View allAll Photos Tagged Status
About one week before the 2625 got some paint "enhancements" by the "Cedartown Bandit" and became quite the foam magnet, it was just another GP38-2 shuffling some cars around North Yard in Catersville.
Status x Adidas x Penshoppe
Status Magazine August 2014
Photographed by Shaira Luna
Styled by Sabrina Mesina (Adidas) & Mara Reyes (Penshoppe)
Makeup by Joyce de Dios Ignacio
Produced by Gabrielle Bailon (Adidas) & Dan Buenaventura (Penshoppe)
Art directed by Nyael David
കാര്യം കഴിഞ്ഞാല് കാലുമാറുന്ന ചിലരുണ്ട്
#MalayalamQuotes #SadQuotesMalayalam #kerala #malayalam #malayalamquotes #malayalamstatus #malayalamtypography #cheating #mallu #typography malayalamquotes.com/cheating-malayalam-status/
Ford G963 VTP:
Tax Status: Unlicensed
Expiry Date: 01/11/2002
Registration Date: 11/09/1989
Skoda G612 TYM:
Tax Status: Unlicensed
Expiry Date: 01/12/2002
Registration Date: 01/08/1989
Really starting to come together here. Gun segments complete and half prepped. The turret was modeled in two parts in Autodesk Fusion 360.
A target of convenience from Saturday the third of March, which also turned out some good data for resolving my issues with one shot colour flats my flat Gerd Neumann flatfield panel and colour calibration in Pixinsight.
The end result actually came out quite well for a quicky!
QHY8L on a 250mm F4.8 reflector.
How to Prepare for Theft of Company Information t.co/vxxPx7qqju Companies…………………… t.co/90eYZhLrBX t.co/d3OHoZ27Ha (via Twitter twitter.com/LawsuitInfoCent/status/748017010697736192)
Dedaccicai: Optimal 18 MCDV 6 H.T. steel tubes, Deda stem, Deda 250 bars
Fondriest carbon fiber fork
Campagnolo: Chorus 9speed gruppo, inc pedals, 1998
Selle Italia: Flite seatpost (carbon fiber), Tri-Matic embroidered saddle
Mavic: Open PRO Maxtal S.6000 (SUP) rims
Michelin: tires
DT: spokes
Oh boy! Light Blue Quail Bodysuit is now available via bit.ly/1U6JkjV (via Twitter twitter.com/NatalieVMason/status/742696003451686914)
Blackcap
Sylvia atricapilla
Caipín dubh
Status: Scarce summer visitor to woodlands in the midlands and northern Ireland from April to September. Also a scarce passage migrant mainly in spring and autumn to headlands on southern and western coasts. Although Irish-breeding Blackcaps still migrate southwards in the autumn, some Blackcaps from the population that breeds in Central Europe migrate to Ireland to spend the winter.
Conservation Concern: Green-listed in Ireland. The European population is considered to be Secure.
Identification: About the same size as a Robin. Adult male Blackcaps have a distinct black cap, covering most of the head. The rest of the body is a rather grey-colour, while the vent is white. Adult female Blackcaps have pale brown cap, similar in extent to that of the male. The rest of the body is grey-brown, not as dark as the male.
Similar Species: Other Warblers.
Call: A hard "teck", frequently given in a long series. Also infrequently gives a "yu-teck" call. The song is one of the most beautiful songs of all Irish songbirds. It is a rich, melodic series of notes ending in an ecstatic series of flute-like notes.
Diet: Feeds mainly on insects and other invertebrates during the summer. In winter, takes berries (Ivy, Rowan), as well as scraps from bird tables. Will use peanut feeders.
Breeding: Widespread in lowlands throughout Ireland. Breeds in dense decidous woodlands and in mature hedgerows.
Wintering: The majority of the Irish population migrate south to winter in Iberia and North Africa. There is a small wintering population, mainly in the east and south of Ireland. Recoveries of ringed Blackcaps have shown that the majority of these wintering birds originate from Central Europe.
Where to See: Common and widespread in Ireland. In winter, Blackcaps are attracted to apples and fat balls in gardens.
twitter.com/Memoire2cite - Les 30 Glorieuses . com et la carte postale.l'UNION SOCIALE POUR L HABITAT fete ses 90 ans "TOUT savoir tout voir, tout connaitre, sur le LOGEMENT SOCIAL des HLM aux HBM avec le Musée HLM" en ligne sur le WEB içi www.banquedesterritoires.fr/lunion-sociale-pour-lhabitat-... … De grandes barres d’immeubles, appelées les grands ensembles, sont le symbole de nos banlieues. Entrée Libre revient sur le phénomène de destruction de ces bâtiments qui reflètent aujourd’hui la misere www.youtube.com/watch?v=mCqHBP5SBiM twitter.com/Memoire2cite/status/1121877386491043840/photo... Avril 1993, 6 ans après l'implosion de la tour DEBUSSY des 4000, 30% seulement des travaux de rénovation ont été réalisés et le chômage frappe toujours 1/3 des hbts. C'est un échec. A Mantes la Jolie, 6 mois après la destruction des 4 tours du Val Fourré, www.youtube.com/watch?v=ta4kj05KJOM … Banlieue 89, Bacalan à Bordeaux 1986 - Un exemple de rénovation urbaine et réhabilitation de l'habitat dans un des quartiers de Bordeaux La Cité Claveau à BACALAN. A l'initiative du mouvementla video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=IN0JtGBaA1o … L'assoçiation de ROLLAND CASTRO @ Le Plan Banlieue 89 - mode d'emploi - Archive INA - La video içi. TRANSFORMER LES PAYSAGES URBAINS AVEC UNE APPROCHE CULTURELLE www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aw-_f-bT2TQ … SNCF les EDITIONS DU CABRI PRESENTE PARIS LA BANLIEUE 1960-1980 -La video Içi.
www.youtube.com/watch?v=lDEQOsdGjsg … Içi la DATAR en 1000 clichés missionphotodatar.cget.gouv.fr/accueil - Notre Paris, 1961, Réalisation : André Fontaine, Henri Gruel Les archives filmées de la cinémathèque du ministère de 1945 à nos jours içi www.dailymotion.com/video/xgis6v?playlist=x34ije
31 TOULOUSE - le Mirail 1962 réalisation : Mario Marret construction de la ville nouvelle Toulouse le Mirail, commentée par l'architecte urbaniste Georges Candilis le film www.dailymotion.com/video/xn4t4q?playlist=x34ije Il existe de nos jours, de nombreux photographes qui privilégient la qualité artistique de leurs travaux cartophiles. A vous de découvrir ces artistes inconnus aujourd’hui, mais qui seront peut-être les grands noms de demain.Les films du MRU - Le temps de l'urbanisme, 1962, Réalisation : Philippe Brunet www.dailymotion.com/video/xgj2zz?playlist=x34ije … … … … -Les grands ensembles en images Les ministères en charge du logement et leur production audiovisuelle (1944-1966) MASSY - Les films du MRU - La Cité des hommes, 1966, Réalisation : Fréderic Rossif, Albert Knobler www.dailymotion.com/video/xgiqzr?playlist=x34i - Les films du MRU @ les AUTOROUTES - Les liaisons moins dangereuses 1972 la construction des autoroutes en France - Le réseau autoroutier 1960 Histoire de France Transports et Communications - www.dailymotion.com/video/xxi0ae?playlist=x34ije … - A quoi servaient les films produits par le MRU ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme ? la réponse de Danielle Voldman historienne spécialiste de la reconstruction www.dailymotion.com/video/x148qu4?playlist=x34ije … -les films du MRU - Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : la préfabrication en usine, le coffrage glissant... www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije … - TOUT SUR LA CONSTRUCTION DE NOTRE DAME LA CATHEDRALE DE PARIS Içi www.notredamedeparis.fr/la-cathedrale/histoire/historique... -MRU Les films - Le Bonheur est dans le béton - 2015 Documentaire réalisé par Lorenz Findeisen produit par Les Films du Tambour de Soie içi www.dailymotion.com/video/x413amo?playlist=x34ije …
archipostcard.blogspot.com/search?updated-max=2009-02-13T... -Créteil.un couple à la niaiserie béate exalte les multiples bonheurs de la vie dans les new G.E. www.youtube.com/watch?v=FT1_abIteFE … La Ville bidon était un téléfilm d'1 heure intitulé La Décharge.Mais la censure de ces temps de présidence Pompidou en a interdit la diffusion télévisuelle - museedelacartepostale.fr/periode-semi-moderne/ - archipostalecarte.blogspot.com/ - Hansjörg Schneider BAUNETZWOCHE 87 über Papiermoderne www.baunetz.de/meldungen/Meldungen_BAUNETZWOCHE_87_ueber_... … - ARCHITECTURE le blog de Claude LOTHIER içi leblogdeclaudelothier.blogspot.com/2006/ - - Le balnéaire en cartes postales autour de la collection de David Liaudet, et ses excellents commentaires.. www.dailymotion.com/video/x57d3b8 -Restaurants Jacques BOREL, Autoroute A 6, 1972 Canton d'AUXERRE youtu.be/LRNhNzgkUcY munchies.vice.com/fr/article/43a4kp/jacques-borel-lhomme-... … Celui qu'on appellera le « Napoléon du prêt-à-manger » se détourne d'ailleurs peu à peu des Wimpy, s'engueule avec la maison mère et fait péricliter la franchise ...
