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In 2015, books on Allama Mashriqi and Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan, authored by Nasim Yousaf, were displayed in the largest international book fairs in the world - London, New York, San Francisco, and Frankfurt.
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Nation Mourns Death of Legendary Freedom Fighter, Allama Mashriqi
www.facebook.com/AllamaMashri...
Allama Mashriqi Broke Academic Records At University of Cambridge
www.facebook.com/AllamaMashri...
Khaksar Movement Weekly “Al-Islah’s” Role Toward Freedom
Allama Mashriqi’s Book “Tazkirah” (Nominated for Nobel Prize in Literature)
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Historic photos of Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik)
(Founded by Allama Mashriqi in 1930)
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Move...
Nobel Prize Nominee Allama Mashriqi - Founder Khaksar Tehrik
www.facebook.com/allamamashraqi
Einstein & Other Scientists’ Meetings with Allama Mashriqi
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Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
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India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
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2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
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Nasim Yousaf is a scholar and historian who has presented papers at U.S. conferences and written many articles and books. He has also contributed articles to the “Harvard Asia Quarterly” and the “World History Encyclopedia (USA).” His forthcoming book, “Mahatma Gandhi & My Grandfather, Allama Mashriqi,” discusses the role of Mashriqi and Gandhi in the freedom movement, their political differences, and the true driving force behind the liberation of British India in 1947.
PRESS RELEASE
Allama Mashriqi’s Grandson Compiles Digital Version of “Al-Islah” Weekly
Allama Mashriqi’s grandson, Nasim Yousaf, has completed a massive undertaking to compile historic copies of the Khaksar Tehrik’s weekly newspaper, “Al-Islah,” into a digital format. Prior to this effort, “Al-Islah” had not seen the light of day since 1947 for political reasons. This publication is extremely important in understanding not only the history of the freedom movement of the Indian sub-continent, but also the true driving force behind the British transfer of power in 1947. By painstakingly compiling a digital version of the newspaper, Mr. Yousaf has taken an important step towards making the publication accessible to a wide audience.
“Al-Islah” was originally founded in 1934 by Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Tehrik) and launched from Lahore. It quickly established a large following, including subscribers in British India, England, Bahrain, Egypt, Nigeria, South Africa, and Saudi Arabia. “Al-Islah” played a key role in spreading Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s ideology and helped Mashriqi raise a well-disciplined private army of 5 million. In addition, “Al-Islah” inspired other Muslim as well as non-Muslim organizations to follow the Khaksar Tehrik and form similar organizations. The newspaper is essential to a complete understanding of the freedom movement because it describes the critical role played by the Khaksar Movement in bringing independence to the nation; without access to this publication, there would remain a large gap in the knowledge of the freedom movement. Thus, the digital compilation of “Al-Islah” is indeed momentous, as it will enable professors, students, researchers, historians and others to further study Allama Mashriqi’s role in the struggle for the freedom of British India and emergence of Pakistan and India as two separate countries.
In addition to compiling “Al-Islah,” scholar and historian Mr. Yousaf has so far written nine books (five primarily focusing on Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik and four on import and export of consumer products such as rugs, apparel, and textiles). He has presented papers at U.S. scholarly conferences and written many articles and books. In 2007, he presented at the New York Conference on Asian Studies on the military-style activities of the uniformed Khaksars; this is believed to be the first time anyone had presented a paper and slide show on the Khaksar Tehrik to an academic audience in the USA. Mr. Yousaf has also contributed articles to the “Harvard Asia Quarterly” and the “World History Encyclopedia (USA).” His forthcoming book entitled “Mahatma Gandhi & My Grandfather, Allama Mashriqi” uncovers many hidden realities behind the freedom of British India.
For additional information and updates about the respected Allama Mashriqi, please visit the following web site: www.allamamashraqi.com.
www.amzpublications.net/images/DIGITIAL_VERSION_OF_HISTOR...
Website:
Fan Page (Facebook):
Nasim Yousaf is a scholar and historian who has presented papers at U.S. conferences and written many articles and books. He has also contributed articles to the “Harvard Asia Quarterly” and the “World History Encyclopedia (USA).” His forthcoming book, “Mahatma Gandhi & My Grandfather, Allama Mashriqi,” discusses the role of Mashriqi and Gandhi in the freedom movement, their political differences, and the true driving force behind the liberation of British India in 1947.
PRESS RELEASE
Allama Mashriqi’s Grandson Compiles Digital Version of “Al-Islah” Weekly
Allama Mashriqi’s grandson, Nasim Yousaf, has completed a massive undertaking to compile historic copies of the Khaksar Tehrik’s weekly newspaper, “Al-Islah,” into a digital format. Prior to this effort, “Al-Islah” had not seen the light of day since 1947 for political reasons. This publication is extremely important in understanding not only the history of the freedom movement of the Indian sub-continent, but also the true driving force behind the British transfer of power in 1947. By painstakingly compiling a digital version of the newspaper, Mr. Yousaf has taken an important step towards making the publication accessible to a wide audience.
“Al-Islah” was originally founded in 1934 by Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Tehrik) and launched from Lahore. It quickly established a large following, including subscribers in British India, England, Bahrain, Egypt, Nigeria, South Africa, and Saudi Arabia. “Al-Islah” played a key role in spreading Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s ideology and helped Mashriqi raise a well-disciplined private army of 5 million. In addition, “Al-Islah” inspired other Muslim as well as non-Muslim organizations to follow the Khaksar Tehrik and form similar organizations. The newspaper is essential to a complete understanding of the freedom movement because it describes the critical role played by the Khaksar Movement in bringing independence to the nation; without access to this publication, there would remain a large gap in the knowledge of the freedom movement. Thus, the digital compilation of “Al-Islah” is indeed momentous, as it will enable professors, students, researchers, historians and others to further study Allama Mashriqi’s role in the struggle for the freedom of British India and emergence of Pakistan and India as two separate countries.
In addition to compiling “Al-Islah,” scholar and historian Mr. Yousaf has so far written nine books (five primarily focusing on Allama Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik and four on import and export of consumer products such as rugs, apparel, and textiles). He has presented papers at U.S. scholarly conferences and written many articles and books. In 2007, he presented at the New York Conference on Asian Studies on the military-style activities of the uniformed Khaksars; this is believed to be the first time anyone had presented a paper and slide show on the Khaksar Tehrik to an academic audience in the USA. Mr. Yousaf has also contributed articles to the “Harvard Asia Quarterly” and the “World History Encyclopedia (USA).” His forthcoming book entitled “Mahatma Gandhi & My Grandfather, Allama Mashriqi” uncovers many hidden realities behind the freedom of British India.
For additional information and updates about the respected Allama Mashriqi, please visit the following web site: www.allamamashraqi.com.
www.amzpublications.net/images/DIGITIAL_VERSION_OF_HISTOR...
Website:
Fan Page (Facebook):
Allama Mashriqi Narrowly
Escapes the Gallows Published in the USA
Marks the Allama’s 51st Death Anniversary
“The undesirable torture I have been put to by the previous Government for uncommitted crimes will remain a landmark in the history of corruption and tyranny for all time...My suffering almost to the point of death that I had to face at the hands of the political tyrants, has not gone in vain and I am happy that truth and righteousness have at last won a battle like of which has, perhaps seldom happened in the history of the defeat of evil.”
- Allama Mashriqi, 1958
The book, Allama Mashriqi Narrowly Escapes the Gallows, has been published and released in the USA to mark the 51st death anniversary of Allama Mashriqi, one of the great freedom fighters of the Indian sub-continent. The work is authored by Allama Mashriqi’s grandson, Scholar and Historian Nasim Yousaf and serves as another vital contribution to the historiography of South Asia.
Synopsis: Allama Mashriqi Narrowly Escapes the Gallows chronicles one of the most high-profile court cases in South Asian history. The case arose in 1958 when Allama Mashriqi, who led the freedom of the Indian sub-continent, was falsely implicated in the assassination of the former Chief Minister of then West Pakistan (East Pakistan became Bangladesh in 1971). News of Mashriqi’s arrest for the murder spread like wildfire; it was broadcast via radio transmissions, special supplements (Zamima), and front-page banner-headlines. The nation was gripped by the news and could not believe that Mashriqi was responsible for such a heinous act. As the subsequent trial demonstrated, Mashriqi was an innocent man and the trial was actually part of a broader plan to “get Mr. Mashriqi and other accused Khaksars hanged” (The Pakistan Times, June 15, 1958).
