol of its multiculturalism. The "national fruit" of Singapore is the durian.
In popular culture, food items belong to a particular ethnicity, with Chinese, Malay, and Indian food clearly defined. However, the diversity of cuisine has been increased further by the "hybridisation" of different styles (e.g., the Peranakan cuisine, a mix of Chinese and Malay cuisine).
WIKIPEDIA
1. Exam time - school inspector’s reminder of the Eketahuna School’s syllabus of work
This week we are celebrating the start of the new school year with a selection of records we hold relating to school life. Some will be presented on Flickr and some on Youtube, where we'll have great film footage to share later in the week.
When Mr Robert Lee visited Eketahuna School on 6 April 1892 he was given a list of the school’s syllabus of work. As one of two school inspectors for the Wellington Education District, the purpose of his visit was to conduct the annual examination of the school’s pupils. The list, mostly likely drawn up by the head teacher, Mr T. Bennett, identified the subjects, and the various topics covered within those subjects, that each class had been taught during the school year to date.
At this time in New Zealand’s education history school attendance was only compulsory for children between the ages of seven and 13, and free education was only provided at public primary schools. Pupils at every public primary school were divided into Standard Classes. The initial division was Preparatory and Class, with pupils in preparatory classes preparing for Class 1 (also known as Standard 1 (NZ’s current Year 3 equivalent)).
The syllabus was made up of: pass subjects, for which each pupil was examined individually; class subjects, for which each standard class was examined as a group by the inspector; and additional subjects, which were optional subjects a school could choose to teach and which were examined in the same manner as class subjects. To pass a class subject or additional subject each pupil had to be present in the standard class when the inspector examined it on the subject.
Why was the inspector examining the Eketahuna School pupils so early in the school year? The syllabus of work for public schools was set by the New Zealand Educational Institute, based on regulations drawn up by the Department of Education. On 12th October 1891 an Order in Council had prescribed a change to the syllabus. This was followed by a 6th January 1892 Order in Council which directed inspectors to conduct their examinations of schools during the 1st six months of 1892 so pupils had the opportunity of passing their Standards as they were taught based on the previous syllabus. Hence the early exam date!
The Eketahuna School pupils would have been examined as per the previous (16 June 1885) regulations. Under these regulations pass subjects for Standard 3 (NZ’s current Year 5 equivalent) included:
Reading - Easy reading book, to be read fluently and intelligently, with knowledge of the meanings of the words, and with due regard to the distinction of paragraphs as well as of sentences.
Arithmetic - Numeration and notation generally (one billion being taken as the second power of one million, one trillion the third power, and so on); long multiplication and long division; the four money rules, excepting long multiplication of money; tables of money, avoirdupois weight, and long measure; and easy money problems in mental arithmetic .
Geography - The names and positions of the chief towns of New Zealand; the principal features of the district in which the school is situated; names and positions of Australian Colonies and their capitals; of the countries and capitals of Europe; of mountains forming the water-sheds of continental areas; and of celebrated rivers.
Under the 1885 regulations, class subjects for Standard 5 (NZ’s current Year 7 equivalent) included:
English History - The period from 1485 A.D. to 1714 A.D., and the leading events of the period known in connection with the reigns and centuries to which they belong, and in their own character. [Precise dates will not be required, though a knowledge of them may assist in referring each event to the proper reign.]
Pupils may also have been taught, and examined on, the following additional subjects: Recitation, Singing, Needlework and Drill, Extra Drawing.
These papers come from the Class schedules – 1892 M-P file created by the Wellington Education Board. The file is part of the Class schedules series of records containing class examination reports and school inspection reports for schools in the Wellington Education district, from about 1885 to about 1909.
Archives Reference: ADEX 16412 EB-W8 6 / 13
collections.archives.govt.nz/web/arena/search#/?q=R11820647
See also:
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (14 October 1891) 75 New Zealand Gazette 1121
“Regulation for the Inspection of Schools.” (7 January 1892) 1 New Zealand Gazette 2
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (18 June 1885) 39 New Zealand Gazette 772
Stay tuned to our Twitter account for more updates on this special series of tweets and our On This Day in history segment: Follow us on Twitter www.twitter.com/ArchivesNZ
For further enquiries regarding school records, please email Research.Archives@dia.govt.nz
Material supplied by Archives New Zealand
1. Exam time - school inspector’s reminder of the Eketahuna School’s syllabus of work
This week we are celebrating the start of the new school year with a selection of records we hold relating to school life. Some will be presented on Flickr and some on Youtube, where we'll have great film footage to share later in the week.
When Mr Robert Lee visited Eketahuna School on 6 April 1892 he was given a list of the school’s syllabus of work. As one of two school inspectors for the Wellington Education District, the purpose of his visit was to conduct the annual examination of the school’s pupils. The list, mostly likely drawn up by the head teacher, Mr T. Bennett, identified the subjects, and the various topics covered within those subjects, that each class had been taught during the school year to date.
At this time in New Zealand’s education history school attendance was only compulsory for children between the ages of seven and 13, and free education was only provided at public primary schools. Pupils at every public primary school were divided into Standard Classes. The initial division was Preparatory and Class, with pupils in preparatory classes preparing for Class 1 (also known as Standard 1 (NZ’s current Year 3 equivalent)).
The syllabus was made up of: pass subjects, for which each pupil was examined individually; class subjects, for which each standard class was examined as a group by the inspector; and additional subjects, which were optional subjects a school could choose to teach and which were examined in the same manner as class subjects. To pass a class subject or additional subject each pupil had to be present in the standard class when the inspector examined it on the subject.
Why was the inspector examining the Eketahuna School pupils so early in the school year? The syllabus of work for public schools was set by the New Zealand Educational Institute, based on regulations drawn up by the Department of Education. On 12th October 1891 an Order in Council had prescribed a change to the syllabus. This was followed by a 6th January 1892 Order in Council which directed inspectors to conduct their examinations of schools during the 1st six months of 1892 so pupils had the opportunity of passing their Standards as they were taught based on the previous syllabus. Hence the early exam date!
The Eketahuna School pupils would have been examined as per the previous (16 June 1885) regulations. Under these regulations pass subjects for Standard 3 (NZ’s current Year 5 equivalent) included:
Reading - Easy reading book, to be read fluently and intelligently, with knowledge of the meanings of the words, and with due regard to the distinction of paragraphs as well as of sentences.
