View allAll Photos Tagged PartitionofIndia
Montage showing Gurkha officers of the 7th Gurkha Rifles shortly after the Partition of India surrounded by the regimental insignia of the 10 Gurkha regiments (2, 6, 7 & 10 GR on the left and 1, 3, 4, 5, 8 & 9 GR on the right)
V. Hunjan, Believe Collective 2010
After the triumphs of World War II came the Independence of India, signalling the beginning of the end of the British 'Raj' (empire). To the shock and disappointment of many Gurkhas, the Gurkha Brigade was broken up and divided between the Indian and British Armies. Despite the British initially promising that all Gurkhas would be able to choose whether to stay in India or go with them to Malaya, in fact only soldiers of the 2nd, 6th, 7th and 10th Gurkhas were allowed to participate in the ‘Opt’ as it was called - and many of them decided to stay in India, much to the surprise of their British officers...
Read the full Timeline entry:
www.ayo-gorkhali.org/index.php/en/timeline/last-days-of-t...
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
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Partition is the only solution says India
by Salmon Rushjob
It has taken a top indian civil servant, Sanjit Penpusha, to come up with the answer to what is to happen to Britain after it becomes independent.
Sent out from Delhi to assist the new UK government with how to solve problems posted by a population bitterly divided by the religious views, Mr Penpusha has decided that there is no prospect of the two main mutually hostile groups ever living peacefully again.
Penpusha has therefore drawn a line down the middle of the country and ruled that, post-independence, all the Leavers should live on one side in the north, and all the Remainers should live in the south.
This partition plan is controversial because, on each side of the line, there are substantial minorities who do not fit into this sweeping division of the country.
It is feared that the moment independence comes, at the stroke of midnight on March 19th 2019, huge numbers of devout Brexiteers and Remoaners will be forced to flee from their homes to seek refuge the other side of the line.
Said one elderly British observer, Mahatma Gandalf, "it's going to be total chaos. I forsee millions of refugees desperate to board trains in each direction, hoping to join fellow believers as the country is irrevocably split into two.
"The only hope, " he concluded, "is that the train service has now become so bad that no one will be able to go anywhere. So they'll just have to stay where they are and learn how to put up with each other."
via Eoin Kelleher @eoinyk
This is a real life sized diorama in the Partition Museum of a prison cell. Some of those fighting the British were confined in cells as tiny as this. It's something like 4'x8' or something ridiculously small as that. Well, never mind the dimensions, you can see how small the cells is. This reminded me of the pigeon hole size prison cells set up by the demented Khmer Rouge lunatics in the S21 prison/ detention/ torture centre in Phnom Penh, which I had visited in Apr. 2014. Our good guide Gurinder mentioned one of his early relatives having been detained in a cell as tiny as this, but the figures (dimensions) evade me. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
His Majesty’s Opponents: Allama Mashriqi & Subhas Chandra Bose
By Nasim Yousaf
Allama Mashriqi (Sage of the East) and Subhas Chandra Bose (Netaji) were two prominent leaders of the Indian sub-continent (now comprised of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh). Both were His Majesty’s intransigent opponents and fought against the British Raj in their own ways. However, credit for India’s freedom is being given to Bose (and a few others), whereas Mashriqi’s paramount role in the freedom movement has been either misrepresented or completely wiped out in India (and Pakistan). As a grandson and biographer of Mashriqi, I feel compelled to provide the true facts, which have been kept hidden from public view.
Mashriqi and Bose were both born in British India, Mashriqi in Amritsar (Punjab) and Bose in Cuttack (Bengal). The two men had some similarities. Both wanted India’s freedom from British rule for the sake of saving the nation from political, economic, and cultural slavery. Both men believed that M.K. Gandhi’s methods were ineffective and could not bring freedom; and both adopted militarism in order to overthrow British rule. Gandhi opposed their ideas and supported their arrest. As they were considered a grave threat to British rule, the two men were jailed at different times. During their political careers, Mashriqi and Bose founded parallel/provisional Governments, Mashriqi in India and Bose outside the country. They were warned and harassed to stop their activities, but they brushed aside any pressure and moved forward with their goal of obtaining freedom for India.
Mashriqi and Bose headed prominent political movements dedicated to obtaining freedom for the Indian sub-continent. Mashriqi founded his private army, known as the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) in 1930. The Tehrik welcomed people from all faiths. Through the Tehrik, Mashriqi taught Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others how unity and discipline in their ranks could help them overturn foreign rule. Within a short period of time, Mashriqi’s army of Khaksars spread throughout India and the Tehrik also established branches in different parts of the world. Mashriqi and the Khaksars fought relentlessly for freedom of the Indian sub-continent and a large number of Khaksars’ lost their lives (including Mashriqi’s beloved son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam). During the freedom struggle, Mashriqi and his sons (Anwar, Akram, and Asghar) and thousands of Khaksars were imprisoned (many for life). The rulers did everything to try to crush Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars (including torturing and threatening them, spreading false allegations and propaganda labeling them as “fifth columnists,” banning their activities, etc.). However, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars remained relentlessly determined, mobilizing the public via fiery speeches, pamphlets, demonstrations, road marches, and mock wars. They continued their rigorous efforts until British rule came to an end in 1947.