In this book, scholar and historian Nasim Yousaf, Mashriqi’s grandson, provides a day-by-day account of the court proceedings. The proceedings include information from leading politicians of the time, who were either interrogated or had their statements recorded in connection with the trial. The trial also provides insight into how the prosecution (with the backing of the Pakistani establishment) built a case against Mashriqi; the book is an excellent read for anyone seeking to understand not only the conspiracy behind the Chief Minister’s murder, but also the corruption and vindictive behavior of those in power in the early days of the nation; the trial demonstrated that the assault on democracy and abuse of power in Pakistan existed from the nation’s very birth. The reckless attitude of the country’s leadership since its founding in 1947 led to the eventual overthrow of the civilian Government by the military Commander-in-Chief in 1958, and laid the foundation for many of the problems the Pakistani nation faces today.
About the Author: The author, Mr. Nasim Yousaf, is a distinguished scholar and historian whose works have made an important contribution to the historiography of South Asia. Mr. Yousaf comes from a prominent family in South Asia and is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a nephew of social scientist Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan. Since 1996, he has been conducting exhaustive research on Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik (the most powerful private army in British India) as well as on Dr. Khan.
Mr. Yousaf’s works on Allama Mashriqi’s role in the freedom movement of the Indian sub-continent are particularly compelling and authentic because of his unique connection to the subject matter. He is the only scholar among South Asian historians to have had the honor of knowing Allama Mashriqi personally. Being Mashriqi’s grandson, the author had the opportunity to observe Mashriqi in many different settings – at home, at public gatherings, in jail, during Mashriqi’s last days and at his funeral. In addition to his personal connection to Mashriqi, the author’s knowledge of the time period comes directly from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters, and the Khaksars – all of whom were part of the freedom movement. Through his research, Mr. Yousaf has unearthed a number of hidden facts related to the partition of India in 1947. Many people now realize that the Indian sub-continent’s history is imbalanced and distorted, whereas previously they were unaware.
Mr. Yousaf has presented papers at U.S. conferences and published many books and numerous articles (which have appeared in newspapers in countries around the world, including Australia, Bangladesh, Canada, Pakistan, India, Japan, Norway, United Kingdom, and the USA). His works have been published in journals such as Harvard Asia Quarterly and Pakistaniaat (USA) as well as in the World History Encyclopedia (USA). Among the author’s most valuable and treasured contributions is a digital compilation of the rare and historic Al-Islah newspaper (launched by Mashriqi in 1934), which provides an important lens into the Khaksar Tehrik and British India’s freedom movement. Mr. Yousaf is currently working on additional books and articles.
His published books include: (1) “Mahatma Gandhi & My Grandfather, Allama Mashriqi: A Groundbreaking Narrative of India’s Partition” (2) “Hidden Facts Behind British India’s Freedom: A Scholarly Look into Allama Mashraqi and Quaid-e-Azam’s Political Conflict” (3) “Allama Mashriqi: A Founder of Islamia College (Peshawar, Pakistan)” (4) “Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan - Pioneer of Microcredit & Guru of Rural Development.”
For additional information on the author and his works, visit the author’s fan page on Facebook: www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
Published in various newspapers
"Allama Mashriqi & the 1943 Bengal Famine"
By Nasim Yousaf (اسکالر اور تاریخ دان نسیم یوسف)
Allama Mashriqi was a prominent reformer, revolutionary, and humanitarian from the Indian sub-continent. One of the reasons for Mashriqi’s popularity was that he and his Khaksar Movement worked tirelessly to serve the masses. This article discusses the Bengal Famine of 1943, when the Khaksars played a laudable role in providing social services to the people in a time of great need. This time period also sheds light on how the Government of British India and Mashriqi’s political opponents felt threatened by the Tehrik and opposed its efforts, ultimately resulting in a Government ban on the Khaksars’ humanitarian work in Bengal.
During the time of the Second World War (WWII), around mid-June of 1943, the Bengal area was faced with a terrible famine. It was a devastating time, as millions of people starved, bodies were lying everywhere, and over three million perished. The Khaksar Tehrik’s English weekly newspaper The Radiance (Aligarh) wrote at the time (in an article entitled “The Bengal Famine” dated September 24, 1943): “This famine has not come down like the bolt from the blue. It was clearly foreseen or foreseeable. It is not an Act of God. It is the sin of man – the result of man’s stupidity and tyranny” (also see “Our Duty to Bengal” in The Radiance, dated October 08, 1944). Allama Mashriqi mainly blamed the Government for the famine; he refused to watch his fellow citizens dying or suffering from malnutrition and starvation and planned to save at least a half a million victims. On September 15, 1943, Mashriqi issued the following order to Khaksars all over India:
“Hunger and death in Bengal need no comment. This is perhaps the only event in history when human beings are dying in thousands…and Government is fiddling away the time. The situation has been literally unbearable to many of us and I have passed many sleepless nights.”
Mashriqi issued the following directive: “…I order that every group [of Khaksars] must make itself ready to support one person until hunger and death disappear…Hindu as well as Muslim Khaksars should take part in this movement irrespective of caste or creed…must take the most active part in organsing [organizing] this vast human effort for good…” (Source: Help Bengal! Allama’s Order, The Radiance, September 24, 1943).
Information about Mashriqi’s order also appeared in the Governor of Punjab’s confidential report for the second half of September 1943, which stated that Mashriqi had issued a directive to Khaksars throughout India to help Bengal famine evacuees (IOL L/P&J/5/246, p. 38). Following Mashriqi’s order, a large number of male and female Khaksars from various religious faiths joined the effort. From the Muslim side, some Khaksars included Tahira Begum (Nazim-i-Ala), Saeeda Bano, and professors (e.g. Prof. Rafiq Ahmed, Prof. Ubaidullah Durrani) and students of Aligarh Muslim University. From the non-Muslim side, some Khaksars were Pandit Amar Nath Joshi (Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram (Nazim-e-Sind) and Jaindu Ram.
In order to help the victims of the famine, a Central Relief Camp (“Bengal Destitutes Camp”) as well as district camps were set-up. The central camp was at Mohammad Ali Park in Calcutta (now Kolkata) under the control of M. Shafi Khokhar (Nazim-i-Alah Muhajareen) and Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal). Sick and destitute individuals in the camps were seen by medical experts (e.g. Dr. Abu Zafar Mohammad Tahir).
One of the remarkable aspects of the Khakasar Tehrik was its commitment to treating everyone equally and fairly at a time when communalism and territorialism were actively promoted by other political parties. Mashriqi commanded the Khaksars: “No discrimination of whatever sort is to be allowed. Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs, and Christians [Parsees, Jews] are all equally the creatures of God. The food restrictions of different casts and religions are to be strictly observed” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 08, 1943).
Because of the limited resources available in Bengal, it eventually became indispensable to shift the victims to various parts of India. Mashriqi got permission from the Premier of Bengal Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin to evacuate the victims from Bengal and made another proclamation:
“the only thing we can do is to invite our suffering brethren from Bengal and share our bread with them…Half a million people can be very easily absorbed in the remaining 39 ½ million” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 18, 1943).
Per Mashriqi’s plan, the victims would be supported by the Khaksars until they were rehabilitated or until they could go back to their respective homes in Bengal. Based on Mashriqi’s order, tens of thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims were transported to various cities of India. A Secret Police Abstract of Intelligence (Punjab) dated December 11, 1943 confirmed that new groups of destitute people (including both Muslims and Hindus) had been brought to Gujrat, Ferozepore, Gujranwala, Lahore, Multan, and Ambala. The police abstract also discussed Mashriqi’s orders to organize the relief effort. Many Muslims and non-Muslims visited the camps to learn about the help the Khaksars were providing and lauded them for working 24 hours a day with complete discipline to provide services to the victims, while also maintaining a respect for the victims’ differing religious beliefs. In December of 1943, Begum Amtul Salam of the Shevagram Ashram Wardha also visited the Central Camp at Mohammad Ali Park and found the relief activity to be highly disciplined and commendable; impressed with the relief work, she issued a Press Statement:
“I am very happy to have met you [Khaksars] and seen your work…There is no doubt that we can establish Hindu-Muslim unity only by serving each other…Personally speaking, there cannot be a more praiseworthy effort…for Hindu- Muslim unity….This the mission of my life. I hope you will fully help me in this mission I thank you all very heartily for the honour you have bestowed on my humble self” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 17, 1943).
People from all over India watched as the Khaksars moved victims to different cities and took care of the Bengalis. The nation admired Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ philanthropic services. As a result, the Khaksar Tehrik’s reputation was bolstered in India and the Tehrik’s membership grew immensely.