Arithmetic - Numeration and notation generally (one billion being taken as the second power of one million, one trillion the third power, and so on); long multiplication and long division; the four money rules, excepting long multiplication of money; tables of money, avoirdupois weight, and long measure; and easy money problems in mental arithmetic .
Geography - The names and positions of the chief towns of New Zealand; the principal features of the district in which the school is situated; names and positions of Australian Colonies and their capitals; of the countries and capitals of Europe; of mountains forming the water-sheds of continental areas; and of celebrated rivers.
Under the 1885 regulations, class subjects for Standard 5 (NZ’s current Year 7 equivalent) included:
English History - The period from 1485 A.D. to 1714 A.D., and the leading events of the period known in connection with the reigns and centuries to which they belong, and in their own character. [Precise dates will not be required, though a knowledge of them may assist in referring each event to the proper reign.]
Pupils may also have been taught, and examined on, the following additional subjects: Recitation, Singing, Needlework and Drill, Extra Drawing.
These papers come from the Class schedules – 1892 M-P file created by the Wellington Education Board. The file is part of the Class schedules series of records containing class examination reports and school inspection reports for schools in the Wellington Education district, from about 1885 to about 1909.
Archives Reference: ADEX 16412 EB-W8 6 / 13
collections.archives.govt.nz/en/web/arena/search#/?q=R118...
See also:
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (14 October 1891) 75 New Zealand Gazette 1121
“Regulation for the Inspection of Schools.” (7 January 1892) 1 New Zealand Gazette 2
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (18 June 1885) 39 New Zealand Gazette 772
Stay tuned to our Twitter account for more updates on this special series of tweets and our On This Day in history segment: Follow us on Twitter www.twitter.com/ArchivesNZ
For further enquiries regarding school records, please email Research.Archives@dia.govt.nz
Material supplied by Archives New Zealand
1. Exam time - school inspector’s reminder of the Eketahuna School’s syllabus of work
This week we are celebrating the start of the new school year with a selection of records we hold relating to school life. Some will be presented on Flickr and some on Youtube, where we'll have great film footage to share later in the week.
When Mr Robert Lee visited Eketahuna School on 6 April 1892 he was given a list of the school’s syllabus of work. As one of two school inspectors for the Wellington Education District, the purpose of his visit was to conduct the annual examination of the school’s pupils. The list, mostly likely drawn up by the head teacher, Mr T. Bennett, identified the subjects, and the various topics covered within those subjects, that each class had been taught during the school year to date.
At this time in New Zealand’s education history school attendance was only compulsory for children between the ages of seven and 13, and free education was only provided at public primary schools. Pupils at every public primary school were divided into Standard Classes. The initial division was Preparatory and Class, with pupils in preparatory classes preparing for Class 1 (also known as Standard 1 (NZ’s current Year 3 equivalent)).
The syllabus was made up of: pass subjects, for which each pupil was examined individually; class subjects, for which each standard class was examined as a group by the inspector; and additional subjects, which were optional subjects a school could choose to teach and which were examined in the same manner as class subjects. To pass a class subject or additional subject each pupil had to be present in the standard class when the inspector examined it on the subject.
Why was the inspector examining the Eketahuna School pupils so early in the school year? The syllabus of work for public schools was set by the New Zealand Educational Institute, based on regulations drawn up by the Department of Education. On 12th October 1891 an Order in Council had prescribed a change to the syllabus. This was followed by a 6th January 1892 Order in Council which directed inspectors to conduct their examinations of schools during the 1st six months of 1892 so pupils had the opportunity of passing their Standards as they were taught based on the previous syllabus. Hence the early exam date!
The Eketahuna School pupils would have been examined as per the previous (16 June 1885) regulations. Under these regulations pass subjects for Standard 3 (NZ’s current Year 5 equivalent) included:
Reading - Easy reading book, to be read fluently and intelligently, with knowledge of the meanings of the words, and with due regard to the distinction of paragraphs as well as of sentences.
Arithmetic - Numeration and notation generally (one billion being taken as the second power of one million, one trillion the third power, and so on); long multiplication and long division; the four money rules, excepting long multiplication of money; tables of money, avoirdupois weight, and long measure; and easy money problems in mental arithmetic .
Geography - The names and positions of the chief towns of New Zealand; the principal features of the district in which the school is situated; names and positions of Australian Colonies and their capitals; of the countries and capitals of Europe; of mountains forming the water-sheds of continental areas; and of celebrated rivers.
Under the 1885 regulations, class subjects for Standard 5 (NZ’s current Year 7 equivalent) included:
English History - The period from 1485 A.D. to 1714 A.D., and the leading events of the period known in connection with the reigns and centuries to which they belong, and in their own character. [Precise dates will not be required, though a knowledge of them may assist in referring each event to the proper reign.]
Pupils may also have been taught, and examined on, the following additional subjects: Recitation, Singing, Needlework and Drill, Extra Drawing.
These papers come from the Class schedules – 1892 M-P file created by the Wellington Education Board. The file is part of the Class schedules series of records containing class examination reports and school inspection reports for schools in the Wellington Education district, from about 1885 to about 1909.
Archives Reference: ADEX 16412 EB-W8 6 / 13
collections.archives.govt.nz/en/web/arena/search#/?q=R118...
See also:
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (14 October 1891) 75 New Zealand Gazette 1121
“Regulation for the Inspection of Schools.” (7 January 1892) 1 New Zealand Gazette 2
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (18 June 1885) 39 New Zealand Gazette 772
Stay tuned to our Twitter account for more updates on this special series of tweets and our On This Day in history segment: Follow us on Twitter www.twitter.com/ArchivesNZ
For further enquiries regarding school records, please email Research.Archives@dia.govt.nz
Material supplied by Archives New Zealand
1. Exam time - school inspector’s reminder of the Eketahuna School’s syllabus of work
This week we are celebrating the start of the new school year with a selection of records we hold relating to school life. Some will be presented on Flickr and some on Youtube, where we'll have great film footage to share later in the week.