museedelacartepostale.fr/blog/ - museedelacartepostale.fr/exposition-permanente/ - www.queenslandplaces.com.au/category/headwords/brisbane-c... - collection-jfm.fr/t/cartes-postales-anciennes/france#.XGe... - www.cparama.com/forum/la-collection-de-cpa-f1.html - www.dauphinomaniac.org/Cartespostales/Francaises/Cartes_F... - furtho.tumblr.com/archive
le Logement Collectif* 50,60,70's, dans tous ses états..Histoire & Mémoire d'H.L.M. de Copropriété Renouvellement Urbain-Réha-NPNRU., twitter.com/Memoire2cite tout içi sig.ville.gouv.fr/atlas/ZUS/ - media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio" rel="noreferrer nofollow">fresques.ina.fr/jalons/fiche-media/InaEdu01827/la-creatio Bâtir mieux plus vite et moins cher 1975 l'industrialisation du bâtiment et ses innovations : www.dailymotion.com/video/xyjudq?playlist=x34ije la préfabrication en usine www.dailymotion.com/video/xx6ob5?playlist=x34ije , le coffrage glissant www.dailymotion.com/video/x19lwab?playlist=x34ije ... De nouvelles perspectives sont nées dans l'industrie du bâtiment avec les principes de bases de l'industrialisation du bâtiment www.dailymotion.com/video/x1a98iz?playlist=x34ije ,
www.dailymotion.com/video/xk6xui?playlist=x34ije , www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1dh2?playlist=x34ije :- que dire de RICARDO BOFFIL Les meilleures balades que j’ai fait autour de Paris je les ai faites dans l’application Plans. Je ne minore pas le rôle de Google Maps, révolution cartographique sans précédent et sans égale, qui aura réalisé nos fantasmes d’Aleph borgesien — l’idée d’un point d’où le monde serait visible en totalité — parachevé Mercator et permis d’explorer des parties du globe inconnues de Cook, Bougainville et Amundsen. Je n’oublie pas non plus cet exercice de cartographie au collège, qui nous avait démontré que nous étions à 3 cartes IGN de la capitale, et que le tissu urbain était de plus en plus serré à mesure que nous avancions vers le nord. Mais Plan possédait une fonctionnalité inédite, le Flyover, technologie à l’origine destinée aux pilotes de chasse, et qui fournissait des rendus 3D spectaculaire des bâtiments survolés — ainsi que des arbres et des déclivités du sol.On quittait enfin les champs asphyxiants de la photographie aérienne pour des vues à l’oblique des villes visitées : après un siècle d’écrasement — la photographie aérienne est étroitement contemporaine du bombardement aérien — les villes reprenaient enfin de la vigueur et remontaient vers le ciel. J’avais d’ailleurs effectué moi-même une manœuvre de redressement similaire le jour où j’étais parti, à pied depuis Paris, visiter à Nanterre une exposition sur la photographie aérienne. J’étais à la quête des premières vues de Paris qu’avait prises Nadar depuis un ballon captif. À défaut de ces images, définitivement manquantes, j’avais parcouru, après la Grande Arche, les derniers kilomètres de la Voie Royale, cette prodigieuse perspective historique partie du Louvre — rare exemple de frise chronologique implémentée dans une structure urbanistique.J’avais en réalité un peu dévié de la ligne droite pour aller voir les tours Nuages d’Emile Aillaud, le Facteur Cheval du modernisme, dont je connaissais déjà les autres chefs d’œuvres d'architecture naïve, les nouilles chinoises de Grigny et le spaghetti de Pantin.C’était précisément l’usage que j’avais fait de l’application Plans : j’étais parti à la recherche de tous les groupements de tour qu’elle m’avait permis d’identifier, sur mon iPad. Je les faisais tourner avec deux doigts, comme un éclaireur qui marcherait autour d’un donjon, avant de les immortaliser, sous leur plus bel angle, par une capture d’écran.Un éclaireur autour d’un donjon : c’était exactement cela, qui m’avait fasciné. Les guerres territoriales entre Les Tarterêts de Corbeil et les Pyramides d’Evry avaient marqué mon enfance. La notion de cité, telle qu’elle avait été définie, à partir des années 80, dans le second âge des grands ensembles, l’âge du déclin, avait conservé un cachet médiéval. Ici, vivaient guetteurs et trafiquants, condottieres à la tête d’une écurie de go-fast et entretenant des chenils remplis de mâtins rares et dangereux. Ici, l’État central ne remplissait plus ses tâches régaliennes, ici la modernité laïque était entrée en crise. Mais ce que j’avais découvert, en collectionnant ces captures d’écran, c’était à quel point l’urbanisme de la banlieue parisienne était, strictement, d’obédience médiévale. On était passé, d’un seul mouvement et sans même s’en rendre compte de Château-Gaillard à la Cité 4000, du Donjon de Vincennes aux tours de Sarcelles, du château de Gisors aux choux fleurs de Créteil.J’ai même retrouvé la colonne détruite du désert de Retz dans le babylonien château d’eau de Noisiel.Des hauteurs de Rosny à celle de Chanteloup, du plateau de Clichy à la dalle d’Argenteuil, on avait bizarrement livré des pastiches inconscients de la grande architecture militaire médiévales : les environs de Paris s’étaient retrouvés à nouveau fortifiés, la vieille tour de Montlhéry n’était plus solitaire, et même les immeubles de briques rouges qui avaient succédé à l’enceinte de Thiers évoquaient des murailles.
Et ce que j’avais initialement pris pour des anomalies, des accidents malheureux du post-modernisme, les grand ensembles voûtés et cannelés de Ricardo Boffil, étaient peut-être ce qui exprimait le mieux tout cela — ou du moins qui clôturaient avec le génie le plus clair cet âge des grands ensembles.
Car c’était cela, ces Carcassonnes, ces Acropoles, ces Atlandides qui surnageaient avec le plus de conviction au milieu des captures d’écrans de ruines médiévales qui s’accumulaient sur mon bureau.
Si décriées, dès leur construction, pour leur kitch intolérable ces mégastructures me sont soudain apparues comme absolument nécessaires.
Si les Villes Nouvelles n’ont jamais existé, et persisteront dans la mémoire des hommes, elles le doivent à ces rêveries bizarres et grandioses, à ces hybridations impossibles entre les cités idéales de Ledoux et les utopies corbuséennes.
L’Aqueduc de Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, les Espaces d’Abraxas à Marne-la-Vallée, les Colonnes de Saint-Christophe à Cergy-Pontoise sont les plus belles ruines du Grand Paris.
www.franceculture.fr/emissions/la-conclusion/ricardo-bofill immerssion dans le monde du logement social, l'univers des logements sociaux, des H.B.M au H.L.M - Retour sur l'histoire du logement collectif d'apres guerre - En Françe, sur l’ensemble du territoire avant, 4 millions d’immeubles étaient vétustes, dont 500.000 à démolir; au total 10% des logements étaient considérés comme insalubres et 40% réputés d’une qualité médiocre, et surpeuplés. C’est pour ces raisons que, à partir de 1954, le Ministre à la Reconstruction et au Logement évalue le besoin en logements à 2.000.660, devenant ainsi une priorité nationale. Quelques années plus tard à l’appel de l’Abbé Pierre, le journaliste Gilbert Mathieu, en avril 1957 publiait dans le quotidien Le Monde une série d’articles sur la situation dramatique du logement : Logement, notre honte et dénonçant le nombre réduit de logements et leur impitoyable état. Robert Doisneau, Banlieue après-guerre, 1943-1949 /Le mandat se veut triple : reconstruire le parc immobilier détruit durant les bombardements essentiellement du printemps/été 1944, faire face à l’essor démographique et enfin résorber l’habitat insalubre notamment les bidonvilles et les cités de transit. Une ambition qui paraît, dès le début, très élevée, associée à l’industrialisation progressive de la nation entre autre celle du secteur de la construction (voir le vidéo de l’INA du 17 juillet 1957 intitulée La crise du logement, un problème national. Cela dit, l’effort pour l’État français était d’une ampleur jamais vue ailleurs. La double nécessité de construire davantage et vite, est en partie la cause de la forme architecturale excentrique qui constituera les Grands Ensembles dans les banlieues françaises. Cinq caractéristiques permettent de mieux comprendre ce terme : la rupture avec le tissu urbain ancien, un minimum de mille logements, une forme collective (tours, barres) de quatre jusqu’à vingt niveaux, la conception d’appartements aménagés et équipés et enfin une gestion destinée pour la plupart à des bailleurs de logement social.
Pour la banlieue parisienne leur localisation s’est opérée majoritairement dans la périphérie, tandis que dans les autres cas, plus de la moitié a été construite dans le centre ville, le plus souvent à la limite des anciens faubourgs.
Architecture d’Aujourd’hui n° 46, 1953 p. 58-55
C’est le triomphe de l’urbanisme fonctionnel et rationaliste cher à Le Corbusier. Entre 1958 et 1973, cent quatre-vingt-quinze Zones à Urbaniser en Priorité (ZUP) sont créées, comprenant deux millions de logements, essentiellement de type populaire en Habitations à Loyer Modéré (HLM), mais pas exclusivement, remplaçant ainsi les anciennes Habitations à Bon Marché (HBM) crées en 1894. Selon le décret du 27 mars 1954 qui en fixe les conditions d’attribution, les bénéficiaires de la législation n’ont pas changé, ce sont toujours des « personnes peu fortunées vivant principalement de leur salaire », selon la loi Strauss de 1906. En 1953, tous les HLM voient leur surface maximale se réduire, en passant de 71 à 65 mètres carrés pour un quatre pièces. L’accès au logement des familles modestes se fera donc au détriment de la qualité et quantité de l’espace habité pour des familles nombreuses. À ce propos, le sociologue Thierry Oblet a bien montré comment se sont articulées les pensées des architectes et des ingénieurs modernistes, avec leur souci planificateur d’un État interventionniste[8] grâce à l’hégémonie du béton, de la ligne droite et de la standardisation de la construction.
Les exemples de cette architecture restent nombreux : de la Cité de 4000 (pour 4000 logements) à la Courneuve en Seine-Saint-Denis (93) aux logements de 15 étages aux balcons pétales, appelés « Chou-fleur » à Créteil en Val-de Marne (94) dessinés au début des années 70 par l’architecte Gérard Grandval. De la Cité des nuages à Nanterre dans les Hauts-de-Seine (92) à la Grande borne construite entre 1967 et 1971 sur le territoire des communes de Grigny et Viry-Châtillon, dans l’Essonne (91) en passant par la Noé à Chanteloup-les-Vignes dans le département des Yvelines (78) scénario du célèbre film La Haine[9] de Kassovits.
Récemment, plusieurs expositions photographiques se sont
concentrées sur cette nouvelle figure de l’urbanisme fonctionnaliste français de l’après-guerre. Par exemple Toit&Moi, 100 ans de logement social (2012), Les Grands ensembles 1960-2010 (2012) produite par l’école supérieure d’arts & médias de Caen/Cherbourg, selon un projet du Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication. Enfin l’exposition Photographie à l’œuvre, (2011-2012) d’Henri Salesse, photographe du service de l’inventaire du Ministère de la Reconstruction et de l’Urbanisme et Voyage en périphérie (2012) de Cyrus Cornut.