All of this of course did not sit well with the British rulers and Mashriqi’s political rivals; both groups felt threatened by Mashriqi’s popularity and the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth. The matter was discussed in Government circles, including high-ups such as Sir Richard Tottenham (Additional Secretary), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), and Sir Bertrand James Glancy (Punjab Governor); they were extremely unhappy with the Bengal Premier, Khawaja Nazimuddin, for allowing relief work and free railway transportation for victims, which was being done under an agreement with the Khaksar Tehrik. On the political side, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Hindu Mahasabha leaders (among others) were also concerned about the Khaksars’ growing popularity. The President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherji, threatened a “Press Campaign” against the Khaksar Tehrik. Another Mahasabha leader, V.D. Savarkar, made a false and “mischievous.” claim that the Khaksars were converting “starving Hindu women and children to Islamic faith.” The idea was to defame and reduce Mashriqi’s popularity and gain grounds for the Hindu Mahasabha (which had no popularity in Bengal).
In order to damage Mashriqi and contain the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth, false propaganda from the Government as well as by political opponents was unleashed, including by pro-Government, pro-opposition media sources. Their false allegations included: (1) victims would become a burden on provincial governments, (2) the Khaksar activities were intended to “boost” the Khaksar Movement, and (3) Khaksars were converting Hindus to Muslims. These opposing sources even went so far as to collect false statements from a few of the destitute through either bribery or pressure. In order to further harrass the Khaksars, the Government of Bengal in Dhaka (Dacca) initiated a court case accusing the Khaksars of kidnapping children.
The opposition was indeed deplorable to any sane person; anti-Mashriqi elements were severely criticized by many, including Dr. K.N. Islam (who later wrote a book in the 1980s in Bengali entitled “Allama Masreki o Khakasara Andolana”). To reject the opposition’s flimsy allegations and charges, on December 19, 1943, Mashriqi telegraphically informed Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Alah, Bengal) to have Hindu Khaksar leaders manage the Hindu destitutes (to refute the criticism that the Khaksars were trying to convert Hindus):
“Authorise [Authorize] Pandit Amar Nath Joshi, Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram, Nazim-i-Sind, Jaindu Ram, jointly to distribute Hindu destitutes all over India to the utmost satisfaction of everybody…Obstructions put by Communal organizations incapable of saving destitues from death themselves under base political motives most callous. Refuse response to them in this work of saving humanity irrespective of cast or creed (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 24, 1943).
Despite Mashriqi’s step, Premier Khawaja Nazimuddin issued another order according to which “no more Khaksars would be allowed to enter Calcutta for relief work” (Source: a note by Sir Richard Tottenham dated December 23, 1943). Premier Nazimuddin also informed Khaksar leader Professor Rafiq Ahmed of Aligrah Muslim University, “We cannot allow you to take destitutes from Bengal…you are taking them in large numbers…the Government of India do not want the destitues to be taken away…” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 31, 1943).
When this ban was imposed on the Khaksars’ humanitarian efforts, many throughout the country were upset and angry. Zamindar daily published a news item appreciating the Khaksars and indicating that their efforts would be forever remembered in Indian and human history. The newspaper also denounced the Government’s ban (Zamindar, December 25, 1943).
Mashriqi was naturally angry with the Government for canceling the agreement and also with his political opponents, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, who he believed were trying to block the Tehrik’s humanitarian efforts and putting self-interests above the needs of the people. According to a Sind Police Abstract (On December 12, 1945), Mashriqi stated that the [Jinnah’s All-India Muslim] League was responsible for a number of negative acts, such as “the deaths of lacs [hundreds of thousands]” of people during the Bengal famine, and that Leaguers “took bribes openly” making “lacs of rupees [Hundreds of thousands rupees].” According to the abstract, Mashraqi also criticized the “capitalist mentality” of Indian National Congress leadership.
Upon the Bengal Premier’s cancellation of the agreement with the Khaksars, Mashriqi sent a telegram to Jinnah (as the Premier’s cancellation had Jinnah’s implicit consent): [Translated from Urdu] Notwithstanding your extremely objectionable, vindictive and one-sided attitude towards the Khaksars, I make a final appeal to you to make Nazimuddin continue November agreement [on] removal [of] Bengal destitutes…please consider patiently your heartless cruelty based on political motives also results refusal my humble request – Inayatullah Khan Ichhra.”
Khaksar Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal) also issued a Press Statement regarding the Bengal Premier’s order: the Khaksars "find the purpose of the heavy sacrifice they [Khaksars] made in their business and educational activities defeated by the Government of Bengal cancelling its agreement with them without notice and for no reason" (The Indian Express, June 07, 1944). Khaksars and the public were surprised that M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru did not condemn the Central or the Bengal Government for banning the Khaksars’ humanitarian activities. Their silence spoke of their anti-Khaksar mindset.
The Bengal famine was a fitting example of the Khaksars’ tireless devotion to the masses and the Government and opposition’s political motivations. Despite the Bengal Government’s actions, Mashriqi and the Khaksars continued to serve the people in other parts of India. Mashriqi believed in uniting the human race and from the very start of the movement had made regular community service a key and compulsory feature of the Khaksar Movement. As a result, millions of Khaksars all over India followed his policy of spreading brotherhood, which earned him the utmost respect.
Mashriqi’s teachings of bringing together all people, regardless of religion, class, color, or creed are relevant even today. This spirit of inclusiveness needs to be instilled from the early school days to defeat the divisiveness that exists around the world. Ultimately, people should not support leaders who seek to divide them or try to foment communalism in order to gain or maintain their power, and instead support those who work tirelessly to bring them together.
Nasim Yousaf is a historian and scholar and a grandson of Allama Mashriqi; his works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at well-known academic conferences in the US.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
archive.org/details/allama-mashriqi-the-1943-bengal-famine
***
1. Madras Courier (India), May 26, 2020
2. Asian World (United Kingdom), May 20, 2020
3. Isma Times (India), May 21, 2020
4. The Companion (India), May 21, 2020
5. Tribune International (Australia), May 22, 2020
6. Muslim Mirror (India), May 20, 2020
7. Pakistan Christian Post, May 20, 2020
8. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020
9. InkPoint Media (India), May 20, 2020
10. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020
11. Global News Pakistan, June 06, 2020
12. Brisbane Indian Times, June 2020
www.facebook.com/AllamaMashriqiAndBengalFamine
***
#AllamaMashriqi #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #BengalFamine #Famine #Calcutta #Kolkata #Pandemic #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #IndianHistory #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #MuslimLeague #HinduMahasabha #VDSavarkar #Savarkar #BengalDestituteCamp #DestituteCamp #Bengal #BengalVictims #BengalTragedy #History #SouthAsia #SouthAsianStudies #SouthAsianHistory #Indiansubcontinent
"Allama Mashriqi & the 1943 Bengal Famine"
By Nasim Yousaf (اسکالر اور تاریخ دان نسیم یوسف)
Allama Mashriqi was a prominent reformer, revolutionary, and humanitarian from the Indian sub-continent. One of the reasons for Mashriqi’s popularity was that he and his Khaksar Movement worked tirelessly to serve the masses. This article discusses the Bengal Famine of 1943, when the Khaksars played a laudable role in providing social services to the people in a time of great need. This time period also sheds light on how the Government of British India and Mashriqi’s political opponents felt threatened by the Tehrik and opposed its efforts, ultimately resulting in a Government ban on the Khaksars’ humanitarian work in Bengal.
During the time of the Second World War (WWII), around mid-June of 1943, the Bengal area was faced with a terrible famine. It was a devastating time, as millions of people starved, bodies were lying everywhere, and over three million perished. The Khaksar Tehrik’s English weekly newspaper The Radiance (Aligarh) wrote at the time (in an article entitled “The Bengal Famine” dated September 24, 1943): “This famine has not come down like the bolt from the blue. It was clearly foreseen or foreseeable. It is not an Act of God. It is the sin of man – the result of man’s stupidity and tyranny” (also see “Our Duty to Bengal” in The Radiance, dated October 08, 1944). Allama Mashriqi mainly blamed the Government for the famine; he refused to watch his fellow citizens dying or suffering from malnutrition and starvation and planned to save at least a half a million victims. On September 15, 1943, Mashriqi issued the following order to Khaksars all over India:
“Hunger and death in Bengal need no comment. This is perhaps the only event in history when human beings are dying in thousands…and Government is fiddling away the time. The situation has been literally unbearable to many of us and I have passed many sleepless nights.”
Mashriqi issued the following directive: “…I order that every group [of Khaksars] must make itself ready to support one person until hunger and death disappear…Hindu as well as Muslim Khaksars should take part in this movement irrespective of caste or creed…must take the most active part in organsing [organizing] this vast human effort for good…” (Source: Help Bengal! Allama’s Order, The Radiance, September 24, 1943).
Information about Mashriqi’s order also appeared in the Governor of Punjab’s confidential report for the second half of September 1943, which stated that Mashriqi had issued a directive to Khaksars throughout India to help Bengal famine evacuees (IOL L/P&J/5/246, p. 38). Following Mashriqi’s order, a large number of male and female Khaksars from various religious faiths joined the effort. From the Muslim side, some Khaksars included Tahira Begum (Nazim-i-Ala), Saeeda Bano, and professors (e.g. Prof. Rafiq Ahmed, Prof. Ubaidullah Durrani) and students of Aligarh Muslim University. From the non-Muslim side, some Khaksars were Pandit Amar Nath Joshi (Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram (Nazim-e-Sind) and Jaindu Ram.