When Mr Robert Lee visited Eketahuna School on 6 April 1892 he was given a list of the school’s syllabus of work. As one of two school inspectors for the Wellington Education District, the purpose of his visit was to conduct the annual examination of the school’s pupils. The list, mostly likely drawn up by the head teacher, Mr T. Bennett, identified the subjects, and the various topics covered within those subjects, that each class had been taught during the school year to date.
At this time in New Zealand’s education history school attendance was only compulsory for children between the ages of seven and 13, and free education was only provided at public primary schools. Pupils at every public primary school were divided into Standard Classes. The initial division was Preparatory and Class, with pupils in preparatory classes preparing for Class 1 (also known as Standard 1 (NZ’s current Year 3 equivalent)).
The syllabus was made up of: pass subjects, for which each pupil was examined individually; class subjects, for which each standard class was examined as a group by the inspector; and additional subjects, which were optional subjects a school could choose to teach and which were examined in the same manner as class subjects. To pass a class subject or additional subject each pupil had to be present in the standard class when the inspector examined it on the subject.
Why was the inspector examining the Eketahuna School pupils so early in the school year? The syllabus of work for public schools was set by the New Zealand Educational Institute, based on regulations drawn up by the Department of Education. On 12th October 1891 an Order in Council had prescribed a change to the syllabus. This was followed by a 6th January 1892 Order in Council which directed inspectors to conduct their examinations of schools during the 1st six months of 1892 so pupils had the opportunity of passing their Standards as they were taught based on the previous syllabus. Hence the early exam date!
The Eketahuna School pupils would have been examined as per the previous (16 June 1885) regulations. Under these regulations pass subjects for Standard 3 (NZ’s current Year 5 equivalent) included:
Reading - Easy reading book, to be read fluently and intelligently, with knowledge of the meanings of the words, and with due regard to the distinction of paragraphs as well as of sentences.
Arithmetic - Numeration and notation generally (one billion being taken as the second power of one million, one trillion the third power, and so on); long multiplication and long division; the four money rules, excepting long multiplication of money; tables of money, avoirdupois weight, and long measure; and easy money problems in mental arithmetic .
Geography - The names and positions of the chief towns of New Zealand; the principal features of the district in which the school is situated; names and positions of Australian Colonies and their capitals; of the countries and capitals of Europe; of mountains forming the water-sheds of continental areas; and of celebrated rivers.
Under the 1885 regulations, class subjects for Standard 5 (NZ’s current Year 7 equivalent) included:
English History - The period from 1485 A.D. to 1714 A.D., and the leading events of the period known in connection with the reigns and centuries to which they belong, and in their own character. [Precise dates will not be required, though a knowledge of them may assist in referring each event to the proper reign.]
Pupils may also have been taught, and examined on, the following additional subjects: Recitation, Singing, Needlework and Drill, Extra Drawing.
These papers come from the Class schedules – 1892 M-P file created by the Wellington Education Board. The file is part of the Class schedules series of records containing class examination reports and school inspection reports for schools in the Wellington Education district, from about 1885 to about 1909.
Archives Reference: ADEX 16412 EB-W8 6 / 13
collections.archives.govt.nz/en/web/arena/search#/?q=R225...
See also:
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (14 October 1891) 75 New Zealand Gazette 1121
“Regulation for the Inspection of Schools.” (7 January 1892) 1 New Zealand Gazette 2
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (18 June 1885) 39 New Zealand Gazette 772
Stay tuned to our Twitter account for more updates on this special series of tweets and our On This Day in history segment: Follow us on Twitter www.twitter.com/ArchivesNZ
For further enquiries regarding school records, please email Research.Archives@dia.govt.nz
Material supplied by Archives New Zealand
1. Exam time - school inspector’s reminder of the Eketahuna School’s syllabus of work
This week we are celebrating the start of the new school year with a selection of records we hold relating to school life. Some will be presented on Flickr and some on Youtube, where we'll have great film footage to share later in the week.
When Mr Robert Lee visited Eketahuna School on 6 April 1892 he was given a list of the school’s syllabus of work. As one of two school inspectors for the Wellington Education District, the purpose of his visit was to conduct the annual examination of the school’s pupils. The list, mostly likely drawn up by the head teacher, Mr T. Bennett, identified the subjects, and the various topics covered within those subjects, that each class had been taught during the school year to date.
At this time in New Zealand’s education history school attendance was only compulsory for children between the ages of seven and 13, and free education was only provided at public primary schools. Pupils at every public primary school were divided into Standard Classes. The initial division was Preparatory and Class, with pupils in preparatory classes preparing for Class 1 (also known as Standard 1 (NZ’s current Year 3 equivalent)).
The syllabus was made up of: pass subjects, for which each pupil was examined individually; class subjects, for which each standard class was examined as a group by the inspector; and additional subjects, which were optional subjects a school could choose to teach and which were examined in the same manner as class subjects. To pass a class subject or additional subject each pupil had to be present in the standard class when the inspector examined it on the subject.
Why was the inspector examining the Eketahuna School pupils so early in the school year? The syllabus of work for public schools was set by the New Zealand Educational Institute, based on regulations drawn up by the Department of Education. On 12th October 1891 an Order in Council had prescribed a change to the syllabus. This was followed by a 6th January 1892 Order in Council which directed inspectors to conduct their examinations of schools during the 1st six months of 1892 so pupils had the opportunity of passing their Standards as they were taught based on the previous syllabus. Hence the early exam date!
The Eketahuna School pupils would have been examined as per the previous (16 June 1885) regulations. Under these regulations pass subjects for Standard 3 (NZ’s current Year 5 equivalent) included:
Reading - Easy reading book, to be read fluently and intelligently, with knowledge of the meanings of the words, and with due regard to the distinction of paragraphs as well as of sentences.
Arithmetic - Numeration and notation generally (one billion being taken as the second power of one million, one trillion the third power, and so on); long multiplication and long division; the four money rules, excepting long multiplication of money; tables of money, avoirdupois weight, and long measure; and easy money problems in mental arithmetic .
Geography - The names and positions of the chief towns of New Zealand; the principal features of the district in which the school is situated; names and positions of Australian Colonies and their capitals; of the countries and capitals of Europe; of mountains forming the water-sheds of continental areas; and of celebrated rivers.