Meanwhile, Bose became the head of the Indian National Army (also known as INA or Azad Hind Fauj) on July 05, 1943 with the help of the Japanese (who were part of the Axis powers). Like the Khaksar Tehrik, the INA was also comprised of Indians from different faiths. The INA focused its efforts on liberating India and fought British forces from outside India. In 1945, Bose’s forces were defeated by the British and the INA surrendered. Thereafter, the INA was disintegrated, and many of the INA’s soldiers were put on trial for treason, murder, and torture. Bose fled soon after his defeat and subsequently died in a plane crash (the circumstances surrounding his death have been questioned by some conspiracy theorists, even though there is no solid proof that he survived).
Bose and the INA’s role ended prior to independence, yet certain quarters in India claim that Bose brought freedom to the region, while ignoring Mashriqi’s efforts. To prove their point, they provide various questionable arguments. For example, apparently the late Prime Minister Clement Attlee mentioned in 1956 to then acting Governor of West Bengal Justice PB Chakraborthy that the British had abandoned their rule in India because of Bose’s INA. This seems to be based purely on hearsay, as there is not a single authentic historic British document or public statement by the Prime Minister or any other British high official that indicates that Attlee made this statement. Also, why would the British declare the INA victorious when the INA had been defeated by the Britons (who were part of the Allied forces)? If anything, it seems more plausible that Attlee confused INA soldiers with Khaksars – as the uniformed Khaksars were the ones fighting inside of India and after the INA’s surrender in 1945, many INA soldiers (e.g. Major General S.D. Khan and Col Ihsan Qadir) had joined the Khaksar Tehrik. In fact, by March of 1945, the “INA strength…was estimated to have declined to about 35,000” (source: cia.gov), whereas the Khaksar strength in 1946 was over five million Khaksar soldiers (Al-Islah, December 01, 1946). Some also claim that the mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946 was inspired by the INA. This claim may have some validity, but again lacks evidence and is based on questionable assumptions.
In the case of Mashriqi, there are many historic documents and events that show how he created grave fear in the British rulers’ minds and ultimately brought about an end to British rule. Throughout the 1930’s and ‘40’s, Mashriqi and the Khaksars worked tirelessly to mobilize the masses and undermine British rule. To cite just a few examples, upon Mashriqi’s directive, 3,000 Khaksar soldiers (who were in the Armed Forces of British India) brought about a mutiny in the armed forces. This was reported in Al-Islah on March 08, 1946. And in the time period leading up to independence, Mashriqi and the Khaksars moved aggressively to ensure that the British would have no choice but to quit India, as summarized below.
On November 7-10, 1946, a Khaksar military camp was held in Peshawar in which military exercises were conducted and the plan for a coup was finalized. On the last day of the camp (Nov 10, 1946), Mashriqi delivered a fiery speech to a crowd of 120,000 (including 10,000 uniformed Khaksars) comprised of Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and other faiths. During the speech, Mashriqi again spoke about British exploitation (Al-Islah November 15, 1946) and inspired the masses to revolt and overturn British rule. On December 01, 1946, just a few weeks after his speech at the said Khaksar camp, Mashriqi made the following announcement in a pamphlet:
“Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
The above message was widely distributed via flyers, wall writings, billboards, cinema slides and in Khaksar speeches in India. Furthermore, Al-Islah newspaper dated December 06, 1946 announced a street march of 10 million people (with spades); the announcement invited the masses from all faiths and backgrounds (civil and military) and also declared the issuance of 10 million advertisements in order to bring an end to British rule in the Indian sub-continent.
Such open and county-wide invitation of revolt was a clear signal to the British rulers that Mashriqi was going to overturn British rule. Thus, British Prime Minister Attlee soon announced that power shall be transferred “by a date not later than June, 1948.” Following this announcement, Mashriqi again took a number of steps to ensure that this was not a ploy by the British. For example, the British could have used their favored leaders (with whom they would hold talks) to instigate country-wide riots between Muslims and Hindus in an attempt to legitimize that the country was not ready for independence. Mashriqi would not allow this type of gambit to be played and put the last nail in the coffin for British rule when in March of 1947, he ordered 300,000 Khaksar soldiers to assemble in Delhi on June 30, 1947 to overthrow British rule (the British feared the gathering of such a large number of Khaksars).
On May 14, 1947, Mashriqi again addressed over 50,000 people in Patna and called for a Muslim-Hindu revolution:
“…The last remedy under the present circumstances is that one and all rise against this conspiracy [partition] as one man. Let there be a common Hindu-Muslim Revolution in which not hundreds but millions will lose their lives by the bullets of Birla and the British. Millions will die, no doubt, in this way but hundreds of millions will be saved forever. If man has decided to kill man for sheer lust of power and with nothing to show to the world except tyranny and loot, it is time that we should sacrifice men in millions now in order to uphold Truth, Honour and Justice.”