Il s’agissait là non seulement d’un progrès matériel, mais aussi démocratique, donnant ainsi à chaque citoyen, la possibilité d’accéder à son petit appartement doté de tous les conforts de l’époque. La recherche d’économie et de rapidité dans la conduite des chantiers portent à l’utilisation du béton comme matériel privilégié et à des plans architecturaux aussi simples que possible avec la réalisation de logements standardisés, dont les barres et les tours deviennent les figures principales : Au mitan des années cinquante, apparurent d’étranges formes urbaines. Des immeubles d’habitation de plus en plus longs et de plus en plus hauts, assemblés en blocs qui ne s’intégraient pas aux villes existantes. Ces blocs s’en différenciaient ostensiblement et parfois comme systématiquement, s’en isolaient. Ils semblaient faire ville à part. Surtout ils ne ressemblaient pas à ce qu’on avait l’habitude d’appeler ville. Et leur architecture aussi, qui était tellement déroutante. On les a nommés » grands ensembles. Cité de l’Abreuvoir, Bobigny (93), 2003 (Inventaire général du Patrimoine, Région Ile de France / Stéphane Asseline)
Bref, entre 1946 et 1975 le parc immobilier français passe de 12,7 millions à 21 millions de logements. Environ 8 millions de ceux-ci sont neufs, construits entre 1953-1975 – dont la moitié sous forme de grands ensembles – et près de 80 % des logements grâce à une aide de l’État avec des crédits publics. Le nombre de logements sociaux passe de moins de 500.000 à près de 3 millions, dont 43 % en région parisienne, où la demande est la plus forte[11]. Ce qui témoigne d’un effort énorme. Secrétariat d’État à la Reconstruction et au Logement, Supplément du logement en 1954, cité par Bachmann, C. Le Guennec, N., Violences urbaines…Op.cit, p.24. Alors que l’hiver 1954 est particulièrement rigoureux, l’abbé Pierre lance un appel en faveur des sans-logis et déshérités et organise des collectes de vêtements et de nourriture pour les plus démunis. Cela nous rappelle également que les inégalités sociales restaient particulièrement importantes à l’époque, malgré les débuts de la croissance économique, et que la crise du logement n’était pas encore complètement résolue. Danièle Voldman, La reconstruction des villes françaises de 1940 à 1954 : histoire d’une politique, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1997. Les Actualités françaises, La crise du logement, un problème national, 17 juillet, 1957, in fresques.ina.fr/…/la-crise-du-logement-un-probleme-n…, consulté le 20/02/2014. C’est l’urbaniste Marcel Rotival dans un numéro d’Architecture d’Aujourd’hui de juin 1935 (vol.1, n°6, juin 1935, p.57) qui propose pour la première fois cette terminologie pour désigner les Habitations à Bon Marché (HBM) et leur transformation en Habitations à Loyer Modéré (HLM), par la loi du 21 juillet 1951: « Nous espérons, un jour, sortir des villes comme Paris, non seulement par l’avenue des Champs Elysées, la seule réalisation de tenue sans laquelle Paris n’existerait pas, mais sortir par Belleville, par Charonne, par Bobigny, etc., et trouver harmonieusement disposés le long de larges autostrades, au milieu de grands espaces boisés, de parcs, de stades, de grandes cités claires, bien orientées, lumineusement éclairées par le soleil. » Largement reprise depuis les années 1950 dans le jargon administratif et public, elle apparaît pour la première fois dans un texte officiel qu’en 1973 avec la Circulaire Guichard, alors Ministre de l’Aménagement du territoire, de l’Equipement, du Logement et du tourisme. Celui-ci met un terme à la politique initiée après-guerre afin « d’empêcher la réalisation des formes d’urbanisation désignées généralement sous le nom de “grands ensembles”, peu conforme aux aspirations des habitants et sans justification économique sérieuse ». Paradoxalement, le terme de grands ensembles s’officialise donc au moment même où ils son mis en question. ZUP est un acronyme qui signifie Zone à Urbaniser en Priorité. Elles ont été créées par le décret N°58-1464 du 31 décembre 1958, afin de planifier et d’encadrer sur le territoire national, le développement urbain pour répondre à la carence de logements face à l’accroissement démographique et favoriser enfin la résorption de l’habitat insalubre. Oblet, Thierry, Gouverner la ville. Les voies urbaines de la démocratie moderne, Paris, PUF, 2003. En particulier par l’intermédiaire de la Société centrale de construction et de la Société centrale pour l’équipement du territoire, créées au milieu des années 1950 en tant que filiales de la Caisse des dépôts et consignations.
Kassovitz, Mathieu, La Haine, France, 1995.
Cornu, Marcel, Libérer la ville, Bruxelles, Casterman, 1977, p.60. Annie Fourcaut « Les banlieues populaires ont aussi une histoire », Projet 4/2007 (n° 299), pp. 7-15.
www.dailymotion.com/video/xw6lak?playlist=x34ije - Rue neuve 1956 la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, villes, villages, grands ensembles réalisation : Jack Pinoteau , Panorama de la reconstruction de la France dix ans après la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce film de commande évoque les villes et villages français détruits puis reconstruits dans un style respectant la tradition : Saint-Malo, Gien, Thionville, Ammerschwihr, etc. ainsi que la reconstruction en rupture avec l'architecture traditionnelle à Châtenay-Malabry, Arles, Saint Étienne, Évreux, Chambéry, Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, Abbeville, Le Havre, Marseille, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Dunkerque. Le documentaire explique par exemple la manière dont a été réalisée la reconstruction de Saint-Malo à l'intérieur des rempart de la vieille ville : "c'est la fidélité à l'histoire et la force du souvenir qui a guidé l'architecte". Dans le même esprit à Gien, au trois quart détruite en 1940, seul le château construit en 1494 pour Anne de Beaujeu, fille aînée de Louis XI, fut épargné par les bombardements. La ville fut reconstruite dans le style des rares immeubles restant. Gien est relevé de ses ruines et le nouvel ensemble harmonieux est appelé « Joyau de la Reconstruction française ». Dans un deuxième temps est abordé le chapitre de la construction des cités et des grands ensembles, de l’architecture du renouveau qualifiée de "grandiose incontestablement". S’il est précisé "on peut aimer ou de ne pas aimer ce style", l’emporte au final l’argument suivant : les grands ensembles, c'est la campagne à la ville, un urbanisme plus aéré, plus vert." les films caravelles 1956, Réalisateur : Jack Pinoteau (connu pour être le metteur en scène du film Le Triporteur 1957 qui fit découvrir Darry Cowl) www.dailymotion.com/video/xuz3o8?playlist=x34ije - www.dailymotion.com/video/xk1g5j?playlist=x34ije Brigitte Gros - Urbanisme - Filmer les grands ensembles 2016 - par Camille Canteux chercheuse au CHS -Centre d'Histoire Sociale - Jeanne Menjoulet - Ce film du CHS daté de 2014 www.youtube.com/watch?v=VDUBwVPNh0s … L'UNION SOCIALE POUR L'HABITAT le Musée des H.L.M. musee-hlm.fr/ union-habitat.org/ - EXPOSITION :LES 50 ANS DE LA RESIDENCe SALMSON POINT-Du JOUR www.salmsonlepointdujour.fr/pdf/Exposition_50_ans.pdf - Sotteville Construction de l’Anjou, le premier immeuble de la Zone Verte sottevilleaufildutemps.fr/2017/05/04/construction-de-limm... - www.20minutes.fr/paris/diaporama-7346-photo-854066-100-an... - www.ladepeche.fr/article/2010/11/02/940025-140-ans-en-arc... dreux-par-pierlouim.over-blog.com/article-chamards-1962-9... missionphoto.datar.gouv.fr/fr/photographe/7639/serie/7695...
Official Trailer - the Pruitt-Igoe Myth: an Urban History
www.youtube.com/watch?v=g7RwwkNzF68 - la dérive des continents youtu.be/kEeo8muZYJU Et la disparition des Mammouths - RILLIEUX LA PAPE & Dynacité - Le 23 février 2017, à 11h30, les tours Lyautey étaient foudroyées. www.youtube.com/watch?v=W---rnYoiQc …
Ginger CEBTP Démolition, filiale déconstruction du Groupe Ginger, a réalisé la maîtrise d'oeuvre de l'opération et produit les études d'exécution. L'emblématique ZUP Pruitt Igoe. vaste quartier HLM (33 barres de 11 étages) de Saint-Louis (Missouri) USA. démoli en 1972 www.youtube.com/watch?v=nq_SpRBXRmE … "Life is complicated, i killed people, smuggled people, sold people, but perhaps in here.. things will be different." ~ Niko Bellic - cité Balzac, à Vitry-sur-Seine (23 juin 2010).13H & Boom, quelques secondes plus tard, la barre «GHJ», 14 étages et 168 lgts, s’effondrait comme un château de cartes sous les applaudissements et les sifflets, bientôt enveloppés dans un nuage de poussière. www.youtube.com/watch?v=d9nBMHS7mzY … - "La Chapelle" Réhabilitation thermique de 667 logements à Andrézieux-Bou... youtu.be/0tswIPdoVCE - 11 octobre 1984 www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xk-Je1eQ5po …
DESTRUCTION par explosifs de 10 tours du QUARTIER DES MINGUETTES, à LYON. les tours des Minguettes ; VG des tours explosant et s'affaissant sur le côté dans un nuage de fumée blanche ; à 13H15, nous assistons à l'explosion de 4 autres tours - St-Etienne Métropole & Montchovet - la célèbre Muraille de Chine ( 540 lgts 270m de long 15 allees) qui était à l'époque en 1964 la plus grande barre HLM jamais construit en Europe. Après des phases de rénovation, cet immeuble a été dynamité en mai 2000 www.youtube.com/watch?v=YB3z_Z6DTdc … - PRESQU'ILE DE GENNEVILLIERS...AUJOURD'HUI...DEMAIN... (LA video içi parcours.cinearchives.org/Les-films-PRESQU-ILE-DE-GENNEVI... … ) Ce film de la municipalité de Gennevilliers explique la démarche et les objectifs de l’exposition communale consacrée à la presqu’île, exposition qui se tint en déc 1972 et janvier 1973 - le mythe de Pruitt-Igoe en video içi nextcity.org/daily/entry/watch-the-trailer-for-the-pruitt... … - 1964, quand les loisirs n’avaient (deja) pas le droit de cité poke @Memoire2cite youtu.be/Oj64jFKIcAE - Devenir de la ZUP de La Paillade youtu.be/1qxAhsqsV8M v - Regard sur les barres Zum' youtu.be/Eow6sODGct8 v - MONTCHOVET EN CONSTRUCTION Saint Etienne, ses travaux - Vidéo Ina.fr www.ina.fr/video/LXF99004401 … via - La construction de la Grande Borne à Grigny en 1969 Archive INA www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=12&v=t843Ny2p7Ww (discours excellent en seconde partie) -David Liaudet : l'image absolue, c'est la carte postale" phothistory.wordpress.com/2016/04/27/david-liaudet-limage... … l'architecture sanatoriale Histoire des sanatoriums en France (1915-1945). Une architecture en quête de rendement thérapeutique..