Under the 1885 regulations, class subjects for Standard 5 (NZ’s current Year 7 equivalent) included:
English History - The period from 1485 A.D. to 1714 A.D., and the leading events of the period known in connection with the reigns and centuries to which they belong, and in their own character. [Precise dates will not be required, though a knowledge of them may assist in referring each event to the proper reign.]
Pupils may also have been taught, and examined on, the following additional subjects: Recitation, Singing, Needlework and Drill, Extra Drawing.
These papers come from the Class schedules – 1892 M-P file created by the Wellington Education Board. The file is part of the Class schedules series of records containing class examination reports and school inspection reports for schools in the Wellington Education district, from about 1885 to about 1909.
Archives Reference: ADEX 16412 EB-W8 6 / 13
collections.archives.govt.nz/en/web/arena/search#/?q=R118...
See also:
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (14 October 1891) 75 New Zealand Gazette 1121
“Regulation for the Inspection of Schools.” (7 January 1892) 1 New Zealand Gazette 2
““The Education Act, 1877."-Inspection of Schools and Standards of Education.” (18 June 1885) 39 New Zealand Gazette 772
Stay tuned to our Twitter account for more updates on this special series of tweets and our On This Day in history segment: Follow us on Twitter www.twitter.com/ArchivesNZ
For further enquiries regarding school records, please email Research.Archives@dia.govt.nz
Material supplied by Archives New Zealand
The Aermacchi MB 326 first flew in 1957, and during a production run of nearly 25 years, a total of 776 airframes were constructed, including 502 under licence. This made the MB 326 the most-produced post-war Italian military aircraft. The MB 326H, called the Macchi in RAAF and Royal Australian Navy service, was ordered by the RAAF in August 1965 after it was decided there was a need for high-performance jet training to prepare pilots for the Dassault Mirage then entering service. This was part of a trend that developed in the 50s and 60s to implement an "all-through" jet training syllabus, with pilots going from ab initio to advanced training on jet aircraft.
Of a total of 97 Macchis operated by the RAAF, the first 20 were assembled in Australia from Italian production, with the remainder produced by the Commonwealth Aircraft Corporation (CAC) and Hawker de Havilland with an increasing level of local components. By aircraft A7-031, production aircraft contained approximately 85% local content. In addition, CAC also built the Macchi's Rolls Royce Viper turbojet engine under licence. The Macchi's main operator was No 2 Flying Training School (No 2 FTS), operating the type from 1970 until the final course on the type in 1991. In addition, the Macchi was operated by the Central Flying School (CFS) to train RAAF flying instructors and also in the lead-in fighter role by No 2 Operational Conversion Unit, No 5 Operational Training Unit, and Nos 25, 76, 77 and 79 Squadrons. The aircraft was replaced in this role by the British Aerospace Hawk from 2001. The Macchi was also flown by the RAAF's aerobatic team, the Roulettes, whose pilots and aircraft were drawn from CFS at RAAF Base East Sale.
Aircraft A7-001 was the first Macchi received by the RAAF, and first flew in Italy on 14 April 1967, before being shipped to Melbourne later that year. Handed over to the RAAF on 2 October 1967, the aircraft first served with CFS familiarising instructors with the new type . In August 1968, A7-001 was allocated to No 1 Advanced Flying Training School at RAAF Base Pearce, and was used to train some of the earliest RAAF Pilots Courses that flew the Macchi. Operating with the newly-renamed No 2 Flying Training School until August 1988, the aircraft changed 'jobs' in 1991 when it was transferred to No 76 Squadron at RAAF Base Williamtown to serve in the lead-in fighter training role. A7-001 carried out its final flight on 16 July 1999, with a total of 9403 hours on the airframe. A7-001 was then stored in Western Australia as a reserve aircraft until its transfer to the RAAF Museum in June 2000.
Tamilnadu stateboard syllabus Tamilnadu is one of the most literate cities in India and the literacy rate is approx 80.33% according to the record of the past year 2011 which is above the national average. In a survey Tamilnadu ranked number one among the all Indian states with about 100% Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) in the both primary and upper primary education.
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some Background:
During November 1981, Kawasaki was selected as the main contractor to design and manufacture a suitable trainer aircraft to meet the needs of Japan's MT-X program, having beaten out rival bids from Mitsubishi and Fuji. The MT-X program had been launched to procure a replacement for the aging Lockheed T-33 and Fuji T-1 jet trainer aircraft then in service in the Japan Air Self Defense Force (JASDF). Furthermore, there was also a desire for the prospective trainer aircraft to take over some of the syllabus that was being handled by the contemporary Mitsubishi T-2, a supersonic trainer variant of the Mitsubishi F-1 fighter aircraft. The initial program planned for a production run of 220 aircraft and an entry into service date of 1988.
The type had to demonstrate a range of transonic aerodynamic effects, as well as achieving a high level of maneuverability, a relatively low operating cost, and high reliability levels. Easy handling was also required so that trainees could convert from the piston-engine Fuji T-3 after accumulating only 70 flying hours. Furthermore, the economics for operating the type was to be comparable to the leading international competitors at that time.
The design had to incorporate other political desires as well. There was a great value placed upon powering the type with the first all-Japanese production turbofan engine, the Ishikawajima-Harima F3-IHI-30. Reportedly, the selection of a twin-engine configuration for the trainer was one of the easiest decisions taken, being made not just for engine power but from a high priority being placed upon safety. A robust, damage-tolerant, and long-lived structure was also specified for the trainer; to achieve this, it was decided to make limited use of composite materials in the form of carbon fiber and kevlar in areas such as the nose tip and elements of the rear wing, tail unit, and undercarriage. Extensive use of computer-aided design (CAD) and computer-aided manufacturing (CAM) techniques was also applied.
Out of these efforts emerged the T-4, a clean-sheet indigenously developed trainer aircraft. According to aerospace publication Flight International, it was considered plausible for the T-4 to have been a competitive product upon the global trainer aircraft market if it had been priced appropriately, but such export opportunities were denied by a long-standing Japanese policy that prevented any military export sales. As such, there was no realistic prospect of the type being sold to overseas customers and it was from the start developed with the understanding that the T-4 would be used only by the JASDF.
