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Name: Urban Entertainment Centre
City: Almere
Architect(s): William Alsop (UK)
Realization: 2004
The Urban Entertainment Centre in Almere comprises of 16,000sqm of new buildings containing shopping, pop concert hall, disco, hotel, bicycle park and associated leisure, cafe and restaurant facilities. These elements are grouped together beside a new sunken square and form an edge to the southern limit of the existing town centre.
The 'polder city' of Almere, close to Amsterdam, has grown up as a low-rise development along the lines of the English garden cities. Although the residential areas of Almere are attractive, the settlement lacks a real 'heart' and the lack of local amenities encourages people to commute to Amsterdam for entertainment. Almere has, however, something of a tradition of encouraging bold and innovative architecture and this has underpinned moves to transform the central area.
In line with the development masterplan for Almere, which envisages a process of 'intensification' for the city centre, Alsop designed a 16,000sqm waterfront entertainment centre. The Centre consists of a family of buildings grouped around a new square and elevated four metres on a unifying podium, which covers a parking area. Varied in form, the buildings use a variety of materials to create a rich new urban landscape.
At the heart of the development is the Pop Zaal, its reinforced concrete structure clad in pre-weathered zinc and steel mesh. The scale of the structure is not apparent at first sight and cloaks the various internal functions of auditorium, disco, bar and ancillary spaces in a continuous metal skin.
The Almere Hotel is a 120 room 4-star hotel clad in cedar boarding. The hotel has a raised 'sleeping block' approximately 4,000sqm, that is lifted eight metres above street level. Below the ground plain is the car park with a direct connection to the lobby.
The 400sqm two-level entrance building is organic in shape and clad with brass. It houses the lobby, meeting rooms, a restaurant, a bar, offices, and storage spaces. Two elevators, a staircase and a services shaft connect the entrance bubble with the main accommodation component.
The square itself is a lively place, with cafes and restaurants, attractive in all seasons.
text: www.alsoparchitects.com
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+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
Due to the restrictions of the Versailles treaties, the Reichswehr was already dealing with the increasing mobilization and motorization of the army after the end of the First World War. The realization that the speed of the troop units required appropriate equipment was available early on. However, the Reichswehr suffered from financial constraints and during the Weimar Republic the industry only had limited capacity for series production of larger, armored vehicles.
Nevertheless, at that time the Sd.Kfz. 3 (unarmored half-track transport vehicle/1927), the ARW (eight-wheel car/1928) and the ZRW (ten-wheel car/1928) provided fundamental experience. The findings of these tests and the troop testing with the Sd.Kfz. 3 enabled a more precise specification of the new vehicles to be developed. The "heavy" armored cars were primarily intended for the reconnaissance units of the new armored forces.
The incipient rearmament could only start with a "cheap" solution, though. A three-part armored structure for the chassis of commercially available off-road trucks was developed by the Army Weapons Office, Dept. WaTest 6, in cooperation with the company Deutsche Eisenwerke AG. The typical truck chassis featured front-wheel steering and a driven bogie at the rear (4x6 layout). In June 1929, the companies Magirus, Daimler-Benz and Büssing-NAG were commissioned to develop the desired armored car from it. If you consider that this truck class was developed for a payload of 1.5t, you can already conclude from this that the vehicles, which are now equipped with a significantly heavy armored structure, had little off-road mobility. Even if the appearance of the vehicles supplied by the different manufacturers was similar, there were external distinguishing features by which the manufacturer could be identified. The vehicles were tested in the Reichswehr from 1932 and introduced later.
One of the four crew members (driver, commander, gunner, radio-operator) was used as a reverse driver: with the narrow streets of the time and a turning circle of between 13 and 16m, this function was essential for a truck-sized heavy reconnaissance vehicle. The chassis had the excellent ladder-type configuration, able to withstand the stress of rough rides at high speed. The scout car was 5570 mm long, 1820 mm wide, 2250 mm high and weighed 5.35, 5.7 or 6 tons, depending on the manufacturer. The hull was made of welded steel armor, 5 to 14.5 mm (0.2-0.57 in) thick depending on the angle (bottom to front) with well-sloped plates. The armament consisted of a 2 cm KwK 30 with 200 rounds and a MG 13 with 1300 rounds in a manually operated turret. The fuel supply was 90, 105 or 110 liters, but with a consumption of about 35 or 40 liters per 100 km, this resulted in a completely inadequate range for a scout car.
Having no true alternatives at hand, the armored 4x6 car was accepted and became known as the Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-wheel), and it was subsequently developed into two more vehicles. Up until 1937, 123 vehicles were built as Sd.Kfz. 231 reconnaissance cars and Sd.Kfz. 232 radio trucks. A further 28 were manufactured as Sd.Kfz. 263 (Panzerfunkwagen) command vehicles.
As early as 1932, after testing the pilot series, it was clear that the interim solution of "cheap" 6-wheel vehicles would not meet the future requirements of the armored divisions now planned. It was planned that from 1935/36 at least 18 vehicles of a new type that would meet the requirements for off-road mobility and high road speeds should be produced annually. Büssing-NAG had obviously made a good impression with the ARW and was now commissioned to make the revised vehicle ready for series production, which would become the SdKfz. 231 (8-Rad). The overall concept was completed between 1934 and 1935 and already showed all the features of the future type: all 8 wheels driven and steered, the same speed forwards and backwards, ability to change direction in less than 10 seconds, and a turning circle of "only" 10.5m. The vehicle layout was changed, too: the engine bay was relocated to the rear, the crew compartment was placed at the front end. This improved weight distribution, handling, and the field of view for the main forward driver.
The purpose of the new vehicles was identical to that of the earlier heavy 6-wheel vehicles, they were used on the same sites and so the same ordnance inventory designation was adopted, despite the vehicle’s many modifications. The so-called Sd.Kfz. 231 (8-Rad) was armed, corresponding to its 6-Rad counterpart, with a 2cm KwK 30 and the MG 13 (later MG 34) in a rotating turret. Likewise, the Sd.Kfz. 232 (8-Rad) carried a large, curved bow antenna, and there was a Sd.Kfz. 263 (8-Rad) command vehicle, too.
Nevertheless, the Army Weapons Office demanded a short-term solution for a vehicle based on the 4x6 chassis that offered better off-road performance and armament, namely a 37 mm anti-tank gun, with at least comparable range and armor protection. This interim vehicle was supposed to be ready for service in early 1934. Magirus accepted the challenge and proposed the Sd.Kfz. 241, a 4x8 vehicle. It retained the old overall 6-Rad layout with the front engine under a long bonnet, but it had a fourth steered axle added to lower ground pressure and improve the vehicle’s trench bridging capabilities. The powered two rear axles retained the 6-Rad’s twin wheels, so that the vehicle stood on a total of twelve tires with a relatively large footprint. The armored hull was very similar to the Sd.Kfz. 231 6-Rad, but carried a new, bigger turret with a 3.7 cm KwK 30 L/45 gun and an axis-parallel 7.92 mm MG 34 light machine gun.
The box-shaped turret exploited the hull’s width to the maximum and had a maximum armor of 15 mm, no base and the seat of the commander was attached to the tower wall. The commander sat elevated under a raised cupola in the rear section of the turret, just behind the main gun. He had five viewing slits protected by glass blocks and steel slides for all-round visibility. The gunner/loader, standing to the left of the main gun, had to constantly follow the movement of the turret, which was done by hand. In order to support the gunner when slewing the turret, the commander had an additional handle on the right side. The two crew members also had a turret position indicator.
The cannon was fired electrically via a trigger, the machine gun was operated mechanically with a pedal. To aim and view the outside, the gunner had a gun sight to the left of the gun with an opening in the gun mantlet. Standard access to the vehicle was through low double-doors in the vehicle’ flank, but side exit openings in the turret with two flaps each were also frequently used to board it. Another entry was through the commander cupola’s lid.
With all this extra hardware, the Sd.Kfz. 241’s overall weight rose considerably from the late Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad) nearly 6 tons to 7.5 tons. As a consequence, the chassis had to be reinforced and a more powerful engine was used, a 6-cylinder Maybach HL 42 TRKM w carburetor gasoline engine with 4170 cc capacity and 100 hp (74 kW) output at 3000 rpm.
As expected, the Sd.Kfz. 241 was not a success. Even though the first vehicles were delivered in time in mid-1934, its operational value was rather limited. Off-road capability was, due to the extra weight, the raised center of gravity and the lack of all-wheel drive, just as bad as the 6-Rad vehicles, and the more powerful engine’s higher fuel consumption allowed neither higher range, despite bigger fuel tanks, nor a better street performance. The only real progress was the new 3.7 cm KwK 30’s firepower, which was appreciated by the crews, even though the weapon was only effective against armored targets at close range. At 100 m, 64 mm of vertical armor could be penetrated, but at 500 m this already dropped to 31 mm, any angle in the armor weakened its hitting power even further. The weapon’s maximum range was 5.000m, though, and with HE rounds the Sd.Kfz. 241 could provide indirect fire support. Another factor that limited the vehicle’s effectiveness was that the gun had to be operated by a single crew member who had to load and aim at the same time – there was simply not enough space for a separate loader who would also have increased the gun’s rate of fire from six to maybe twelve rounds per minute. The vehicle’s armor was also inadequate and only gave protection against light firearms, but not against machine guns or heavier weapons. On the other side, the cupola on top of the turret offered the commander in his elevated position a very good all-round field of view, even when under full protection – but this progressive detail was not adopted for the following armored reconnaissance vehicles and remained exclusive to German battle tanks.
Only a total of fifty-five Sd.Kfz. 241s were completed by Magirus in Cologne until 1936, when production of the Sd.Kfz. 231 (8-Rad) vehicle family started and soon replaced the Sd.Kfz. 241, which was primarily operated at the Eastern Front in Poland and Czechoslovakia. By 1940, no Sd.Kfz. 241 was left in any frontline army unit, but a few survivors were grouped together and handed over to police units. Their main gun was either completely deleted or sometimes replaced with a second machine gun, and they were used for urban patrols and riot control duties. However, by 1942, no Sd.Kfz. 241 was left over.
Specifications:
Crew: Four (commander, gunner, driver, radio operator/rear driver)
Weight: 7.5 tons (11.450 lb)
Length: 5,85 metres (19 ft 2 in)
Width: 2,20 metres (7 ft 2 ½ in)
Height: 2,78 metres (9 ft 1 in)
Ground clearance: 28.5 cm (10 in)
Suspension: Torsion bar and leaf springs
Fuel capacity: 150 litres (33 imp gal; 40 US gal)
Armor:
8–15 mm (0.31 – 0.6 in)
Performance:
Maximum road speed: 70 km/h (43.5 mph)
52 km/h (32.3 mph) backwards
Operational range: 250 km (155 miles)
Power/weight: 13 PS/ton
Engine:
Maybach HL42 TRKM water-cooled straight 6-cylinder petrol engine with 100 hp (74 kW),
driving the rear pair of axles
Transmission:
Maybach gearbox with 5-speed forward and 4-speed reverse
Armament:
1× 37 mm KwK 30 L/45 cannon with 70 rounds
1× 7.92 mm MG 34 machine gun mounted co-axially with 1.300 rounds
The kit and its assembly:
This fictional armored car was inspired by a leftover rear axles from an Italeri Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad) model that I converted into a fictional half-track variant some time ago. I wondered if the set could be transplanted under an 8-Rad chassis, to create a kind of missing link to the 8x8 successors of the Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad) with a total of twelve tires on four axles.
The basis became a First to Fight 1:72 Sd.Kfz. 231 (8-Rad) kit – a rather simple and robust affair, apparently primarily intended for tabletop purposes. But the overall impression is good, and it would be modified, anyway, even though the plastic turned out to be rather soft/waxy and the parts’ sprue attachment points a bit wacky.
The hull was “turned around” to drive backwards, so that its rear engine ended up in the front. I eventually only used the rear twin wheels from the Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad), but not its single axles and laminated springs. Instead, I first cut the OOB mudguards in two halves, removed their side skirts and glued them onto the lower hull in reversed order, so that the exhausts and their muffler boxes would end up at the rear of the front fenders. With these in place I checked the axles’ position from the OOB ladder chassis, which is a single, integral part, and found that the rear axles’ position had to be moved by 2mm backwards. Cutting the original piece and re-arranging it was easier to scratch a new rear suspension, and the rocker bars had to be shortened to accept the wider twin wheels.
The original small turret with the 20 mm autocannon was deleted and replaced with core elements from a Panzer III turret, left over from previous conversion projects. Wider than any original turret of the Sd.Kfz. 231/232 family, it had to be narrowed by roughly 5mm – I had to cut a respective plug from the turret’s and the mantlet’s middle section, the deformed hatch was covered under a Panzer III commander cupola. To mate the re-arranged turret with the OOB adapter plate to mount it onto the hull, and to add overall stability to the construction, I filled the interior with 2C putty.
The typical storage bin at the turret’s rear was omitted, though, it would have made it too large for the compact truck chassis. The shape was a perfect stylistic match, even though, with the longer gun barrel, the vehicle reminds a lot of the Soviet BA-10 heavy armored car?
Most small details like the bumpers and the headlights were taken OOB, I added a whip antenna base at the rear and mounted two spare wheels at the back, one of them covered with a tarpaulin (made from paper tissue drenched with white glue, this was also used to create the gun mantlet seals).
Painting and markings:
Typical for German vehicles from the early WWII stages the Sd.Kfz. 241 was painted Panzergrau (RAL 7021; I used Humbrol 67, which is authentic, but mixed it with some 125 to create a slightly lighter shade of grey) overall - quite dull, but realistic. To make the vehicle look more interesting, though, I added authentic contemporary camouflage in the form of low-contrast blotches with RAL 8017, a very dark reddish brown, mixed from Humbrol 160 and some 98. Better, but IMHO still not enough.
After the model received a washing with highly thinned red-brown acrylic artist paint I applied the few decals and gave the parts an overall dry-brushing treatment with grey and dark earth. Everything was sealed with matt acrylic varnish. For even more “excitement”, I decided to add a coat of snow.
For the simulated “frosting” I used white tile grout – which has the benefits of being water-soluble, quite sturdy to touch and the material does not yellow over time like gypsum.
First, the wheels, the chassis and the inside of the wheel arches received a separate treatment with relatively dryly mixed tile grout, simulating snow and dirt clusters. Once thoroughly dried, the wheels were mounted. Then the model was sprayed with low surface tension water and loose tile grout was drizzled over hull and turret, creating a flaky coat of fake snow. Once dry again, everything received another coat of matt acrylic varnish to protect and fixate everything further.
A relatively quick build, done in a few days. The First to Fight kit is very simple and went together well, but I’d use something else the next time due to the odd material it was molded with. The outcome of an 4x8 scout car looks quite plausible, though, like the missing link between the Sd.Kfz. 231 and 232 – the unintended similarity with the Soviet BA-10 heavy armored car was a bit surprising, though. And the snow on the model eventually makes it look a bit more interesting, the stunt was worth the effort.