passy-culture.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/10/Les-15-Glori... … … & hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01935993/document … explosion des tours Gauguin Destruction par implosion des Tours Gauguin (quartier de La Bastide) de Limoges le dimanche 28 novembre 2010 à 11 heures. Limoges 28/11/2010 youtu.be/cd0ln4Nqqbs … 42 Roanne - c'etait le 11 novembre 2013 - Souvenirs des HLM quartier du Parc... Après presque 45 minutes de retard, les trois dernières tours Chanteclair sont tombées. Le tir prévu etait à 11h14 La vidéo içi www.leprogres.fr/loire/2013/11/01/roanne-les-3-dernieres-... … … www.leprogres.fr/loire/2013/11/01/roanne-une-vingtaine-de... …Besançon (25) - la Nouvelle cité d'HLM La Planoise en 1960 avec la video des premiers habitants de Planoise en juin 1968 www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVKAkJSsCGk … … … archive INA … BEGIN Japanology - les utopies de l'extreme et Kenzo Tange l'architecte japonnais - la video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZlAOtYFE4GM … 71 les Prés Saint-Jean a Chalon-sur-Saône - L'Implosion des 3 tours HLM de 15 etages le 5 décembre 2009 par FERRARI DEMOLITION içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=oDsqOjQJS8E … … … & là www.youtube.com/watch?v=ARQYQLORBBE … 21 DIJON Cité des Grésilles - c'etait l'implosion de la residençe HLM Paul Bur le 19 02 2010 www.youtube.com/watch?v=fAEuaq5mivM … … & la www.youtube.com/watch?v=mTUm-mky-sw … 59 - la technique dite du basculement - Destruction de l'immeuble Rhone a Lille avec pleins de ralentit içi video-streaming.orange.fr/actu-politique/destruction-de-l... … 21 Chenôve (le GRAND DIJON) - Implosion de la barre François RUDE le 3 nov 2010 (top video !!) www.youtube.com/watch?v=ClmeXzo3r5A … …Quand l histoire çe repete et çe repetera autant de fois que nesçessaire quand on voie la quantitée de barres 60 70's...dans le collimateur de l'ANRU2.. 77 MEAUX 3 grandes tours..& puis s'en vont.. Démolition Pierre Collinet Batiment Genêt, Hortensia et Iris - Reportage Journal le 26 juin 2011 youtu.be/fpPcaC2wRIc 71 CHALON SUR SAONE C'etait les Prés Saint Jean le 05 décembre 2009 , pour une implosion hlm hors du commun !!! Caméra mise à même le sol , à une vingtaine de mètres de la première tour .... www.youtube.com/watch?v=kVlC9rYU-gs … 78 les MUREAUX le 3 octobre 2010 ,Les dernières minutes de la Tour Molière aux Mureaux (Yvelines) et sa démolition par semi-foudroyage, filmés du quartier de la Vigne Blanche. www.youtube.com/watch?v=u2FDMxrLHcw …71 MACON LES GRANDES PERRIERES C'etait un 30 juin 2013, avec l'implosion de la barre HLM des Perrières par GINGER www.youtube.com/watch?v=EzYwTcCGUGA … … une video exceptionnelle ! c'etait Le Norfolk Court un ensemble résidentiel, le Norfolk Court, construit dans les années 1970, a été démoli à Glasgow en Ecosse le 9 mai 2016 . Il rate la démolition d'un immeuble au tout dernier moment LES PASSAGERS DU BUS EN PROFITE A SA PLAçE lol www.20minutes.fr/tv/t-as-vu/237077-il-rate-la-demolition-... … 69 LYON Quand La Duchère disait adieu à sa barre 230 le jeudi 2 juillet 2015
www.youtube.com/watch?v=BSwidwLw0NA … www.youtube.com/watch?v=BdLjUAK1oUk … www.youtube.com/watch?v=-DZ5RSLpYrM …Avenir Deconstruction : Foudroyage de 3 barres HLM - VAULX-EN-VELIN (69) www.youtube.com/watch?v=-E02NUMqDno Démolition du quartier Bachelard à Vaulx-en-Velin www.youtube.com/watch?v=DSAEBIYYpXY Démolition des tours du Pré de l'Herpe (Vaulx-en-Velin)
www.youtube.com/watch?v=fG5sD1G-QgU REPORTAGE - En sept secondes, un ensemble de 407 appartements à Vaulx-en-Velin a été détruit à l'explosif dans le cadre du renouvellement urbain... www.youtube.com/watch?v=Js6w9bnUuRM www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCj5D1NhxhI - St-QUENTIN LA ZUP (scic)- NOUMEA - NOUVELLE CALEDONIE historique de la cité Saint-Quentin içi www.agence-concept.com/savoir-faire/sic/
www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Gt6STiH_pM …[VIDEOS] Trois tours de la cité des Indes de Sartrouville ont été démolies dans le cadre du plan de rénovation urbaine du quartier Mille quatre cent soixante-deux détonateurs, 312 kilos le 06/06/2010 à 11 heures. la belle video içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=fY1B07GWyDE VIGNEUX-SUR-SEINE, VOTRE HISTOIRE, VOS SOUVENIRS. içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=8o_Ke26mB48 … , Film des Tours et du quartier de la Croix Blanche, de 1966 à 1968. Les Tours en train de finir de se construire, ainsi que le centre commerciale. Destruction de la Tour 21, pour construire de nouveaux HLM...
42 LOIRE ST-ETIENNE MONTREYNAUD tout une histoire youtu.be/ietu6yPB5KQ - Mascovich & la tour de Montreynaud www.youtube.com/watch?v=p7Zmwn224XE … -Travaux dalle du Forum à Montreynaud Saint-Etienne www.youtube.com/watch?v=0WaFbrBEfU4 … & içi www.youtube.com/watch?v=aHnT_I5dEyI … - et fr3 là www.youtube.com/watch?v=hCsXNOMRWW4 … - Au nord-Est de St-Etienne, aux confins de la ville, se dresse une colline et sur les pentes de cette colline s’accroche une petite ville, un quartier, un peu à part. Cet endroit niché au milieu de la verdure, c’est le quartier de Montreynaud. www.youtube.com/watch?v=Sqfb27hXMDo&fbclid=IwAR2ALN4d... …Et sinon, avez-vous remarqué au dessus du P de AGIP ? On voit, dans le film, la Tour Réservoir Plein Ciel du quartier de Montreynaud, détruite 3 ans plus tard par foudroyage ! Sûr que @Memoire2cite a des photos du quartier et de la tout à l'époque ! ;-) 42 LOIRE SAINT-ETIENNE MONTREYNAUD LA ZUP Souvenirs avec Mascovich & son clip "la tour de Montreynaud" www.youtube.com/watch?v=p7Zmwn224XE …
- Que de chemin parcouru, Muraille de Chine La Palle Beaulieu jusqu'aux années 90. L habitat se transforme et s adapte aux nouveaux besoins. Autre temps, période d'essor économique et du "vivre ensemble". Merci à @Memoire2cite pour cette introspection du passé! -
. . . 3. 3. 2007 - this is the second day of a funeral ceremony in Bori for a High Class Woman. She died on 18. 1. 2007 at the age of 85 years. The ceremony will last for one week.
If you wonder why the quality of the pictures is a little less: these are no photographs - it all are snapshots of my videos! So sorry for the less resolution, but I think, they are worth to be shown.
_____________________________________
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
The RQ-21A Small Tactical Unmanned Air System (STATUS) flies over NAWS China Lake during its initial developmental test flight Sept. 10, 2012. U.S. Navy Photo.
The Toraja are an ethnic group indigenous to a mountainous region of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Their population is approximately 1,100,000, of whom 450,000 live in the regency of Tana Toraja ("Land of Toraja"). Most of the population is Christian, and others are Muslim or have local animist beliefs known as aluk ("the way"). The Indonesian government has recognized this animist belief as Aluk To Dolo ("Way of the Ancestors").
The word toraja comes from the Bugis Buginese language term to riaja, meaning "people of the uplands". The Dutch colonial government named the people Toraja in 1909. Torajans are renowned for their elaborate funeral rites, burial sites carved into rocky cliffs, massive peaked-roof traditional houses known as tongkonan, and colorful wood carvings. Toraja funeral rites are important social events, usually attended by hundreds of people and lasting for several days.
Before the 20th century, Torajans lived in autonomous villages, where they practised animism and were relatively untouched by the outside world. In the early 1900s, Dutch missionaries first worked to convert Torajan highlanders to Christianity. When the Tana Toraja regency was further opened to the outside world in the 1970s, it became an icon of tourism in Indonesia: it was exploited by tourism developers and studied by anthropologists. By the 1990s, when tourism peaked, Toraja society had changed significantly, from an agrarian model - in which social life and customs were outgrowths of the Aluk To Dolo - to a largely Christian society. Today, tourism and remittances from migrant Torajans have made for major changes in the Toraja highland, giving the Toraja a celebrity status within Indonesia and enhancing Toraja ethnic group pride.
ETHNIC IDENTITY
The Torajan people had little notion of themselves as a distinct ethnic group before the 20th century. Before Dutch colonization and Christianization, Torajans, who lived in highland areas, identified with their villages and did not share a broad sense of identity. Although complexes of rituals created linkages between highland villages, there were variations in dialects, differences in social hierarchies, and an array of ritual practices in the Sulawesi highland region. "Toraja" (from the coastal languages' to, meaning people; and riaja, uplands) was first used as a lowlander expression for highlanders. As a result, "Toraja" initially had more currency with outsiders - such as the Bugis and Makassarese, who constitute a majority of the lowland of Sulawesi - than with insiders. The Dutch missionaries' presence in the highlands gave rise to the Toraja ethnic consciousness in the Sa'dan Toraja region, and this shared identity grew with the rise of tourism in the Tana Toraja Regency. Since then, South Sulawesi has four main ethnic groups - the Bugis (the majority, including shipbuilders and seafarers), the Makassarese (lowland traders and seafarers), the Mandarese (traders and fishermen), and the Toraja (highland rice cultivators).
HISTORY
From the 17th century, the Dutch established trade and political control on Sulawesi through the Dutch East Indies Company. Over two centuries, they ignored the mountainous area in the central Sulawesi, where Torajans lived, because access was difficult and it had little productive agricultural land. In the late 19th century, the Dutch became increasingly concerned about the spread of Islam in the south of Sulawesi, especially among the Makassarese and Bugis peoples. The Dutch saw the animist highlanders as potential Christians. In the 1920s, the Reformed Missionary Alliance of the Dutch Reformed Church began missionary work aided by the Dutch colonial government. In addition to introducing Christianity, the Dutch abolished slavery and imposed local taxes. A line was drawn around the Sa'dan area and called Tana Toraja ("the land of Toraja"). Tana Toraja was first a subdivision of the Luwu kingdom that had claimed the area. In 1946, the Dutch granted Tana Toraja a regentschap, and it was recognized in 1957 as one of the regencies of Indonesia.