On 29 July 1985, the prototype for the type, designated as the XT-4, performed its maiden flight. On 28 June 1988, the first production T-4 conducted its first flight; deliveries to the JASDF began in September of that year. Manufacture of the T-4 was performed by a consortium consisting of Mitsubishi, Fuji, and Kawasaki, the latter providing leadership over the venture. Originally, an eight-year production run was planned for, but production was resumed in the late Nineties for a dedicated attack variant of the T-4, the Kawasaki A-2.
The A-2 had its roots in the Japanese FS-X program that eventually spawned the Mitsubishi F-2 multirole fighter, the result of lengthy and tedious negotiations between Japan and the USA that had started in 1984. The F-2 was derived from the General Dynamics F-16 Fighting Falcon, with a 60/40 split in manufacturing between Japan and the United States. The basis of the F-2's design was the F-16 “Agile Falcon”, an unsuccessful offer by General Dynamics to provide a low-cost alternative for the Advanced Tactical Fighter (ATF) competition that eventually yielded the USAF’s F-22.
F-2 production started in 1996 and the first aircraft entered service in 2000, even though production numbers remained low and in 2008 only the 76th of 98 planned production aircraft had entered service. The F-2 was to replace Japan’s first indigenous supersonic fighter aircraft, the F-1, and Japan’s aging F-4EJ fleet in the strike role. However, the F-2’s concept and the F-1 retirement left the JASDF with a tactical gap in the homeland defense: a sturdy and relatively light and economical strike aircraft that would primarily operate at low altitude and over home terrain, to support ground forces, fend off potential landing troops and attack naval targets relatively close to the coastline. Taking out small, moving ground targets with precision ammunition and engaging enemy helicopters and low-flying aircraft were also included into the aircraft’s requirements.
Again, Japan decided to go its own way and develop an indigenous solution, called the LA-X program, tailored to domestic needs. To save development time and money (and learning from previous projects that had taken much longer than expected to materialize), the existing Kawasaki T-4 airframe was chosen as development basis in 1993. What spoke for the T-4 was its sturdy, damage-tolerant structure, ease of maintenance and the existence of a complete infrastructure within the JASDF. The T-4’s production line at Kawasaki's plant in Gifu was also still fully available, and it was assumed that the first production aircraft would arrive at JASDF units from 1998 on.
To create a true attack aircraft from the two-seat trainer, considerable modifications had to be made. The most obvious and dramatic change was a completely new front section with an armored cockpit for just a single pilot and the integration of an internal gun. The nose was lowered and wedge-shaped to improve the pilot’s field of view, which also sat further forward now. This was further improved by unusually deep side windows that greatly enhanced the pilot's field of view downwards. To generate space for new/additional equipment in the nose tip (see below) the new twin wheel front landing gear now retracted backwards. The cockpit glazing consisted of flat, armored panels and gave the aircraft a rather brutish look, reminiscent of the Soviet Suchoj Su-25 “Frogfoot”. Additional composite armor material was integrated into the lower fuselage to protect the cockpit, the engines and other vital components placed between them. The odd new cockpit arrangement quickly earned the aircraft the nickname 'Sasori' (Scorpion Fish, which was never officially adopted but frequently used in public media and even in military circles.
Under the nose tip was a small turret with a laser rangefinder/target designator for precision ammunitions, Mk82 and M117 smart bombs outfitted with the indigenous GCS-1 IR seeker head could be deployed, too.
While the aircraft did not feature a search radar with a classic radome in the nose to keep the pilot's field if view free, an avionics pallet with a relatively simple J/AWG-12 radar could be mounted in the electronics bay behind the cockpit, and using one of the MFDs in the cockpit to show the radar's readings. However, under the nose and behind the small laser sensor turret, a flat doppler radar scanner was installed to enhance low-level operations and navigation. To make the optional J/AWG-12 operational, though, a small radome had to be carried in an external pod, normally on one of the stations under the air intakes. This gave the LA-X high operational flexibility and even a limited all-weather capability. The radar also enabled the aircraft deploy the indigenous Type 80 and Type 93 (also known as ASM-1 and -2, respectively) air-to-ground missiles, primarily against naval targets but also capable of engaging land targets.
In the lower hull, mounted into the right side of the landing gear well, a 25mm Oerlikon KBA autocannon was integrated, a potent weapon that was already in use by the JGSDF and mounted to some light armored vehicles. The Oerlikon KBA was a positively locked, gas-operated cannon with a rotating bolt head and a dual-belt selective feed system. The nominal rate of fire in burst mode was 600 rpm but it could be adjusted electronically and reduced from single shots through four-round bursts to a selectable automatic fire range between 175 to 300 rounds per minute. For the LA-X it was rigged to a new lightweight mount, which itself was fixed to a service pallet that could be lowered for easy field maintenance. Ammunition was carried in two containers that held up 150 rounds each and could be quickly exchanged, reducing turnaround time, too. Due to its firepower, its range of available ammunition types and an "Instant Ammunition Selection Device" (IASD), which allowed the gunner to easily switch between armor-piercing and high-explosive rounds from the two feeds, the KBA cannon could effectively engage a wide range of targets, including lightly armored vehicles, infantry, anti-tank positions, helicopters, combat aircraft and even ships.
Other visible differences from the T-4 were enlarged leading edge extensions at the wing roots that improved the aircraft’s low-speed handling, and small wing fences. Not visible were several reinforcements to fuselage, landing gear and the wings, so that the aircraft could better cope with the raised overall weight and the expected rigid maneuvers at low altitude while maintaining the T-4’s service life expectancy of 7.500 flying hours. The number of hardpoints was raised from five to nine – an additional pair of pylons was added to the wing tips for defensive air-to-air missiles like the AIM-9 Sidewinder or the indigenous AAM-3/Type 90 missile. Another pair of hardpoints was added underneath the air intakes, even though these could only hold light loads of up to 500 lb (227 kg) each and were primarily intended to carry external sensor pods like an LANTIRN system for all-weather capabilities or ECM pods. However, single Mk. 82 bombs or LAU-7 pods with unguided 70 mm rockets could be carried on them, too.