I have come to the realization that the intense stare from a gorilla is really quite scary!!!!
This Momma Gorilla and her oh so gorgeous baby gave us the most vicious looking stare I'd seen from an animal... perhaps its was because they were behind the wall and not the other way round.....
Another shot from Belfast Zoo in the summer. I particularly liked the result of this shot, even though Momma is out of focus, you can still make out her disapproving frown :)
I'm apologising to you all for not having time to comment on your photos of late... and I'm afraid I won't get a chance until after Christmas... I do want to thank you all for the wonderful support and appreciation you have for my work.
I will get another couple of photos up before Christmas (hopefully a few seasonal ones) and will wish you all a merry Christmas then... For today (unfortunately I'm at work) I hope you all have a great Saturday and a stress free weekend :)
Hey, Little One...I can't lie. I'm terrified to be your mom. There is so much I need to learn about raising you from within my womb until you are an adult. But I'm willing to try and I'm ready to meet you.
this was another quicky.. was so exhausted last night and fell asleep early.
this past week has been really hard with my son's tantrums.. and we are trying to figure out how to help him work through his emotions and find some peace. so we have made some changes.. limiting tv time.. and making sure there is no violence in any programs.. my fault for not recognizing that 'kung fu panda' might have been too much for him. i feel so horribly for that because he really liked it..but it is majorly violent.
i believe that much of sickness and disease can come from not properly working through our emotions.. when we stuff things inside they can end up doing physical and emotional damage.. and with the little ones, they might not even know what they are feeling and many things are overwhelming. lesson learned but i feel like an idiot!
:(
Sometimes, some people think to be so much important that they are sure to be waited for indefinitely.
Hasselblad 500C/M + Zeiss Planar 80mm f/2.8 + Ilford FP4 125 (expired since 1983) + Ilford ID-11 + Epson V700 Scan (No photoshop except from dust)
Bruno Servant © All rights reserved - Downloading and using images without permission is illegal. PoissonSoluble92@hotmail.fr
During Andared's journey north, he discovered that the war had ended. This pleased Andared, all the more so when he found out that the Loreesi were going to pay war damages in in recompense for their actions. He was so happy, in fact, that he decided to ride to the northern coast of Lenfald to watch the sun set, his anxiety relieved at last.
What he saw when he arrived, he would never forget. Freshly dug, the graves of three Lenfel soldiers lay before him. They faced away from the sea and her cliffs. The soldier's swords lay across their graves, while a solitary flag flew above them.
Andared fell to his knees, and wept.
Before him, lay the true picture of war. There was no glory in it. No fame. The hollow victory they had "won" was lying six feet in the ground.
Andared's hands shook as he imagined the hundreds of scattered graves that these represented. The men and women who had given their lives in a meaningless war. A war that had changed nothing other than leaving a king and hundreds of his subjects in graves.
His thoughts turned to the Loreesi. His immediate reaction was anger, hatred. Then he saw the faces of the men he had slaughtered just a day before. One by one, their bloodied and horror-stricken faces danced before him. These men had been no threat to him. Had they been given the choice all of them would have surrendered. But instead, they were brutally murdered. He had laid aside mercy and callously ordered their execution.
More tears streamed down Andared's face as he thought of the wives who would never see their husbands. The mothers who would have to answer the fatherless children who begged to know "Why?".
Trembling, Andared raised his head toward heaven and cried out.
"Forgive me! I who could not show grace, beg to receive it. All I could see in them was evil and murder. Now I realize, I was the murderer. I beg you, forgive me!"
But the silent graves could not reply...
---------
My entry to the Local Challenge Contest 8 in the Lenfald faction.
Statue of Sir Adam Beck on University Avenue at Queen Street West. Toronto, Canada. Spring afternoon, 2021. Pentax K1 II.
A biography of Sir Adam Beck: www.biographi.ca/en/bio/beck_adam_15E.html
BECK, Sir ADAM, manufacturer, horseman, politician, office holder, and philanthropist; b. 20 June 1857 in Baden, Upper Canada, son of Jacob Friedrich Beck and Charlotte Josephine Hespeler; m. 7 Sept. 1898 Lillian Ottaway in Hamilton, Ont., and they had a daughter; d. 15 Aug. 1925 in London, Ont.
The Prometheus of Canadian politics during the first quarter of the 20th century, Sir Adam Beck brought the inestimable benefit of cheap electric light and power to the citizens of Ontario through a publicly owned utility, the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario. He had to fight continuously to build Hydro, as it came to be called, but supported by municipal allies he succeeded in creating one of the largest publicly owned integrated electric systems in the world. Brusque and overbearing, he made many enemies in the process, even amongst his friends, as he rammed his projects forward, frequently over the objections of the governments he notionally served. His ruthless determination to expand Hydro, with little regard to the cost, led eventually to a movement to rein him in. He spent his last years pinned down before three public inquiries as lawyers, accountants, and political adversaries picked over every Hydro expenditure. These public humiliations broke his spirit but failed to diminish his enormous popularity. Adam Beck more than any other public figure in Ontario reshaped the institutional life of the province by making electricity a public utility and legitimizing, through his accomplishments, public ownership as an effective instrument of policy throughout Canada.
Beck came from an enterprising immigrant family of builders and makers. In 1829 Frederick and Barbara Beck had emigrated from the Grand Duchy of Baden (Germany) to upstate New York, and then had moved to the Pennsylvania Dutch community of Doon (Kitchener) in Upper Canada, where they settled on a farm and built a sawmill. Their son Jacob, who had stayed behind to work first as a doctor’s apprentice and later in the mills and locomotive works of Schenectady, joined them in 1837. A few miles from his parents, in Preston (Cambridge), he opened a foundry. When fire destroyed it, his friends rallied and he was able to rebuild bigger than before. His first wife, Caroline Logus, whom he married in January 1843, died soon after the birth of a son, Charles. In 1843 Beck had recruited a skilled iron moulder from Buffalo, John Clare (Klarr), to join him; Clare would cement the alliance by marrying his sister in September 1845. With Clare and another partner (Valentine Wahn) running the business, Beck returned to tour his homeland, where he met Charlotte Hespeler, the sister of his Preston neighbour, merchant-manufacturer Jacob Hespeler. When Charlotte came out to Canada, she and Beck were wed, in October 1845; a daughter, Louisa, was born in 1847, followed by two sons, George and William. In a move typical of his venturing spirit, Jacob suggested relocating his company closer to the projected line of the Grand Trunk Railway, but Clare refused. So in 1854 Beck dissolved the partnership and bought 190 acres on the route of the railway ten miles west of Berlin (Kitchener). There he laid out a town-site, which he named Baden, and built a foundry, a grist mill, and a large brick house. Beck’s businesses flourished on the strength of iron orders from the railway, and a brickyard and machine shop were eventually added. It was in this thriving hamlet that Adam Beck was born in 1857.
Adam passed a bucolic childhood exploring the edges of the millpond with his brothers, poking about the sooty recesses of the foundry with the workmen, and horseback-riding with his sister. He was sent off to attend William Tassie*’s boarding school in Galt (Cambridge), where he showed no particular distinction; a slow and indifferent student, he preferred riding to reading. His formal education ended at Rockwood Academy, near Guelph. On his return to Baden, his father, who abhorred idleness, set him to work as a groundhog (a moulder’s apprentice) in the foundry. It was said by those who knew Adam that he inherited his enterprising spirit, his determination and visionary ability, and some of his sternness from his father, and a love of public service from his mother. Adam’s career as a moulder came to an end with the failure of his father’s businesses in 1879. At age 63 Jacob Beck, unbowed, started afresh once again, this time as a grain merchant in Detroit. Louisa and the youngest members of the family, Jacob Fritz and Adam, accompanied their parents; one of the older boys, William, stayed in Baden to run the cigar-box manufactory he had started in 1878. Adam returned to work briefly in Toronto as a clerk in a foundry and then as an employee in a cigar factory. With $500 in borrowed money, he joined William and their cousin William Hespeler in a cigar-box factory in Galt in 1881. Hespeler eventually left the partnership, but the two Becks persisted and built a modestly successful business. In 1884, with the inducement of a five-year tax exemption and free water, they moved their works to London, Ont., to be closer to the centre of the province’s cigar-making industry. William left soon afterwards to open a branch in Montreal and for a time Adam worked in partnership with his brother George; from 1 Jan. 1888 Adam was the sole proprietor of William Beck and Company, which later became the Beck Manufacturing Company Limited.
Cigar boxes would appear to be a fragile basis on which to build a fortune or a political career. The smoking of cigars, however, was a major rite of male sociability during the Victorian era. Earlier in the century cigars consumed in Canada had originated in Germany and later they came from the United States. The imposition of the National Policy tariff of 25 per cent on rolled cigars but not on tobacco leaf led to the migration of the industry to Canada. London was one of the first major centres where the leaf grown in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin entered the dominion, and it was there and in Montreal [see Samuel Davis*] that the domestic cigar-making business took root. In London the industry would reach its peak around 1912, when 22 companies, employing 1,980 workers, produced more than 20 million cigars. Situated on Albert Street, the Beck factory was essentially a veneer plant. Cedar logs and specialty woods from Spain and Mexico arrived by rail, were stored in the yard for seasoning, and then were peeled into strips to make not only cigar boxes but also cheese boxes and veneer for furniture and pianos. Toiling side by side with his workers (25 in 1889, rising to 125 in 1919), Beck built a thriving business, taking orders, setting up equipment, manhandling logs, and wheeling the finished boxes to customers. (He himself was a non-smoker, an enduring fatherly influence.) Eventually the company supplied all of the main cigar makers with the boxes, labels, and bands in which their products were shipped. Until he was 40, business was Adam Beck’s main preoccupation.
In the years after 1897 he emerged much more prominently in public life. He got out more, married, offered himself for public office, and turned the management of his firm over to his brother Jacob. An avid sportsman, he had played baseball as a boy; in London he played tennis and lacrosse and, with a group of bachelors, organized a toboggan club. On the advice of his doctor he took up riding again for relaxation. But nothing with Adam Beck could ever be just a recreation – he quickly became a breeder of racehorses and a competitive jumper. His social life revolved around the London Hunt Club where, in 1897, he became master of the hounds, a post he would hold until 1922. A mutual love of horses and riding brought the muscular Beck and the slim, strikingly beautiful Lillian Ottaway together at a jumping meet; she was 23 years his junior. After a whirlwind courtship they were married in 1898 at Christ’s Church Anglican Cathedral in Hamilton. Lillian, who had been raised in Britain, spoke with a slight English accent, had a lovely soprano voice, rode with gusto, and carried herself regally. Her mother, Marion Elizabeth Stinson*, from a wealthy Hamilton family, had married an English barrister, who died before Lillian was born. At 18 Lillian returned to Canada when her mother married a prominent Hamilton lawyer. After a honeymoon tour of Europe, Beck triumphantly brought his bride to London, Ont., where they promptly acquired the most ostentatious house in the city, Elliston, the estate of Ellis Walton Hyman*, and proceeded to make it even grander, with his and hers stables, under a new name, Headley. From being a sporting, business-possessed bachelor, Beck, with his young wife on his arm, moved effortlessly into the very centre of London society. She sang in the cathedral choir, their house and grounds were the envy of the city, and they made a romantic and devoted couple at dinners and hunt club affairs. Winston Churchill stayed with them on his lecture tour of 1900-1, as did Governor General Lord Minto [Elliot*] and Lady Minto in 1903.
As Adam Beck came out into society, he developed an interest in public life. In provincial politics London had long been a Conservative fief – William Ralph Meredith held the seat from 1872 to 1894. The Liberals captured it in a by-election when Meredith was appointed to the bench. At the next general election, in March 1898, Beck entered the lists for the Conservatives, ultimately falling 301 votes short of beating the Liberal Francis Baxter Leys. Although he perhaps should not have expected a better result, having no previous political experience or strong organization, he left the field feeling slightly wounded. Nevertheless, his political energies were channelled into the Victoria Hospital Trust, to which he was appointed by the city in 1901. Here he scandalized supporters with his aggressive approach towards patients’ rights, his attacks on hospital inefficiency, and his hands-on way of managing repairs economically. It is said that Beck, realizing that he was not likely to be reappointed, ran for mayor to outflank his opposition. In any case, he offered himself and was elected in January 1902. Making few promises, preferring instead to be judged by his works, he plunged into the first of what would be three one-year terms. His administration was marked by a vigorous, reforming tone that discomfited the aldermanic coterie. He promoted civic beautification by offering a prize from his own purse for a garden competition. He persuaded the city to take over the operation of the London and Port Stanley Railway when the private operator’s lease expired. He cleaned out the fire department, promoted public health, and became involved in the leadership of the Union of Canadian Municipalities, whose annual convention he brought to London in 1904. Beck thus learned the political craft at the top of local politics, as a mayor without a long apprenticeship. He entered public life as an oppositionist, a critic who used his personal popularity to drive his reluctant colleagues forward and to cleanse the municipal stables. Despite his class position as a manufacturer, in politics he developed the style of a populist champion of the ordinary citizen against the establishment. Although one might have glimpsed intimations of his future in these London years, it would have required an extremely vivid imagination to see in this maverick local politician the system-building Napoleon of provincial politics that history would know as Sir Adam Beck.
In the election of May 1902 the leader of the Conservative party, James Pliny Whitney*, encouraged Beck to run again, with the offer of a cabinet post. Although the party as a whole was unsuccessful, the popular Beck beat Francis Leys by 131 votes and thus, for the next two and a half years, he would serve as both mayor and mpp of London. It was in his capacity as mayor of a southwestern Ontario industrial city that he came in contact with a group of activists from his home district of Waterloo County who had become agitated by the hydroelectric power question. Led by the manufacturer Elias Weber Bingeman Snider and the enthusiast Daniel Bechtel Detweiler, the anxious businessmen and municipal politicians of the industrial centres of the Grand River valley had begun to organize themselves to obtain Niagara power that they believed would otherwise go to Toronto and Buffalo. They had met in 1902 to study the situation, and then formed common cause with the politicians of Toronto concerned about private monopoly. At first they hoped the provincial government could be persuaded to undertake the distribution of cheap power to the municipalities. Talks with the Liberal premier, George William Ross*, who refused to take on the inevitable debt, convinced them that if they wanted control over electrical distribution they would have to do the job themselves. Beck went as an observer to the first meeting of this group, the Berlin Convention of February 1903, a gathering of 67 delegates representing all of the main towns and cities in southwestern Ontario; he came away an active convert to municipal intervention. In response to this public pressure, in June the Ross government passed legislation (drafted by Snider) authorizing a commission of investigation to explore the possibilities of cooperative municipal action and a statutory framework within which the municipalities could create a permanent commission to operate a distribution system. Snider was the obvious choice as chair of this Ontario Power Commission, which more frequently went by his name. Beck along with Philip William Ellis, a Toronto jewellery manufacturer and wholesaler, and William Foster Cockshutt, a Brantford farm-implements manufacturer, were chosen by the municipal delegates to serve with Snider as commissioners. Thus, in the fall of 1903, Beck began a crash course on the power question. It was a subject ideally suited to his developing temperament, and he could readily identify with the professed goals: economic electrical light and power, equity between the different manufacturing regions, and the welfare of the common people. The vision of sensible, non-partisan, and public-spirited businessmen and municipal leaders (such as himself) appealed to Beck. He could also subscribe to the implicit attack on monopoly, social privilege, and finance capitalism. This was a moral universe in which he felt right at home.