Faced with the prospect of a revolution, the rulers saw the writing on the wall and Lord Mountbatten hurriedly announced the Mountbatten Plan to transfer power. The plan was accepted by Muslim and Hindu leaders (including M.K. Gandhi) weeks before the assembly of the 300,000 Khaksars (despite the acceptance of the plan and a strict lockdown on public assemblies via Section 144, 70,000-80,000 Khaksars still assembled in Delhi according to The Tribune Lahore, July 02, 1947; according to the Khaksar circle, the gathering was much larger than the 80,000 reported in the newspaper).
A powerful ruler does not quit or transfer power without a strong threat to their rule; Mashriqi and the Khaksars were the threat that ultimately compelled the British to relinquish their rule in the Indian sub-continent.
In closing, while Bose certainly played some role in the freedom movement, his role was limited to fighting from outside India and ended before independence was achieved. Meanwhile, Mashriqi and the Khaksars were fighting from within India and continued to remain a powerful force that helped ensure the end of British rule in 1947. It is ironic then that Mashriqi’s crucial fight and sacrifices for independence have been ignored. In the context of this article, I have only just briefly summarized Mashriqi’s role; I cover the subject in much more detail in my published works. I urge the Government of India to provide Mashriqi official recognition (as they have done with Bose) and release Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated documents (pre- and post-partition). It is imperative that the public is not only aware of Mashriqi’s sacrifices in bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent, but also how Mashriqi fought to keep India united. By not declassifying Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s documents, India and Pakistan are depriving the people of the truth about how the freedom of the Indian sub-continent came about.
About the Author: Historian and scholar Nasim Yousaf’s extensive knowledge of the freedom movement comes from exhaustive secondary research and direct accounts from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters and the Khaksars, all of whom were part of the freedom movement. His works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at prestigious academic conferences in the US. His books can be found in major research libraries in many countries.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/pg/AllamaMashriqiAndNetaji
***
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A rather tattered cover of an erstwhile journal published from Lahore circa 1945, two years before partition. It is said that Lahore was also part of India at the time of partition, but then the administrators realized that while India had Amritsar, there was no major city on the Pakistan side. Lahore was therefore transferred to Pakistan and became part of that country. The idiot Radcliffe who did the partitioning was incompetent and it was a sham to put a man in charge who had not even visited this area before nor was aware of the topography of the place. Not that I have anything against Lahore being now in Pakistan, but the allocation could have been done more scientifically and with more maturity. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
His Majesty’s Opponents: Allama Mashriqi & Subhas Chandra Bose
By Nasim Yousaf
Allama Mashriqi (Sage of the East) and Subhas Chandra Bose (Netaji) were two prominent leaders of the Indian sub-continent (now comprised of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh). Both were His Majesty’s intransigent opponents and fought against the British Raj in their own ways. However, credit for India’s freedom is being given to Bose (and a few others), whereas Mashriqi’s paramount role in the freedom movement has been either misrepresented or completely wiped out in India (and Pakistan). As a grandson and biographer of Mashriqi, I feel compelled to provide the true facts, which have been kept hidden from public view.
Mashriqi and Bose were both born in British India, Mashriqi in Amritsar (Punjab) and Bose in Cuttack (Bengal). The two men had some similarities. Both wanted India’s freedom from British rule for the sake of saving the nation from political, economic, and cultural slavery. Both men believed that M.K. Gandhi’s methods were ineffective and could not bring freedom; and both adopted militarism in order to overthrow British rule. Gandhi opposed their ideas and supported their arrest. As they were considered a grave threat to British rule, the two men were jailed at different times. During their political careers, Mashriqi and Bose founded parallel/provisional Governments, Mashriqi in India and Bose outside the country. They were warned and harassed to stop their activities, but they brushed aside any pressure and moved forward with their goal of obtaining freedom for India.
Mashriqi and Bose headed prominent political movements dedicated to obtaining freedom for the Indian sub-continent. Mashriqi founded his private army, known as the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) in 1930. The Tehrik welcomed people from all faiths. Through the Tehrik, Mashriqi taught Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others how unity and discipline in their ranks could help them overturn foreign rule. Within a short period of time, Mashriqi’s army of Khaksars spread throughout India and the Tehrik also established branches in different parts of the world. Mashriqi and the Khaksars fought relentlessly for freedom of the Indian sub-continent and a large number of Khaksars’ lost their lives (including Mashriqi’s beloved son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam). During the freedom struggle, Mashriqi and his sons (Anwar, Akram, and Asghar) and thousands of Khaksars were imprisoned (many for life). The rulers did everything to try to crush Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars (including torturing and threatening them, spreading false allegations and propaganda labeling them as “fifth columnists,” banning their activities, etc.). However, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars remained relentlessly determined, mobilizing the public via fiery speeches, pamphlets, demonstrations, road marches, and mock wars. They continued their rigorous efforts until British rule came to an end in 1947.
Meanwhile, Bose became the head of the Indian National Army (also known as INA or Azad Hind Fauj) on July 05, 1943 with the help of the Japanese (who were part of the Axis powers). Like the Khaksar Tehrik, the INA was also comprised of Indians from different faiths. The INA focused its efforts on liberating India and fought British forces from outside India. In 1945, Bose’s forces were defeated by the British and the INA surrendered. Thereafter, the INA was disintegrated, and many of the INA’s soldiers were put on trial for treason, murder, and torture. Bose fled soon after his defeat and subsequently died in a plane crash (the circumstances surrounding his death have been questioned by some conspiracy theorists, even though there is no solid proof that he survived).