In order to help the victims of the famine, a Central Relief Camp (“Bengal Destitutes Camp”) as well as district camps were set-up. The central camp was at Mohammad Ali Park in Calcutta (now Kolkata) under the control of M. Shafi Khokhar (Nazim-i-Alah Muhajareen) and Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal). Sick and destitute individuals in the camps were seen by medical experts (e.g. Dr. Abu Zafar Mohammad Tahir).
One of the remarkable aspects of the Khakasar Tehrik was its commitment to treating everyone equally and fairly at a time when communalism and territorialism were actively promoted by other political parties. Mashriqi commanded the Khaksars: “No discrimination of whatever sort is to be allowed. Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs, and Christians [Parsees, Jews] are all equally the creatures of God. The food restrictions of different casts and religions are to be strictly observed” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 08, 1943).
Because of the limited resources available in Bengal, it eventually became indispensable to shift the victims to various parts of India. Mashriqi got permission from the Premier of Bengal Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin to evacuate the victims from Bengal and made another proclamation:
“the only thing we can do is to invite our suffering brethren from Bengal and share our bread with them…Half a million people can be very easily absorbed in the remaining 39 ½ million” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 18, 1943).
Per Mashriqi’s plan, the victims would be supported by the Khaksars until they were rehabilitated or until they could go back to their respective homes in Bengal. Based on Mashriqi’s order, tens of thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims were transported to various cities of India. A Secret Police Abstract of Intelligence (Punjab) dated December 11, 1943 confirmed that new groups of destitute people (including both Muslims and Hindus) had been brought to Gujrat, Ferozepore, Gujranwala, Lahore, Multan, and Ambala. The police abstract also discussed Mashriqi’s orders to organize the relief effort. Many Muslims and non-Muslims visited the camps to learn about the help the Khaksars were providing and lauded them for working 24 hours a day with complete discipline to provide services to the victims, while also maintaining a respect for the victims’ differing religious beliefs. In December of 1943, Begum Amtul Salam of the Shevagram Ashram Wardha also visited the Central Camp at Mohammad Ali Park and found the relief activity to be highly disciplined and commendable; impressed with the relief work, she issued a Press Statement:
“I am very happy to have met you [Khaksars] and seen your work…There is no doubt that we can establish Hindu-Muslim unity only by serving each other…Personally speaking, there cannot be a more praiseworthy effort…for Hindu- Muslim unity….This the mission of my life. I hope you will fully help me in this mission I thank you all very heartily for the honour you have bestowed on my humble self” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 17, 1943).
People from all over India watched as the Khaksars moved victims to different cities and took care of the Bengalis. The nation admired Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ philanthropic services. As a result, the Khaksar Tehrik’s reputation was bolstered in India and the Tehrik’s membership grew immensely.
All of this of course did not sit well with the British rulers and Mashriqi’s political rivals; both groups felt threatened by Mashriqi’s popularity and the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth. The matter was discussed in Government circles, including high-ups such as Sir Richard Tottenham (Additional Secretary), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), and Sir Bertrand James Glancy (Punjab Governor); they were extremely unhappy with the Bengal Premier, Khawaja Nazimuddin, for allowing relief work and free railway transportation for victims, which was being done under an agreement with the Khaksar Tehrik. On the political side, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Hindu Mahasabha leaders (among others) were also concerned about the Khaksars’ growing popularity. The President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherji, threatened a “Press Campaign” against the Khaksar Tehrik. Another Mahasabha leader, V.D. Savarkar, made a false and “mischievous.” claim that the Khaksars were converting “starving Hindu women and children to Islamic faith.” The idea was to defame and reduce Mashriqi’s popularity and gain grounds for the Hindu Mahasabha (which had no popularity in Bengal).
In order to damage Mashriqi and contain the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth, false propaganda from the Government as well as by political opponents was unleashed, including by pro-Government, pro-opposition media sources. Their false allegations included: (1) victims would become a burden on provincial governments, (2) the Khaksar activities were intended to “boost” the Khaksar Movement, and (3) Khaksars were converting Hindus to Muslims. These opposing sources even went so far as to collect false statements from a few of the destitute through either bribery or pressure. In order to further harrass the Khaksars, the Government of Bengal in Dhaka (Dacca) initiated a court case accusing the Khaksars of kidnapping children.
The opposition was indeed deplorable to any sane person; anti-Mashriqi elements were severely criticized by many, including Dr. K.N. Islam (who later wrote a book in the 1980s in Bengali entitled “Allama Masreki o Khakasara Andolana”). To reject the opposition’s flimsy allegations and charges, on December 19, 1943, Mashriqi telegraphically informed Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Alah, Bengal) to have Hindu Khaksar leaders manage the Hindu destitutes (to refute the criticism that the Khaksars were trying to convert Hindus):
“Authorise [Authorize] Pandit Amar Nath Joshi, Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram, Nazim-i-Sind, Jaindu Ram, jointly to distribute Hindu destitutes all over India to the utmost satisfaction of everybody…Obstructions put by Communal organizations incapable of saving destitues from death themselves under base political motives most callous. Refuse response to them in this work of saving humanity irrespective of cast or creed (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 24, 1943).
Despite Mashriqi’s step, Premier Khawaja Nazimuddin issued another order according to which “no more Khaksars would be allowed to enter Calcutta for relief work” (Source: a note by Sir Richard Tottenham dated December 23, 1943). Premier Nazimuddin also informed Khaksar leader Professor Rafiq Ahmed of Aligrah Muslim University, “We cannot allow you to take destitutes from Bengal…you are taking them in large numbers…the Government of India do not want the destitues to be taken away…” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 31, 1943).
When this ban was imposed on the Khaksars’ humanitarian efforts, many throughout the country were upset and angry. Zamindar daily published a news item appreciating the Khaksars and indicating that their efforts would be forever remembered in Indian and human history. The newspaper also denounced the Government’s ban (Zamindar, December 25, 1943).
Mashriqi was naturally angry with the Government for canceling the agreement and also with his political opponents, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, who he believed were trying to block the Tehrik’s humanitarian efforts and putting self-interests above the needs of the people. According to a Sind Police Abstract (On December 12, 1945), Mashriqi stated that the [Jinnah’s All-India Muslim] League was responsible for a number of negative acts, such as “the deaths of lacs [hundreds of thousands]” of people during the Bengal famine, and that Leaguers “took bribes openly” making “lacs of rupees [Hundreds of thousands rupees].” According to the abstract, Mashraqi also criticized the “capitalist mentality” of Indian National Congress leadership.
Upon the Bengal Premier’s cancellation of the agreement with the Khaksars, Mashriqi sent a telegram to Jinnah (as the Premier’s cancellation had Jinnah’s implicit consent): [Translated from Urdu] Notwithstanding your extremely objectionable, vindictive and one-sided attitude towards the Khaksars, I make a final appeal to you to make Nazimuddin continue November agreement [on] removal [of] Bengal destitutes…please consider patiently your heartless cruelty based on political motives also results refusal my humble request – Inayatullah Khan Ichhra.”
Khaksar Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal) also issued a Press Statement regarding the Bengal Premier’s order: the Khaksars "find the purpose of the heavy sacrifice they [Khaksars] made in their business and educational activities defeated by the Government of Bengal cancelling its agreement with them without notice and for no reason" (The Indian Express, June 07, 1944). Khaksars and the public were surprised that M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru did not condemn the Central or the Bengal Government for banning the Khaksars’ humanitarian activities. Their silence spoke of their anti-Khaksar mindset.
The Bengal famine was a fitting example of the Khaksars’ tireless devotion to the masses and the Government and opposition’s political motivations. Despite the Bengal Government’s actions, Mashriqi and the Khaksars continued to serve the people in other parts of India. Mashriqi believed in uniting the human race and from the very start of the movement had made regular community service a key and compulsory feature of the Khaksar Movement. As a result, millions of Khaksars all over India followed his policy of spreading brotherhood, which earned him the utmost respect.
Mashriqi’s teachings of bringing together all people, regardless of religion, class, color, or creed are relevant even today. This spirit of inclusiveness needs to be instilled from the early school days to defeat the divisiveness that exists around the world. Ultimately, people should not support leaders who seek to divide them or try to foment communalism in order to gain or maintain their power, and instead support those who work tirelessly to bring them together.