As the Snider commission began working out the details of a municipally owned hydroelectric distribution system in 1904, Beck sensed the weakness of the voluntary, cooperative structure. It lacked the authority to order the power companies to surrender sensitive information vital to the enterprise, and the municipalities could not agree on much for long. Financing a collective municipal enterprise without provincial backing would be fraught with difficulties. The more he studied the question the more he became convinced that the province would have to play a major role, not just facilitate municipal activity. This growing conviction coincided with a major shift in the political landscape. The Liberal party was losing its hold over the electorate. Rooted in rural Ontario, it had trouble coming to grips with issues important to the rapidly growing urban constituencies. The Conservatives had crept to within three seats of upsetting the Liberals in 1902. In January 1905 Whitney’s Conservatives swept to a landslide victory, capturing 69 of the 98 seats. In London, the increasingly popular Adam Beck won with a plurality of 566 votes.
The hydroelectric question had not figured prominently in the campaign. The change in government, however, catapulted Beck into a position of some influence provincially. On 8 February he was made a minister without portfolio in the new administration. After the election, Whitney grandly promised that the water-power of Niagara “should be as free as air” and be developed for the public good. “It is the duty of the Government,” Beck insisted in his populist fashion, “to see that development is not hindered by permitting a handful of people to enrich themselves out of these treasures at the expense of the general public.” To that end Whitney cancelled an eleventh-hour water-power concession granted by the Ross government and on 5 July he appointed Beck to head a hydroelectric commission of inquiry. It was empowered to take an inventory of available water-power sites, gather information on existing companies in terms of their capital costs, their operating expenses, and the prices they charged, and recommend an appropriate provincial policy with respect to the generation and distribution of hydroelectricity. Beck continued to be a member of the Snider commission but clearly he had moved on to a broader conception of the power question; he now wielded a much more powerful regulatory and investigative instrument and could act with the authority of the province. Henceforth he would be the undisputed leader of the hydro movement.
The Snider commission, which reported first, in March 1906, recommended the construction of a cooperatively owned hydroelectric system linking the major municipal utilities to generating facilities at Niagara under the control of a permanent power commission financed and managed by the subscribing municipalities. In the weeks that followed, the Beck commission, in the first of its five regional reports, and more particularly the activities of Beck himself, superseded the Snider notion of a municipal cooperative. Beck’s initial report, on Niagara and southwest Ontario, prepared the way instead for provincial action by pointing out the excessive rates charged by private power companies, and the inherent difficulties of government regulation. He gave an important speech in Guelph urging direct provincial intervention. He inspired a mass meeting of municipal representatives at Toronto city hall and, on 11 April, a demonstration on the lawn of the legislature demanding that the province empower a commission to generate, transmit, and sell power to the municipalities at the lowest possible cost, and regulate the prices charged by the private providers. Beck also orchestrated a deluge of petitions from the municipal councils. All of this effort was intended to soften up his colleagues in cabinet, most of whom harboured deep suspicions about public ownership in general and Beck’s movement in particular. The strategy worked. The Whitney government hesitantly introduced legislation on 7 May (Act to provide for the transmission of electrical power to municipalities) which, in effect, created a three-member provincial crown corporation (though it was not called that), the Hydro-Electric Power Commission. Operating outside the usual civil service constraints and with extensive powers of expropriation, this body would have full powers to purchase, lease, or build transmission facilities financed by provincial bonds. Local utilities could buy power from the commission only after municipal voters had approved the contract and the enabling financial by-law. Astonishingly, Beck’s extraparliamentary organization cowed even the opposition: the bill passed unanimously in less than a week.
In organizational terms Beck had pushed on beyond an unwieldy municipal cooperative to a provincial crown agency. In doing so he had alienated some of his friends, especially in the way he had shoved Snider aside and unilaterally appropriated studies done by the Snider commission for his own investigation. Nonetheless he had created a broad coalition of municipal activists behind his determination to build a publicly owned, provincial system. But there were many possible forms, involving different degrees of state intervention, that the organization might take. The government remained ambivalent, guarded, and internally divided. What eventually emerged as Ontario Hydro, however, was Beck’s creation over the opposition of his cabinet colleagues. On 7 June 1906 Whitney appointed Beck chairman of the new commission, as expected. Needed engineering expertise would come from Cecil Brunswick Smith. And to balance Beck’s populism and rein in his enthusiasms, Whitney also persuaded a reluctant John Strathearn Hendrie of Hamilton to serve, Beck’s peer as a horseman, a man of his wife’s class, and a known supporter of the private power companies, among them the Hamilton Electric Light and Cataract Power Company Limited [see John Patterson*].
The private interests, especially the group promoting the only Canadian firm at Niagara, the Electrical Development Company of Ontario Limited from Toronto, having failed in their first attempts to derail Beck, now bent their minds to seeking some reasonable accommodation with the government. There were many in the cabinet, the premier included, who were sympathetic to this point of view. The Electrical Development Company was in a precarious financial position; a collapse would be a costly blot on the province. Whitney insisted that every consideration be given the company in negotiating the contract for power in early 1907 with the winning bidder, the American-based Ontario Power Company, and then with respect to the construction of the transmission line. In each case negotiations failed. The premier did not conceive of his policy as a guerre à outrance against the private interests. He believed in talking tough, but in the end was willing to come to terms. Unlike Beck, Whitney was a practitioner of brokerage politics. Beck, a newly formed ideologue, was not prepared to bargain away what had formed in his mind as a just alternative to private control. It was possible that neither of them knew the truth about themselves, though in time they came to a realization of their honest differences. For his part Beck had to manoeuvre against the wishes of his premier and colleagues in cabinet. From their point of view he could be unpleasant, ruthless, even unprincipled. He would change his mind without notice, withhold information, go back on deals, and alternately retreat in a sulk or play the rude bully.
Beck proved a formidable champion. The Toronto market was a key element in his grand scheme. Without access, which the city wanted, he could not deliver cheap electricity to southwestern towns, but Toronto’s system was controlled by the Electrical Development Company. In the resulting contest over a proposed by-law to fund a municipal network powered by Hydro, Beck’s emotional, simplistic rhetoric was a telling factor. He also profited from the ineptitude and arrogance of his corporate opponents in Electrical Development, Frederic Nicholls, Sir Henry Mill Pellatt*, and William Mackenzie, whose financial reputations had already taken a beating from the royal commission on life insurance in 1906. During the winter of 1907-8 by-laws endorsing the contracts with Ontario Hydro were approved by municipal ratepayers with huge majorities in Toronto and elsewhere. Hydro policy also proved extremely popular in the election of June 1908, in which the government increased both its popular vote and its number of seats. Beck now had a dual mandate from the municipal and provincial electorates. When a desperate Mackenzie amalgamated several enterprises into one utility in 1908 and then belatedly attempted to forestall provincial ownership with a counterproposal to build the system and distribute power under government regulation, the offer came too late. The government had gone so far it could not safely turn back; a publicly owned transmission company would have to be created. Mackenzie and his colleagues had played the game badly and when they lost, after having been given every possible consideration, they turned viciously on Beck and the government. Their quixotic campaign to undermine provincial credit in British financial circles, and then to seek disallowance in Ottawa of key Hydro legislation, served only to bring Whitney and Beck closer together and solidify the political foundations of Ontario Hydro.
Using electricity generated by the Ontario Power Company, the Hydro-Electric Power Commission became an operating entity in a series of theatrical turning-on ceremonies that began in the fall of 1910 and continued into 1911 as successive towns and cities were wired into the grid. Each of these civic festivals became an opportunity for Beck to recount the triumph of public power over private greed. His hostility towards the private power companies, who were now his competitors, and his shameless self-promotion as the champion of “The People’s Power,” deeply troubled his colleagues. Moreover, his independent conduct raised awkward questions about the precise relationship between the management of Hydro and the government. Before the election of December 1911 Whitney floated a trial balloon, suggesting that the time had come to make Hydro a department of government, under the full control of the cabinet. Beck did not openly attack the proposal, but once he was acclaimed in his own seat and the government was re-elected, his municipal allies, acting through the Ontario Municipal Electric Association, formed in early 1912, launched an aggressive campaign on his behalf; it not only supported Beck as chairman of a quasi-independent commission, but also (in February) brought him a handsome $6,000 salary, without requiring his resignation from the legislature.
With this vote of confidence from the people and somewhat more reluctantly from the premier, Beck struggled within a competitive environment to build Hydro through dramatic price cutting and political showmanship. In his campaign to expand consumption Beck became an electrical Messiah: in speeches and publicity he extolled the power of abundant cheap light to brighten the homes of working people; cheap electricity would create more jobs in the factories of the province; hydro would lighten the drudgery of the barn and the household; and electric railways radiating out from the cities into the countryside would create more prosperous, progressive farms even as light and power made brighter, cleaner cities. With his famous travelling exhibits of the latest electrical appliances (popularly called circuses), rural tests, and local Hydro stores (where household appliances were on display), and in parade floats, newspaper and magazine advertisements, and a host of speeches, Beck presented public hydro as an elixir, but he was no snake-oil salesman. He understood the economics of the electric industry better than his competitors or his critics. Along with utilities magnate Samuel Insull of Chicago, Beck realized that the more electricity he could sell, the cheaper it would cost to acquire. It was a difficult lesson to teach. He even had to browbeat some of the more fiscally conservative municipal utilities, most notably the Toronto Hydro-Electric Power Commission, to pass the lower rates on to consumers. In the process he continued to expand his publicly owned system at the expense of his private competitors.
In Toronto and across the province, Beck acquired a more ardent following than the government itself. At home he and his family continued to rise in public esteem. London’s municipal electric utility, which received its first hydro from Niagara in 1910, became a model for progressive business promotion and Beck loyalism. Personally Beck maintained an active interest in civic politics. When the water commissioners proposed a treatment facility to take more water from the tainted Thames River, he boldly promised to find enough clean fresh water in artesian wells. The city took him up on this offer, voting $10,000 for the purpose. In 1910 Beck drilled the wells, installed electrical pumps, and brought the project in on time and on budget, or rather, he absorbed the excess costs himself. In two grand gestures Beck brought light and water to the growing city in the same year.
However, it was in the field of public health that the Becks made their greatest contribution. Sometime in l907 or 1908 the Becks’ young daughter, Marion Auria, contracted tuberculosis. Her worried parents sought out the best specialists in America and in Europe. Mercifully her case responded to treatment. But the Becks became concerned for those families in their community who lacked the means to provide their children with medical care. Everyone, they believed, ought to have close access to first-class tuberculosis facilities. Accordingly, in 1909 Adam and Lillian Beck organized the London Health Association to provide a sanatorium. From local individuals and organizations they raised $10,000 (led by their own donation of $1,200), the city contributed $5,000, and the province added $4,000. On 5 April 1910 Governor General Lord Grey* opened the Queen Alexandra Sanatorium in the village of Byron, west of the city. For the rest of their lives the Becks remained deeply attached to this sanatorium and made its maintenance and expansion their passion. As president from its inception to his death in 1925 and a sometimes overbearing physical presence on the weekends, Adam Beck personally oversaw all major and even many minor renovations.
A society beauty, Lillian Beck also continued to be a fiercely competitive horsewoman. The Beck stables produced a string of outstanding hunter-class horses that won Adam and Lillian international recognition. In 1907 they competed in the Olympia Horse Show in London, England, where Lillian’s horse My Fellow won its class. To remain competitive, the Becks leased an estate in England in 1913 to maintain their equestrian operation at the highest international standards. From that time onward Lillian and Marion lived about half the year in England; Adam paid extended visits when his schedule permitted. In 1914 their prize-winning horses Melrose, Sir Edward, and Sir James were counted among the finest middleweight and heavyweight hunters in the world. The Becks also competed regularly at the National Horse Show in New York City where, in 1915, Lillian was named a judge over chauvinist protests, famously breaking down the barriers of this once exclusively male domain.
Adam Beck’s contribution to London had been publicly recognized in an unprecedented dinner given in his honour on 25 Nov. 1913. At this glittering affair, attended by 500 in the Masonic Temple, Anglican bishop David Williams* proclaimed him “incorrupt and incorruptible”; Roman Catholic bishop Michael Francis Fallon* eulogized his vision, character, and charitable works; and the mayor and city council gave him a silver candelabra and tray. While the ladies looked on from the galleries, the head-table guests were served their dinners from a small electric railway. According to the London Free Press, this banquet was “the most remarkable and spontaneous demonstration of affection and regard ever tendered a public man in London.” Visibly moved, Beck spoke briefly of his satisfaction at lightening the load of the poor, the housewife, the farmer, the merchant, and afflicted children, and pledged to carry on the fight to create a renewed citizenship based upon “service, progress and righteousness.” These local honours were crowned the following year when he received a knighthood in the king’s June honours list. He was now Sir Adam, the Power Knight, and Lillian formally became what she had long been in style, Lady Beck. Charging at fences on horseback, or driving the rapidly growing Hydro system forward, Sir Adam Beck was at the height of his power in 1914.
Re-elected by a large majority in the general election of 29 June 1914, Beck directed a major structural transformation of Hydro during his next term with fewer constraints than in the past. Whitney, who died in September, was replaced by a less adept premier, William Howard Hearst*. Beck’s nemesis, John Hendrie, resigned from the Hydro-Electric Power Commission to become lieutenant governor. Beck thus had a much freer rein, though Hearst did not include him in his cabinet. Hydro’s head set about expanding his organization with a powerful lobby, the Ontario Municipal Electric Association, zealously behind him. Beck and the regional municipalities fixed upon electric radial railways as a major force for modernization and rural reconstruction. In 1913 the Hydro Electric Railway Act and amendments to the Ontario Railway Act had prepared the way legislatively. A web of light lines that connected farms, towns, and cities and delivered transportation at cost under a public authority had enormous appeal and Beck became its most ardent hot gospeller. He managed to have the abject London and Port Stanley Railway electrified as a glowing prototype. Coincidentally the baseload of the proposed railways would greatly increase electric consumption and drive Hydro to a new stage of development as a fully integrated regional monopoly that provided hydroelectric generation, transmission, and distribution services as well as high-speed transportation. This grandiose vision of electrical modernization had commensurate costs, which Beck somewhat disingenuously managed to minimize.