Bose and the INA’s role ended prior to independence, yet certain quarters in India claim that Bose brought freedom to the region, while ignoring Mashriqi’s efforts. To prove their point, they provide various questionable arguments. For example, apparently the late Prime Minister Clement Attlee mentioned in 1956 to then acting Governor of West Bengal Justice PB Chakraborthy that the British had abandoned their rule in India because of Bose’s INA. This seems to be based purely on hearsay, as there is not a single authentic historic British document or public statement by the Prime Minister or any other British high official that indicates that Attlee made this statement. Also, why would the British declare the INA victorious when the INA had been defeated by the Britons (who were part of the Allied forces)? If anything, it seems more plausible that Attlee confused INA soldiers with Khaksars – as the uniformed Khaksars were the ones fighting inside of India and after the INA’s surrender in 1945, many INA soldiers (e.g. Major General S.D. Khan and Col Ihsan Qadir) had joined the Khaksar Tehrik. In fact, by March of 1945, the “INA strength…was estimated to have declined to about 35,000” (source: cia.gov), whereas the Khaksar strength in 1946 was over five million Khaksar soldiers (Al-Islah, December 01, 1946). Some also claim that the mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946 was inspired by the INA. This claim may have some validity, but again lacks evidence and is based on questionable assumptions.
In the case of Mashriqi, there are many historic documents and events that show how he created grave fear in the British rulers’ minds and ultimately brought about an end to British rule. Throughout the 1930’s and ‘40’s, Mashriqi and the Khaksars worked tirelessly to mobilize the masses and undermine British rule. To cite just a few examples, upon Mashriqi’s directive, 3,000 Khaksar soldiers (who were in the Armed Forces of British India) brought about a mutiny in the armed forces. This was reported in Al-Islah on March 08, 1946. And in the time period leading up to independence, Mashriqi and the Khaksars moved aggressively to ensure that the British would have no choice but to quit India, as summarized below.
On November 7-10, 1946, a Khaksar military camp was held in Peshawar in which military exercises were conducted and the plan for a coup was finalized. On the last day of the camp (Nov 10, 1946), Mashriqi delivered a fiery speech to a crowd of 120,000 (including 10,000 uniformed Khaksars) comprised of Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and other faiths. During the speech, Mashriqi again spoke about British exploitation (Al-Islah November 15, 1946) and inspired the masses to revolt and overturn British rule. On December 01, 1946, just a few weeks after his speech at the said Khaksar camp, Mashriqi made the following announcement in a pamphlet:
“Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
The above message was widely distributed via flyers, wall writings, billboards, cinema slides and in Khaksar speeches in India. Furthermore, Al-Islah newspaper dated December 06, 1946 announced a street march of 10 million people (with spades); the announcement invited the masses from all faiths and backgrounds (civil and military) and also declared the issuance of 10 million advertisements in order to bring an end to British rule in the Indian sub-continent.
Such open and county-wide invitation of revolt was a clear signal to the British rulers that Mashriqi was going to overturn British rule. Thus, British Prime Minister Attlee soon announced that power shall be transferred “by a date not later than June, 1948.” Following this announcement, Mashriqi again took a number of steps to ensure that this was not a ploy by the British. For example, the British could have used their favored leaders (with whom they would hold talks) to instigate country-wide riots between Muslims and Hindus in an attempt to legitimize that the country was not ready for independence. Mashriqi would not allow this type of gambit to be played and put the last nail in the coffin for British rule when in March of 1947, he ordered 300,000 Khaksar soldiers to assemble in Delhi on June 30, 1947 to overthrow British rule (the British feared the gathering of such a large number of Khaksars).
On May 14, 1947, Mashriqi again addressed over 50,000 people in Patna and called for a Muslim-Hindu revolution:
“…The last remedy under the present circumstances is that one and all rise against this conspiracy [partition] as one man. Let there be a common Hindu-Muslim Revolution in which not hundreds but millions will lose their lives by the bullets of Birla and the British. Millions will die, no doubt, in this way but hundreds of millions will be saved forever. If man has decided to kill man for sheer lust of power and with nothing to show to the world except tyranny and loot, it is time that we should sacrifice men in millions now in order to uphold Truth, Honour and Justice.”
Faced with the prospect of a revolution, the rulers saw the writing on the wall and Lord Mountbatten hurriedly announced the Mountbatten Plan to transfer power. The plan was accepted by Muslim and Hindu leaders (including M.K. Gandhi) weeks before the assembly of the 300,000 Khaksars (despite the acceptance of the plan and a strict lockdown on public assemblies via Section 144, 70,000-80,000 Khaksars still assembled in Delhi according to The Tribune Lahore, July 02, 1947; according to the Khaksar circle, the gathering was much larger than the 80,000 reported in the newspaper).
A powerful ruler does not quit or transfer power without a strong threat to their rule; Mashriqi and the Khaksars were the threat that ultimately compelled the British to relinquish their rule in the Indian sub-continent.