Nasim Yousaf is a historian and scholar and a grandson of Allama Mashriqi; his works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at well-known academic conferences in the US.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
archive.org/details/allama-mashriqi-the-1943-bengal-famine
***
1. Madras Courier (India), May 26, 2020
2. Asian World (United Kingdom), May 20, 2020
3. Isma Times (India), May 21, 2020
4. The Companion (India), May 21, 2020
5. Tribune International (Australia), May 22, 2020
6. Muslim Mirror (India), May 20, 2020
7. Pakistan Christian Post, May 20, 2020
8. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020
9. InkPoint Media (India), May 20, 2020
10. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020
11. Global News Pakistan, June 06, 2020
12. Brisbane Indian Times, June 2020
www.facebook.com/AllamaMashriqiAndBengalFamine
***
#AllamaMashriqi #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #BengalFamine #Famine #Calcutta #Kolkata #Pandemic #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #IndianHistory #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #MuslimLeague #HinduMahasabha #VDSavarkar #Savarkar #BengalDestituteCamp #DestituteCamp #Bengal #BengalVictims #BengalTragedy #History #SouthAsia #SouthAsianStudies #SouthAsianHistory #Indiansubcontinent
Published in the Media:
"Prestigious American Journal Recognizes
Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan’s Contributions to the World"
Dr. Khan’s life and achievements are profiled and the impact of his innovative work is recognized in an article in the Winter 2014 issue of the prestigious “Education About Asia” academic journal. The recognition is a great honor for Asia and particularly Pakistan and Bangladesh, where Dr. Khan’s innovations were first launched.
Education About Asia (EAA), a prestigious and peer-reviewed teaching journal published in the United States of America, has included an article entitled “Akhter Hameed Khan: A Legendary Social Scientist” by Scholar and Historian Nasim Yousaf in its Winter 2014 issue (Volume 19:3). The journal serves as a resource for professors, teachers, and other instructors to select readings for their students. The inspiring piece on Dr. Khan will help students and academic communities in many countries around the world learn more about him.
About Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan
Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan (July 15, 1914 – October 09, 1999) was a Nobel Prize-nominated, innovative social scientist who pioneered ideas around microfinance, participatory/rural development, and women’s empowerment as a founder of the Bangladesh (previously Pakistan) Academy for Rural Development (BARD) and the Orangi Pilot Project (OPP). According to Historian and Scholar Nasim Yousaf (biographer and nephew of Dr. A.H. Khan), “Khan Sahib’s innovations were not made in a standard scientific laboratory; rather, they were the result of years of experiments in the field, including in-depth observation and extensive organizational/communication efforts working directly with the impoverished.”
Dr. Khan’s methods proved so successful, that they were widely replicated. Today, a large number of organizations in different parts of the world (including the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, founded by American billionaire Bill Gates along with his wife) support initiatives that have either leveraged or replicated concepts initially pioneered by Dr. Khan at BARD and OPP. Books and articles in scholarly journals, newspapers, and magazines have also examined his works. For instance, Professor Richard E. Boyatzis and Professor Masud Khawaja (from American and Canadian universities respectively) jointly wrote a piece entitled “How Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan Led a Change Process That Started a Movement,” which was published in 2014 in the Journal of Applied Behavioral Science.
Through his innovations, Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan has earned the respect of both the East and the West. He is a source of inspiration for all Muslims and non-Muslims and proof that the world can be changed through research, innovation, and dedication to improving the lives of the masses.
About Education About Asia
Education About Asia is an academic journal that serves as a resource for university professors, schoolteachers, and other instructors. It is an “invaluable source of information for students, scholars, libraries, and anyone with an interest in Asia. Teachers and students from a wide range of disciplines—anthropology, Asian studies, business and economics, education, geography, government, history, language and literature, political science, religion, and sociology, among others—subscribe to Education About Asia” (Source: EAA web site). The journal is a resource for professors and schoolteachers to select readings for students of all levels. Contributions to the journal undergo an evaluation process and only a select few are included.
***
Above News Published In:
a) Pakistan Ka Khuda Hafiz dated January 15, 2015
[“PKKH is Pakistan’s leading alternative policy institute and online news service” (PKKH)]
b) Pakistan Horizon (PH) dated January 15, 2015
PH Team: Apart from the staff of The Pakistan Institute of International Affairs (www.piia.org.pk) the Horizon’s people are: (1) Dr. Masuma Hasan, Chairman, PIIA, Cabinet Secretary to the Government of Pakistan (2000-2001), Ambassador of Pakistan to Austria, the UN and IAEA in Vienna (1994-1997), Chairperson UN G77 (1996) (2) M Jafri, Advocate (High Courts Pakistan) (3) Mr Arif Hasan, architect, (4) Barrister Kazim Hasan, (5) Ms Tahera Hasan, Advocate (High Courts Pakistan)(6) Barrister Asad Ali Khan
c) Pakistan dated January 16, 2015
c) The Pioneer (Pakistan) dated January 16, 2015
d) Isma Times (India) dated January 16, 2015
e) Pakistan Christian Post dated January 16, 2015
Facebook pages dedicated to Dr. A.H. Khan:
1. www.facebook.com/dr.akhtarhameedkhan
2. www.facebook.com/OrangiPilotProject
3. www.facebook.com/Dr.AkhtarHameedKhan.OPP
4. www.facebook.com/Dr.AkhterHameedKhan
***
For information about the author and/or his works, visit:
Facebook:
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
Scribd:
Academia.edu:
His Majesty’s Opponents: Allama Mashriqi & Subhas Chandra Bose
By Nasim Yousaf
Allama Mashriqi (Sage of the East) and Subhas Chandra Bose (Netaji) were two prominent leaders of the Indian sub-continent (now comprised of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh). Both were His Majesty’s intransigent opponents and fought against the British Raj in their own ways. However, credit for India’s freedom is being given to Bose (and a few others), whereas Mashriqi’s paramount role in the freedom movement has been either misrepresented or completely wiped out in India (and Pakistan). As a grandson and biographer of Mashriqi, I feel compelled to provide the true facts, which have been kept hidden from public view.
Mashriqi and Bose were both born in British India, Mashriqi in Amritsar (Punjab) and Bose in Cuttack (Bengal). The two men had some similarities. Both wanted India’s freedom from British rule for the sake of saving the nation from political, economic, and cultural slavery. Both men believed that M.K. Gandhi’s methods were ineffective and could not bring freedom; and both adopted militarism in order to overthrow British rule. Gandhi opposed their ideas and supported their arrest. As they were considered a grave threat to British rule, the two men were jailed at different times. During their political careers, Mashriqi and Bose founded parallel/provisional Governments, Mashriqi in India and Bose outside the country. They were warned and harassed to stop their activities, but they brushed aside any pressure and moved forward with their goal of obtaining freedom for India.
Mashriqi and Bose headed prominent political movements dedicated to obtaining freedom for the Indian sub-continent. Mashriqi founded his private army, known as the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) in 1930. The Tehrik welcomed people from all faiths. Through the Tehrik, Mashriqi taught Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others how unity and discipline in their ranks could help them overturn foreign rule. Within a short period of time, Mashriqi’s army of Khaksars spread throughout India and the Tehrik also established branches in different parts of the world. Mashriqi and the Khaksars fought relentlessly for freedom of the Indian sub-continent and a large number of Khaksars’ lost their lives (including Mashriqi’s beloved son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam). During the freedom struggle, Mashriqi and his sons (Anwar, Akram, and Asghar) and thousands of Khaksars were imprisoned (many for life). The rulers did everything to try to crush Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars (including torturing and threatening them, spreading false allegations and propaganda labeling them as “fifth columnists,” banning their activities, etc.). However, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars remained relentlessly determined, mobilizing the public via fiery speeches, pamphlets, demonstrations, road marches, and mock wars. They continued their rigorous efforts until British rule came to an end in 1947.
Meanwhile, Bose became the head of the Indian National Army (also known as INA or Azad Hind Fauj) on July 05, 1943 with the help of the Japanese (who were part of the Axis powers). Like the Khaksar Tehrik, the INA was also comprised of Indians from different faiths. The INA focused its efforts on liberating India and fought British forces from outside India. In 1945, Bose’s forces were defeated by the British and the INA surrendered. Thereafter, the INA was disintegrated, and many of the INA’s soldiers were put on trial for treason, murder, and torture. Bose fled soon after his defeat and subsequently died in a plane crash (the circumstances surrounding his death have been questioned by some conspiracy theorists, even though there is no solid proof that he survived).