In 1914 Hydro and the municipalities received legislative permission, subject to ratepayer approval, to enter into the inter-city electric railway business. By stages Hydro acquired the legal authority to generate power as well as distribute it through the purchase of a utility (Big Chute) on the Severn River and the construction of regional power stations in 1914-15 at Wasdell Falls, also on the Severn, and Eugenia Falls, near Flesherton. These were sideshows, however; the centrepiece of the proposed integrated system remained Niagara. In 1914 Hydro quietly began planning for a massive hydroelectric station there, but there was precious little water left at Niagara to turn the turbines. A treaty negotiated with the United States in 1908 limited the amount that might be diverted for power purposes; the three existing private companies at Niagara had already acquired, between them, the rights to most of the Canadian quota. Beck had made the development of the hydroelectric system into the central issue on the Ontario political agenda when conflict broke out in Europe in August 1914.
The Becks threw themselves wholeheartedly into the war effort. In 1912 the military authorities had cleverly put Adam’s organizing talents and his knowledge of horses together by naming him to a remount committee. At the outset of the war he took charge of acquiring horses for the Canadian army in the territory from Halifax to the Lakehead. In June 1915 he assumed this responsibility for the British army as well, an appointment that brought him an honorary colonelcy. Inevitably, allegations arose that his agency either paid too much for horses or acquired unsuitable remounts, but the claims were not substantiated upon investigation. Together Adam and Lillian Beck also made personal contributions to the war effort, donating all of their champion horses to the cause. General Edwin Alfred Hervey Alderson, for example, rode Sir James, Adam’s most famous horse. Lady Beck, in England for most of the war, working with the Canadian Red Cross Society, devoted herself particularly to ensuring that wounded veterans were welcomed into British country homes for their convalescence. The Queen Alexandra Sanatorium in Ontario was expanded in 1917-18 to accommodate the rehabilitation of wounded returnees. The arrangement worked well, but in the later stages of the war battle-hardened veterans began to complain about the hospital’s stern regimen, much of which was attributed to Sir Adam’s “Germanic” direction. In 1916, for his local and patriotic help, Beck had received an lld from the Western University of London, which he served as a director and later as chancellor.
At first the war had relatively little impact on Beck’s plans for Hydro. The municipal elections of January 1917, for example, revolved around the approval of by-laws for Hydro radials and vague authorization for the future generation of power at Niagara. Then the rapidly increasing power demands of wartime industrialization provided the overriding urgency, later in 1917, to overcome opposition to the purchase of one of the power companies at Niagara (Ontario Power) and forge ahead with the construction of a large diversion canal and a world-scale plant at Queenston, which would make much more efficient use of the available water. Shamelessly using the moral purpose of the war, Beck hemmed in his private competitors even more, setting the stage for their eventual acquisition, though the negotiations would be unduly drawn out, litigious, and embittered. However, war, inflation, railway nationalization, and the demands of automotive technology for better roads combined to damp enthusiasm for the radial railway project. Moreover, the problem for the Hydro-Electric Commission now was not finding ways of selling surplus power, but rather keeping up with galloping industrial, commercial, municipal, and domestic demand. When the war ended, Hydro’s transformation into an integrated utility producing as well as transmitting its own power was much closer to realization. Its corresponding administrative growth had been grandly marked by the ornate office building begun on University Avenue in Toronto in 1914 and occupied in 1916. Sir Adam had a good war, but he emerged from it a wounded politician.
From the very beginning there had been critics of the Hydro project and Beck’s management of it. Canadian private producers and British investors placed obstacles in the way during the early stages. As Hydro advanced, it attracted new critics: private power advocates from the United States, who viewed the progress of public ownership in Ontario with alarm. In 1912 a New York State committee of investigation, the Ferris committee, issued a sharply critical report. A year later a prominent American hydroelectric expert, Reginald Pelham Bolton, denounced the unorthodox financing of Hydro in An expensive experiment . . . (New York). Between 15 July and 23 Dec. 1916 James Mavor, a professor of political economy at the University of Toronto, published a devastating critique of Hydro’s lack of accountability, dictatorial methods, and tendency to subvert democracy in a series of articles in the Financial Post (Toronto), later reprinted as Niagara in politics . . . (New York, 1925).
In the final analysis Beck was his own worst enemy. His authoritarian management style invited criticism. In 1916 the provincial auditor, James Clancy, threw up his hands at Hydro’s accounting practices. Beck embarrassed his premier and government with surprises. He was not one to compromise, even with his friends. A scrapper and sometimes a bully, he intimidated his staff and his municipal allies, and regarded the government and the legislature with disdain. He was more popular and more powerful than the premier, and he acted as if he knew it. Hydro, in his mind, was bigger than any government and he was the personal embodiment of Hydro. Cautious people who wanted to know in advance how much projects would cost were battered into submission and put on his list of enemies; when the bills added up to two or three times the initial estimates, there were always convoluted exculpatory explanations. Dismissing his censors, Beck stormed ahead, fuming with rage at the conspiracies mounted against him and bristling with indignation at the slightest criticism. Even Beck’s defenders tired of his haughty, domineering ways. A frustrated Hearst, when accused by Beck of hindering Hydro’s development in the spring of 1919, rebuked Sir Adam for never taking him into his confidence, for his presumptuous attitude towards parliament, and for saddling others with responsibility for Hydro’s mounting debt. Beck responded by withdrawing his support from the government and by announcing his intention to run independently in the upcoming election.
The election of October 1919 came as a devastating blow to Beck and, potentially, to his project. As an independent in London, he was defeated by his sole opponent, Dr Hugh Allan Stevenson, the Labour candidate, who benefited from disaffected Tory votes, some nastiness about Beck’s ethnic background, and a vocal uprising amongst the returned soldiers in the Queen Alexandra Sanatorium. The timing could not have been worse. Beck’s massive Queenston hydroelectric station lay only half completed and the radial railway scheme had stalled; however, Beck’s enormous popularity, which transcended party lines, saved him. The victorious but leaderless United Farmers of Ontario initially sounded him out as a possible premier, but both sides quickly thought better of it. Although Labour strongly supported Hydro, the UFO were much more reserved, especially about Beck’s radial-railway enthusiasms; they preferred improved roads. As chairman of the Hydro-Electric Power Commission, Beck had also been an mpp and, for much of the time, a minister without portfolio. The election broke that political connection with the government in power. The eventual premier, Ernest Charles Drury*, had little choice but to keep Beck on as chairman, but he appointed a tough ex-soldier, Lieutenant-Colonel Dougall Carmichael, to the commission to keep him in line.
Over the next four years the new government and the tempestuous Power Knight remained locked in combat. For much of the time William Rothwell Plewman, a reporter for the Toronto Daily Star, acted as unofficial mediator between Hydro and the premier, who was determined that Hydro do the government’s bidding and not the other way around. On 6 July 1920 the government announced a royal commission to reconsider Beck’s radial program in light of the rising costs, disappointing experience in other jurisdictions, and technological change. Beck immediately orchestrated a campaign of resistance. In emergency meetings on the 8th at Toronto city hall and the Hydro building, for instance, the Hydro-Electric Radial Association registered its “strong disapproval” of the commission. Provincial treasurer Peter Smith responded for the government that it would not be stampeded. In July 1921 the commission, chaired by Robert Franklin Sutherland, produced a report that was highly critical of radials and recommended construction of only a much reduced system. Meanwhile, Beck had wasted valuable political capital in an acrimonious takeover of Sir William Mackenzie’s Toronto Power Company Limited and its related electric and radial companies and in fighting the City of Toronto over an eight-track entry corridor for a mammoth radial system. Characteristically, he condemned the Sutherland report in an intemperate pamphlet and urged the municipalities not to let up in their campaign. The adverse report, a hostile provincial government, and defeats for radial by-laws (particularly in Toronto) in the municipal elections of January 1922 effectively put an end to Beck’s radial dream.
Drury, concerned at the spiralling costs of the Queenston hydroelectric plant, wanted an inquiry into this project as well. At first Beck agreed. However, when his hand-picked expert, Hugh L. Cooper, questioned the design, recalculated the costs upward, and insisted upon changes in the power canal to enhance capacity, Beck rejected his advice and appointed another consulting engineer. The turbines had begun to turn on the first phase of this huge project on 29 Dec. 1921, but there seemed to be no relation between the estimates Beck presented and the mounting bills; in one year the difference amounted to $20 million. Unable to explain the situation, Colonel Carmichael offered his resignation, which the premier refused. The cost of the undertaking, now much larger, had ballooned from the initial $20 million to $84 million and counting. Drury, who had to guarantee the bonds for the over-budget project and take political responsibility for it, insisted upon a commission of inquiry with a sweeping mandate to examine the overall operations of Hydro, not just Queenston. This commission, appointed in April 1922 and chaired by Liberal lawyer Walter Dymond Gregory, became in effect an adversarial audit of Beck’s management that involved scores of witnesses, produced thousands of pages of testimony, and ran into the middle of 1923.
These political setbacks were, in some respects, the least of his problems. On 17 Oct. 1921 his beloved wife had died from complications following surgery for pancreatitis. Sir Adam and Lady Beck had been a deeply devoted couple despite their often long absences from one another. Living in the Alexandra apartments next to the Hydro building, they had only just begun to settle into life together in Toronto society. Moreover, she had been the one mellowing influence in his life. He was devastated by the loss. A widower, he was now also the single parent of a fiercely independent teenager. With the check upon his temper in a Hamilton grave, he became more difficult and erratic in the face of his daughter’s defiance and the ascendancy of those he considered to be his political enemies. These were the years of Beck’s towering, black rages.
Beck had run Hydro as a private corporation. Honest and incorruptible personally, he nevertheless paid scant attention to the niceties of accounting. He would routinely spend funds authorized for one purpose on any project he deemed in the interests of Hydro, including local by-law campaigns. For Beck the ends justified the means. Meanwhile, his vision of a provincial, publicly owned hydroelectric monopoly that served the municipal utilities and provided power at the lowest possible cost had been largely realized. In 1923 Hydro served 393 municipalities and distributed 685,000 horsepower using facilities in which over $170 million had been invested. Beck was a magnificent builder. There could be no denying his accomplishments, though, as the hearings of the Gregory commission showed, his management style, planning, political methods, and accountability to the legislature could be questioned.
The vexations suffered at the hands of the UFO government eventually drew Beck back to the bosom of the Conservative party in self-defence. In the election of June 1923 he stood as a Conservative in his old London riding. The irony of a civil servant running as a candidate in opposition to the government was not lost on Drury or the Farmers’ Sun (Toronto), but Beck managed to get away with it. This time he won with a plurality of more than 7,000 votes – a wonderful personal vindication. George Howard Ferguson*’s Conservatives swept the province, and Beck returned to cabinet in July as a minister without portfolio. Ferguson brought the Gregory inquiry to an abrupt conclusion and made much of the fact that Sir Adam’s general stewardship of Hydro had been supported in the commission’s voluminous evidence and summary reports. Beck’s probity could be stressed while quietly the government used the critical aspects of Gregory’s reports to bring Hydro more fully within the framework of financial and political accountability.
Then, just when it seemed these clouds had passed over, Beck’s personal integrity came under attack from an unexpected source. Hydro secretary E. Clarence Settell absconded with $30,000 in Hydro funds and left a blackmailing letter itemizing Sir Adam’s alleged misdeeds. When he was apprehended in October 1924 heading for the border with his mistress, he added further charges to the indictment. Wounded by Settell’s treachery, and by now a very sick man, Beck had to endure yet another inquiry as judge Colin George Snider conducted an investigation of more than 40 specific allegations having to do with the private use of automobiles, misappropriation of public money, unauthorized expenditures, conflicts of interest in tendering, and irregularities in expense records. Issued in December, Snider’s report condemned Isaac Benson Lucas’s management of Hydro’s legal department and Frederick Arthur Gaby’s conflict of interest in a dredging contract within the engineering department, but it found no evidence of serious wrongdoing by Beck. Save for a few petty mistakes in his expense accounts, the commission exonerated him. Settell went to jail for three years. Although another attempt “to get” Sir Adam, in the words of the Toronto Globe, had failed, the critics continued the battle of the books against Hydro. Beck thundered back with vigorous refutations in pamphlets that put his fighting spirit on full display. Returning to London one night by train, he gestured in some excitement to his travelling companion and long-time ally Edward Victor Buchanan, head of London’s utilities: “Look out there! The lights in the farms. That’s what I’ve been fighting for.”
The political struggle and quarrels with his daughter over her determination to marry Strathearn Hay, whom he deemed unsuitable in part because he was related to the Hendrie family, exhausted Beck, whose health and mental outlook deteriorated. It took Howard Ferguson’s intervention to persuade him to attend Marion’s wedding in January 1925. Ordered to rest by his doctors, who had diagnosed his illness as pernicious anaemia, Beck went to South Carolina for a holiday in February, and then he underwent transfusion treatment at Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore. There he brooded about his beloved Hydro, strategies for the hydroelectric development of the St Lawrence River, and the continuing machinations of the private power interests, and he grumbled that the premier and his colleagues in government were neglecting him. He was a broken man by his own admission.
In May, Beck quietly slipped back to his home in London, where he attempted to conduct Hydro business by telephone from his bedroom. He weakened rapidly over the summer and died on 15 Aug. 1925 in his 69th year. Beck’s passing shocked the province; the seriousness of his condition had not been widely understood. The death announcement occasioned a spontaneous outpouring of grief, with eulogies pouring in from every quarter. His obituaries filled pages in the newspapers. “Canada has not produced a greater man than the late Sir Adam Beck,” declared Saturday Night (Toronto) as it enshrined him in the national pantheon along with Sir John A. Macdonald*, Lord Mount Stephen [Stephen], and Sir William Cornelius Van Horne*. Ontario city halls were draped in black, the Hydro shops and offices closed in tribute, and in London business ceased for an hour. Thousands lined the streets for his funeral cortège. The ceremony at St Paul’s Anglican Cathedral, attended by all the major political figures of the province, was also broadcast over the radio. As his funeral train mournfully passed from London across Beck’s political heartland to Hamilton, where he was to be interred in Greenwood Cemetery under a granite cross beside his wife, farmers and their families paused from their toil and men swept their hats from their heads. The entire Toronto City Council attended his burial. It is a small irony that Beck lies in what he would have considered enemy ground, Hamilton, the last bastion of private power. But for once his wish to be beside his wife overcame his prejudices.
Sir Adam Beck’s death marked the end of an unusual period in Ontario politics, one in which the chairman of Hydro had exercised greater power and influence than the premier and commanded a broad-based, populist political following much stronger than any political party. In building Hydro, Beck almost succeeded in creating an institution that was a law unto itself and for a long time it would continue to demonstrate some of the characteristics of independence. He died a wealthy man with an estate valued at more than $627,000, although his manufacturing business had been in decline for some years. His salary from his chairmanship of Hydro over 20 years totalled $197,000. Some of his wealth may have come to him from his wife. After making numerous small bequests to relatives and charities, he left a trust fund of approximately half a million dollars to his daughter and her heirs.