In closing, while Bose certainly played some role in the freedom movement, his role was limited to fighting from outside India and ended before independence was achieved. Meanwhile, Mashriqi and the Khaksars were fighting from within India and continued to remain a powerful force that helped ensure the end of British rule in 1947. It is ironic then that Mashriqi’s crucial fight and sacrifices for independence have been ignored. In the context of this article, I have only just briefly summarized Mashriqi’s role; I cover the subject in much more detail in my published works. I urge the Government of India to provide Mashriqi official recognition (as they have done with Bose) and release Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated documents (pre- and post-partition). It is imperative that the public is not only aware of Mashriqi’s sacrifices in bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent, but also how Mashriqi fought to keep India united. By not declassifying Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s documents, India and Pakistan are depriving the people of the truth about how the freedom of the Indian sub-continent came about.
About the Author: Historian and scholar Nasim Yousaf’s extensive knowledge of the freedom movement comes from exhaustive secondary research and direct accounts from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters and the Khaksars, all of whom were part of the freedom movement. His works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at prestigious academic conferences in the US. His books can be found in major research libraries in many countries.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
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A general view of the first hall in the Partition Museum in Amritsar. Photography is prohibited inside, much to our chagrin, but I did manage a few shots. This was probably taken by my brother as my sis in law and I can both be seen here. The Partition of India was the division of British India in 1947 which accompanied the creation of two independent dominions, India and Pakistan.The Dominion of India is today the Republic of India, and the Dominion of Pakistan is today the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the People's Republic of Bangladesh. The partition involved the division of three provinces, Assam, Bengal and the Punjab, based on district-wise Hindu or Muslim majorities. The boundary demarcating India and Pakistan became known as the Radcliffe Line. It also involved the division of the British Indian Army, the Royal Indian Navy, the Indian Civil Service, the railways, and the central treasury, between the two new dominions. The partition was set forth in the Indian Independence Act 1947 and resulted in the dissolution of the British Raj, as the British government there was called. The two self-governing countries of Pakistan and India legally came into existence at midnight on 14–15 August 1947. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Imagine sipping your morning coffee one day and waking up to a headline like this! This is the front page of the Morning News newspaper of Aug. 15, 1947 announcing the partition of India into two countries- India and Pakistan. Must of the joy over this partition was on the Pakistan side, though the mastermind Jinnah, later was to regret the decision calling it his 'biggest blunder'. Well, that's history now, and there is no chance of the countries joining again. They could join forces together though. Pakistan unfortunately has allowed religious fundamentalism to disturb much of it's ambitious growth plans and this sort of undesirable activities keep the country from going forward.
They had better get their act together to rid themselves of this trash so that they can well and truly be on the path to progress. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Another look at the preserved section of walls in the Jallianwala Bagh which still have bullet holes intact. These bear testimony to the massacre of thousands of unarmed civilians by the demented British Gen. Dayer. For detailed notes about the Jallaianwala Bagh massacre see earlier pictures in this album. (see preceding images) (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
My turn to pose outside the Partition Museum The government of Punjab founded this museum with the The Arts and Cultural Heritage Trust (TAACHT) of the United Kingdom as a way to memorialize those who were affected by the partition of India into two countries- India and Pakistan, when India got independence in 1947. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Not really a place to sport a broad smile, but that is me at the central obelisk at Jalianwallah Bagh in Amritsar which, apart from the garden itself, has been set up to commemorate the massacre of thousands of unarmed civilians. This is a spot with a grisly history when a demented British army man Gen. Dayer killed some 1670 unarmed civilians when they had gathered here to hold a meeting about how to cease British rule in India. (most sites however claim that they had gathered there for a local Baisakhi festival and a cattle fair). For detailed notes about the Jallaianwala Bagh massacre see earlier pictures in this album. (see preceding images) (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
An aerial view of the Harmandir Sahib/ Golden Temple during the pre-partition days. Note that it was once almost open to the street, and the large square enclosure around it housing the langar, rest houses, temple offices etc. is absent. Moslems might have lived all around the Golden Temple. Many of them fled to Pakistan during the partition in 1947 and consequently many of the buildings you see here were demolished, either during the rioting or as a result of redevelopment of the city post partition. This is in Amritsar's Partition Museum, notes about which appeared earlier in this album. (see previous pictures). (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
More headlines announcing the Independence of India, this time on the Indian side- these are the headlines in the Hindustan Times newspaper published from India. Though Jinnah, the mastermind behind the partition was thrilled at his achievement, the partition itself caused much death, destruction and total carnage resulting in mass migrations of millions from either side of the border and the resultant mass hysteria, rioting and mob violence. Today both countries are very similar in many ways, but also very different. Pakistan has unfortunately not managed to curb religious fundamentalism which is dragging her down and affecting her growth development. I will not talk about corruption though as India is no better in terms of corruption. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
A more recent, but still historic long shot of the Harmandir Sahib/ Golden Temple of Amritsar. Note that much of the surrounding buildings have come up. The long causeway leads from the shrine to the Akal Takht building seen at the other end, which houses religious offices and where the holy book the Guru Granth Sahib is ceremoniously lodged for the night. The holy book is returned to the main temple before sunrise. We have witnessed the Guru Granth Sahib holy book being retired for the night, pictures earlier in this album. (see previous pictures). The causeway is covered by a canopy now. The crowds on the now covered causeway appear earlier in this album as well. (see previous pictures). (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
A movie running in a continuous loop shows a freight train packed with desperate people on a run between India and Pakistan. (or vice versa). Massive population exchanges occurred between the two newly formed states in the months immediately following the Partition. The population of undivided India in 1947 was approx 390 million. After partition, there were 330 million people in India, 30 million in West Pakistan, and 30 million people in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Once the lines were established, about 14.5 million people crossed the borders to what they hoped was the relative safety of religious majority. The 1951 Census of Pakistan identified the number of displaced persons in Pakistan at 7,226,600, presumably all Muslims who had entered Pakistan from India. Similarly, the 1951 Census of India enumerated 7,295,870 displaced persons, apparently all Hindus and Sikhs who had moved to India from Pakistan immediately after the Partition. The two numbers add up to 14.5 million. Since both censuses were held about 3.6 years after the Partition, the enumeration included net population increase after the mass migration. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
This picture really freaked me out. Remember the many shots of Ranjit Singh which appeared earlier in this album? (see previous pictures), Well, Queen Victoria's statue once stood there. This is a view of Queen Victoria's statue in that rotunda. There are two reasons why this picture is so dreadful in terms of quality. Once, it was in a dark corner, which meant more grain. Second, this is a grab shot. Photography inside the Partition Museum is prohibited, and there are guards moving around all the time. My brother was admonished more than once for taking pictures with his cell phone.
Amazingly, no one bothered me with my large Nikon D7200 dSLR,
as I was not actually putting camera to eye. So taking advantage of this, I took a few shots inside the museum. I think I heard footsteps when I was taking this pic, due to which I had to hastily put the camera down, resulting in a bit of camera shake. We heard later from the Museum office that many people have complained to them about the photography ban and that they are planning to reconsider it. Hope so! (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
The notorious Gen. Dayer entered with his army through this passage. (see previous and subsequent captions for what this is all about). The Jallianwala Bagh massacre, also known as the Amritsar massacre, took place on 13 April, 1919 when troops of the British Indian Army under the command of Colonel Reginald Dyer fired machine guns into a crowd of unarmed protesters, along with Baishakhi pilgrims, who had gathered in Jallianwala Bagh, Amritsar. The civilians, in the majority Sikhs, had assembled to participate in the annual Baisakhi celebrations, a religious and cultural festival for Punjabi people and also to condemn the arrest and deportation of two national leaders, Satya Pal and Dr Saifuddin Kitchlew. Coming from outside the city, many may have been unaware of the imposition of martial law in the city, and hence the gathering. The British, and Gen Dayer in particular, was furious about what he deemed to be an unlawful gathering of a large number of civilians despite the ban, and so decided to 'teach them a lesson' by gunning them down. A shameful act by an individual, which even had the British occupiers hang their heads in shame. But Dayer got off fairly lightly in the end.(Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
This note about Radcliffe's shoddy job of the partition of India is almost comical. As you can see, the partition was almost a sham. And Jinnah, the person behind it, is also said to have called it one of his biggest blunders. Radcliffe, a man who had never been east of Paris, was given the chairmanship of the two boundary committees set up with the passing of the Indian Independence Act. He was faced with the daunting task of drawing the borders for the new nations of Pakistan and India in a way that would leave as many Hindus and Sikhs in India and Muslims in Pakistan as possible. Radcliffe submitted his partition map on 9 August 1947, which split Punjab and Bengal almost in half. The new boundaries were formally announced on 14 August 1947—the day of Pakistan's independence and the day before India became independent. Radcliffe's efforts saw some 14 million people—roughly seven million from each side—flee across the border when they discovered the new boundaries left them in the wrong country. Some 500,000 people died in the violence that ensued after independence, and millions more were injured. After seeing the mayhem occurring on both sides of the boundary, Radcliffe refused his salary of 40,000 rupees (then 3,000 pounds). He was made a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire in 1948. The notice is fairly self explanatory if viewed in full screen or expanded mode. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Later after lunch,we visited the Jallianwala Bagh. This white sculpture marks the entrance to this place. The Jallianwala Bagh is a public garden in Amritsar which houses a memorial of national importance. Established in 1951 by the Government of India, the garden commemorates the massacre of peaceful Indian celebrators including unarmed women and children by British occupying forces. The crowd had gathered here on the occasion of the Punjabi New Year on April 13, 1919. In what is generally referred to as the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, the notorious General Gen. Dayer decided to 'teach the unlawful gathering a lesson' by firing point blank into the crowd. Colonial British Raj sources identified 379 fatalities and estimated about 1100 wounded. Civil Surgeon Dr. Smith indicated that there were 1,526 casualties. Apart from the firing, many were also killed in the resulting stampede or by jumping into a well nearby (see subsequent images) to escape the unprovoked assault. It was a true carnage by the British occupying forces. The true figures of fatalities are unknown, but are very likely to be many times higher than the official figure of 379. The scale of the massacre even put the occupying British forces to shame, though the perpetrator Gen Dayer got away with it fairly lightly. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