Early Dutch missionaries faced strong opposition among Torajans, especially among the elite, because the abolition of their profitable slave trade had angered them. Some Torajans were forcibly relocated to the lowlands by the Dutch, where they could be more easily controlled. Taxes were kept high, undermining the wealth of the elites. Ultimately, the Dutch influence did not subdue Torajan culture, and only a few Torajans were converted. In 1950, only 10% of the population had converted to Christianity.
In the 1930s, Muslim lowlanders attacked the Torajans, resulting in widespread Christian conversion among those who sought to align themselves with the Dutch for political protection and to form a movement against the Bugis and Makassarese Muslims. Between 1951 and 1965 (following Indonesian independence), southern Sulawesi faced a turbulent period as the Darul Islam separatist movement fought for an Islamic state in Sulawesi. The 15 years of guerrilla warfare led to massive conversions to
CHRISTIANITY
Alignment with the Indonesian government, however, did not guarantee safety for the Torajans. In 1965, a presidential decree required every Indonesian citizen to belong to one of five officially recognized religions: Islam, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism), Hinduism, or Buddhism. The Torajan religious belief (aluk) was not legally recognized, and the Torajans raised their voices against the law. To make aluk accord with the law, it had to be accepted as part of one of the official religions. In 1969, Aluk To Dolo ("the way of ancestors") was legalized as a sect of Agama Hindu Dharma, the official name of Hinduism in Indonesia.
SOCIETY
There are three main types of affiliation in Toraja society: family, class and religion.
FAMILY AFFILIATION
Family is the primary social and political grouping in Torajan society. Each village is one extended family, the seat of which is the tongkonan, a traditional Torajan house. Each tongkonan has a name, which becomes the name of the village. The familial dons maintain village unity. Marriage between distant cousins (fourth cousins and beyond) is a common practice that strengthens kinship. Toraja society prohibits marriage between close cousins (up to and including the third cousin) - except for nobles, to prevent the dispersal of property. Kinship is actively reciprocal, meaning that the extended family helps each other farm, share buffalo rituals, and pay off debts.
Each person belongs to both the mother's and the father's families, the only bilateral family line in Indonesia. Children, therefore, inherit household affiliation from both mother and father, including land and even family debts. Children's names are given on the basis of kinship, and are usually chosen after dead relatives. Names of aunts, uncles and cousins are commonly referred to in the names of mothers, fathers and siblings.
Before the start of the formal administration of Toraja villages by the Tana Toraja Regency, each Toraja village was autonomous. In a more complex situation, in which one Toraja family could not handle their problems alone, several villages formed a group; sometimes, villages would unite against other villages. Relationship between families was expressed through blood, marriage, and shared ancestral houses (tongkonan), practically signed by the exchange of water buffalo and pigs on ritual occasions. Such exchanges not only built political and cultural ties between families but defined each person's place in a social hierarchy: who poured palm wine, who wrapped a corpse and prepared offerings, where each person could or could not sit, what dishes should be used or avoided, and even what piece of meat constituted one's share.
CLASS AFFILIATION
In early Toraja society, family relationships were tied closely to social class. There were three strata: nobles, commoners, and slaves (slavery was abolished in 1909 by the Dutch East Indies government). Class was inherited through the mother. It was taboo, therefore, to marry "down" with a woman of lower class. On the other hand, marrying a woman of higher class could improve the status of the next generation. The nobility's condescending attitude toward the commoners is still maintained today for reasons of family prestige.
Nobles, who were believed to be direct descendants of the descended person from heaven, lived in tongkonans, while commoners lived in less lavish houses (bamboo shacks called banua). Slaves lived in small huts, which had to be built around their owner's tongkonan. Commoners might marry anyone, but nobles preferred to marry in-family to maintain their status. Sometimes nobles married Bugis or Makassarese nobles. Commoners and slaves were prohibited from having death feasts. Despite close kinship and status inheritance, there was some social mobility, as marriage or change in wealth could affect an individuals status. Wealth was counted by the ownership of water buffaloes.
Slaves in Toraja society were family property. Sometimes Torajans decided to become slaves when they incurred a debt, pledging to work as payment. Slaves could be taken during wars, and slave trading was common. Slaves could buy their freedom, but their children still inherited slave status. Slaves were prohibited from wearing bronze or gold, carving their houses, eating from the same dishes as their owners, or having sex with free women - a crime punishable by death.
RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Toraja's indigenous belief system is polytheistic animism, called aluk, or "the way" (sometimes translated as "the law"). In the Toraja myth, the ancestors of Torajan people came down from heaven using stairs, which were then used by the Torajans as a communication medium with Puang Matua, the Creator. The cosmos, according to aluk, is divided into the upper world (heaven), the world of man (earth), and the underworld. At first, heaven and earth were married, then there was a darkness, a separation, and finally the light. Animals live in the underworld, which is represented by rectangular space enclosed by pillars, the earth is for mankind, and the heaven world is located above, covered with a saddle-shaped roof. Other Toraja gods include Pong Banggai di Rante (god of Earth), Indo' Ongon-Ongon (a goddess who can cause earthquakes), Pong Lalondong (god of death), and Indo' Belo Tumbang (goddess of medicine); there are many more.
The earthly authority, whose words and actions should be cleaved to both in life (agriculture) and death (funerals), is called to minaa (an aluk priest). Aluk is not just a belief system; it is a combination of law, religion, and habit. Aluk governs social life, agricultural practices, and ancestral rituals. The details of aluk may vary from one village to another. One common law is the requirement that death and life rituals be separated. Torajans believe that performing death rituals might ruin their corpses if combined with life rituals. The two rituals are equally important. During the time of the Dutch missionaries, Christian Torajans were prohibited from attending or performing life rituals, but were allowed to perform death rituals. Consequently, Toraja's death rituals are still practised today, while life rituals have diminished.
CULTURE
TONGKONAN
Tongkonan are the traditional Torajan ancestral houses. They stand high on wooden piles, topped with a layered split-bamboo roof shaped in a sweeping curved arc, and they are incised with red, black, and yellow detailed wood carvings on the exterior walls. The word "tongkonan" comes from the Torajan tongkon ("to sit").
Tongkonan are the center of Torajan social life. The rituals associated with the tongkonan are important expressions of Torajan spiritual life, and therefore all family members are impelled to participate, because symbolically the tongkonan represents links to their ancestors and to living and future kin. According to Torajan myth, the first tongkonan was built in heaven on four poles, with a roof made of Indian cloth. When the first Torajan ancestor descended to earth, he imitated the house and held a large ceremony.
The construction of a tongkonan is laborious work and is usually done with the help of the extended family. There are three types of tongkonan. The tongkonan layuk is the house of the highest authority, used as the "center of government". The tongkonan pekamberan belongs to the family members who have some authority in local traditions. Ordinary family members reside in the tongkonan batu. The exclusivity to the nobility of the tongkonan is diminishing as many Torajan commoners find lucrative employment in other parts of Indonesia. As they send back money to their families, they enable the construction of larger tongkonan.
WOOD CARVINGS
To express social and religious concepts, Torajans carve wood, calling it Pa'ssura (or "the writing"). Wood carvings are therefore Toraja's cultural manifestation.
Each carving receives a special name, and common motifs are animals and plants that symbolize some virtue. For example, water plants and animals, such as crabs, tadpoles and water weeds, are commonly found to symbolize fertility. In some areas noble elders claim these symbols refer to strength of noble family, but not everyone agrees. The overall meaning of groups of carved motifs on houses remains debated and tourism has further complicated these debates because some feel a uniform explanation must be presented to tourists. The image to the left shows an example of Torajan wood carving, consisting of 15 square panels. The center bottom panel represents buffalo or wealth, a wish for many buffaloes for the family. The center panel represents a knot and a box, a hope that all of the family's offspring will be happy and live in harmony, like goods kept safe in a box. The top left and top right squares represent an aquatic animal, indicating the need for fast and hard work, just like moving on the surface of water. It also represents the need for a certain skill to produce good results.
Regularity and order are common features in Toraja wood carving (see table below), as well as abstracts and geometrical designs. Nature is frequently used as the basis of Toraja's ornaments, because nature is full of abstractions and geometries with regularities and ordering. Toraja's ornaments have been studied in ethnomathematics to reveal their mathematical structure, but Torajans base this art only on approximations. To create an ornament, bamboo sticks are used as a geometrical tool.
FUNERAL RITES
In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults.
The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.
Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundreds of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family. However, a cockfight, known as bulangan londong, is an integral part of the ceremony. As with the sacrifice of the buffalo and the pigs, the cockfight is considered sacred because it involves the spilling of blood on the earth. In particular, the tradition requires the sacrifice of at least three chickens. However, it is common for at least 25 pairs of chickens to be set against each other in the context of the ceremony.
There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called Tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground.
In the ritual called Ma'Nene, that takes place each year in August, the bodies of the deceased are exhumed to be washed, groomed and dressed in new clothes. The mummies are then walked around the village.
DANCE AND MUSIC
Torajans perform dances on several occasions, most often during their elaborate funeral ceremonies. They dance to express their grief, and to honour and even cheer the deceased person because he is going to have a long journey in the afterlife. First, a group of men form a circle and sing a monotonous chant throughout the night to honour the deceased (a ritual called Ma'badong). This is considered by many Torajans to be the most important component of the funeral ceremony. On the second funeral day, the Ma'randing warrior dance is performed to praise the courage of the deceased during life. Several men perform the dance with a sword, a large shield made from buffalo skin, a helmet with a buffalo horn, and other ornamentation. The Ma'randing dance precedes a procession in which the deceased is carried from a rice barn to the rante, the site of the funeral ceremony. During the funeral, elder women perform the Ma'katia dance while singing a poetic song and wearing a long feathered costume. The Ma'akatia dance is performed to remind the audience of the generosity and loyalty of the deceased person. After the bloody ceremony of buffalo and pig slaughter, a group of boys and girls clap their hands while performing a cheerful dance called Ma'dondan.
As in other agricultural societies, Torajans dance and sing during harvest time. The Ma'bugi dance celebrates the thanksgiving event, and the Ma'gandangi dance is performed while Torajans are pounding rice. There are several war dances, such as the Manimbong dance performed by men, followed by the Ma'dandan dance performed by women. The aluk religion governs when and how Torajans dance. A dance called Ma'bua can be performed only once every 12 years. Ma'bua is a major Toraja ceremony in which priests wear a buffalo head and dance around a sacred tree.
A traditional musical instrument of the Toraja is a bamboo flute called a Pa'suling (suling is an Indonesian word for flute). This six-holed flute (not unique to the Toraja) is played at many dances, such as the thanksgiving dance Ma'bondensan, where the flute accompanies a group of shirtless, dancing men with long fingernails. The Toraja have indigenous musical instruments, such as the Pa'pelle (made from palm leaves) and the Pa'karombi (the Torajan version of a jaw harp). The Pa'pelle is played during harvest time and at house inauguration ceremonies.