With a raised ordnance load of 3,000 kg (6,614 lb) and the changes to the airframe, the LA-X’s maximum TOW was raised from 7.500 kg (16,535 lb) to 10.000 kg (22.026 lb). This was compensated for through uprated Ishikawajima-Harima F3-400-I turbofan engines, a development of the T-4’s F3-IHI-30 engines. The F3-400-I featured an upgraded high-pressure turbine and an improved FADEC, which delivered 25% more thrust and could theoretically even be outfitted with an afterburner, even though this was not intended for the LA-X. Overall performance, except for the initial rate of climb, did not change much, though.
Despite its T-4 ancestry, the LA-X received a separate JASDF service designation and became the A-2.
The overall development lasted – notwithstanding the attempt to speed the process up – for almost ten years, though. The first serial production A-2s were delivered in late 2002 and gradually replaced the last operational Mitsubishi F-1 fighter bombers in JASDF service until 2006. A total of 64 machines were ordered and produced; the final batch of eight factory-new A-2s was delivered until 2008, and the machines were allocated to two wings, based in Southern and Northern Japan, the JASDF's 308th and 309th hikotai, respectively.
General characteristics:
Crew: 1
Length: 12,02 m (39 ft 4 1/2 in) hull only
12,95 m (42 ft 5 in) overall
Wingspan: 9.94 m (32 ft 7 in),
10,15 m (33 ft 3 in) with wing tip missile launch rails
Height: 4.75 m (15 ft 6 3/4 in)
Wing area: 22.00 m² (223.75 sq ft)
Aspect ratio: 4.7:1
Empty weight: 4.100 kg (9,030 lb)
Max takeoff weight: 10.000 kg (22,025 lb)
Fuel capacity: 2,241 L (493 imp gal; 592 US gal) internal fuel
Powerplant:
2× Ishikawajima-Harima F3-400-I turbofans, with 20,5 kN (4,610 lbf) thrust each
Performance:
Maximum speed: 1.102 km/h (684 mph, 599 kn) at sea level
Stall speed: 160 km/h (99 mph, 87 kn)
Range: 1,668 km (1,036 mi, 901 nmi) with two 450 L (99 imp gal; 120 US gal) drop tanks
Service ceiling: 15,240 m (50,000 ft)
Rate of climb: 70 m/s (13,760 ft/min)
Armament
1× internal 25mm Oerlikon KBA autocannon with a total of 300 rounds in two magazines
9× hardpoints (2 on wingtips, 4 underwing, 3 under the fuselage) with a total external ordnance
capacity of 3,000 kg (6,614 lb), including guided and unguided missiles and bombs, drop tanks,
ECM and sensor pods, practice bombs, or target towing equipment
The kit and its assembly:
In the past, I have converted a number of Kawasaki T-4s into fictional Saab Sk 90 trainers, even though these were primarily cosmetic and not structural mods. When I recently finished a Hungarian Sk 90 in a soviet-style sand/green livery, it struck me that the T-4’s outlines resemble those of the (bigger) Suchoj Su-25’s a lot. From this inspiration the idea of a single-seater attack variant of the T-4 for the JASDF, maybe as a simpler/modest replacement for the indigenous F-1 for 2000 onward, was born.
Adapting the two-seater to the attack role required a new cockpit section, and I went for a thorough conversion: instead of simply making it a single seater from OOB parts (like the Mitsubishi F-1 with a faired-over rear cockpit) I transplanted the front section from a Eurocopter PAH-1 Tiger, with its short nose, the whole front cockpit and the flat panel canopy. It turned out to be a little wider than the T-4 fuselage, but the area behind the new cockpit had to be sculpted with 2C putty, anyway, so I wrapped this filler section around the whole hull, smoothing out the transitional area. The result looks pretty brutal, though!
Due to the modified cockpit position the front landing gear well was modified (effectively reversed) and a sturdier front wheel strut with twin wheels was installed.
The rest of the hull as well as the wing surfaces were taken OOB. Bigger LERXs and small wing fences were sculpted from 0.5mm styrene sheet. Missile launch rails from an Italeri BAe Hawk were added and blended into the rounded original wing tips, too, as well as an additional pair of underwing pylons and hardpoints under the fuselage and the air intakes.
The ordnance, consisting of a pair of ASM-1 missiles as well as four IR-guided Mk. 82 bombs on twin racks and a pair of AAM-3 missiles on the wing tips came from a Hasegawa 1:72 JASDF weapon set. A small LANTIRN pod was scratched from a piece of sprue and mounted to one of the hardpoints under the air intakes.
Painting and markings:
Finding a suitable yet somewhat authentic livery for the A-2 was not easy. I initially favored a bronze green/dark earth “tiger stripe” livery with additional black contrast lines, similar to the JASDF AH-1s, but eventually rejected that because it would IMHO not work well on a fast aircraft that would also operate a lot over naval terrain.
After some search I settled on a rather fragmented (but quite attractive) “Lizard/Europe One” camouflage variant, carried by Japanese C-130s, consisting of FS 34092, 34102 and 36118, with uniform grey undersides. For the model I used Humbrol 149, 117 and 125, respectively. The enamel paints turned partyl out to be of dubious Chinese production (both green tones), so that the paint finish did not turn out as good as expected - too much paint ended up on the model to make the paint coats truly opaque. Later post-shading with slightly lighter tones, after a black ink washing, mended the issue a little, but unfortunately the overall paint quality is rather poor. Hrmpf. :-(
The cockpit tub was painted in anthracite (Revell 06), while the air intakes and the landing gear and its respective wells were painted in glossy white - very conservative. The Japanese Sidewinders and the ASM-1s became medium grey, while the IR-guided bombs received blue training bodies (instead of "hot" iron bombs in olive drab) as a nice color detail.
Decals/markings mostly came from the T-4's OOB sheet, and as a final step the model was sealed with matt acrylic varnish what somewhat improved the poor paint finish, too - but's still not what I expected to achieve.
Even though primarily onle the nose was changed this conversion made the stubby T-4 look like a very much different aircraft - and it inspires many associations, including Su-25 and Yak-130 elements, you can see a gekko and even a scorpion fish in it (what eventually earned it its nichname ;-)). While the paint finish is not as convincing as hoped for I think the overall impression of a JASDF attack aircraft is certainly there, the A-2 looks quite plausible (and ugly, too!).
Maharashtra state board syllabus is an autonomous body of the education system in the state of Maharashtra. It was previously known as Maharashtra state board of secondary education and it is responsible for the upgrading standards of the education in the state that also introduces new innovations in the secondary and higher secondary education in Maharashtra. The main examinations that are conducted by the board are HSC (higher secondary) and SSC (Senior secondary) examinations in all over the state. The SSC and HSC examinations are conducted by the Maharashtra board in March and the result is declared in June.
Beginning in 1952, the USAF decided to go to an all-jet training syllabus, and needed jet trainers to replace its current fleet of T-6 Texans and supplement its T-33 Shooting Stars. Cessna offered its Model 318, which was a simple, low-winged trainer with side-by-side seating, which would allow the instructor to more easily correct any student mistakes and point out the features of the aircraft. By making the aircraft low to the ground, it eliminated the need for ladders, and Cessna deliberately designed a robust, easy to maintain aircraft.
The USAF liked what it saw, and ordered it as the XT-37. Some initial problems emerged, such as the placement of the intakes, which the USAF feared would cause the XT-37 to ingest foreign objects; in response, Cessna designed screens that would come down over the intakes when the landing gear was lowered. The XT-37 was also a little fast on approach due to its clean airframe design, and speedbrakes were added. The first T-37A flew in 1955 and went into production, though the T-37A was superseded on the production line by the T-37B, which had uprated engines in response to the USAF’s complaint that the T-37 was underpowered. This version remained in production until 1973, with 1239 eventually produced. It would also serve as the basis for the OA-37B Dragonfly counterinsurgency aircraft.
The T-37, as designed, was a reliable workhorse trainer aircraft, and was liked by instructors and students alike, providing a prospective USAF pilot with their first jet experience before going on to the faster T-38 Talon. It replaced the T-6 quickly and later the T-33. The T-37 was not without problems: pilots reported its tendency to go into unrecoverable spins, which led to a larger tail and nose strakes being introduced, but this only mitigated the problem and never completely cured it. The high pitch of its engines also led to its unofficial (later made official) nickname of “Tweet” (short for Tweety Bird) and less complimentary “Screaming Mimi.”
It had been intended to replace the T-37 beginning in the 1980s, but new designs and planned aircraft could not match the Tweet’s reliability and handling characteristics. As a result, the USAF ended up keeping the T-37 in service much longer than anticipated, and ironically its replacement would be the namesake of the aircraft it had replaced in the 1950s—the T-6A Texan II. The last T-37s were withdrawn from USAF service in 2009. 18 other nations flew or continue to fly Tweets as well.
Tracking T-37s is no easier than T-33s or T-38s, but the markings on 56-3537 tell at least part of this aircraft's story: it flew with the 80th Flying Training Wing at Sheppard AFB, Texas, at least when it was retired from service in 1991. The Castle Air Museum acquired 56-3537 from AMARC in 2013. It is painted in the older USAF overall white training scheme; the NATO shield on the tail reveals the aircraft's lineage, as the 80th FTW is part of the Euro-NATO Joint Jet Pilot Training (ENJJPT) program.
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Information & Communication Technology Classroom in a Book (Part 2)
- ICT Supplementary Text Book for G. C. E. (O/L) Grade 11 Syllabus.
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After publishing "ICT Classroom in a Book" Part-1 in September 2008, there was a tremendous request (average of 10 calls / e-mails per week) from the readers regarding Part 2 of the book. It is the main reason for publishing part -2 within a short period. When ever possible I made a point to get the readers (Teachers, Parents, Students, People who are searching for basics of IT, etc) comments & suggestions about part-1. I have completed part 2 considering the comments & suggestions gathered from readers of Part-1.
Just like in Part 1, scope of this book is also the national school syllabus ICT (technical subject) for the G.C.E. (O/L) offered by the National Institute of Education (NIE).
The Information Communication Technology - ICT national school syllabus contains eight units. In part 1 of the book there are four main chapters explaining unit one to fore. This book (Part 2) contains unit five to eight in four chapters.
Unit five & six are based on practicals. Hence I have included some additional assignments separately for these two units.
First Edition - January 2009 - ISBN 978 - 955 - 661 - 245 - 5
Second Edition - September 2010 - ISBN 978 - 955 - 661 - 418 - 3
The book contains, 114+26 pages (Past Papers Incorporated) & it is available at island wide leading book shops for the price of LKR 290/-.
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You can follow the books from beginning to end or do only the lessons that correspond to your interests & needs.
If you are a :
* Student in Grade 10 & 11, these books will serve you as a textbook
* School Teacher, these books will be effective as a teachers instruction manual (TIM).
* Person interested in Information Technology, these books will provide the basics background knowledge.
I firmly believe that these books will facilitate you to learn ICT easily develop the ICT knowledge.
Chandana De Silva
IT Consultant, Lecturer and Author.
Web ::: www.chandana.comoj.com
E-Mail ::: chandana.cds@gmail.com
Mobile ::: 07 22 17 31 41
The Juan Sebastián de Elcano docked at Palafox Pier in downtown Pensacola to celebrate the Five Flags Fiesta.
From the Armada Española web page:
The main mission of this ship is to train future Spanish Navy officers in navigation and seafaring procedures and techniques. Her most important task is to keep the midshipmen in their 4th academic year, in continuous and intimate contact with the sea, an environment where they will later carry out their main professional activities.
This, along with the eminently practical teaching on board, contributes to consolidate and strengthen their technical and nautical expertise, aimed at achieving a high level of general culture, as well as getting acquainted with the principles, customs and virtues which make up the soul of the profession.
In accordance with the current syllabus of the Naval Academy, the students embark on board the ‘Juan Sebastián de Elcano’ during the second semester of the fourth academic year. During this period they follow an Instruction Cruise on board. A standard cruise consists in a six month voyage to America sailing 20,000 miles with 155 day’s runs. Upon conclusion of the instruction cruise, Navy midshipmen will be promoted to Ensigns and those from the Marine Corps to Second Lieutenants.
The ship’s home port is in ‘La Carraca’ Arsenal (San Fernando – Cádiz) where most Maritime Action Force units have their base. This port is a station especially devoted to the maintenance and repair works of other naval units. The name ‘Carraca’ derives from the name given to an ocean-going boat – Carrack – much used in the 15th century.
Unlike most Navy units, this four mast brig-schooner has no combat weapons like torpedoes or missiles. Nevertheless the ship has a series of light weapons for self-defense, should an unexpected threat occur either at sea or in a foreign port; namely 2 BAZAN mountings, 2 Browning machine-guns, 2 MG machine-guns and an assortment of rifles, pistols and other portable weapons.
Candidates to Navy Officers are called Midshipmen (Guardia Marinas) since 1717 when Quartermaster General José Patiño founded in Cádiz the Royal Company of Midshipmen during the reign of King Phillip V, the first Spanish Monarch of the present Bourbon dynasty.
The city of Cádiz was therefore the city that welcomed the first Midshipmen and it was fit that the same city built the training ship ‘Juan Sebastián de Elcano’ 200 years later.
Since the very beginning, the Royal Company of Midshipmen – the one already mentioned in Cádiz and two further schools in Ferrol and Cartagena – gave great importance to the practical training of students. No wonder that six of the eight years that lasted the military instruction of candidates until promoted to Lieutenant Junior Grade, were spent on board different warships; their Commanders and Senior Officers were also their teachers.
It was in 1862 when the concept of an exclusive training ship for future naval Officers took shape. To this end the frigate ‘Esperanza’ was tasked with this mission along with the corvettes ‘Villa de Bilbao’, ‘Santa María’ and ‘Trinidad’. They were subsequently replaced in 1874 by the frigate ‘Blanca’ and in 1881 by the ‘Almansa’ and ‘Asturias’.
In 1886 the corvette ‘Nautilus’ was entrusted with this instruction task. Her first training cruise with midshipmen took place in 1888 under the command of Commander Fernando Villaamil.
In 1910 the ‘Nautilus’ was decommissioned as training ship and in 1933 she was broken up at La Graña shipyard. Her last Commander was Manuel de Mendívil Elío who, in turn, was the first Commanding Officer of the ‘Juan Sebastián de Elcano’.
After decommissioning the ‘Nautilus’ in 1910, the Spanish Navy had no training ships. Midshipmen trained on board other operational warships although they did not fulfil the necessary instruction requirements. A new ship was needed, capable of meeting those demands.
The project began to take shape in 1923 when the Ministry of the Navy signed a contract with Horacio Echevarrieta y Maruri on April 6th to fit out the sailing ship ‘Minerva’ as training ship for midshipmen. Next year, a Royal Decree dated June 30th approved the shipbuilding of a new ship also called ‘Minerva’.
Once the Spanish Navy gave its consent, a project based on the model designed by English engineer Charles V. Nicholson was signed with the Echevarrieta & Larrinaga Shipyards. The keel was laid on November 24th 1925 in the presence of Infante Don Carlos, Prime Minister General Primo de Rivera, the military governor of Cádiz Pedro Mercader and other authorities. During the ceremony, Horacio Echevarrieta suggested general Primo de Rivera to change the name for ‘Juan Sebastián de Elcano’. The general raised the proposal to King Alfonso XIII who accepted the change.
With her new name the ship was launched on March 5th 1927 in the presence of Carmen Primo de Rivera, daughter of the Prime Minister. In all fairness and after four centuries after his death in 1526, Elcano received a most wonderful homage.
In the course of all these years, the ship has sailed 10 times around the world and has visited 68 countries and 181 different ports. The ship has sailed one and a half million miles which amounts to 26 years of continuous sailing.
The ship belongs to the “Sail Training Association” and participates in its races and Naval Weeks. In 1974 she got for the first time the “Boston Tea Cup” awarded to the ship that travels the longest distance in 24 hours in full sail. She has also won that Cup in 1979, 1996/1997 (ninth cruise around the world), 1999, 2001, 2004, 2005 and 2006. In 1997 she established a new record sailing 275.2 miles in 24 hours. She has reached 17 knots with 75-knot winds and spent 42 at sea without visiting any port. She has also crossed the Magellan Strait twelve times recalling the heroic feat of the Portuguese sailor.
In 1937, 38 and 39 the ship did not sail because of the Spanish Civil War. There were important overhauls in 1956 and 1978. The ship’s hull is made of iron and her four masts are named after previous training ships: ‘Blanca’, ‘Almansa’, ‘Asturias’ and ‘Nautilus’.
The ship’s complement consists of 197 people: 24 officers, 22 non-commissioned officers, 39 leading seamen, 107 ratings and 5 civilian personnel. Apart from the ship’s own crew, the ‘Juan Sebastián de Elcano’ can accommodate up to 78 midshipmen who embark to complete the 4th year subjects on board.
Every year the training ship ‘Juan Sebastián de Elcano’ welcomes midshipmen from the Naval Academy who embark to further their studies on board. During the cruise they combine the syllabus subjects, conferences, astronomical observations and cultural activities with the routine errands of a tall-ship side by side with the ship’s crew.
The vessel has two classrooms where the midshipmen attend the different courses and lectures. A typical school day has five hours of classes on Navigation, Astronomy, Meteorology, Geography, Naval Manoeuvers and English, among other subjects.
Apart from those academic subjects the students participate in all joint activities with the rest of the crew including daily watches. In this way the midshipmen share and get to know the demanding life on board a tall ship and understand the difficult tasks of command and leadership, something they will have to exercise and improve throughout their lives.
Another important aspect of the training ship worth mentioning is her role as an instrument of the State in support of its foreign policy, thus sometimes referred to as a ‘floating embassy’. The ship welcomes local authorities whenever she visits a foreign port and conducts an intense schedule of activities on board; but midshipmen, officers and crew members also pay official visits to institutional and cultural organizations of interest.
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Title: The treasury of natural history ; or, a popular dictionary of animated nature ... To which are added, a syllabus of practical taxidermy, etc
Creator: Maunder, Samuel, 1785-1849. n 87912242
Publisher: London : Longman
Sponsor: Wellcome Library
Contributor: Wellcome Library
Date: 1849
Language: eng
If you have questions concerning reproductions, please contact the Contributing Library.
Note: The colors, contrast and appearance of these illustrations are unlikely to be true to life. They are derived from scanned images that have been enhanced for machine interpretation and have been altered from their originals.
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