Beck’s memory was kept alive by the Ontario Municipal Electric Association, Hydro, and the citizens of London. In 1934 Toronto and the Hydro municipalities raised a splendid monument to him that still commands University Avenue. This brooding statue, by Emanuel Otto Hahn*, and Beck’s grave in Hamilton became sites of regular pilgrimages and wreath-laying ceremonies by the heirs and successors to the OMEA as they struggled to perpetuate the notion of Hydro as a municipal cooperative. Hydro publications regularly stressed the vision and legacy of Beck during the era of growth after World War I; eventually the much enlarged power stations at Queenston were renamed Beck No.1 and Beck No.2 in his honour. In London a new collegiate was named after him and a nearby public school was named after Lady Beck. The Women’s Sanatorium Aid Society of London built a charming chapel, St Luke’s in the Garden, across from the Queen Alexandra Sanatorium in memory of the Becks in 1932. The sanatorium itself became the Beck Memorial Sanatorium in 1948. In print, W. R. Plewman’s vivid 1947 biography captured the greatness of Beck and the tempestuous nature of his personality. Merrill Denison*’s commissioned history of Hydro in 1960 established continuity between the transcendent hero figure at the beginning and the transforming, province-girdling corporation Hydro had become in the postwar era.
As the obituaries noted, Hydro itself was Beck’s greatest monument. He worried on his deathbed that political partisanship would overcome it and that Hydro as an independent entity would not survive. But in his absence it continued to flourish, firmly rooted in the towns and cities, along the back concessions, and amongst the merchants, workers, farmers, and homemakers of the province. Hydroelectricity generated and delivered by a crown corporation to municipally owned utilities at the lowest cost had become an Ontario institution that would outlive changing governments and passing ideologies. That had largely been Sir Adam Beck’s doing.
Being social and ignoring what's in front of me will never give me happiness. I need to take the time to acknowledge and enjoy the influences in my life that gives me satisfaction. I think being there - walking through the grown-in pathways and searching in the thick brush for something insignificant... it made me realize that everything is "insignificant", and I need to accept that, no matter how unsettling that is. And yet, the sun on my back seemed so satisfying.
(c) Kayla Burton
Do not use without my permission.
6:45 A.M., February 21, 2015, I looked out my window in Troy, New York, USA, to check the weather. Snow is expected, by mid-afternoon, & I wanted to see if it would come early & disrupt my plans, yet again. What I hadn't realized is that, for the sake of preserving my privacy (closed shades until I'm up & dressed), I've been depriving myself of sunrises, ever since I moved into my apartment! What a lovely surprise, this morning!
"Brothers and sisters: FAITH is the realization of what is hoped for and evidence of things not seen." Hebrews 11:1
"We walk by FAITH, not by sight" ~ 2 Corinthians 5:7.
MEDITATION
"FAITH is an entirely free gift which God makes to us through the power of the Holy Spirit. Believing and Trusting in God to act in our lives is only possible by the Grace and Help of the Holy Spirit who moves the heart and converts it to God. The Holy Spirit opens the eyes of the mind and helps us to Understand, Accept, and Believe God's word. How do we grow in FAITH? By listening to God's word with Trust and Submission. FAITH also grows through Testing and Perseverance. The Lord wants to teach us how to pray in FAITH for His will for our lives and for the things He wishes to give us to enable us to follow Him FAITHfully and serve Him generously. "
#prayer and excerpt #meditation from today’s scripture reflection @ www.DailyScripture.Net or APP at Daily Scripture Servants of the Word
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THE NECESSITY OF FAITH
CCC161 Believing in Jesus Christ and in the One who sent Him for our salvation is necessary for obtaining that salvation. "Since "without FAITH it is impossible to please [God]" and to attain to the fellowship of His sons, therefore without FAITH no one has ever attained justification, nor will anyone obtain Eternal Life 'But he who endures to the end.'"
FAITH - the beginning of eternal life
CCC164 Now, however, "we walk by FAITH, not by sight"; we perceive God as "in a mirror, dimly" and only "in part". Even though enlightened by Him in whom it believes, FAITH is often lived in darkness and can be put to the test. The world we live in often seems very far from the one Promised us by FAITH...
www.scborromeo.org/ccc/para/161.htm
www.scborromeo.org/ccc/para/164.htm
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ENCYCLICAL LETTER ~ BETWEEN FAITH AND REASON by Saint Pope John Paul II
www.ewtn.com/library/ENCYC/JP2FIDES.HTM
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“Why Faith Matters” - www.thecatholicthing.org/2024/05/01/why-faith-matters/
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Image in use at:
~ www.goodnewspost.net/inspirational-sayings-definition-of-...
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Filename - Faith - DSC_0638 Mtn Layers view toward LA SClNR2 2013
Following the Son...
Blessings,
Sharon 🌻
God's Beauty In Nature is calling us into a deeper relationship with Him...
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Bloggers are welcome to use my artwork with, “Image from Art4TheGlryOfGod by Sharon under Creative Commons license”, (next to the image or embedded in it) with a link back to the images you use and please let me know in the comment section below, thank you...
#prints availability upon request
Art4TheGlryOfGod Photography by Sharon
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Faith, Hope & Love in daily Art meditations...
X ~ www.twitter.com/Art4ThGlryOfGod
Flickr (complete portfolio) ~ www.flickr.com/photos/4thglryofgod/albums/
Fine Art America (canvas, prints & cards) ~ fineartamerica.com/profiles/sharon-soberon
Redbubble (canvas, prints & cards) ~ www.redbubble.com/people/4theglryofgod/shop
Pixoto (awards) ~ www.pixoto.com/4thegloryofgod/awards
Music Videos (from my Art Photography) ~
In the realization of the attic Gaudí adopted an ingenious architectural solution based on the use of so-called catenary arch, which allows an even distribution of loads by eliminating the need for columns, walls and buttresses. The result is an environment that calls to mind a cave, or some say the rib cage of a large animal like a whale.
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Nella realizzazione della soffitta Gaudí adottò una ingegnosa soluzione architettonica basata sull'utilizzo del cosiddetto arco catenario o arco equilibrato, che consente una omogenea distribuzione dei carichi eliminando la necessità di colonne, muri e contrafforti. Il risultato è un ambiente che richiama una caverna, o secondo alcuni la cassa toracica di un grande animale come la balena. In passato vi trovava posto la lavanderia dei condomini mentre oggi ospita un piccolo museo dedicato all'architetto catalano. Due scale a chiocciola collegano i locali della soffitta alla terrazza.
it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Casa_Batll%C3%B3#La_soffitta
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Website (wip): picas.cc/
Twitter: twitter.com/supersum30
An Instantiation is a concept in Object Oriented Programming (OOP) - You can create an object with a set of properties that are defined by a Class in a program. When you create a member of a class, it is the instantiation (i.e. realization or creation) of a specific object of that class.
Object (computer science)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In computer science, an object is a location in memory having a value and possibly referenced by an identifier. An object can be a variable, a data structure, or a function. In the class-based object-oriented programming paradigm, "object" refers to a particular instance of a class where the object can be a combination of variables, functions, and data structures. In relational database management, an object can be a table or column, or an association between data and a database entity (such as relating a person's age to a specific person).[1]
Contents [hide]
1 Object-based languages
2 Object-oriented programming
3 Specialized objects
4 Distributed objects
5 Objects and the Semantic Web
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
Object-based languages[edit]
Main article: Object-based language
An important distinction in programming languages is the difference between an object-oriented language and an object-based language. A language is usually considered object-based if it includes the basic capabilities for an object: identity, properties, and attributes. A language is considered object-oriented if it is object-based and also has the capability of polymorphism and inheritance. Polymorphism refers to the ability to overload the name of a function with multiple behaviors based on which object(s) are passed to it. Conventional message passing discriminates only on the first object and considers that to be "sending a message" to that object. However, some OOP languages such as Flavors and the Common Lisp Object System (CLOS) enable discriminating on more than the first parameter of the function.[2] Inheritance is the ability to subclass an object class, to create a new class that is a subclass of an existing one and inherits all the data constraints and behaviors of its parents but also changes one or more of them.[3][4]
Object-oriented programming[edit]
Main article: Object-oriented programming
Object-Oriented programming is an approach to designing modular reusable software systems. The object-oriented approach is fundamentally a modelling approach.[5] The object-oriented approach is an evolution of good design practices that go back to the very beginning of computer programming. Object-orientation is simply the logical extension of older techniques such as structured programming and abstract data types. An object is an abstract data type with the addition of polymorphism and inheritance.
Rather than structure programs as code and data an object-oriented system integrates the two using the concept of an "object". An object has state (data) and behavior (code). Objects can correspond to things found in the real world. So for example, a graphics program will have objects such as circle, square, menu. An online shopping system will have objects such as shopping cart, customer, product,. The shopping system will support behaviors such as place order, make payment, and offer discount. The objects are designed as class hierarchies. So for example with the shopping system there might be high level classes such as electronics product, kitchen product, and book. There may be further refinements for example under electronic products: CD Player, DVD player, etc. These classes and subclasses correspond to sets and subsets in mathematical logic.[6][7]
Specialized objects[edit]
An important concept for objects is the design pattern. A design pattern provides a reusable template to address a common problem. The following object descriptions are examples of some of the most common design patterns for objects.[8]
Function object: an object with a single method (in C++, this method would be the function operator, "operator()") that acts much like a function (like a C/C++ pointer to a function).
Immutable object: an object set up with a fixed state at creation time and which does not change afterward.
First-class object: an object that can be used without restriction.
Container: an object that can contain other objects.
Factory object: an object whose purpose is to create other objects.
Metaobject: an object from which other objects can be created (Compare with class, which is not necessarily an object)
Prototype: a specialized metaobject from which other objects can be created by copying
God object: an object that knows too much or does too much. The God object is an example of an anti-pattern.
Singleton object: An object that is the only instance of its class during the lifetime of the program.
Filter object
Distributed objects[edit]
Main article: Distributed object
The object-oriented approach is not just a programming model. It can be used equally well as an interface definition language for distributed systems. The objects in a distributed computing model tend to be larger grained, longer lasting, and more service-oriented than programming objects.
A standard method to package distributed objects is via an Interface Definition Language (IDL). An IDL shields the client of all of the details of the distributed server object. Details such as which computer the object resides on, what programming language it uses, what operating system, and other platform specific issues. The IDL is also usually part of a distributed environment that provides services such as transactions and persistence to all objects in a uniform manner. Two of the most popular standards for distributed objects are the Object Management Group's CORBA standard and Microsoft's DCOM.[9]
In addition to distributed objects, a number of other extensions to the basic concept of an object have been proposed to enable distributed computing:
Protocol objects are components of a protocol stack that enclose network communication within an object-oriented interface.
Replicated objects are groups of distributed objects (called replicas) that run a distributed multi-party protocol to achieve high consistency between their internal states, and that respond to requests in a coordinated way. Examples include fault-tolerant CORBA objects.
Live distributed objects (or simply live objects)[10] generalize the replicated object concept to groups of replicas that might internally use any distributed protocol, perhaps resulting in only a weak consistency between their local states.
Some of these extensions, such as distributed objects and protocol objects, are domain-specific terms for special types of "ordinary" objects used in a certain context (such as remote invocation or protocol composition). Others, such as replicated objects and live distributed objects, are more non-standard, in that they abandon the usual case that an object resides in a single location at a time, and apply the concept to groups of entities (replicas) that might span across multiple locations, might have only weakly consistent state, and whose membership might dynamically change.
Objects and the Semantic Web[edit]
The Semantic Web is essentially a distributed objects framework. Two key technologies in the Semantic Web are the Web Ontology Language (OWL) and the Resource Description Framework (RDF). RDF provides the capability to define basic objects—names, properties, attributes, relations—that are accessible via the Internet. OWL adds a richer object model, based on set theory, that provides additional modeling capabilities such as multiple inheritance.
OWL objects are not like standard large grained distributed objects accessed via an Interface Definition Language. Such an approach would not be appropriate for the Internet because the Internet is constantly evolving and standardization on one set of interfaces is difficult to achieve. OWL objects tend to be similar to the kind of objects used to define application domain models in programming languages such as Java and C++.
However, there are important distinctions between OWL objects and traditional object-oriented programming objects. Where as traditional objects get compiled into static hierarchies usually with single inheritance, OWL objects are dynamic. An OWL object can change its structure at run time and can become an instance of new or different classes.
Another critical difference is the way the model treats information that is currently not in the system. Programming objects and most database systems use the "closed-world assumption". If a fact is not known to the system that fact is assumed to be false. Semantic Web objects use the open world assumption, a statement is only considered false if there is actual relevant information that it is false, otherwise it is assumed to be unknown, neither true nor false.
OWL objects are actually most like objects in artificial intelligence frame languages such as KL-ONE and Loom.
The following table contrasts traditional objects from Object-Oriented programming languages such as Java or C++ with Semantic Web Objects:[11][12]
OOP ObjectsSemantic Web Objects
Classes are regarded as types for instances.Classes are regarded as sets of individuals.
Instances can not change their type at runtime.Class membership may change at runtime.
The list of classes is fully known at compile-time and cannot change after that.Classes can be created and changed at runtime.
Compilers are used at build-time. Compile-time errors indicate problems.Reasoners can be used for classification and consistency checking at runtime or build-time.
Classes encode much of their meaning and behavior through imperative functions and methods.Classes make their meaning explicit in terms of OWL statements. No imperative code can be attached.
Instances are anonymous insofar that they cannot easily be addressed from outside of an executing program.All named RDF and OWL resources have a unique URI under which they can be referenced.
Closed world: If there is not enough information to prove a statement true, then it is assumed to be false.Open world: If there is not enough information to prove a statement true, then it may be true or false.[13]
I decided to do a photoshoot rather dark in response to an article I read on the net. It spoke of the rape culture in our society. It really made me think and I wanted to recreate that in this series of three Photogallery with Hambleton.
Every once in a while I try something different to break the monotonous habits I form around methods of "making." In this case, digital painting.
Towards the end of the Korean War, the USAF came to the realization that their transport fleet was becoming obsolete. The C-46 Commandos and C-47 Skytrains in service were no longer adequate, while the C-119 Flying Boxcar was having difficulties. In 1951, the USAF issued a requirement for a new tactical transport, an aircraft that would need to carry at least 72 passengers, be capable of dropping paratroopers, and have a ramp for loading vehicles directly into the cargo compartment. Moreover, it must be a “clean sheet” design, not a conversion from an existing airliner, and the USAF preferred it be a turboprop design. Five companies submitted designs, and six months later the USAF chose Lockheed’s L-402 design—over the misgivings of Lockheed’s chief designer, Clarence “Kelly” Johnson, who warned that the L-402 would destroy the company. Little was Johnson to know that, fifty years later, the L-402—designated C-130 Hercules by the USAF—would still be in production, and one out of only five aircraft to have over 50 years of service with the original purchaser.
The C-130 was designed to give mostly unfettered access to a large cargo compartment—the ramp forms an integral part of the rear fuselage, the wing is mounted above the fuselage, and the landing gear is carried in sponsons attached to the fuselage itself, while the fuselage has a circular design to maximize loading potential. The high wing also gives the C-130 good lift, especially in “high and hot” situations. The Allison T56 turboprop was designed specifically for the Hercules, and has gone on to become one of the most successful turboprop designs in history.
After two YC-130 prototypes, the Hercules went into production as the C-130A in 1956, to be superseded by the improved C-130B in 1959. The latter became the baseline Hercules variant: C-130As had three-blade propellers and a rounded “Roman” nose, while the B introduced the more familiar, longer radar nose and four-blade propellers. (Virtually all A models were later retrofitted to the long nose, though they kept the three-blade propellers.) In the 50 years hence, the basic C-130 design has not changed much: the C-130E introduced underwing external fuel tanks, while the C-130H has a slightly different wing. Even the new C-130J variant only introduced new engines with more fuel efficient six-bladed propellers: the basic design remains the same. Lockheed also offers stretched versions of the Hercules, initially as a civilian-only option (the L-100-30); the British Royal Air Force bought this version as the C-130K and it was later adopted by other nations, including the United States.
The basic C-130 is strictly a transport aircraft, but the versatility of the aircraft has meant it has been modified into a dizzying number of variants. These include the AC-130 Spectre gunship, the HC-130 rescue aircraft and WC-130 weather reconnaissance version. Other versions include several dozen EC-130 electronic warfare/Elint variants, KC-130 tankers, and DC-130 drone aircraft controllers. The USAF, the US Navy, and the US Marine Corps are all C-130 operators as well. Besides the United States, there are 67 other operators of C-130s, making it one of the world’s most prolific aircraft, with its only rivals the Bell UH-1 Iroquois family and the Antonov An-2 Colt biplane transport. C-130s are also used extensively by civilian operators as well as the L-100 series.
The “Herky Bird,” as it is often nicknamed, has participated in every military campaign fought by the United States since 1960 in one variation or the other. During Vietnam, it was used in almost every role imaginable, from standard transport to emergency bomber: as the latter, it dropped M121 10,000 pound mass-focus bombs to clear jungle away for helicopter landing zones, and it was even attempted to use C-130s with these bombs against the infamous Thanh Hoa Bridge in North Vietnam. (Later this capability was added as standard to MC-130 Combat Talon special forces support aircraft; the MC-130 is the only aircraft cleared to carry the GBU-43 MOAB.) It was also instrumental in resupplying the Khe Sanh garrison during its three-month siege. Hercules crews paid the price as well: nearly 70 C-130s were lost during the Vietnam War. In foreign service, C-130s have also been used heavily, the most famous instance of which was likely the Israeli Entebbe Raid of 1976, one of the longest-ranged C-130 missions in history. C-130s are often in the forefront of humanitarian missions to trouble spots around the world, most recently in the 2011 Sendai earthquake disaster in Japan.
As of this writing, over 2300 C-130s have been built, and most are still in service. It remains the backbone of the USAF’s tactical transport service; attempts to replace it with the Advanced Tactical Transport Program (ATTP) in the 1980s and to supplement it with the C-27J Spartan in the 2000s both failed, as the USAF realized that the only real replacement for a C-130 is another C-130.
66-0212 has had quite the career. Built as a HC-130P Combat King rescue support aircraft, it was initially assigned to the 48th Aerospace Rescue and Recovery Squadron at Eglin AFB, Florida, in 1966. It wasn't there long before it was transferred to Vietnam, where it joined the 38th ARRS at Tan Son Nhut, coordinating rescues of downed airmen in Southeast Asia. 66-0212 was one of two aircraft selected in 1970 for a special mission, one that was kept highly guarded: Operation Kingpin. It wasn't until nearly the day of the operation that 66-0212's crew learned what the target of their mission was: the Son Tay prison camp, not far from Hanoi itself. Though Kingpin was almost perfectly executed, with 66-0212 one of the pathfinder aircraft for the USAF HH-53 Jolly Greens headed for Son Tay, it hit a dry hole: Son Tay's POWs had been moved to another camp due to flooding.
After the Son Tay raid, 66-0212 would remain in Vietnam a bit longer, before returning to the United States, for assignment at Kirtland AFB, New Mexico with the 1550th Air Training and Test Wing; it would be used to train other Combat King crews. The aircraft would remain at Kirtland for the rest of its active duty career, and was converted to a MC-130P Combat Talon in 1996, continuing to train special operations crews as part of the 58th Special Operations Wing. As newer MC-130s arrived, 66-0212 was transferred to the 129th Rescue Wing (California ANG) at Moffett Field until it was retired in 2018. Because of its status as a Son Tay raider, 66-0212 was donated to the Castle Air Museum.
I was a bit surprised to see a MC-130 on display, but Castle has done a nice job in maintaining this historic aircraft. It wears the current camouflage scheme for USAF special operations aircraft.
Last minute realization.. I have no photo of the day! Instead of pajamas I made EG put on her ball gown and pose in front of my new "backdrop" I bought at the fabric store -- it's really a $14 remnant of an expensive piece of upholstery fabric w/ flowers and butterflies.. It was half price! I bought quite a few pieces that I am looking forward to using.
Thank goodness she stopped being silly long enough for me to get a shot! She's saved me many times!! I love you Emma Grace!
PTM: Warm Sweetness and Heaven Shines Down actions
the realization that each random passerby is living a life as vivid and complex as your own—populated with their own ambitions, friends, routines, worries and inherited craziness—an epic story that continues invisibly around you like an anthill sprawling deep underground, with elaborate passageways to thousands of other lives that you’ll never know existed, in which you might appear only once, as an extra sipping coffee in the background, as a blur of traffic passing on the highway, as a lighted window at dusk.
The realization of a sculpture designed by Leonardo Da Vinci but never created. This copy was sculpted by Nina Akamu. Random tourist for scale.
As planned by Leonardo, the bronze horse is 24 feet (7.3 metres) tall.
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
Due to the restrictions of the Versailles treaties, the Reichswehr was already dealing with the increasing mobilization and motorization of the army after the end of the First World War. The realization that the speed of the troop units required appropriate equipment was available early on. However, the Reichswehr suffered from financial constraints and during the Weimar Republic the industry only had limited capacity for series production of larger, armored vehicles.
Nevertheless, at that time the Sd.Kfz. 3 (unarmored half-track transport vehicle/1927), the ARW (eight-wheel car/1928) and the ZRW (ten-wheel car/1928) provided fundamental experience. The findings of these tests and the troop testing with the Sd.Kfz. 3 enabled a more precise specification of the new vehicles to be developed. The "heavy" armored cars were primarily intended for the reconnaissance units of the new armored forces.
The incipient rearmament could only start with a "cheap" solution, though. A three-part armored structure for the chassis of commercially available off-road trucks was developed by the Army Weapons Office, Dept. WaTest 6, in cooperation with the company Deutsche Eisenwerke AG. The typical truck chassis featured front-wheel steering and a driven bogie at the rear (4x6 layout). In June 1929, the companies Magirus, Daimler-Benz and Büssing-NAG were commissioned to develop the desired armored car from it. If you consider that this truck class was developed for a payload of 1.5t, you can already conclude from this that the vehicles, which are now equipped with a significantly heavy armored structure, had little off-road mobility. Even if the appearance of the vehicles supplied by the different manufacturers was similar, there were external distinguishing features by which the manufacturer could be identified. The vehicles were tested in the Reichswehr from 1932 and introduced later.
One of the four crew members (driver, commander, gunner, radio-operator) was used as a reverse driver: with the narrow streets of the time and a turning circle of between 13 and 16m, this function was essential for a truck-sized heavy reconnaissance vehicle. The chassis had the excellent ladder-type configuration, able to withstand the stress of rough rides at high speed. The scout car was 5570 mm long, 1820 mm wide, 2250 mm high and weighed 5.35, 5.7 or 6 tons, depending on the manufacturer. The hull was made of welded steel armor, 5 to 14.5 mm (0.2-0.57 in) thick depending on the angle (bottom to front) with well-sloped plates. The armament consisted of a 2 cm KwK 30 with 200 rounds and a MG 13 with 1300 rounds in a manually operated turret. The fuel supply was 90, 105 or 110 liters, but with a consumption of about 35 or 40 liters per 100 km, this resulted in a completely inadequate range for a scout car.
Having no true alternatives at hand, the armored 4x6 car was accepted and became known as the Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-wheel), and it was subsequently developed into two more vehicles. Up until 1937, 123 vehicles were built as Sd.Kfz. 231 reconnaissance cars and Sd.Kfz. 232 radio trucks. A further 28 were manufactured as Sd.Kfz. 263 (Panzerfunkwagen) command vehicles.
As early as 1932, after testing the pilot series, it was clear that the interim solution of "cheap" 6-wheel vehicles would not meet the future requirements of the armored divisions now planned. It was planned that from 1935/36 at least 18 vehicles of a new type that would meet the requirements for off-road mobility and high road speeds should be produced annually. Büssing-NAG had obviously made a good impression with the ARW and was now commissioned to make the revised vehicle ready for series production, which would become the SdKfz. 231 (8-Rad). The overall concept was completed between 1934 and 1935 and already showed all the features of the future type: all 8 wheels driven and steered, the same speed forwards and backwards, ability to change direction in less than 10 seconds, and a turning circle of "only" 10.5m. The vehicle layout was changed, too: the engine bay was relocated to the rear, the crew compartment was placed at the front end. This improved weight distribution, handling, and the field of view for the main forward driver.
The purpose of the new vehicles was identical to that of the earlier heavy 6-wheel vehicles, they were used on the same sites and so the same ordnance inventory designation was adopted, despite the vehicle’s many modifications. The so-called Sd.Kfz. 231 (8-Rad) was armed, corresponding to its 6-Rad counterpart, with a 2cm KwK 30 and the MG 13 (later MG 34) in a rotating turret. Likewise, the Sd.Kfz. 232 (8-Rad) carried a large, curved bow antenna, and there was a Sd.Kfz. 263 (8-Rad) command vehicle, too.
Nevertheless, the Army Weapons Office demanded a short-term solution for a vehicle based on the 4x6 chassis that offered better off-road performance and armament, namely a 37 mm anti-tank gun, with at least comparable range and armor protection. This interim vehicle was supposed to be ready for service in early 1934. Magirus accepted the challenge and proposed the Sd.Kfz. 241, a 4x8 vehicle. It retained the old overall 6-Rad layout with the front engine under a long bonnet, but it had a fourth steered axle added to lower ground pressure and improve the vehicle’s trench bridging capabilities. The powered two rear axles retained the 6-Rad’s twin wheels, so that the vehicle stood on a total of twelve tires with a relatively large footprint. The armored hull was very similar to the Sd.Kfz. 231 6-Rad, but carried a new, bigger turret with a 3.7 cm KwK 30 L/45 gun and an axis-parallel 7.92 mm MG 34 light machine gun.
The box-shaped turret exploited the hull’s width to the maximum and had a maximum armor of 15 mm, no base and the seat of the commander was attached to the tower wall. The commander sat elevated under a raised cupola in the rear section of the turret, just behind the main gun. He had five viewing slits protected by glass blocks and steel slides for all-round visibility. The gunner/loader, standing to the left of the main gun, had to constantly follow the movement of the turret, which was done by hand. In order to support the gunner when slewing the turret, the commander had an additional handle on the right side. The two crew members also had a turret position indicator.
The cannon was fired electrically via a trigger, the machine gun was operated mechanically with a pedal. To aim and view the outside, the gunner had a gun sight to the left of the gun with an opening in the gun mantlet. Standard access to the vehicle was through low double-doors in the vehicle’ flank, but side exit openings in the turret with two flaps each were also frequently used to board it. Another entry was through the commander cupola’s lid.
With all this extra hardware, the Sd.Kfz. 241’s overall weight rose considerably from the late Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad) nearly 6 tons to 7.5 tons. As a consequence, the chassis had to be reinforced and a more powerful engine was used, a 6-cylinder Maybach HL 42 TRKM w carburetor gasoline engine with 4170 cc capacity and 100 hp (74 kW) output at 3000 rpm.
As expected, the Sd.Kfz. 241 was not a success. Even though the first vehicles were delivered in time in mid-1934, its operational value was rather limited. Off-road capability was, due to the extra weight, the raised center of gravity and the lack of all-wheel drive, just as bad as the 6-Rad vehicles, and the more powerful engine’s higher fuel consumption allowed neither higher range, despite bigger fuel tanks, nor a better street performance. The only real progress was the new 3.7 cm KwK 30’s firepower, which was appreciated by the crews, even though the weapon was only effective against armored targets at close range. At 100 m, 64 mm of vertical armor could be penetrated, but at 500 m this already dropped to 31 mm, any angle in the armor weakened its hitting power even further. The weapon’s maximum range was 5.000m, though, and with HE rounds the Sd.Kfz. 241 could provide indirect fire support. Another factor that limited the vehicle’s effectiveness was that the gun had to be operated by a single crew member who had to load and aim at the same time – there was simply not enough space for a separate loader who would also have increased the gun’s rate of fire from six to maybe twelve rounds per minute. The vehicle’s armor was also inadequate and only gave protection against light firearms, but not against machine guns or heavier weapons. On the other side, the cupola on top of the turret offered the commander in his elevated position a very good all-round field of view, even when under full protection – but this progressive detail was not adopted for the following armored reconnaissance vehicles and remained exclusive to German battle tanks.
Only a total of fifty-five Sd.Kfz. 241s were completed by Magirus in Cologne until 1936, when production of the Sd.Kfz. 231 (8-Rad) vehicle family started and soon replaced the Sd.Kfz. 241, which was primarily operated at the Eastern Front in Poland and Czechoslovakia. By 1940, no Sd.Kfz. 241 was left in any frontline army unit, but a few survivors were grouped together and handed over to police units. Their main gun was either completely deleted or sometimes replaced with a second machine gun, and they were used for urban patrols and riot control duties. However, by 1942, no Sd.Kfz. 241 was left over.
Specifications:
Crew: Four (commander, gunner, driver, radio operator/rear driver)
Weight: 7.5 tons (11.450 lb)
Length: 5,85 metres (19 ft 2 in)
Width: 2,20 metres (7 ft 2 ½ in)
Height: 2,78 metres (9 ft 1 in)
Ground clearance: 28.5 cm (10 in)
Suspension: Torsion bar and leaf springs
Fuel capacity: 150 litres (33 imp gal; 40 US gal)
Armor:
8–15 mm (0.31 – 0.6 in)
Performance:
Maximum road speed: 70 km/h (43.5 mph)
52 km/h (32.3 mph) backwards
Operational range: 250 km (155 miles)
Power/weight: 13 PS/ton
Engine:
Maybach HL42 TRKM water-cooled straight 6-cylinder petrol engine with 100 hp (74 kW),
driving the rear pair of axles
Transmission:
Maybach gearbox with 5-speed forward and 4-speed reverse
Armament:
1× 37 mm KwK 30 L/45 cannon with 70 rounds
1× 7.92 mm MG 34 machine gun mounted co-axially with 1.300 rounds
The kit and its assembly:
This fictional armored car was inspired by a leftover rear axles from an Italeri Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad) model that I converted into a fictional half-track variant some time ago. I wondered if the set could be transplanted under an 8-Rad chassis, to create a kind of missing link to the 8x8 successors of the Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad) with a total of twelve tires on four axles.