Bose and the INA’s role ended prior to independence, yet certain quarters in India claim that Bose brought freedom to the region, while ignoring Mashriqi’s efforts. To prove their point, they provide various questionable arguments. For example, apparently the late Prime Minister Clement Attlee mentioned in 1956 to then acting Governor of West Bengal Justice PB Chakraborthy that the British had abandoned their rule in India because of Bose’s INA. This seems to be based purely on hearsay, as there is not a single authentic historic British document or public statement by the Prime Minister or any other British high official that indicates that Attlee made this statement. Also, why would the British declare the INA victorious when the INA had been defeated by the Britons (who were part of the Allied forces)? If anything, it seems more plausible that Attlee confused INA soldiers with Khaksars – as the uniformed Khaksars were the ones fighting inside of India and after the INA’s surrender in 1945, many INA soldiers (e.g. Major General S.D. Khan and Col Ihsan Qadir) had joined the Khaksar Tehrik. In fact, by March of 1945, the “INA strength…was estimated to have declined to about 35,000” (source: cia.gov), whereas the Khaksar strength in 1946 was over five million Khaksar soldiers (Al-Islah, December 01, 1946). Some also claim that the mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946 was inspired by the INA. This claim may have some validity, but again lacks evidence and is based on questionable assumptions.
In the case of Mashriqi, there are many historic documents and events that show how he created grave fear in the British rulers’ minds and ultimately brought about an end to British rule. Throughout the 1930’s and ‘40’s, Mashriqi and the Khaksars worked tirelessly to mobilize the masses and undermine British rule. To cite just a few examples, upon Mashriqi’s directive, 3,000 Khaksar soldiers (who were in the Armed Forces of British India) brought about a mutiny in the armed forces. This was reported in Al-Islah on March 08, 1946. And in the time period leading up to independence, Mashriqi and the Khaksars moved aggressively to ensure that the British would have no choice but to quit India, as summarized below.
On November 7-10, 1946, a Khaksar military camp was held in Peshawar in which military exercises were conducted and the plan for a coup was finalized. On the last day of the camp (Nov 10, 1946), Mashriqi delivered a fiery speech to a crowd of 120,000 (including 10,000 uniformed Khaksars) comprised of Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and other faiths. During the speech, Mashriqi again spoke about British exploitation (Al-Islah November 15, 1946) and inspired the masses to revolt and overturn British rule. On December 01, 1946, just a few weeks after his speech at the said Khaksar camp, Mashriqi made the following announcement in a pamphlet:
“Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
The above message was widely distributed via flyers, wall writings, billboards, cinema slides and in Khaksar speeches in India. Furthermore, Al-Islah newspaper dated December 06, 1946 announced a street march of 10 million people (with spades); the announcement invited the masses from all faiths and backgrounds (civil and military) and also declared the issuance of 10 million advertisements in order to bring an end to British rule in the Indian sub-continent.
Such open and county-wide invitation of revolt was a clear signal to the British rulers that Mashriqi was going to overturn British rule. Thus, British Prime Minister Attlee soon announced that power shall be transferred “by a date not later than June, 1948.” Following this announcement, Mashriqi again took a number of steps to ensure that this was not a ploy by the British. For example, the British could have used their favored leaders (with whom they would hold talks) to instigate country-wide riots between Muslims and Hindus in an attempt to legitimize that the country was not ready for independence. Mashriqi would not allow this type of gambit to be played and put the last nail in the coffin for British rule when in March of 1947, he ordered 300,000 Khaksar soldiers to assemble in Delhi on June 30, 1947 to overthrow British rule (the British feared the gathering of such a large number of Khaksars).
On May 14, 1947, Mashriqi again addressed over 50,000 people in Patna and called for a Muslim-Hindu revolution:
“…The last remedy under the present circumstances is that one and all rise against this conspiracy [partition] as one man. Let there be a common Hindu-Muslim Revolution in which not hundreds but millions will lose their lives by the bullets of Birla and the British. Millions will die, no doubt, in this way but hundreds of millions will be saved forever. If man has decided to kill man for sheer lust of power and with nothing to show to the world except tyranny and loot, it is time that we should sacrifice men in millions now in order to uphold Truth, Honour and Justice.”
Faced with the prospect of a revolution, the rulers saw the writing on the wall and Lord Mountbatten hurriedly announced the Mountbatten Plan to transfer power. The plan was accepted by Muslim and Hindu leaders (including M.K. Gandhi) weeks before the assembly of the 300,000 Khaksars (despite the acceptance of the plan and a strict lockdown on public assemblies via Section 144, 70,000-80,000 Khaksars still assembled in Delhi according to The Tribune Lahore, July 02, 1947; according to the Khaksar circle, the gathering was much larger than the 80,000 reported in the newspaper).
A powerful ruler does not quit or transfer power without a strong threat to their rule; Mashriqi and the Khaksars were the threat that ultimately compelled the British to relinquish their rule in the Indian sub-continent.
In closing, while Bose certainly played some role in the freedom movement, his role was limited to fighting from outside India and ended before independence was achieved. Meanwhile, Mashriqi and the Khaksars were fighting from within India and continued to remain a powerful force that helped ensure the end of British rule in 1947. It is ironic then that Mashriqi’s crucial fight and sacrifices for independence have been ignored. In the context of this article, I have only just briefly summarized Mashriqi’s role; I cover the subject in much more detail in my published works. I urge the Government of India to provide Mashriqi official recognition (as they have done with Bose) and release Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated documents (pre- and post-partition). It is imperative that the public is not only aware of Mashriqi’s sacrifices in bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent, but also how Mashriqi fought to keep India united. By not declassifying Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s documents, India and Pakistan are depriving the people of the truth about how the freedom of the Indian sub-continent came about.
About the Author: Historian and scholar Nasim Yousaf’s extensive knowledge of the freedom movement comes from exhaustive secondary research and direct accounts from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters and the Khaksars, all of whom were part of the freedom movement. His works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at prestigious academic conferences in the US. His books can be found in major research libraries in many countries.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/pg/AllamaMashriqiAndNetaji
***
#AllamaMashriqi #SubhasChandraBose #Netaji #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #IndependenceMovement #INA #IndianNationalArmy #Pakistan #India #DelhiChalo #IndianSubcontinent #DistortedHistory
His Majesty’s Opponents: Allama Mashriqi & Subhas Chandra Bose
By Nasim Yousaf
Allama Mashriqi (Sage of the East) and Subhas Chandra Bose (Netaji) were two prominent leaders of the Indian sub-continent (now comprised of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh). Both were His Majesty’s intransigent opponents and fought against the British Raj in their own ways. However, credit for India’s freedom is being given to Bose (and a few others), whereas Mashriqi’s paramount role in the freedom movement has been either misrepresented or completely wiped out in India (and Pakistan). As a grandson and biographer of Mashriqi, I feel compelled to provide the true facts, which have been kept hidden from public view.
Mashriqi and Bose were both born in British India, Mashriqi in Amritsar (Punjab) and Bose in Cuttack (Bengal). The two men had some similarities. Both wanted India’s freedom from British rule for the sake of saving the nation from political, economic, and cultural slavery. Both men believed that M.K. Gandhi’s methods were ineffective and could not bring freedom; and both adopted militarism in order to overthrow British rule. Gandhi opposed their ideas and supported their arrest. As they were considered a grave threat to British rule, the two men were jailed at different times. During their political careers, Mashriqi and Bose founded parallel/provisional Governments, Mashriqi in India and Bose outside the country. They were warned and harassed to stop their activities, but they brushed aside any pressure and moved forward with their goal of obtaining freedom for India.
Mashriqi and Bose headed prominent political movements dedicated to obtaining freedom for the Indian sub-continent. Mashriqi founded his private army, known as the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) in 1930. The Tehrik welcomed people from all faiths. Through the Tehrik, Mashriqi taught Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others how unity and discipline in their ranks could help them overturn foreign rule. Within a short period of time, Mashriqi’s army of Khaksars spread throughout India and the Tehrik also established branches in different parts of the world. Mashriqi and the Khaksars fought relentlessly for freedom of the Indian sub-continent and a large number of Khaksars’ lost their lives (including Mashriqi’s beloved son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam). During the freedom struggle, Mashriqi and his sons (Anwar, Akram, and Asghar) and thousands of Khaksars were imprisoned (many for life). The rulers did everything to try to crush Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars (including torturing and threatening them, spreading false allegations and propaganda labeling them as “fifth columnists,” banning their activities, etc.). However, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars remained relentlessly determined, mobilizing the public via fiery speeches, pamphlets, demonstrations, road marches, and mock wars. They continued their rigorous efforts until British rule came to an end in 1947.
Meanwhile, Bose became the head of the Indian National Army (also known as INA or Azad Hind Fauj) on July 05, 1943 with the help of the Japanese (who were part of the Axis powers). Like the Khaksar Tehrik, the INA was also comprised of Indians from different faiths. The INA focused its efforts on liberating India and fought British forces from outside India. In 1945, Bose’s forces were defeated by the British and the INA surrendered. Thereafter, the INA was disintegrated, and many of the INA’s soldiers were put on trial for treason, murder, and torture. Bose fled soon after his defeat and subsequently died in a plane crash (the circumstances surrounding his death have been questioned by some conspiracy theorists, even though there is no solid proof that he survived).