The Partition Museum is set in the erstwhile Amritsar Town Hall. It is a must visit place for any Indian with a sense of national pride and who can empathize with the millions who became destitute overnight and who lost large tracts of, or all of one's land due to a very ill conceived partition carried out by Ratcliffe, who was a total idiot who had never even visited the region before and who hadn't the faintest idea what was going on. Being struck with dysentry only made him hasten the process further so the shoddy work became even shoddier. Many farmers suddenly woke up one morning to find half their field in Pakistan with no access to it! The Amritsar Town Hall was built by the British in 1866, and was the then centre of the Amritsar's local administration. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Our time in the Jallianwala Bagh memorial is up now and we are now on the path leading to the exit. On the way, to the right, we pass the well into which many panicked victims jumped to escape the senseless massacre by a demented British Gen. Dayer. So many of those who may have escaped the lunatic's bullet died in the resultant stampede or due to jumping into this well to save themselves. Which is why they now call it the martyr's well. When I had visited way back in 1979, it had been just a well. But now, as part of the restoration, they have built a large shrine like think atop the well which you can see up ahead, which dampens the effect somewhat. For detailed notes about the Jallaianwala Bagh massacre see earlier pictures in this album. (see preceding images) (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Inauguration plaque outside the Partition Museum in Amritsar. In 1947, British India was divided into India and Pakistan. The partition lines, drawn on a map by the British lawyer Cyril Radcliffe, divided the states of Punjab into West Punjab and East Punjab on the basis of religion. As a result, millions of people found themselves on the wrong side of the border overnight. According to various estimates, more than 800,000 Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs were killed in the riots that followed the partition between August 1947 to January 1948. Additionally, more than 1,400,000 people became refugees. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Another appeal by the founder of the Pakistan Muslim Movement which laid the foundations for the partition of India into India for the Hindus and Pakistan for the Moslems. And today, while the Indians and Pakistanis may be proud of their respective countries, such myopic and divisive short sighted views of some individuals only brought misery, death and destruction and displacement to millions or ordinary people who bore the brunt of these actions. Even Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan is said to have admitted before his death that the partition was the biggest blunder of his life. Today the two nations still view each other with suspicion and mistrust, fueled further by idiot politicians on either side who want to keep the animosity alive,
probably for their own personal political agendas. Today's young generation will hopefully change all this, for in this era of social media, most youngsters draw no lines based on skin colour, race or religion. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
And finally, here are headlines as Dawn, a legendary Pakistan newspaper, announces the birth of Pakistan. Today both countries are very similar in many aspects but area also quite different. Politicians on either side of the border keep a large element of mutual suspicion andh hatred alive on both sides of the border, usually to fulfill their own personal political agenda. Fortunately however, in this modern age of social media and with youngsters not giving a rat's ass about issues like religion, race and colour, hopefully the two countries can kiss and make up and be good friends once again. To hell with the politicians and religious fundamentalists. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
As we were walking out of the Partition Museum in Amritsar, I spotted these two men just outside, preparing kebabs to bbq over a coal fire. Now I am in the habit of stopping and taking a picture of anything and everything which catches my fancy, but my brother and sis in law do not necessarily share my enthusiasm and had already walked way ahead. I therefore had to made do with this grab shot, shot while walking, of the two guys making kebabs. They were just preparing the meats, grilling would probably take a while yet, ans their coal fire had not yet been lit. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
A slightly farther view of the Partition Museum and the elegant building in which it is housed. This was the erstwhile Amritsar Town Hall which was built by the British in 1866. It was the then centre of the Amritsar's local administration. Notes about the Partition Museum appeared in previous pictures and some more notes also appear soon after this. I wanted a slightly long shot so that one can see more of the building itself, so there was unfortunately no way of cutting those motor scooters out. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
It's almost amusing to see a Lahore (Pak) based company urging people to buy local (Indian) goods! This is a laminated notice published from Lahore, now in Pakistan after partition. Many contradictions to be see here: Buy Swadeshi is the Hindi for Buy Local (or buy national). The comp, despite several Pakistani film artistes having performed in India in recent times. Politicians on either side try to keep a high level of animosity between the countries to fulfill their own personal political agendas, but the younger generation is hopefully changing all that, for thanks to today's modern world with social media, the young crowd does not recognize barriers based on colour, race or religion. (most of them at least). (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Another look at the red stone obelisk which, along with the garden itself commemorates the Jallianwala Bagh massacre of innocent unarmed Indian civilians by a demented Gen. Dayer (Dyer). For detailed notes about the Jallianwala Bagh massacre see earlier pictures in this album. (see preceding images). The two short stumps on either side of the obelisk makes it look like fenders of an ancient truck! I think there is supposed to be a pool with fountains at the base of the obelisk- there is even a small causeway for people to cross over the pool to get to the obelisk as you can see at the far left. But the fountain was not in use and the pool was bone dry. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Now here is a sombre view of Jallianwala Bagh just after the massacre, where a lunatic British Gen. Dyer shot and killed hundreds of unarmed Indian civilians and injured thousands of others. Now I have covered Jallianwala Bagh is some detail earlier in this album (see previous pictures) and will hence save you the commentary. For detailed notes about the Jallaianwala Bagh massacre see earlier pictures in this album. (see preceding images) (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
This interesting map in the Partition Museum in Amritsar shows the expanse of the British Indian Empire in The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1909. British India is shaded pink, the princely states yellow. I had seen a similar interesting map in the Canadian War Museum in Ottawa,
Canada, in July 2015. That map had a similar theme, but it depicted the expanse of the British empire on a more international level. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
While the event might have met the political agenda of certain individuals, the partition of India was for most of the population a tragedy of epic proportions. The newly formed governments were completely unequipped to deal with migrations of such staggering magnitude, and massive violence and slaughter occurred on both sides of the border. Estimates of the number of deaths vary, with low estimates at 200,000 and high estimates at 2,000,000. Virtually no Muslim survived in East Punjab (except in Malerkotla) and virtually no Hindu or Sikh survived in West Punjab, according to some journals. People lost property, fields were suddenly divided, with half of it going into the other country, all thanks to an idiot Radcliffe from Britain who was assigned with the task of partitioning the country despite his never having been here before. This is another screen shot of the movie running in a continuous loop showing mass movement of the masses between India and Pakistan post partition. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
Signs in four languages (English, Hindi, Punjabi and Urdu) proclaim that this is the lane through which Gen. Dayer led his forces to massacre thousands of innocent Indian civilians who had gathered for a local festival in the Jallianwala Bagh. This is a closer view of the English sign about the massacre. We are walking through that lane now (see previous pictures.) Refer to previous pictures earlier in this album for details about the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
The Partition of India, 14th August 1947. Viceroy of India Lord Louis Mountbatten and Lady Edwina Mountbatten arriving at Sindh Governor House, Karachi for the "handing-over" ceremony. Partition took effect from midnight on that date and the Dominion of Pakistan was created. Muhammad Ali Jinnah became the first Governor-general of Pakistan until September 1948 when he succumbed to ill-health.
My father was stationed at RAF Mauripur (just outside Karachi) for most of 1947.
An overall view of the interior of the Partition Museum in Amritsar. That's my brother trying to take a few shots inside. My brother's photographing with is cellphone was objected to many times by the guards there, while no one questioned me with my large Nikon D7200 around my neck, much to my sis in law's amusement. That was probably because I was not actually putting my camera to eye, at least, when the guards were around!. There are several TV screens throughout the Partition Museum which play films in a continuous loop of locals explaining their reaction when they heard about the partition and the kind of hardship they suffered as a result. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
The Partition of India, 14th August 1947. The motorcade carrying the Viceroy of India Lord Louis Mountbatten and Lady Edwina Mountbatten arriving at Sindh Governor House, Karachi for the "handing-over" ceremony. Partition came into effect at midnight on that date and the Dominion of Pakistan was created. Muhammad Ali Jinnah became the first Governor-general of Pakistan until September 1948 when he succumbed to ill-health. My father was stationed at RAF Mauripur (just outside Karachi) for most of 1947.
So here is the last bit of the grisly picture at Jallianwalla- the Martyrs' Well, now enclosed in the shrine like structure you see ahead. Many people died in stampedes at the narrow gates or by jumping into the solitary well on the compound to escape the shooting. A plaque, placed at the site after independence states that 120 bodies were removed from the well. The wounded could not be moved from where they had fallen, as a curfew was declared, and many more died during the night. For detailed notes about the Jallaianwala Bagh massacre see earlier pictures in this album. (see preceding images) (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
The laminated cover of a journal dating back to when India and Pak were united as one and were still part of the Diminion of India. Partition unfortunately changed all that, and while some argue it is good, most say it is bad. Even the mastermind Jinnah admitted before his death that the partition was probably his biggest blunder, for he really did not achieve what he had set out to achieve. India and Pakistan are now two totally divided countries, viewing each other with constant suspicion. Hopefully only the younger generation can change all that, for in today's era of social media, ancient barbaric beliefs and divisions are generally lost on youngsters so we will hopefully have a more balanced society sometime in future. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
I am not sure if this large picture in the Partition Museum is of Jinnah addressing his country soon after Pakistan was born or if it is of him addressing the Moslem league in 1940, in which case it would be a full seven years before partition. But whatever be it, this is Jinnah addressing a crowd of his followers. (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
We have seen the Jallianwala Bagh in some detail now. As we walk down the path towards the exit, we turn around to get one last far shot of the Jallianwalla memorial obelisk, just as we exit the garden. For detailed notes about the Jallaianwala Bagh massacre see earlier pictures in this album. (see preceding images) (Amritsar, Punjab, northern India, Nov. 2017)
The Partition of India, 14th August 1947. Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his sister Fatima with Lord and Lady Mountbatten on the steps of Sindh Governor House, Karachi for the "handing-over" ceremony. Partition was effective from midnight on that date and Jinnah became the first Governor-general of the newly-created Dominion of Pakistan.
My father was stationed at RAF Mauripur (just outside Karachi) for most of 1947.