The basis became a First to Fight 1:72 Sd.Kfz. 231 (8-Rad) kit – a rather simple and robust affair, apparently primarily intended for tabletop purposes. But the overall impression is good, and it would be modified, anyway, even though the plastic turned out to be rather soft/waxy and the parts’ sprue attachment points a bit wacky.
The hull was “turned around” to drive backwards, so that its rear engine ended up in the front. I eventually only used the rear twin wheels from the Sd.Kfz. 231 (6-Rad), but not its single axles and laminated springs. Instead, I first cut the OOB mudguards in two halves, removed their side skirts and glued them onto the lower hull in reversed order, so that the exhausts and their muffler boxes would end up at the rear of the front fenders. With these in place I checked the axles’ position from the OOB ladder chassis, which is a single, integral part, and found that the rear axles’ position had to be moved by 2mm backwards. Cutting the original piece and re-arranging it was easier to scratch a new rear suspension, and the rocker bars had to be shortened to accept the wider twin wheels.
The original small turret with the 20 mm autocannon was deleted and replaced with core elements from a Panzer III turret, left over from previous conversion projects. Wider than any original turret of the Sd.Kfz. 231/232 family, it had to be narrowed by roughly 5mm – I had to cut a respective plug from the turret’s and the mantlet’s middle section, the deformed hatch was covered under a Panzer III commander cupola. To mate the re-arranged turret with the OOB adapter plate to mount it onto the hull, and to add overall stability to the construction, I filled the interior with 2C putty.
The typical storage bin at the turret’s rear was omitted, though, it would have made it too large for the compact truck chassis. The shape was a perfect stylistic match, even though, with the longer gun barrel, the vehicle reminds a lot of the Soviet BA-10 heavy armored car?
Most small details like the bumpers and the headlights were taken OOB, I added a whip antenna base at the rear and mounted two spare wheels at the back, one of them covered with a tarpaulin (made from paper tissue drenched with white glue, this was also used to create the gun mantlet seals).
Painting and markings:
Typical for German vehicles from the early WWII stages the Sd.Kfz. 241 was painted Panzergrau (RAL 7021; I used Humbrol 67, which is authentic, but mixed it with some 125 to create a slightly lighter shade of grey) overall - quite dull, but realistic. To make the vehicle look more interesting, though, I added authentic contemporary camouflage in the form of low-contrast blotches with RAL 8017, a very dark reddish brown, mixed from Humbrol 160 and some 98. Better, but IMHO still not enough.
After the model received a washing with highly thinned red-brown acrylic artist paint I applied the few decals and gave the parts an overall dry-brushing treatment with grey and dark earth. Everything was sealed with matt acrylic varnish. For even more “excitement”, I decided to add a coat of snow.
For the simulated “frosting” I used white tile grout – which has the benefits of being water-soluble, quite sturdy to touch and the material does not yellow over time like gypsum.
First, the wheels, the chassis and the inside of the wheel arches received a separate treatment with relatively dryly mixed tile grout, simulating snow and dirt clusters. Once thoroughly dried, the wheels were mounted. Then the model was sprayed with low surface tension water and loose tile grout was drizzled over hull and turret, creating a flaky coat of fake snow. Once dry again, everything received another coat of matt acrylic varnish to protect and fixate everything further.
A relatively quick build, done in a few days. The First to Fight kit is very simple and went together well, but I’d use something else the next time due to the odd material it was molded with. The outcome of an 4x8 scout car looks quite plausible, though, like the missing link between the Sd.Kfz. 231 and 232 – the unintended similarity with the Soviet BA-10 heavy armored car was a bit surprising, though. And the snow on the model eventually makes it look a bit more interesting, the stunt was worth the effort.
Carl (or Karl) Wernicke 15 May 1848 – 15 June 1905) was a German physician, anatomist, psychiatrist and neuropathologist. He is known for his influential research into the pathological effects of specific forms of encephalopathy and also the study of receptive aphasia, both of which are commonly associated with Wernicke's name and referred to as Wernicke encephalopathy and Wernicke's aphasia, respectively. His research, along with that of Paul Broca, led to groundbreaking realizations of the localization of brain function, specifically in speech. As such, Wernicke's area (a.k.a. Wernicke's Speech Area) has been named after the scientist.
"Here's a sobering thought: what if, at this very moment, I am living
up to my full potential?"
- Jane Wagner
something strange.....is happening to me.....
something more.....than my two eyes can see.....
Johnny Rivers "Realization" 1969
Music from my hippy-psychadelic period.
Ideas living in your mind
hopes growing in your heart
dreams invading your nights and days
thoughts being present in your tears, shrugs and chukcles
The stuff you are made of
Now
materializing
solidifying
corporealizing
The world outside your mind
is mimicing, mirroring, materializing
your idea
Museum of Ethnography Budapest Hungary
Architects: NAPUR Architect
Area : 34000 m²
The new building of the Museum of Ethnography in Budapest City Park (Városliget) was opened 2022. The award-winning new museum building – which is part of Europe’s largest urban-cultural development called Liget Budapest Project has dynamic yet simple lines simultaneously harmonized with the park environment and communicating with the surrounding urban area.
The collection, which comprises 250.000 items from the Carpathian Basin and from every corner of the world, has been hosted by various facilities since its establishment in 1872, but never in its history did it operate in a building designed specifically to cater to its needs. The project was one of over 1700 entries from 115 countries. According to the decision of an international jury, the competition was won by the Hungarian architectural studio, Napur Architect (beating leading world-class architect studios such as Zaha Hadid, BIG), whose building is distinguished by a dynamic yet simple design harmonized with the natural environment of the park while communicating with the urban texture of its surroundings. The gently curving lines enable the building to function as a gateway and a passage linking the city and the park. Sixty percent of the structure is under ground level, and thanks to the landscaped roof and the transparency of the sections over the ground, the new museum is adapted to its environment in its scale too. The grass-covered roof area will be a pleasant community space awaiting visitors to Városliget.
The spectacular trademark of the building is the glass curtain wall surrounding the landscaped roof garden, reminiscent of two intertwined hillsides, with a unique characteristic, consisting of nearly half a million pixels, a raster made by metal grid based on ethnographic motifs selected from the museum's Hungarian and international collections.
The new functions and flexible spaces of the modern and state-of-the-art museum building will facilitate the understanding of the historical heritage embodied by the collection as well as the various aspects of contemporary society. Besides passing down this historical heritage, the realization of more recent professional and research themes and perspectives continues to be among the priority objectives of the museum, as confirmed by its mission. The creatively built spaces will open up new opportunities to communicate with visitors, enabling the presentation of the everyday objects, phenomena, and ideas of the past and the present side by side.
Author's Note: The contents of this chapter include very sensitive subject matter and may be triggering to some individuals. Scenes of abuse of various forms are represented as not only for storytelling, but to raise awareness of what this behavior looks like. Abusive behavior in this story includes, but is not limited to: physical abuse, mental abuse, verbal abuse, gaslighting, manipulation, intentional triggering of another's PTSD, and trauma. In no way are these scenes intended to purposely trigger or harm anyone.
~~~
The following morning after Aiden's moonlit flight with Vincent, he'd woken up late just as Vincent was emerging from his quarters. His captain was already fully dressed and ready to run errands. As Vincent explained it to the yawning Aiden, now that he was going to the masquerade, there was much to be done! A short while later, Vincent departed in a determined but cheerful mood to get everything set in motion. And when he returned that evening he had an official invitation to the ball for Aiden in hand! He sat Aiden down and explained in greater detail what preparations would need to be done. While Vincent had informed him that there would be fittings, dancing and etiquette lessons, and even promenades for social practice, the days following were unexpectedly much busier for Aiden than he'd anticipated.
The first order of business was a visit to the tailor! The shop they went to belonged to a highly skilled older man who knew Vincent by sight and greeted the captain enthusiastically. As it turned out, this was where Vincent and the other men in his family frequented as regular customers! After Aiden's nervous last attempt to get himself to visit a shop like this, he was grateful to have Vincent there to guide him through the process. As soon as Vincent explained that they were here for a suit for Aiden for the upcoming ball, the tailor got straight to work! Vincent helped Aiden sort through different fabrics and finally settle on a nice dark teal and gold lining which, as Vincent put it, brought out the color in his eyes. The comment had made Aiden blush slightly; something Vincent noticed which made him feel a little pleased with himself.
When the topic of how much everything was going to cost came up, Aiden felt panic rearing up inside him. He knew it would be expensive but to actually spend the money? Aside from the tiny piece of Fulgora's Eye that he'd gotten for Pete, this was the most expensive purchase he'd ever made for himself! However, with a few quiet, carefully chosen words of reassurance from Vincent, Aiden remembered that he was, in fact, wealthy. He could afford this suit hundreds of times over and then some! With Vincent's encouragement, Aiden went ahead and made the down payment purchase for his suit! Once measurements had been taken some time later and they were free to go, they went next door to the cordwainer. There Aiden got measured again; this time for boots to go specifically for his ballroom attire! This time, Aiden didn't hesitate to pay for his boots which Vincent felt proud of him for.
The lessons Vincent promised began just two days later. While Vincent didn't really care much for all the niceties and politeness of upper class society, he was still a part of it and therefore educated thus. During these lessons, Aiden began to learn the basics of gentlemanly ballroom etiquette. He'd be learning how to dance very soon but first Aiden would need to learn how to properly walk, stand, and even how to talk. While Vincent stressed the importance of these lessons, most of the time the two men were just laughing and enjoying each other's company. Vincent was having such a grand time with his friend that he was often smiling and full of spirit. Vincent suggested Aiden put to practice what he'd learned while they were out and about. Aiden remembered that this was just a part of the facade; the mask that must be put on for society. So, that's what he did. Following Vincent's example, he began to learn. He would gladly play the part. Aiden knew deep down that Vincent liked Aiden just as he was now... but a big part of him wanted to fit into Vincent's world more. He wanted to show Vincent that he was capable of being a part of ALL aspects of his life; not just on the ship.
When it came time for Aiden to learn to dance, Vincent knew that Charlotte would be the most logical choice to be Aiden's dance partner. When the young lady learned to dance a few years ago, it had been Vincent, himself, who was her dance partner as she learned the art. He knew she was a lovely dancer for her age; a talented one, at that. She'd also proven herself to be a patient teacher. Besides all that, Aiden and she got along well and clearly there was chemistry between them. Vincent knew that this would be a perfect opportunity for the two of them to get to know each other and spend time together. There was every reason for him to allow them to practice together! Yet, Vincent knew without a doubt that Charlotte would be all over Aiden...which was why when Aiden arrived for his first day of dance lessons it was not Charlotte there to greet him alongside Vincent....it was Abigail!
Abigail was happy to join Vincent in teaching Aiden how to dance! Of course, she knew the real reason he was asking her even if he didn't want to admit it, and the alternative would have been Bernadette. While Bernie excelled in many other things, Abigail knew just how skilled her sister was on the dance floor....and something told her Aiden would prefer to keep his toes intact.
And so, practice began! Aiden discovered that he liked dancing and the chemistry between the three of them was very pleasant and enjoyable. Abigail was fond of Aiden already and the more she learned and saw of him, the more she found him a pleasure to be around. He was a fun student who made the task of teaching him an enjoyable experience. When the cousins demonstrated to Aiden the various popular dances that he'd see at the ball, the young man was in awe. They appeared to move flawlessly to the music coming out of the phonograph. As it turned out, Abigail had a small passion for dance, and Vincent, while he didn't like to show off, was quite skilled as well. Despite the intricate dances he was shown, Aiden was told he'd be learning the easiest of the dances first: the waltz.
The days passed and things were starting to come together quickly! Aiden's confidence with the waltz was starting to build. Soon, he was guiding Abigail with less mistakes and even felt brave enough to add in a small flourish in his step! Not only was his dancing skills improving, his suit for the masquerade was coming along nicely.
On the topic of his suit one afternoon, Vincent pointed out that dancing in full formal attire was different than practicing in comfortable clothes. It would be heavier and warmer than what they were doing now. He mused that Aiden should be more dressed up while practicing to get used to it; much the way Vincent dressed when out as a member of high society. It got Aiden thinking that maybe it was time he finally got something a little nicer to wear after all.
Normally, these things took time to make so when Aiden went back to the tailor's the next day, he was not expecting to be able to walk out with a brand new outfit in hand. The tailor happened to have a complete set on display that he sold to Aiden at a discounted price. Apparently, it had been made for another customer some time ago who had changed their mind at the very last minute. Amazingly, the entire ensemble fit Aiden like a glove! There were only a couple quick adjustments needed for the pants but that was it!
Finally Aiden stepped up to the mirror. He almost didn't recognize himself! The young man staring back at him looked older and more mature. There was a growing confidence which showed in how he stood tall and smiled with approval.
The next time Aiden was due to meet Abigail and Vincent marked two weeks until the masquerade! While it also meant Damien was officially back in town as well, Aiden had other things on his mind. This was the day he would be arriving dressed like a gentleman; not some commoner who worked aboard a ship.
Aiden was feeling nervous! His hands kept fidgeting and tugging at his fitted blue waistcoat as he stepped off the lift. Just ahead of him was the open door that invitingly led into Vincent's office. What would Vincent think? Would he approve of him? Aiden peeked into the room and took a cursory glance around to see who was all here. His eyes appreciatively settled on the slender yet curvy shape standing by one of the bookshelves beside the tea station.
It was Vincent, of course! He hadn't realized he had company yet. He was standing in front of a small mirror up on one of the bookshelves and was actually humming softly to himself. Intent upon his task, he deftly pinned the last strands of hair into his updo. It was a more effeminate style than Aiden had ever seen on him. It wasn't just his hair but also the way he was dressed that gave him such an androgynous appearance. He was a little more dressed up and the way his corset and trousers flattered and hugged his figure? There was just something different about him today. Whatever it was, Aiden found it attractive.
Just as Vincent finished with his hair and gave a satisfied smile at his appearance there was a soft knock at the door. Ah, that had to be Aiden. He was right on time! As he turned to greet Aiden, he saw Aiden's smile which bemused him. And while he'd never admit it aloud, it made him feel shy. His mind tried to reason why Aiden would be smiling at him as if...as if he were the loveliest creature in the world.
No, his mind reasoned, that couldn't be right! And as if to prove him right, Aiden suddenly began to grin. That's right...he must be amused by his appearance! However, he was completely unaware that, in truth, Aiden was actually grinning at the sight of Vincent's deepening blush that had blossomed across his cheeks at the sight of his friend staring at him...
But now, Vincent was feeling awkward and second-guessing his decision to dress up. He nibbled his lower lip and glanced off to the side. As he reached up with one hand and toyed with his bangs, he said just loud enough for Aiden to hear, "I know, I know. I look silly."
"What? No, you don't!" Aiden chuckled as he stepped into the room. "I think the whole look is very flattering on you."
"You really think so? It's not too much?"
"I really think so. You look great!"
Vincent saw that sweet, reassuring smile and suddenly he felt much better as he found himself suddenly smiling as well. Once upon a time, he would have not believed it so quickly, if at all. But Aiden had a way about him that made him feel safe to be himself. And it seemed that was turning into confidence that was taking hold more firmly in Vincent's life. And though Vincent didn't realize it, he was finally starting to come into himself and blossom; something those closest to him 'had' started to notice.
As it turned out, Abigail had come down with a small cold and wouldn't be joining them today...but Vincent didn't want to cancel Aiden's lesson. After all, Vincent knew how to be led in a dance just as well as he could lead! So, when he offered himself as Aiden's dance partner, he was pleased with Aiden's enthusiastic response.
Once Vincent turned the phonograph on, he turned to face his friend and saw Aiden offering out his hand towards him with a grin. It was much like he'd done the night he'd asked Vincent to join him on their moonlit flight. Vincent grinned back and placed his hand in Aiden's before allowing himself to be guided to the middle of the room.
Aiden slid his hand around Vincent's waist and stepped close, his gaze shifting down to gaze into Vincent's as Vincent's hand came to sit upon his upper arm and gently took his hand. Then after what felt like several quiet, wonderful minutes of suspended time (but was really only a couple of breaths), Aiden began to lead on the next beat of melody that was playing for them.
Aiden had proven by now that he had a pretty good handle on the waltz. So after a couple of dances together, Vincent decided how to show him the first steps of another type of dance he'd demonstrated the first day: the quadrille!
A couple of hours had passed and Aiden was finally ready to give leading a real try! So after a quick break, the men got back to it! It was about halfway through the first dance when Aiden first accidentally treaded on Vincent's toes and bumped into him. At first, Aiden was apologetic, but Vincent laughed it off.
And as they continued to dance, he told Aiden about a few collisions on the dance floor that he'd witnessed. Vincent was no longer keeping an eye on Aiden's dance moves because he was too preoccupied talking and laughing all while still dancing! As natural as can be, Aiden still led Vincent around the small space while listening and tossing in his own laughter and commentary. They were no longer dancing the quadrille, exactly, but instead just dancing for fun while they interacted. In fact, they were so engrossed with each other, their dance, and the music that they were unaware that they were no longer alone.
As seconds turned to nearly a minute, Damien's composure was starting to crack. So this was why Vincent couldn't spend time with him earlier today! Of course, it was because of fucking Aiden! What the bloody Hell was going on? Finally deciding to just get their attention before he completely lost himself, Damien forced another smile upon his face and knocked loudly on the door.
"Damien! Is it three o'clock already?!" Vincent exclaimed before quickly glancing towards the clock. With a small chuckle he added, "Oh, you're early!" He gently detached himself from Aiden's embrace so he could go turn off the music. And as he moved, he glanced out the window and was made aware that it was suddenly getting dark outside as if it were going to pour any moment. And indeed, there was the gentle sound of thunder in the distance.
"Well, you said to just come in when I got here so here I am!"
"I meant at three, but it's fine. It looks like it's going to rain anyways."
It wasn't fine, Vincent felt, but he moved onto the next topic as he joined Aiden and Damien in the center of the room. Vincent realized how nicely Damien was dressed and he complimented him, "Well, don't you look extra sharp today? What's the occasion?"
Damien beamed as Vincent praised his outfit. He'd dressed up just for him for this very reason! He'd even let his hair grow out which he thought gave him a more roguish appearance. He felt handsome and confident; especially now that he knew Vincent approved (just as he already knew he would)!
"Well, thank you! I think I appear rather dashing."
Vincent gave a nod of approval then smiled and gestured over at Aiden. "Aiden's gotten a new outfit, too. Well, two. He's been practicing his dancing for the ball! Didn't you see? He's doing great! He's only just started learning a couple of weeks ago!"
At Vincent's proud grin and praise, Aiden felt himself blush deeply and smile bashfully. He glanced towards Vincent who stood beside him and nudged Aiden's arm with a chuckle. But across the way, Damien wasn't as pleased.
"Wait, wait, wait. The ball?" Damien wondered aloud condescendingly. "Since when is Aiden coming to the ball?"
"Since I invited him!" Vincent retorted more defensively than he'd intended. Damien blinked in surprise and even Aiden felt a little surprised...though also a bit pleased. Mysteriously, a shade of red appeared on Vincent's cheeks as he cleared his throat. He'd invited Aiden there so that he'd not dread the event so much. And...and he wanted him there. Aiden always made things better when he was there!
Unaware that he was still blushing, he quickly glanced up at Aiden then looked back at Damien before explaining a little timidly, "I just thought it would be fun, you know? I wanted to have my best friends with me." And suddenly there was a weight on Vincent's shoulders as Aiden daringly slid his arm over them and leaned towards him with a handsome smile.
"And it's going to be absolutely fantastic. I'm looking forward to it. And...thanks again for teaching me how to dance. These past couple weeks have been...wonderful. You're wonderful."
"Well, gosh! I've been enjoying your company, too. Practice is just a good excuse to see you! It...it HAS been wonderful."
And as Vincent and Aiden teased the boundaries of flirting, the realization of how good they looked side by side was more obvious than ever! Damien suddenly realized that they were even dressed to match in similar colors! It made them look even more like a couple! And with how had Vincent turned to look up at Aiden and seemed to lean into his touch? It took everything in Damien not to punch Aiden in his cocky, smiling face!
'...These past couple of weeks...' Aiden had said. What else had happened during this past month while he was gone?! Maybe he should have come home sooner, after all.
"So, tell us about your trip!" Vincent exclaimed as he was suddenly approaching Damien and tugged him further into the room towards the armchairs. "Would you like some tea? I was just thinking about making some! Aiden?" With both his friends acknowledging his offer, Vincent left Damien to sit and started up the kettle. Meanwhile, Aiden went to lean against the desk as he watched and listened silently.
Damien took his seat and groaned softly as he settled in. His eyes remained focused on Vincent (ignoring Aiden's existence as much as possible) and responded enthusiastically, "It was a lot of fun! I saw lots of family and some old friends..."
Damien began to elaborate on his visit, to which Aiden found a bit dull. However, Vincent seemed to know who Damien was talking about and was much more invested in this conversation. Even as Vincent finished serving their teas, Damien was still talking. It was as Damien's tea finally cooled enough for him to drink some that Aiden finally had a chance to speak.
"After this cup, I think I am going to let you two finish catching up and head out, myself," Aiden informed them. "When you decide when you want to take Leon's Claw up in the air, let me know."
"Mm, that's right. You and I need to decide on that!" Damien replied with a pleased grin to which Vincent smiled and nodded before sipping contently at his tea. Good, Damien thought to himself. Aiden was leaving! As soon as Aiden was gone, he'd get to the bottom of all this.
Aiden finished his tea fairly quickly, and it didn't take long before he reluctantly bid Vincent and Damien farewell. He'd be seeing Vincent the day after tomorrow for sure but that already felt like too far away. And there was something in the way Vincent hesitantly gave Aiden an umbrella to borrow and how he looked at him with a touch of longing that convinced Aiden that Vincent may, in fact, be feeling the exact same way.
Damien watched silently from where he leaned against the desk, arms rising and folding across his chest as the door finally closed behind Aiden. He watched as Vincent turned to face him with a smile. However, Vincent's smile immediately faded as he caught sight of Damien's slight frown and how his brows creased with irritation.
"What's-?" Vincent started but was cut off by Damien's abrupt, "What the fuck is going on?" Vincent drew in a deep breath and defensively responded, "What are you talking about exactly?"
"You know what I mean, Vincent!"
Vincent's lips parted but no words came out. He was flabbergasted! Where was all this coming from?! He really had no idea what Damien was so upset over so quickly! Yet as seconds passed and Vincent couldn't come up with an answer, Damien finally huffed and took a step away and ran his fingers through his hair frustratedly. Though a moment later he took a deep breath and glanced over his shoulders. He let out another sigh and asked Vincent, "I'm your best friend right?"
"Of course you are!"
"You know you can tell me anything."
"I know that."
"So, then what has he done to you?"
"What are you talking about?!"
"Aiden!" Damien placed his hands on Vincent's shoulders and squeezed tightly. Vincent winced and felt a headache take immediate siege as Aiden was being blamed yet again. "Come on, Vincent! This isn't you! I told you: you look silly when you dress like this. What's with the hair?"
Vincent felt his confidence start to sink as he glanced off to the side towards his mirror. Earlier, he'd felt pride in his appearance. He found he liked dressing more androgynously sometimes for personal reasons. Secretly, honestly... Vincent liked pretty things and had always wanted to dress more like this. It wasn't that he wanted to do it all the time but just on those rare occasions...but thanks to Damien, he was starting to question himself again and already wanted to unpin his hair. But then he remembered how Aiden had told him that it was flattering on him and that he looked great!
Remembering that, Vincent shifted his gaze up to look at Damien and placed his hands atop of his and pulled them off before stating a little sharply, "I'm trying something new. It's MY decision, Damien. No one makes that for me. No. One."
Drawing his hands back as if struck, Damien's brow furrowed as if hurt as Vincent walked past him with a sigh. Vincent placed his hands on his prized orrery and stared down at the planets as they rotated around. It was a moment later when Damien's voice appeared right behind him in his ear in a way that sent uncomfortable shivers down his spine.
"You're not the same anymore," Damien murmured. "It's like you're becoming a different person. I just miss my best friend. Is that such a bad thing?"
"No. It's-"
Vincent had turned around and found himself practically sandwiched between the orrery and Damien who was standing very, very close. Vincent wet his lips nervously and glanced off to the side uncomfortably.
"It's not a bad thing. I get it," Vincent relented as he maneuvered away towards his desk. Now feeling much less confident about himself, Vincent folded his arms over his abdomen and hunched slightly. This whole conversation had knocked the wind out of his sails.
Sensing Vincent's drop in mood, Damien reached out to touch his shoulder and explained, "It's just...not you. That's all. But I suppose I can get used to it. I just like good old Vincent, you know? I like how things used to be when it's just us...like now! It's okay, though. So..." And with that, Damien walked past Vincent towards the chair and went to plop down and folded his arms across his chest as he demanded, "...so, what's been going on with you this past month? What brought you to giving 'dancing' lessons?"
Vincent took a deep breath and then let it out and forced a smile on his face. He may as well try to keep the mood light. However, he decided to tread a little more carefully as he shrugged and went to the mirror across the way. He began to unpin the pins in his hair as he explained, "It's not just me. Abby's been helping as his dance partner but she's got a cold so I just stepped in for today."
"Oh! Well why didn't you say SHE was his dance partner?"
And though Vincent's back was turned and he couldn't see it, he could hear and feel Damien's demeanor easing down and becoming less tense. Thank God! He replied, "Because I didn't think it mattered? Anyway, I invited him to come to the ball because I thought it would be fun to have him there. Besides, there will be people he knows and it's a good opportunity. Plus, I was bored! You took TWO extra weeks to come back!"
"Yeah, but it was worth it. At least I had fun! I'm back now. That's what matters and things can go back to as they should be! Tell you what, why don't I come help out with Aiden's lessons? It would be fun! It would be easier to practice with another couple and you and I can dance together! How's that sound? We can practice for the ball!"
Vincent unwound his hair and let it fall across his shoulders; his hair falling forward across his brow and he stared at himself unhappily. And as he did, Damien suddenly appeared behind him, blocking his light and placing his hands around Vincent's upper arms. Vincent glanced off to the side though he felt Damien looming over him and pressing right up against his back and making him shrink and feel very small. Damien's eyes pierced the side of his head and his fingers dug in just the tiniest bit into his arms as he asked, "Don't you think that's a grand idea?"
"I do!" Vincent quickly lied as he plastered a smile on his face and glanced up at him up over his shoulder. Though, honestly, he wanted to crawl and hide for a while. While Damien was right that Aiden could practice better with another couple present for the quadrille, he didn't want to put them together right now. It seemed 4 weeks apart hadn't helped matters at all. "But he's already gotten so good that he won't need much more practice, I think. But if we do, I'll definitely be letting you know first."
Quickly, Vincent turned in place and pushed his long hair over his shoulder, "I'm tired of all this ball talk! Let's decide when we want to go flying!" He hoped Damien would allow himself to be distracted with plans and leave the rest of it alone. He just wanted to enjoy the rest of the day. And thankfully it seemed he was in luck!
Damien grinned and went to take his seat again all while going on a tangent about how eager he was for that. For now, it was best to let Damien enjoy that while he, Vincent, came down from whatever the fuck that argument had been about.
Vincent still wasn't sure what the core of Damien's actual problem was. It always felt like he was running in circles and never directly clarifying what upset him so much. Sometimes, Vincent wondered if even Damien knew. But it was as they parted ways much later in the evening, hours after the whole incident had even happened...that Damien finally started to hint what was really wrong.
"Tell me that you're not going to fall for Aiden."
"That's preposterous! Ha! What in the Hell has you thinking I'm going to fall for Aiden?!"
Vincent actually laughed at the idea! He shook his head as he leaned against the door jamb and folded his arms over his chest. And, if Damien was being honest with himself, Vincent sure did look surprised by this idea. Damien was standing before him in the hallway, peering back at Vincent with slightly narrowed eyes. He didn't want to go until he got that promise.
"Just....promise me you won't!"
"Pfft. Now you're just being ridiculous! Aiden? And 'me?' We're just friends! And crewmates...like you and me. Nothing's going to change, okay? Besides, I am absolutely sure Aiden doesn't see me as anything like that. Don't be a worry wart! You'll see! As soon as this damned masquerade is over with and we're back in the air, everything will be back to normal as it should be."
Vincent smirked and pushed on Damien's shoulder to nudge him to go home. The sooner Damien was gone, the sooner he could lock up and depart, himself. Thankfully, they were heading in opposite directions so he could finally get some peace and quiet.
It took a long moment, but Damien finally gave a satisfied nod and chuckle before responding, "I'm not a worry wart! Just call me a concerned best friend. I care about you. You know that."
"I do know. Be off with you! Get some rest! I'll see you in two days. Five o'clock at Leon's Claw. I'll make sure to get everything arranged ahead of time."
"See you then!"
And as soon as Damien's back was turned, Vincent ducked back into his office and slumped back against the door. Why the Hell was Damien so worried? Sure, Damien was never a person who enjoyed change but who ever truly did? Usually, the two worked very well together and got on well enough. They just needed to work through these few rough patches!
And besides, he was certain that whatever had Damien paranoid would soon pass because sooner or later he'd see that there was only friendship between Aiden and Vincent. It was absurd to think otherwise!
Absolutely...absurd.
---
NEXT PART:
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To select another chapter (or even start from the beginning), here's the album link:
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***Please note this is a BOY LOVE (LGBTQ+) series. It is a slow burn and is rated YOUNG ADULT!***
Special thank you to my husband Vin (Be My Mannequin? Pose Store) for collaborating with me on this series and co-starring as The Captain!
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