Bose and the INA’s role ended prior to independence, yet certain quarters in India claim that Bose brought freedom to the region, while ignoring Mashriqi’s efforts. To prove their point, they provide various questionable arguments. For example, apparently the late Prime Minister Clement Attlee mentioned in 1956 to then acting Governor of West Bengal Justice PB Chakraborthy that the British had abandoned their rule in India because of Bose’s INA. This seems to be based purely on hearsay, as there is not a single authentic historic British document or public statement by the Prime Minister or any other British high official that indicates that Attlee made this statement. Also, why would the British declare the INA victorious when the INA had been defeated by the Britons (who were part of the Allied forces)? If anything, it seems more plausible that Attlee confused INA soldiers with Khaksars – as the uniformed Khaksars were the ones fighting inside of India and after the INA’s surrender in 1945, many INA soldiers (e.g. Major General S.D. Khan and Col Ihsan Qadir) had joined the Khaksar Tehrik. In fact, by March of 1945, the “INA strength…was estimated to have declined to about 35,000” (source: cia.gov), whereas the Khaksar strength in 1946 was over five million Khaksar soldiers (Al-Islah, December 01, 1946). Some also claim that the mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946 was inspired by the INA. This claim may have some validity, but again lacks evidence and is based on questionable assumptions.
In the case of Mashriqi, there are many historic documents and events that show how he created grave fear in the British rulers’ minds and ultimately brought about an end to British rule. Throughout the 1930’s and ‘40’s, Mashriqi and the Khaksars worked tirelessly to mobilize the masses and undermine British rule. To cite just a few examples, upon Mashriqi’s directive, 3,000 Khaksar soldiers (who were in the Armed Forces of British India) brought about a mutiny in the armed forces. This was reported in Al-Islah on March 08, 1946. And in the time period leading up to independence, Mashriqi and the Khaksars moved aggressively to ensure that the British would have no choice but to quit India, as summarized below.
On November 7-10, 1946, a Khaksar military camp was held in Peshawar in which military exercises were conducted and the plan for a coup was finalized. On the last day of the camp (Nov 10, 1946), Mashriqi delivered a fiery speech to a crowd of 120,000 (including 10,000 uniformed Khaksars) comprised of Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and other faiths. During the speech, Mashriqi again spoke about British exploitation (Al-Islah November 15, 1946) and inspired the masses to revolt and overturn British rule. On December 01, 1946, just a few weeks after his speech at the said Khaksar camp, Mashriqi made the following announcement in a pamphlet:
“Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
The above message was widely distributed via flyers, wall writings, billboards, cinema slides and in Khaksar speeches in India. Furthermore, Al-Islah newspaper dated December 06, 1946 announced a street march of 10 million people (with spades); the announcement invited the masses from all faiths and backgrounds (civil and military) and also declared the issuance of 10 million advertisements in order to bring an end to British rule in the Indian sub-continent.
Such open and county-wide invitation of revolt was a clear signal to the British rulers that Mashriqi was going to overturn British rule. Thus, British Prime Minister Attlee soon announced that power shall be transferred “by a date not later than June, 1948.” Following this announcement, Mashriqi again took a number of steps to ensure that this was not a ploy by the British. For example, the British could have used their favored leaders (with whom they would hold talks) to instigate country-wide riots between Muslims and Hindus in an attempt to legitimize that the country was not ready for independence. Mashriqi would not allow this type of gambit to be played and put the last nail in the coffin for British rule when in March of 1947, he ordered 300,000 Khaksar soldiers to assemble in Delhi on June 30, 1947 to overthrow British rule (the British feared the gathering of such a large number of Khaksars).
On May 14, 1947, Mashriqi again addressed over 50,000 people in Patna and called for a Muslim-Hindu revolution:
“…The last remedy under the present circumstances is that one and all rise against this conspiracy [partition] as one man. Let there be a common Hindu-Muslim Revolution in which not hundreds but millions will lose their lives by the bullets of Birla and the British. Millions will die, no doubt, in this way but hundreds of millions will be saved forever. If man has decided to kill man for sheer lust of power and with nothing to show to the world except tyranny and loot, it is time that we should sacrifice men in millions now in order to uphold Truth, Honour and Justice.”
Faced with the prospect of a revolution, the rulers saw the writing on the wall and Lord Mountbatten hurriedly announced the Mountbatten Plan to transfer power. The plan was accepted by Muslim and Hindu leaders (including M.K. Gandhi) weeks before the assembly of the 300,000 Khaksars (despite the acceptance of the plan and a strict lockdown on public assemblies via Section 144, 70,000-80,000 Khaksars still assembled in Delhi according to The Tribune Lahore, July 02, 1947; according to the Khaksar circle, the gathering was much larger than the 80,000 reported in the newspaper).
A powerful ruler does not quit or transfer power without a strong threat to their rule; Mashriqi and the Khaksars were the threat that ultimately compelled the British to relinquish their rule in the Indian sub-continent.
In closing, while Bose certainly played some role in the freedom movement, his role was limited to fighting from outside India and ended before independence was achieved. Meanwhile, Mashriqi and the Khaksars were fighting from within India and continued to remain a powerful force that helped ensure the end of British rule in 1947. It is ironic then that Mashriqi’s crucial fight and sacrifices for independence have been ignored. In the context of this article, I have only just briefly summarized Mashriqi’s role; I cover the subject in much more detail in my published works. I urge the Government of India to provide Mashriqi official recognition (as they have done with Bose) and release Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated documents (pre- and post-partition). It is imperative that the public is not only aware of Mashriqi’s sacrifices in bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent, but also how Mashriqi fought to keep India united. By not declassifying Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s documents, India and Pakistan are depriving the people of the truth about how the freedom of the Indian sub-continent came about.
About the Author: Historian and scholar Nasim Yousaf’s extensive knowledge of the freedom movement comes from exhaustive secondary research and direct accounts from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters and the Khaksars, all of whom were part of the freedom movement. His works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at prestigious academic conferences in the US. His books can be found in major research libraries in many countries.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/pg/AllamaMashriqiAndNetaji
***
#AllamaMashriqi #SubhasChandraBose #Netaji #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #IndependenceMovement #INA #IndianNationalArmy #Pakistan #India #DelhiChalo #IndianSubcontinent #DistortedHistory
Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released
By Nasim Yousaf
No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.
On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.
In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.
Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.
With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”
In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).
Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.
The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.
Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.
The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.
The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.
The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs
***
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Allama Mashriqi Narrowly Escapes the Gallows Published in the USA
Marks the Allama’s 51st Death Anniversary
“The undesirable torture I have been put to by the previous Government for uncommitted crimes will remain a landmark in the history of corruption and tyranny for all time...My suffering almost to the point of death that I had to face at the hands of the political tyrants, has not gone in vain and I am happy that truth and righteousness have at last won a battle like of which has, perhaps seldom happened in the history of the defeat of evil.”
- Allama Mashriqi, 1958
The book, Allama Mashriqi Narrowly Escapes the Gallows, has been published and released in the USA to mark the 51st death anniversary of Allama Mashriqi, one of the great freedom fighters of the Indian sub-continent. The work is authored by Allama Mashriqi’s grandson, Scholar and Historian Nasim Yousaf and serves as another vital contribution to the historiography of South Asia.
Synopsis: Allama Mashriqi Narrowly Escapes the Gallows chronicles one of the most high-profile court cases in South Asian history. The case arose in 1958 when Allama Mashriqi, who led the freedom of the Indian sub-continent, was falsely implicated in the assassination of the former Chief Minister of then West Pakistan (East Pakistan became Bangladesh in 1971). News of Mashriqi’s arrest for the murder spread like wildfire; it was broadcast via radio transmissions, special supplements (Zamima), and front-page banner-headlines. The nation was gripped by the news and could not believe that Mashriqi was responsible for such a heinous act. As the subsequent trial demonstrated, Mashriqi was an innocent man and the trial was actually part of a broader plan to “get Mr. Mashriqi and other accused Khaksars hanged” (The Pakistan Times, June 15, 1958).
In this book, scholar and historian Nasim Yousaf, Mashriqi’s grandson, provides a day-by-day account of the court proceedings. The proceedings include information from leading politicians of the time, who were either interrogated or had their statements recorded in connection with the trial. The trial also provides insight into how the prosecution (with the backing of the Pakistani establishment) built a case against Mashriqi; the book is an excellent read for anyone seeking to understand not only the conspiracy behind the Chief Minister’s murder, but also the corruption and vindictive behavior of those in power in the early days of the nation; the trial demonstrated that the assault on democracy and abuse of power in Pakistan existed from the nation’s very birth. The reckless attitude of the country’s leadership since its founding in 1947 led to the eventual overthrow of the civilian Government by the military Commander-in-Chief in 1958, and laid the foundation for many of the problems the Pakistani nation faces today.