LANGUAGE
The ethnic Toraja language is dominant in Tana Toraja with the main language as the Sa'dan Toraja. Although the national Indonesian language is the official language and is spoken in the community, all elementary schools in Tana Toraja teach Toraja language.Language varieties of Toraja, including Kalumpang, Mamasa, Tae' , Talondo' , Toala' , and Toraja-Sa'dan, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language from the Austronesian family. At the outset, the isolated geographical nature of Tana Toraja formed many dialects between the Toraja languages themselves. After the formal administration of Tana Toraja, some Toraja dialects have been influenced by other languages through the transmigration program, introduced since the colonialism period, and it has been a major factor in the linguistic variety of Toraja languages. A prominent attribute of Toraja language is the notion of grief. The importance of death ceremony in Toraja culture has characterized their languages to express intricate degrees of grief and mourning. The Toraja language contains many terms referring to sadness, longing, depression, and mental pain. Giving a clear expression of the psychological and physical effect of loss is a catharsis and sometimes lessens the pain of grief itself.
ECONOMY
Prior to Suharto's "New Order" administration, the Torajan economy was based on agriculture, with cultivated wet rice in terraced fields on mountain slopes, and supplemental cassava and maize crops. Much time and energy were devoted to raising water buffalo, pigs, and chickens, primarily for ceremonial sacrifices and consumption. Coffee was the first significant cash crop produced in Toraja, and was introduced in the mid 19th century, changing the local economy towards commodity production for external markets and gaining an excellent reputation for quality in the international market .
With the commencement of the New Order in 1965, Indonesia's economy developed and opened to foreign investment. In Toraja, a coffee plantation and factory was established by Key Coffee of Japan, and Torajan coffee regained a reputation for quality within the growing international specialty coffee sector Multinational oil and mining companies opened new operations in Indonesia during the 1970s and 1980s. Torajans, particularly younger ones, relocated to work for the foreign companies - to Kalimantan for timber and oil, to Papua for mining, to the cities of Sulawesi and Java, and many went to Malaysia. The out-migration of Torajans was steady until 1985. and has continued since, with remittances sent back by emigre Torajans performing an important role within the contemporary economy.
Tourism commenced in Toraja in the 1970s, and accelerated in the 1980s and 1990s. Between 1984 and 1997, a significant number of Torajans obtained their incomes from tourism, working in and owning hotels, as tour guides, drivers, or selling souvenirs. With the rise of political and economic instability in Indonesia in the late 1990s - including religious conflicts elsewhere on Sulawesi - tourism in Tana Toraja has declined dramatically. Toraja continues to be a well known origin for Indonesian coffee, grown by both smallholders and plantation estates, although migration, remittances and off-farm income is considered far more important to most households, even those in rural areas.
TOURISM AND CULTURAL CHANGE
Before the 1970s, Toraja was almost unknown to Western tourism. In 1971, about 50 Europeans visited Tana Toraja. In 1972, at least 400 visitors attended the funeral ritual of Puang of Sangalla, the highest-ranking nobleman in Tana Toraja and the so-called "last pure-blooded Toraja noble." The event was documented by National Geographic and broadcast in several European countries. In 1976, about 12,000 tourists visited the regency and in 1981, Torajan sculpture was exhibited in major North American museums. "The land of the heavenly kings of Tana Toraja", as written in the exhibition brochure, embraced the outside world.
In 1984, the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism declared Tana Toraja Regency the prima donna of South Sulawesi. Tana Toraja was heralded as "the second stop after Bali". Tourism was increasing dramatically: by 1985, a total number of 150,000 foreigners had visited the Regency (in addition to 80,000 domestic tourists), and the annual number of foreign visitors was recorded at 40,000 in 1989. Souvenir stands appeared in Rantepao, the cultural center of Toraja, roads were sealed at the most-visited tourist sites, new hotels and tourist-oriented restaurants were opened, and an airstrip was opened in the Regency in 1981.
Tourism developers have marketed Tana Toraja as an exotic adventure - an area rich in culture and off the beaten track. Western tourists expected to see stone-age villages and pagan funerals. Toraja is for tourists who have gone as far as Bali and are willing to see more of the wild, "untouched" islands. However, they were more likely to see a Torajan wearing a hat and denim, living in a Christian society. Tourists felt that the tongkonan and other Torajan rituals had been preconceived to make profits, and complained that the destination was too commercialized. This has resulted in several clashes between Torajans and tourism developers, whom Torajans see as outsiders.
A clash between local Torajan leaders and the South Sulawesi provincial government (as a tourist developer) broke out in 1985. The government designated 18 Toraja villages and burial sites as traditional tourist attractions. Consequently, zoning restrictions were applied to these areas, such that Torajans themselves were barred from changing their tongkonans and burial sites. The plan was opposed by some Torajan leaders, as they felt that their rituals and traditions were being determined by outsiders. As a result, in 1987, the Torajan village of Kété Kesú and several other designated tourist attractions closed their doors to tourists. This closure lasted only a few days, as the villagers found it too difficult to survive without the income from selling souvenirs.
Tourism has also transformed Toraja society. Originally, there was a ritual which allowed commoners to marry nobles (puang) and thereby gain nobility for their children. However, the image of Torajan society created for the tourists, often by "lower-ranking" guides, has eroded its traditional strict hierarchy. High status is not as esteemed in Tana Toraja as it once was. Many low-ranking men can declare themselves and their children nobles by gaining enough wealth through work outside the region and then marrying a noble woman.
WIKIPEDIA
© All rights reserved
robin ~ erithacus rubecula (feeding)
RSPB Green status list.
Our local resident robin is not a bully and we have seen him happily tolerate up to six visiting robins on the birdtable and ground feeding in freezing weather. However robins started coming in for food with the constant rain and our robin has been fighting them all off. This robin had an obvious leg injury but his wing looked as though he had just lost a few feathers. Anyway he finished eating the food he came for and then disappeared into the hedge.
UPDATE: It is now a few weeks since this robin was injured and he seems to be fit and well apart from his leg that now seems useless. He spent more time perching on one leg. He couldn't manage to perch on the feeder trays so he fed on the ground.
UN Women Executive Director Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka meets with ministers and high-level government representatives of Latin American and Caribbean countries to discuss the 58th session of the Commission on the Status of Women as well as gender equality and women’s empowerment in the post-2015 development framework.
Photo: UN Women
Today, both "The Land That Time Forgot" and "The People That Time Forgot" are fan favorites and hold a special 'cult' status among film buffs. I just goes to show that sometimes great films
don't need huge budgets to succeed, just dinosaurs and sexy cave women.
The Land That Time Forgot (1975)
Additional Photos in Set.
www.flickr.com/photos/morbius19/sets/72157639657354056/
youtu.be/d0K97czqecQ?t=1s Trailer
Amicus Pictures
Directed By: Kevin Connor
Written By: Edgar Rice Burroughs, Jim Cawthorn, Michael Moorcock, Milton Subotsky
Cast:
Doug McClure as Bowen Tyler
John McEnery as Captain Von Schoenvorts
Susan Penhaligon as Lisa Clayton
Keith Barron as Bradley
Anthony Ainley as Dietz
Godfrey James as Borg
Bobby Parr as Ahm
Declan Mulholland as Olson
Colin Farrell as Whiteley
Ben Howard as Benson
Roy Holder as Plesser
Andrew McCulloch as Sinclair
Ron Pember as Jones
Grahame Mallard as Deusett
Andrew Lodge as Reuther
Runtime: 90 Minutes
Color: Color
Story
In the year 1916 during WW1, an Allied vessel carrying civilians, the SS Montrose, is torpedoed by a German submarine. The survivors manage to board the sub and successfully take control of it. After the two sides continuously plot to overthrow the other, the group become lost. With supplies and fuel dwindling, the two opposing factions decide to work together. They find a strange continent in the icy region of the Atlantic ocean, but strangely, the water surrounding it is warm. Christened Caprona by an early Italian navigator named Caproni, the ice encroached island has no place to land. Traversing a winding underwater cavern, the U-boat ascends into a river.
The group find themselves in a strange land filled with prehistoric creatures. With dangers lurking at every turn, the lost travelers haven't enough fuel for a return trip. The group journey North across the land of Caprona in search of fuel. The further north they go, the more highly advanced the creatures and inhabitants become. They later find crude oil deposits and build
machinery with which to refine the lubricant for use in the subs engines. Attempting to leave, the mysterious volcanic continent threatens to rip itself apart to keep the involuntarily exiled travelers from escaping The Land That Time Forgot.
The set design is amazing with the makers getting full use out of Shepperton Studios, the home of Amicus. Some years later, the famed Pinewood Studios would acquire Shepperton. The Director of Photography on LAND, Alan Hume, does an admirable job capturing the colorful landscapes and fauna of the lost world of Caprona. Hume also took the job of DP on the three other Connor directed monster movies. Hume would later perform photographic duties on several of the Bond pictures in addition to the comedic prehistoric opus, CAVEMAN (1981) starring Ringo Starr among a cast of other recognizable faces.
The first in a series of popular fantasy adventure movies from the team of producer John Dark and director Kevin Conner. A highly ambitious British film from Amicus Productions, the chief rival to Hammer Films. Hammer had done their own series of prehistoric epics beginning with ONE MILLION YEARS B.C. (1966). That film featured stop motion animation by famed animator Ray Harryhausen. The film was so successful a follow-up was ordered albeit somewhat hesitantly considering the length of time it took for the stop motion effects to be created.
Doug McClure leads the cast to Caprona in a role that suits his former cowboy persona on THE VIRGINIAN television program. McClure replaced Stuart Whitman who was originally cast. Apparently, Whitman never received his full compensation to not participate in the picture and McClure was a likewise unwanted commodity as well. At the time, he was going through a divorce and a spate of drinking which kept him in a volatile mood from time to time. However, according to Susan Penhaligon, McClure was always a gentleman with her. McClure is very good and any hint of rambunctious behavior behind the scenes isn't evident in his pulpy performance.
McClure would take the lead role for AT THE EARTH'S CORE (1976), in which he would be paired with a rather spunky Peter Cushing. In 1977's THE PEOPLE THAT TIME FORGOT, McClure took a 'Guest Star' credit and only appears during the finale although he's the main focus of the story when Patrick Wayne journey's to Caprona to rescue him. It's the only film in the series that is a direct link with one of the other pictures. The fourth film, WARLORDS OF ATLANTIS (1978), isn't a Burroughs tale and also isn't an Amicus picture. Columbia handled distribution in the US.
In the early 1970s’ Amicus Pictures (Owned by Milton Subotsky and Max J Rosenberg) decided to pump some life into the declining British fantasy film industry by bringing the works of Tarzan creator Edgar Rice Burroughs to the big screen. At about the same time the film company’s rival, Hammer, had abandoned its standard horror films for features starring half naked women in an attempt to put more bodies in the seats. Amicus felt that the time seemed right for a series of films based on Burroughs strait forward action tales to fill the cinematic void.
The first of the four Burrough’s stories to be produced by Amicus would be an adaptation of the short story “The Land That Time Forgot” which was first published in Blue Book Magazine in 1918. Milton Subotsky had first penned a screenplay for the film back in the early 1960s’ but his first draft was initially rejected by the late Burrough’s estate. It was under their prodding that the script was rewritten by Jim Cawthorn and Michael Moorcock. Their dialogue heavy, light on the action script however didn’t meet Subotsky’s approval, so it was reworked yet again.
"The Land that Time Forgot" began production at Pinewood Studios in April 1974 with a meager $750,000 budget that had been put up by American International Pictures in exchange for the American distribution rights. This extremely low budget forced the film-makers to settle for cost cutting measures in the effects department. Hand puppets were used for the films dinosaurs in many scenes where costly stop motion animation had intended to be used. The effect looks
primitive when compared to modern CGI effects, but for the time period in which it was created, these effects in "The Land That Time Forgot" fared well against most rival productions.
Script problems and hand held dino’s were not the only problems the production would face in its early stages. Originally Stuart Whitman was cast as the American engineer Bowen Tyler, but Samuel Arkoff of AIP protested. Their next choice, Doug McClure, finally agreed to take the role after initially passing on it. McClure was billed as the perfect leading man by director Kevin Connor. McClure had earned a reputation as a marketable lead on the TV Western “The Virginian.” On the set however, McClure earned another type of reputation after his tendency to hit the bottle caused him to miss a couple of days shooting and punch a hole in producer Johnny Dark’s office door. Despite this McClure was considered a nice guy by his costars. He even held the hand of a nervous Susan Penhaligon (cast as biologist Lisa Clayton) during the explosions of the films volcano erupting climax. John McEnry, who played the German U-boat Captain von Schoverts, was continually acting up on the set due to his belief that the production was beneath him as an actor. This lead to his voice being dubbed over by Anton Diffrin due to his demeanor and lackluster tone. Aside from this however none of the other off screen troubles manifested themselves in the finished product.
The films plot is a strait forward Burroughs adventure story.
John McEnery, who plays the somewhat honorable Captain Von Shoenvorts, the leader of the German forces, was dubbed by Anton Diffring. The first 15 or 20 minutes of the film are very well handled, having the American and British survivors take command of the Nazi sub only to have the Germans take the vessel back, only to lose it once more. During the final switch, the Allied survivors get some poetic justice on their German captors. When the sub is to rendezvous with a Nazi supply ship, Tyler quietly launches torpedoes destroying the enemy vessel in recompense for the prior destruction of the civilian ship.
Anthony Ainley as Dietz is the true antagonist of the picture. He appears to have much respect for his Captain, but at the beginning after the Germans have sunk the civilian vessel, Dietz asks if there is an order to surface to look for survivors. Capt. Von Shoenvorts declines, yet Dietz responds with, "Survivors may live to fight another day." The Captain then says, "They are in enough trouble already...besides, these were civilians." As the Captain walks away there is a look of unmitigated and deceitful envy on the face of Dietz.
He secretly harbors desires to command his own unit and this materializes during the finale when Dietz shoots his Captain and takes over the doomed submarine. Ainley played a much different character in THE BLOOD ON SATAN'S CLAW (1971) in which he played a priest who is seduced by a harbinger of the Devil.
Derek Meddings was in charge of special effects on the picture and his work here would foreshadow some great things to come. Meddings would tackle effects chores on a number of big movies including a slew of the James Bond movies and big budgeted fantasy pictures such as SUPERMAN 1 and 2, KRULL and the 1989 version of BATMAN.
Monster designer Roger Dicken was in charge of the ambitious dinosaur sequences seen in THE LAND THAT TIME FORGOT. He also created special effects for several Hammer films including WHEN DINOSAURS RULED THE EARTH (1970) in which Dicken worked alongside fellow luminaries, Jim Danforth and Dave Allen. Dicken was Danforth's assistant here but on LAND, Dicken was on his own.
Douglas Gamley composed the score which has that Amicus sound to it, but given the nature of the film, Gamley peppers the score with at least one rousing composition which is saved for the finale. The scene in question has Tyler and Lisa racing back to the refinery as the land explodes around them. The group has left without them, though. As the U-boat makes its way back across the now burning river, Tyler and Lisa watch as the sub is destroyed from the boiling water and overwhelming heat.
During the finale, Caprona (described as a gigantic volcanic crater) begins to seemingly erupt destroying life on the island. In the third film, also during the finale, Tyler tells his friend, McBride that the land is alive and will stop their escape. Tyler states that the volcano controls everything. This adds a mystical element to the narrative making Caprona a living character. Taking what is said by Tyler in the third film, the erupting of the volcano in LAND seems to be in retaliation against the stranded travelers attempting to escape the island. By destroying the sub and its inhabitants, Caprona's secret remains hidden away from the eyes of modern man. The film ends as it began, with Tyler tossing a canister with notes detailing Caprona and the creatures residing therein.
The survivors of a torpedoed allied cargo ship turn the tables on their German attackers and seize control of their U-boat. The ever scheming German crew manage to damage the ships compass and instead of steaming to a neutral port, the group finds itself off the coast of the legendary island of Caprona, where time has stood still since prehistoric times. Forced to venture ashore in search of food, supplies and fuel, the crew encounters a bevy of dinosaurs that intend on making sure no one escapes alive. As in all good adventure stories of this type, just about everything and everyone the group encounters is set on doing them mortal harm and danger lies behind every turn. The groups focus is a simple a straight forward one, keep from being eaten and figure out a way to get off the island before it consumed in a river of molten rock. Seems all good dinosaur flicks have to end in some kind of volcanic catastrophe, and this film is no exception, even though Moorcock had originally written it with a different ending.
James Cawthorn (1929-2008) Artist
Jim Cawthorn is best known to Burroughs fans for his early work on the British fanzine Burroughsiana, edited by Michael Moorcock from 1956-1958, and for Erbania, edited by Pete Ogden during the same period. He also illustrated for Tarzan Adventures, a series of Tarzan comics interspersed with other stories and articles, also edited by Michael Moorcock. The series was reprinted by Savoy in 1977.
American Burroughs fans were generally unfamiliar with the British Tarzan publications before the Internet came onto the scene, but they are certainly familiar with the film production of The Land That Time Forgot, for which Jim Cawthorn and Michael Moorcock wrote the screenplay.
This Amicus film starred Doug McClure, making his first appearance in a British film under the auspices of American International Pictures, Inc. Cawthorn is reported to have been dissatisfied with the changes made to their screenplay which was written and signed on October, 1973, and which was filmed a year later. Besides changing names, characters and situations, they blew up Caprona which did not sit well with most American fans.
Cawthorn had produced many unpublished comic strips, including The Land That Time Forgot, and was working on A Princess of Mars when he died on December 2, 2008. He and Moorcock edited Fantasy: The 100 Best Books, published in London by Xanadu in 1988.
Cawthorn had many admirers, including Tarzan artist Burne Hogarth who wrote that the young artist’s work had a quality "most compelling and fascinating... He has an authentic talent." Of the many Cawthorn illustrations available for viewing, we found an early (1958) original in the Burroughs Memorial Collection which he drew for one of Maurice B. Gardner’s Bantan books.
Blues Peer 2013
featuring The Excitements, Slick Nick & The Casino Special, Virgil and the Accelerators, Hideaway, Robert Cray, The Fabulous Thunderbirds, Hugh Laurie, Heritage Blues Orchestra, The Delta Saints, Rita Engedalen, Sugar Boy and the Sinners, Status Quo, Gov't Mule, Royal Southern Brotherhood, Bettye Lavette, Eric Bibb, Mike Zito, Doghouse Sam and his Magnatones
19, 20 and 21 July 2013
Peer (Belgium)
Photography Marco van Rooijen - Copyright, All Rights Reserved!
---
Love the blues? Join and Like BluesMagazine @ www.facebook.com/BluesMag
or visit www.bluesmagazine.nl
Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haw.) R. Kiesling
Sin.: Maihueniopsis hypogaea (Werderm.) F. Ritter, Maihueniopsis leptoclada F. Ritter, Maihueniopsis molfinoi Speg., Opuntia glomerata Haw., Opuntia hypogaea Werderm., Opuntia molfinoi (Speg.) Werderm., Tephrocactus glomeratus (Haw.) Backeb.
Ref.: Kiesling, 1984.
Hábito: Subarbusto suculento.
Status: Nativa.
Elevación: 2000-3500 m.
Prov.: CA, JU, LR, ME, SA, SJ.
Paises limítrofes: BO, CH.
Ejemplar examinado: Dell’Arciprete s.n. (neotipo, BACP 2166).
- Catalogo de las plantas vasculares de Argentina. Cactaceae. Kiesling, R. -
Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haworth) R. Kiesling 1984
CONOIDEO, COPANA, LEONCITO, QUEPO, QUISCO Opuntia glomerata Haworth 1830, Tephrocactus glomeratus (Haworth) Backeberg 1953 Opuntia ovallei Gay 1847, Tephrocactus ovallei (Gay) Backeberg 1958, Maihueniopsis ovallei (Gay) F. Ritter 1980 Maihueniopsis molfinoi Spegazzini 1925, Opuntia molfinoi (Spegazzini) Werdermann 1931 Opuntia leoncito Werdermann 1929, Tephrocactus leoncito (Werdermann) Backeberg 1944, Maihueniopsis leoncito (Werdermann) F. Ritter 1980 Opuntia hypogaea Werdermann 1931, Tephrocactus hypogaeus (Werdermann) Backeberg 1935, Maihueniopsis hypogaea (Werdermann) F. Ritter 1980 Opuntia reicheana Espinosa 1940, Tephrocactus reichianus (Espinosa) Backeberg 1958 Tephrocactus conoideus F. Ritter ex Backeberg 1958, not validly published; Opuntia conoidea (F. Ritter ex Backeberg) G. D. Rowley 1958, not validly published; Maihueniopsis conoidea (F. Ritter ex Backeberg) F. Ritter 1980, not validly published Maihueniopsis leptoclada F. Ritter 1980
Plants dense, strong-jointed, hemispheric cushions. Stem segments ovoid, pointed, somewhat tuberculate, 2-5 cm (0.8-2 in) long. Areoles small, about 20 per segment, felty, uppermost 1-2 sometimes spineless. Principal spines 1—2, narrowly flattened, more or less erect, straight, to 5 cm (2 in) long. Secondary spines 0-2, bristle-like. Flowers pale yellow, to 5 cm (2 in) long; pericarpels obconical, with 15-18 areoles,
402 Maihueniopsis glomerata
those on the rim with bristles. Fruits globose, spineless, green, becoming yellowish. Distribution: Jujuy, Argentina.
- The Cactus Family. Anderson, E. 2001. -
09732 M. glomerata (Hae) Kies 1984/Darw. 25: 202; 11767 Tephrocactus glomeratus (Haw) Bkbg 1953/CP 8(38): 249. B:01731 O. glomerata Haw 1830/PM 7: 111. T: "Brasilia", cult. hort. soc. Lond., nd; Pf 1837/Enum. 145 gives "Mendoza", suggesting the collector was probably Gilles. NT (Kiesling, l.c.): AR, Jujuy, Cochinoca, Tinate, Totoral, 1980, Ana Dell Arciprete s.n (BACP 2166). Distr: AR (Jujuy to Nuequén), BO (Potosi, Tarija), CL (Atacama, Antofagasta); reaching 4000 m in more northerly latitudes.
Bo forming dense, tough-jointed, sometimes large cushions; seg ovoid, 2-4(-5) cm, +/-pointed, +/-etuberculate; ar c. 20, small, the upper c. 5-10 spiniferous but the uppermost 1-2 sometimes vestigial and spineless; esp 1(-2), 5 cm, narrowly flat, porrect or slightly deflexed +/- straigth; rsp 0, or occasionally 1-2, bristle-like, deflexed; fl 5 cm; pc obconic; pcar c. 15-18, those at rim bearing bristly sp 2 cm; tep broad, pale yellow, mucronate; fr globose, more bulky than seg, with deep realtively narrow umbilicus, spineless, greenish becoming pallid yellowish; sd lenticular, (2.25-)2.5-4 mm, with narrow impressed girdle, sometimes a little angular or faceted.......................................................ph 462.2-4.
A problematical taxon, confused by B+R with Tephrocactus articulatus. The above description is adapte from Iliff 2002/SPR 6: 198 and is in accordance with the current neotypification by Kiesling l.c. Although Haworth gave its provenance as "Brazilia" and was not aware or a a connection with Gilles, it must be suspected that he was the collector, as is also implied by source "Medoza" given by Pfeiffer. But so far as known, Gillies did not visit northern Argentina, and the plants there (for which alternativenames are M. hypogea and perhaps M. molfinoi) differ appreciably from those much further south. Consequently the epithet glomerata may still be misapplied.
09733 M. hypogaea (Werd) Ritt 1980/KSA 2: 386, 714, fig. 253; 07753 Tephrocactus hypogaeus (Werd) Bkbg 1934/ MDGZ 4(9): 105. B: 07100 O. hypogaea Werd in Bkbg 1931/NK 64; 1932/FR 30: 59, diagn. lat. T: AR, Salta, 3000 m, Stumer, nd. NT (Crook+Mott 1998/Brdl. 16: 136): Werd 1932/MDKG 4(3): 52, illus. Distr: AR (Jujuy, Salta), BO (Potosi).
Referred to M. glomerata by Kiesling and by Lliff but bo forming smaller clumps 15 x 15-25 cm; brseg 3 x 1.5 cm; sp 1, 4 cm, stiff, inflexible.....................................ph 463.1
- The New Cactus Lexicon. Hunt, D. 2006. -
... "Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haw.) R. Kiesling is an accepted name
This name is the accepted name of a species in the genus Maihueniopsis (family Cactaceae).
(www.theplantlist.org/tpl1.1/record/tro-5107196)
Maihueniopsis hypogaea (Werderm.) F. Ritter is a synonym of Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haw.) R. Kiesling
This name is a synonym of Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haw.) R. Kiesling.
(www.theplantlist.org/tpl1.1/record/tro-5107203)
Maihueniopsis molfinoi Speg. is a synonym of Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haw.) R. Kiesling
This name is a synonym of Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haw.) R. Kiesling.
(www.theplantlist.org/tpl1.1/record/tro-5103632)"...
Maihueniopsis glomerata (Haworth) Kiesling 1984
- Taxonomía de las Cactáceas. Lode, J. 2015.-
..."Taxonomic Notes: The species Mahuieniopsis hypogaea (Werderm.) F.Ritter is considered separately and not part of M. glomerata (following Hunt et al. 2006).
According to L. Faundez, P. Saldivia and H. Walter (pers. comms.) M. camachoi (Espinosa) F.Ritter, M. colorea (Backeb.) F.Ritter, M. domeykoensis F.Ritter, M. grandiflora F.Ritter and M. wagenknechtii F.Ritter should all be considered as separate species, however, following Hunt et al. (2006) they are treated here under M. glomerata."...
www.iucnredlist.org/details/152735/0
..."Maihueniopsis hypogaea is listed as Least Concern because it has a relatively wide range, is abundant, and there are no major threats.
The species is collected by cactus enthusiasts, but only offsets are taken, therefore the plant is not affected.
This species occurs in Argentina, in Jujuy and Salta, and in Bolivia in Potosí and Tarija. It grows at altitudes between 3,400 and 4,200 m asl."...
Imaging telescope: Stellarvue SV115T f/7
Imaging camera: QSI-683wsg
Mount: Astro-Physics 1100GTO
Focal reducer: Stellarvue SFF3-25 Large Chip Flattener
Capture software: Starkeeper.it Voyager, PHD2
Processing software: CCDStack 2+, Photoshop CS6, Noel Carboni Astronomy tools for Photoshop,
Filters: Astrodon 3nm Ha 31mm, Astrodon Tru-Balance RGB E-Series Gen 2, Astrodon E-Series Gen 2 Luminance.
Dates: Feb. 28, 2019, March 1, 2019, March 2, 2019
Frames:
Astrodon 3nm Ha 31mm: 24x1200" -20C bin 1x1
Astrodon E-Series Gen 2 Luminance: 45x300" -20C bin 1x1
Astrodon Tru-Balance RGB E-Series Gen 2: 45x300" -20C bin 1x1
Integration: 15.5 hours
RA center: 156.236 degrees
DEC center: -57.858 degrees
Pixel scale: 1.392 arcsec/pixel
Orientation: 89.700 degrees
Field radius: 0.800 degrees
Location: AstroTerip, Murrindindi Shire, Victoria, Australia
Status update :D
1) any Leo Dress
2) Miss Retro Mama (not my photo). She is the only Trani Doll Missing from my Crew (Not my Photo)
3) any Blythe Dress made by HuckleBerry Jackson
4) a custom From Crafting With Love (Not my photo...I hope you don't mind...your work is amazing)
5) a Mimsy Bear Hat
6) A Stelina Boiled wool coat
7) A Custom by Monica/Monlib1
8) a Lalatroop Hat: one of the new fresh and funky Neon Colored ones (Not My Photo, I hope you don't mind your hats are too cute for words)
9) any MforMonkey Smock (Not my Photo....I hope you don't mind your work with plaid is freakin' genius. The cut of the print the tiny details......it all equals amazing)
10) Blythe Casual Affair (Not my Photo)
11) Dust of Dolls 10cm BJD, krot këte (Not my Photo but a homage to great dolly Art)
12) Blythe Middie, Melomelomew (Not my Photo)
13) To Go to BlythCon EU 2013, Barcelona
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Register's Annual Great Bicycle Ride Across Iowa
RAGBRAI logo
Event logo
Status Active
Frequency Annually
Venue Varies
Location(s) State of Iowa
Country United States
Years active 44
Inaugurated August 26, 1973
Founder John Karras and Donald Kaul
Activity Bicycling
Sponsor The Des Moines Register
Website ragbrai.com
RAGBRAI is an acronym and registered trademark for the Register's Annual Great Bicycle Ride Across Iowa, which is a non-competitive bicycle ride organized by The Des Moines Register, which goes across the U.S. state of Iowa from west to east, that draws recreational riders from across the United States and many foreign countries.[1] First held in 1973, RAGBRAI is the largest bike-touring event in the world.[2]
Description
Riders begin at a community on Iowa's western border and ride to a community on the eastern border, stopping in towns across the state. The ride is one week (seven days) long, ending on the last Saturday of July each year, after beginning on the previous Sunday. The earliest possible starting date is July 19 and the latest is July 25.
RAGBRAI holds an annual lottery which selects 8,500 week-long riders. The lottery is held beginning November 15 of the previous year and until April 1. Random computer selection determines the participants. A registration form is available on the RAGBRAI web site and can either be entered online or printed and mailed to the Des Moines Register. Entrants are notified by email on May 1 as to the lottery results. There are also passes on a first come, first served basis for 1,500 day riders; these are limited to three per person. Additionally, Iowa bicycle clubs and charters, as well as teams and groups (many from out of state), receive a number of passes for which members apply through those organizations.[1] Despite the official limits, unregistered riders have on many days swelled the actual number of riders to well over the registered number count.
RAGBRAI is open to all kinds of people
The length of the entire week's route over RAGBRAI's first 40 years from 1973 through 2012, not including the Century Loop, averaged 467.925 miles (753.052 km), with the average daily distance between host communities 67.09 miles (107.97 km).[3] Eight "host communities" are selected each year: one each for the beginning and end points, the other six serving as overnight stops from Sunday through Friday for the bicyclists. At the beginning of the ride, participants traditionally dip the rear wheels of their bikes in either the Missouri River or the Big Sioux River (depending on the starting point of the ride). At the end, the riders dip the front wheels in the Mississippi River.
The 44th ride, RAGBRAI XLIV, was held July 24-30, 2016, beginning in Glenwood and staying at Shenandoah, Creston, Leon, Centerville, Ottumwa, and Washington before ending in Muscatine. The 45th ride, RAGBRAI XLV, took place from July 23-29, 2017, beginning in Orange City, with overnight stops in Spencer, Algona, Clear Lake, Charles City, Cresco, and Waukon, before finishing in Lansing. In 2017, the "Mile of Silence," which remembers the riders that have been lost throughout the years, happened on the first day after leaving Granville. The optional 3rd Annual Gravel Loop also occurred the first day on the way to Sutherland. [4] The 46th ride, RAGBRAI XLVI, will be held from July 22-28, 2018, beginning in Onawa, with overnight stops in Denison, Jefferson, Ames, Newton, Sigourney, and Iowa City, before ending in Davenport.
Overnight stops
Main article: List of RAGBRAI overnight stops
The ride has passed through all 99 of Iowa's counties in its history. A total of 14 communities have served as the starting point, while 12 have hosted the finish and 105 other communities have been overnight hosts during the week of the ride.
An event known as the RAGBRAI Route Announcement Party is held the last part of January to release the names of the overnight towns. The route is fleshed out in the following weeks and is announced in the Register and the RAGBRAI web site in early March. Even after then, changes to the route have sometimes been made.[1]