About the Author: The author, Mr. Nasim Yousaf, is a distinguished scholar and historian whose works have made an important contribution to the historiography of South Asia. Mr. Yousaf comes from a prominent family in South Asia and is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a nephew of social scientist Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan. Since 1996, he has been conducting exhaustive research on Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik (the most powerful private army in British India) as well as on Dr. Khan.
Mr. Yousaf’s works on Allama Mashriqi’s role in the freedom movement of the Indian sub-continent are particularly compelling and authentic because of his unique connection to the subject matter. He is the only scholar among South Asian historians to have had the honor of knowing Allama Mashriqi personally. Being Mashriqi’s grandson, the author had the opportunity to observe Mashriqi in many different settings – at home, at public gatherings, in jail, during Mashriqi’s last days and at his funeral. In addition to his personal connection to Mashriqi, the author’s knowledge of the time period comes directly from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters, and the Khaksars – all of whom were part of the freedom movement. Through his research, Mr. Yousaf has unearthed a number of hidden facts related to the partition of India in 1947. Many people now realize that the Indian sub-continent’s history is imbalanced and distorted, whereas previously they were unaware.
Mr. Yousaf has presented papers at U.S. conferences and published many books and numerous articles (which have appeared in newspapers in countries around the world, including Australia, Bangladesh, Canada, Pakistan, India, Japan, Norway, United Kingdom, and the USA). His works have been published in journals such as Harvard Asia Quarterly and Pakistaniaat (USA) as well as in the World History Encyclopedia (USA). Among the author’s most valuable and treasured contributions is a digital compilation of the rare and historic Al-Islah newspaper (launched by Mashriqi in 1934), which provides an important lens into the Khaksar Tehrik and British India’s freedom movement. Mr. Yousaf is currently working on additional books and articles.
His published books include: (1) “Mahatma Gandhi & My Grandfather, Allama Mashriqi: A Groundbreaking Narrative of India’s Partition” (2) “Hidden Facts Behind British India’s Freedom: A Scholarly Look into Allama Mashraqi and Quaid-e-Azam’s Political Conflict” (3) “Allama Mashriqi: A Founder of Islamia College (Peshawar, Pakistan)” (4) “Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan - Pioneer of Microcredit & Guru of Rural Development.”
For additional information on the author and his works, visit the author’s fan page on Facebook: www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
Published in various newspapers
Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released
By Nasim Yousaf
No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.
On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.
In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.
Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.
With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”
In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).
Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.
The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.
Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.
The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.
The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.
The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs
***
#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory
Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released
By Nasim Yousaf
No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.
On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.
In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.
Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.
With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”
In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).
Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.
The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.
Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.
The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.
The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.
The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs
***
#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory
Scholar & Historian Nasim Yousaf (Grandson of Allama Mashriqi) Speaks to the People of the Indian Sub-continent.
As you must know, division has not resolved the political differences between Pakistan and India; in fact it has aggravated the situation and has established two hostile neighbors now armed with deadly nuclear weapons. Partition has created more and serious issues than the ones that existed prior to 1947. It has left behind a legacy of hostility that probably will never end, unless people on both sides change their attitudes and seek unity. Furthermore, writers, speakers and the media must stop justifying partition on the ground that Muslims and Hindus cannot get along. The Muslim-Hindu conflicts that existed during the pre-partition era were blown out of proportion for political reasons and using them as justification for partition does nothing other than generate greater hostility.
We must learn from the lessons taught by Allama Mashriqi, a true visionary; he clearly saw what would happen if India was divided. He provided solutions including "The Constitution of Free India" to resolve issues. He also sent a telegram to the last Viceroy of India "foreshadowing murder and ruin of at least ten million Indians..." The respected Mashriqi knew why India was being divided into three pieces. Therefore, in 1947, he made a final effort to stop the break-up of India and called 300,000 Khaksars to assemble in Delhi on June 30, 1947. This was not acceptable to leaders whose political ambition was attached to the division of the country. Therefore, the partition plan was accepted prior to the assembly of the Khaksars. Most people are unaware of the fact that this struggle almost cost the respected Mashriqi his life, as he was stabbed and arrested in Delhi on June 9th, 1947. This was the day that the Muslim League accepted the partition plan. Fortunately, Allama Mashriqi survived the attack. Such important facts, including his strenuous fight against foreign rule, have been concealed on purpose.
Keep in mind, the British would not even have spoken to Indian leaders or thought of transferring power, had there not been a credible threat to their rule from Allama Mashriqi and his well-disciplined Private Army of millions of Khaksars. Mashriqi's fight against the foreign rule has deliberately been kept out of public knowledge in Pakistan and India. In both countries, the Khaksar Tehrik's materials from 1930-1947 were confiscated immediately after independence; no one knows whether these documents were burnt or are rotting somewhere! These actions were taken for a definite purpose and are the reason that the people of the Indian sub-continent have the false impression that freedom was mainly achieved by the Muslim League and Congress.
Allama Mashriqi is an unsung hero - he played a major role in bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent; he served his nation with the utmost devotion and in return sought no monetary gains or public office. A major purpose of my works, as a grandson of Allama Mashriqi, is to enlighten people about the buried facts of Pakistan and India's freedom. I would be failing in my duty to the people if I kept those realities to myself!
At the end of my message, I would like to thank all those who have appreciated my works on import and export, Dr. Akhtar Hameed Khan, and Allama Mashriqi. I also particularly wish to thank those who have encouraged me to continue uncovering the hidden facts regarding the freedom movement and the division of India. Ultimately, my mission is to correct the distorted history of Pakistan and India, help people understand what true leadership should be about, and to unite individuals of all races against any forces that divide them.
Thank you very much for listening to me. All the best.
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Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
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Nasim Yousaf (scholar & historian)
Rare Works of Allama Mashriqi, the Khaksar Movement, and Others
Compiled by Nasim Yousaf (Author & Researcher)
List of Publications
(1) Kharita (Poetry, 1902-1923), (2) Allama Mashriqi’s speech at International Caliphate Conference, Cairo (1926, Arabic), (3) Khaksar Ka Dastur-e-Ummal (Khaksar Manual, 1937 & 1942), (4) The Radiance (1943, Aligarh), (5) Al-Islah newspaper (British India, 1930s-1940s), (6) Allama Mashriqi’s speech (1945), (7) The Constitution of Free India, 1946 AC. (8) Allama Mashriqi’s speech (1952), proposal for a coalition government), (9) Allama Mashriqi’s speech (1954), (10) Human Problem (1955, English version), (11) Khitab (Egypt, 1926, Arabic & Urdu), (12) Al-Islah (Pakistan,1949, English), (13) Allama Mashriqi’s speech (1949), (14) Human Problem (1955, Urdu version), (15) Allama Mashriqi’s speech (1950), (16) Kafir Kon Log Hain, (17) Biography of Allama Mashriqi, (18) Khaksar Movement: A Saga of the Sage, (19) Khaksar Tehrik Ki Solah Salah Jidoo Juhad.
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In 2015, books on Allama Mashriqi and Dr. Akhter Hameed Khan, authored by Nasim Yousaf, were displayed in the largest international book fairs in the world - London, New York, San Francisco, and Frankfurt.
***
Nation Mourns Death of Legendary Freedom Fighter, Allama Mashriqi
www.facebook.com/AllamaMashri...
Allama Mashriqi Broke Academic Records At University of Cambridge
www.facebook.com/AllamaMashri...
Khaksar Movement Weekly “Al-Islah’s” Role Toward Freedom
Allama Mashriqi’s Book “Tazkirah” (Nominated for Nobel Prize in Literature)
www.facebook.com/TazkirahByAl...
Historic photos of Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik)
(Founded by Allama Mashriqi in 1930)
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Nobel Prize Nominee Allama Mashriqi - Founder Khaksar Tehrik
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Einstein & Other Scientists’ Meetings with Allama Mashriqi
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***
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“World History Encyclopedia”
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Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost:
Information about Allama Mashriqi (founder of the Khaksar Movement) is available on the below mentioned links:
archive.org/details/@nasimyousaf
www.amazon.com/Nasim-Yousaf/e/B001JRVVWY
independent.academia.edu/NasimYousaf
www.facebook.com/nasimyousaf.26
www.facebook.com/Khaksar.Movement
Facebook:
Allama Mashriqi the Great - A Hero of All Times
Nobel Prize Nominee in Literature
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-the-Great-A-Hero-o...
“World History Encyclopedia”
www.facebook.com/pages/Allama-Mashriqi-Article-Published-...!
Khaksar Movement in British India
www.facebook.com/#!/pages/Khaksar-Movement-in-British-Ind...
Geodost: