India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi

 

By Nasim Yousaf

 

Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.

 

Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):

 

“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).

 

Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.

 

Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.

 

In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.

 

In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.

 

Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.

 

By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.

 

While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.

 

Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.

 

As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.

 

On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).

 

Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:

 

“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”

 

With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.

 

To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.

 

Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).

 

The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.

 

The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.

 

Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:

 

(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.

 

(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?

 

(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.

 

(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).

 

The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.

 

Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

 

Published:

 

Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020

Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020

The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020

Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020

Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020

Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020

Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020

New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020

Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020

 

***

 

2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...

 

2) issuu.com/nasimyousaf

 

#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited

India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi

 

By Nasim Yousaf

 

Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.

 

Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):

 

“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).

 

Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.

 

Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.

 

In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.

 

In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.

 

Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.

 

By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.

 

While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.

 

Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.

 

As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.

 

On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).

 

Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:

 

“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”

 

With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.

 

To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.

 

Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).

 

The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.

 

The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.

 

Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:

 

(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.

 

(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?

 

(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.

 

(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).

 

The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.

 

Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

 

Published:

 

Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020

Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020

The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020

Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020

Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020

Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020

Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020

New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020

Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020

 

***

 

2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...

 

2) issuu.com/nasimyousaf

 

#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited

India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi

 

By Nasim Yousaf

 

Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.

 

Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):

 

“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).

 

Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.

 

Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.

 

In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.

 

In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.

 

Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.

 

By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.

 

While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.

 

Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.

 

As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.

 

On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).

 

Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:

 

“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”

 

With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.

 

To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.

 

Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).

 

The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.

 

The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.

 

Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:

 

(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.

 

(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?

 

(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.

 

(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).

 

The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.

 

Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

 

Published:

 

Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020

Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020

The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020

Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020

Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020

Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020

Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020

New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020

Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020

 

***

 

2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...

 

2) issuu.com/nasimyousaf

 

#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited

India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi

 

By Nasim Yousaf

 

Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.

 

Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):

 

“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).

 

Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.

 

Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.

 

In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.

 

In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.

 

Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.

 

By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.

 

While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.

 

Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.

 

As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.

 

On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).

 

Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:

 

“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”

 

With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.

 

To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.

 

Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).

 

The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.

 

The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.

 

Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:

 

(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.

 

(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?

 

(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.

 

(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).

 

The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.

 

Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

 

Published:

 

Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020

Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020

The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020

Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020

Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020

Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020

Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020

New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020

Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020

 

***

 

2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...

 

2) issuu.com/nasimyousaf

 

#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited

"Allama Mashriqi & the 1943 Bengal Famine"

By Nasim Yousaf (اسکالر اور تاریخ دان نسیم یوسف)

 

Allama Mashriqi was a prominent reformer, revolutionary, and humanitarian from the Indian sub-continent. One of the reasons for Mashriqi’s popularity was that he and his Khaksar Movement worked tirelessly to serve the masses. This article discusses the Bengal Famine of 1943, when the Khaksars played a laudable role in providing social services to the people in a time of great need. This time period also sheds light on how the Government of British India and Mashriqi’s political opponents felt threatened by the Tehrik and opposed its efforts, ultimately resulting in a Government ban on the Khaksars’ humanitarian work in Bengal.

 

During the time of the Second World War (WWII), around mid-June of 1943, the Bengal area was faced with a terrible famine. It was a devastating time, as millions of people starved, bodies were lying everywhere, and over three million perished. The Khaksar Tehrik’s English weekly newspaper The Radiance (Aligarh) wrote at the time (in an article entitled “The Bengal Famine” dated September 24, 1943): “This famine has not come down like the bolt from the blue. It was clearly foreseen or foreseeable. It is not an Act of God. It is the sin of man – the result of man’s stupidity and tyranny” (also see “Our Duty to Bengal” in The Radiance, dated October 08, 1944). Allama Mashriqi mainly blamed the Government for the famine; he refused to watch his fellow citizens dying or suffering from malnutrition and starvation and planned to save at least a half a million victims. On September 15, 1943, Mashriqi issued the following order to Khaksars all over India:

 

“Hunger and death in Bengal need no comment. This is perhaps the only event in history when human beings are dying in thousands…and Government is fiddling away the time. The situation has been literally unbearable to many of us and I have passed many sleepless nights.”

 

Mashriqi issued the following directive: “…I order that every group [of Khaksars] must make itself ready to support one person until hunger and death disappear…Hindu as well as Muslim Khaksars should take part in this movement irrespective of caste or creed…must take the most active part in organsing [organizing] this vast human effort for good…” (Source: Help Bengal! Allama’s Order, The Radiance, September 24, 1943).

 

Information about Mashriqi’s order also appeared in the Governor of Punjab’s confidential report for the second half of September 1943, which stated that Mashriqi had issued a directive to Khaksars throughout India to help Bengal famine evacuees (IOL L/P&J/5/246, p. 38). Following Mashriqi’s order, a large number of male and female Khaksars from various religious faiths joined the effort. From the Muslim side, some Khaksars included Tahira Begum (Nazim-i-Ala), Saeeda Bano, and professors (e.g. Prof. Rafiq Ahmed, Prof. Ubaidullah Durrani) and students of Aligarh Muslim University. From the non-Muslim side, some Khaksars were Pandit Amar Nath Joshi (Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram (Nazim-e-Sind) and Jaindu Ram.

 

In order to help the victims of the famine, a Central Relief Camp (“Bengal Destitutes Camp”) as well as district camps were set-up. The central camp was at Mohammad Ali Park in Calcutta (now Kolkata) under the control of M. Shafi Khokhar (Nazim-i-Alah Muhajareen) and Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal). Sick and destitute individuals in the camps were seen by medical experts (e.g. Dr. Abu Zafar Mohammad Tahir).

 

One of the remarkable aspects of the Khakasar Tehrik was its commitment to treating everyone equally and fairly at a time when communalism and territorialism were actively promoted by other political parties. Mashriqi commanded the Khaksars: “No discrimination of whatever sort is to be allowed. Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs, and Christians [Parsees, Jews] are all equally the creatures of God. The food restrictions of different casts and religions are to be strictly observed” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 08, 1943).

 

Because of the limited resources available in Bengal, it eventually became indispensable to shift the victims to various parts of India. Mashriqi got permission from the Premier of Bengal Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin to evacuate the victims from Bengal and made another proclamation:

 

“the only thing we can do is to invite our suffering brethren from Bengal and share our bread with them…Half a million people can be very easily absorbed in the remaining 39 ½ million” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 18, 1943).

 

Per Mashriqi’s plan, the victims would be supported by the Khaksars until they were rehabilitated or until they could go back to their respective homes in Bengal. Based on Mashriqi’s order, tens of thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims were transported to various cities of India. A Secret Police Abstract of Intelligence (Punjab) dated December 11, 1943 confirmed that new groups of destitute people (including both Muslims and Hindus) had been brought to Gujrat, Ferozepore, Gujranwala, Lahore, Multan, and Ambala. The police abstract also discussed Mashriqi’s orders to organize the relief effort. Many Muslims and non-Muslims visited the camps to learn about the help the Khaksars were providing and lauded them for working 24 hours a day with complete discipline to provide services to the victims, while also maintaining a respect for the victims’ differing religious beliefs. In December of 1943, Begum Amtul Salam of the Shevagram Ashram Wardha also visited the Central Camp at Mohammad Ali Park and found the relief activity to be highly disciplined and commendable; impressed with the relief work, she issued a Press Statement:

 

“I am very happy to have met you [Khaksars] and seen your work…There is no doubt that we can establish Hindu-Muslim unity only by serving each other…Personally speaking, there cannot be a more praiseworthy effort…for Hindu- Muslim unity….This the mission of my life. I hope you will fully help me in this mission I thank you all very heartily for the honour you have bestowed on my humble self” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 17, 1943).

 

People from all over India watched as the Khaksars moved victims to different cities and took care of the Bengalis. The nation admired Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ philanthropic services. As a result, the Khaksar Tehrik’s reputation was bolstered in India and the Tehrik’s membership grew immensely.

 

All of this of course did not sit well with the British rulers and Mashriqi’s political rivals; both groups felt threatened by Mashriqi’s popularity and the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth. The matter was discussed in Government circles, including high-ups such as Sir Richard Tottenham (Additional Secretary), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), and Sir Bertrand James Glancy (Punjab Governor); they were extremely unhappy with the Bengal Premier, Khawaja Nazimuddin, for allowing relief work and free railway transportation for victims, which was being done under an agreement with the Khaksar Tehrik. On the political side, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Hindu Mahasabha leaders (among others) were also concerned about the Khaksars’ growing popularity. The President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherji, threatened a “Press Campaign” against the Khaksar Tehrik. Another Mahasabha leader, V.D. Savarkar, made a false and “mischievous.” claim that the Khaksars were converting “starving Hindu women and children to Islamic faith.” The idea was to defame and reduce Mashriqi’s popularity and gain grounds for the Hindu Mahasabha (which had no popularity in Bengal).

 

In order to damage Mashriqi and contain the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth, false propaganda from the Government as well as by political opponents was unleashed, including by pro-Government, pro-opposition media sources. Their false allegations included: (1) victims would become a burden on provincial governments, (2) the Khaksar activities were intended to “boost” the Khaksar Movement, and (3) Khaksars were converting Hindus to Muslims. These opposing sources even went so far as to collect false statements from a few of the destitute through either bribery or pressure. In order to further harrass the Khaksars, the Government of Bengal in Dhaka (Dacca) initiated a court case accusing the Khaksars of kidnapping children.

 

The opposition was indeed deplorable to any sane person; anti-Mashriqi elements were severely criticized by many, including Dr. K.N. Islam (who later wrote a book in the 1980s in Bengali entitled “Allama Masreki o Khakasara Andolana”). To reject the opposition’s flimsy allegations and charges, on December 19, 1943, Mashriqi telegraphically informed Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Alah, Bengal) to have Hindu Khaksar leaders manage the Hindu destitutes (to refute the criticism that the Khaksars were trying to convert Hindus):

 

“Authorise [Authorize] Pandit Amar Nath Joshi, Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram, Nazim-i-Sind, Jaindu Ram, jointly to distribute Hindu destitutes all over India to the utmost satisfaction of everybody…Obstructions put by Communal organizations incapable of saving destitues from death themselves under base political motives most callous. Refuse response to them in this work of saving humanity irrespective of cast or creed (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 24, 1943).

 

Despite Mashriqi’s step, Premier Khawaja Nazimuddin issued another order according to which “no more Khaksars would be allowed to enter Calcutta for relief work” (Source: a note by Sir Richard Tottenham dated December 23, 1943). Premier Nazimuddin also informed Khaksar leader Professor Rafiq Ahmed of Aligrah Muslim University, “We cannot allow you to take destitutes from Bengal…you are taking them in large numbers…the Government of India do not want the destitues to be taken away…” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 31, 1943).

 

When this ban was imposed on the Khaksars’ humanitarian efforts, many throughout the country were upset and angry. Zamindar daily published a news item appreciating the Khaksars and indicating that their efforts would be forever remembered in Indian and human history. The newspaper also denounced the Government’s ban (Zamindar, December 25, 1943).

 

Mashriqi was naturally angry with the Government for canceling the agreement and also with his political opponents, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, who he believed were trying to block the Tehrik’s humanitarian efforts and putting self-interests above the needs of the people. According to a Sind Police Abstract (On December 12, 1945), Mashriqi stated that the [Jinnah’s All-India Muslim] League was responsible for a number of negative acts, such as “the deaths of lacs [hundreds of thousands]” of people during the Bengal famine, and that Leaguers “took bribes openly” making “lacs of rupees [Hundreds of thousands rupees].” According to the abstract, Mashraqi also criticized the “capitalist mentality” of Indian National Congress leadership.

 

Upon the Bengal Premier’s cancellation of the agreement with the Khaksars, Mashriqi sent a telegram to Jinnah (as the Premier’s cancellation had Jinnah’s implicit consent): [Translated from Urdu] Notwithstanding your extremely objectionable, vindictive and one-sided attitude towards the Khaksars, I make a final appeal to you to make Nazimuddin continue November agreement [on] removal [of] Bengal destitutes…please consider patiently your heartless cruelty based on political motives also results refusal my humble request – Inayatullah Khan Ichhra.”

 

Khaksar Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal) also issued a Press Statement regarding the Bengal Premier’s order: the Khaksars "find the purpose of the heavy sacrifice they [Khaksars] made in their business and educational activities defeated by the Government of Bengal cancelling its agreement with them without notice and for no reason" (The Indian Express, June 07, 1944). Khaksars and the public were surprised that M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru did not condemn the Central or the Bengal Government for banning the Khaksars’ humanitarian activities. Their silence spoke of their anti-Khaksar mindset.

 

The Bengal famine was a fitting example of the Khaksars’ tireless devotion to the masses and the Government and opposition’s political motivations. Despite the Bengal Government’s actions, Mashriqi and the Khaksars continued to serve the people in other parts of India. Mashriqi believed in uniting the human race and from the very start of the movement had made regular community service a key and compulsory feature of the Khaksar Movement. As a result, millions of Khaksars all over India followed his policy of spreading brotherhood, which earned him the utmost respect.

 

Mashriqi’s teachings of bringing together all people, regardless of religion, class, color, or creed are relevant even today. This spirit of inclusiveness needs to be instilled from the early school days to defeat the divisiveness that exists around the world. Ultimately, people should not support leaders who seek to divide them or try to foment communalism in order to gain or maintain their power, and instead support those who work tirelessly to bring them together.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a historian and scholar and a grandson of Allama Mashriqi; his works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at well-known academic conferences in the US.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

archive.org/details/allama-mashriqi-the-1943-bengal-famine

***

1. Madras Courier (India), May 26, 2020

2. Asian World (United Kingdom), May 20, 2020

3. Isma Times (India), May 21, 2020

4. The Companion (India), May 21, 2020

5. Tribune International (Australia), May 22, 2020

6. Muslim Mirror (India), May 20, 2020

7. Pakistan Christian Post, May 20, 2020

8. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

9. InkPoint Media (India), May 20, 2020

10. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

11. Global News Pakistan, June 06, 2020

12. Brisbane Indian Times, June 2020

www.facebook.com/AllamaMashriqiAndBengalFamine

***

 

#AllamaMashriqi #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #BengalFamine #Famine #Calcutta #Kolkata #Pandemic #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #IndianHistory #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #MuslimLeague #HinduMahasabha #VDSavarkar #Savarkar #BengalDestituteCamp #DestituteCamp #Bengal #BengalVictims #BengalTragedy #History #SouthAsia #SouthAsianStudies #SouthAsianHistory #Indiansubcontinent

"Allama Mashriqi & the 1943 Bengal Famine"

By Nasim Yousaf (اسکالر اور تاریخ دان نسیم یوسف)

 

Allama Mashriqi was a prominent reformer, revolutionary, and humanitarian from the Indian sub-continent. One of the reasons for Mashriqi’s popularity was that he and his Khaksar Movement worked tirelessly to serve the masses. This article discusses the Bengal Famine of 1943, when the Khaksars played a laudable role in providing social services to the people in a time of great need. This time period also sheds light on how the Government of British India and Mashriqi’s political opponents felt threatened by the Tehrik and opposed its efforts, ultimately resulting in a Government ban on the Khaksars’ humanitarian work in Bengal.

 

During the time of the Second World War (WWII), around mid-June of 1943, the Bengal area was faced with a terrible famine. It was a devastating time, as millions of people starved, bodies were lying everywhere, and over three million perished. The Khaksar Tehrik’s English weekly newspaper The Radiance (Aligarh) wrote at the time (in an article entitled “The Bengal Famine” dated September 24, 1943): “This famine has not come down like the bolt from the blue. It was clearly foreseen or foreseeable. It is not an Act of God. It is the sin of man – the result of man’s stupidity and tyranny” (also see “Our Duty to Bengal” in The Radiance, dated October 08, 1944). Allama Mashriqi mainly blamed the Government for the famine; he refused to watch his fellow citizens dying or suffering from malnutrition and starvation and planned to save at least a half a million victims. On September 15, 1943, Mashriqi issued the following order to Khaksars all over India:

 

“Hunger and death in Bengal need no comment. This is perhaps the only event in history when human beings are dying in thousands…and Government is fiddling away the time. The situation has been literally unbearable to many of us and I have passed many sleepless nights.”

 

Mashriqi issued the following directive: “…I order that every group [of Khaksars] must make itself ready to support one person until hunger and death disappear…Hindu as well as Muslim Khaksars should take part in this movement irrespective of caste or creed…must take the most active part in organsing [organizing] this vast human effort for good…” (Source: Help Bengal! Allama’s Order, The Radiance, September 24, 1943).

 

Information about Mashriqi’s order also appeared in the Governor of Punjab’s confidential report for the second half of September 1943, which stated that Mashriqi had issued a directive to Khaksars throughout India to help Bengal famine evacuees (IOL L/P&J/5/246, p. 38). Following Mashriqi’s order, a large number of male and female Khaksars from various religious faiths joined the effort. From the Muslim side, some Khaksars included Tahira Begum (Nazim-i-Ala), Saeeda Bano, and professors (e.g. Prof. Rafiq Ahmed, Prof. Ubaidullah Durrani) and students of Aligarh Muslim University. From the non-Muslim side, some Khaksars were Pandit Amar Nath Joshi (Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram (Nazim-e-Sind) and Jaindu Ram.

 

In order to help the victims of the famine, a Central Relief Camp (“Bengal Destitutes Camp”) as well as district camps were set-up. The central camp was at Mohammad Ali Park in Calcutta (now Kolkata) under the control of M. Shafi Khokhar (Nazim-i-Alah Muhajareen) and Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal). Sick and destitute individuals in the camps were seen by medical experts (e.g. Dr. Abu Zafar Mohammad Tahir).

 

One of the remarkable aspects of the Khakasar Tehrik was its commitment to treating everyone equally and fairly at a time when communalism and territorialism were actively promoted by other political parties. Mashriqi commanded the Khaksars: “No discrimination of whatever sort is to be allowed. Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs, and Christians [Parsees, Jews] are all equally the creatures of God. The food restrictions of different casts and religions are to be strictly observed” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 08, 1943).

 

Because of the limited resources available in Bengal, it eventually became indispensable to shift the victims to various parts of India. Mashriqi got permission from the Premier of Bengal Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin to evacuate the victims from Bengal and made another proclamation:

 

“the only thing we can do is to invite our suffering brethren from Bengal and share our bread with them…Half a million people can be very easily absorbed in the remaining 39 ½ million” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 18, 1943).

 

Per Mashriqi’s plan, the victims would be supported by the Khaksars until they were rehabilitated or until they could go back to their respective homes in Bengal. Based on Mashriqi’s order, tens of thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims were transported to various cities of India. A Secret Police Abstract of Intelligence (Punjab) dated December 11, 1943 confirmed that new groups of destitute people (including both Muslims and Hindus) had been brought to Gujrat, Ferozepore, Gujranwala, Lahore, Multan, and Ambala. The police abstract also discussed Mashriqi’s orders to organize the relief effort. Many Muslims and non-Muslims visited the camps to learn about the help the Khaksars were providing and lauded them for working 24 hours a day with complete discipline to provide services to the victims, while also maintaining a respect for the victims’ differing religious beliefs. In December of 1943, Begum Amtul Salam of the Shevagram Ashram Wardha also visited the Central Camp at Mohammad Ali Park and found the relief activity to be highly disciplined and commendable; impressed with the relief work, she issued a Press Statement:

 

“I am very happy to have met you [Khaksars] and seen your work…There is no doubt that we can establish Hindu-Muslim unity only by serving each other…Personally speaking, there cannot be a more praiseworthy effort…for Hindu- Muslim unity….This the mission of my life. I hope you will fully help me in this mission I thank you all very heartily for the honour you have bestowed on my humble self” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 17, 1943).

 

People from all over India watched as the Khaksars moved victims to different cities and took care of the Bengalis. The nation admired Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ philanthropic services. As a result, the Khaksar Tehrik’s reputation was bolstered in India and the Tehrik’s membership grew immensely.

 

All of this of course did not sit well with the British rulers and Mashriqi’s political rivals; both groups felt threatened by Mashriqi’s popularity and the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth. The matter was discussed in Government circles, including high-ups such as Sir Richard Tottenham (Additional Secretary), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), and Sir Bertrand James Glancy (Punjab Governor); they were extremely unhappy with the Bengal Premier, Khawaja Nazimuddin, for allowing relief work and free railway transportation for victims, which was being done under an agreement with the Khaksar Tehrik. On the political side, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Hindu Mahasabha leaders (among others) were also concerned about the Khaksars’ growing popularity. The President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherji, threatened a “Press Campaign” against the Khaksar Tehrik. Another Mahasabha leader, V.D. Savarkar, made a false and “mischievous.” claim that the Khaksars were converting “starving Hindu women and children to Islamic faith.” The idea was to defame and reduce Mashriqi’s popularity and gain grounds for the Hindu Mahasabha (which had no popularity in Bengal).

 

In order to damage Mashriqi and contain the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth, false propaganda from the Government as well as by political opponents was unleashed, including by pro-Government, pro-opposition media sources. Their false allegations included: (1) victims would become a burden on provincial governments, (2) the Khaksar activities were intended to “boost” the Khaksar Movement, and (3) Khaksars were converting Hindus to Muslims. These opposing sources even went so far as to collect false statements from a few of the destitute through either bribery or pressure. In order to further harrass the Khaksars, the Government of Bengal in Dhaka (Dacca) initiated a court case accusing the Khaksars of kidnapping children.

 

The opposition was indeed deplorable to any sane person; anti-Mashriqi elements were severely criticized by many, including Dr. K.N. Islam (who later wrote a book in the 1980s in Bengali entitled “Allama Masreki o Khakasara Andolana”). To reject the opposition’s flimsy allegations and charges, on December 19, 1943, Mashriqi telegraphically informed Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Alah, Bengal) to have Hindu Khaksar leaders manage the Hindu destitutes (to refute the criticism that the Khaksars were trying to convert Hindus):

 

“Authorise [Authorize] Pandit Amar Nath Joshi, Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram, Nazim-i-Sind, Jaindu Ram, jointly to distribute Hindu destitutes all over India to the utmost satisfaction of everybody…Obstructions put by Communal organizations incapable of saving destitues from death themselves under base political motives most callous. Refuse response to them in this work of saving humanity irrespective of cast or creed (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 24, 1943).

 

Despite Mashriqi’s step, Premier Khawaja Nazimuddin issued another order according to which “no more Khaksars would be allowed to enter Calcutta for relief work” (Source: a note by Sir Richard Tottenham dated December 23, 1943). Premier Nazimuddin also informed Khaksar leader Professor Rafiq Ahmed of Aligrah Muslim University, “We cannot allow you to take destitutes from Bengal…you are taking them in large numbers…the Government of India do not want the destitues to be taken away…” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 31, 1943).

 

When this ban was imposed on the Khaksars’ humanitarian efforts, many throughout the country were upset and angry. Zamindar daily published a news item appreciating the Khaksars and indicating that their efforts would be forever remembered in Indian and human history. The newspaper also denounced the Government’s ban (Zamindar, December 25, 1943).

 

Mashriqi was naturally angry with the Government for canceling the agreement and also with his political opponents, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, who he believed were trying to block the Tehrik’s humanitarian efforts and putting self-interests above the needs of the people. According to a Sind Police Abstract (On December 12, 1945), Mashriqi stated that the [Jinnah’s All-India Muslim] League was responsible for a number of negative acts, such as “the deaths of lacs [hundreds of thousands]” of people during the Bengal famine, and that Leaguers “took bribes openly” making “lacs of rupees [Hundreds of thousands rupees].” According to the abstract, Mashraqi also criticized the “capitalist mentality” of Indian National Congress leadership.

 

Upon the Bengal Premier’s cancellation of the agreement with the Khaksars, Mashriqi sent a telegram to Jinnah (as the Premier’s cancellation had Jinnah’s implicit consent): [Translated from Urdu] Notwithstanding your extremely objectionable, vindictive and one-sided attitude towards the Khaksars, I make a final appeal to you to make Nazimuddin continue November agreement [on] removal [of] Bengal destitutes…please consider patiently your heartless cruelty based on political motives also results refusal my humble request – Inayatullah Khan Ichhra.”

 

Khaksar Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal) also issued a Press Statement regarding the Bengal Premier’s order: the Khaksars "find the purpose of the heavy sacrifice they [Khaksars] made in their business and educational activities defeated by the Government of Bengal cancelling its agreement with them without notice and for no reason" (The Indian Express, June 07, 1944). Khaksars and the public were surprised that M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru did not condemn the Central or the Bengal Government for banning the Khaksars’ humanitarian activities. Their silence spoke of their anti-Khaksar mindset.

 

The Bengal famine was a fitting example of the Khaksars’ tireless devotion to the masses and the Government and opposition’s political motivations. Despite the Bengal Government’s actions, Mashriqi and the Khaksars continued to serve the people in other parts of India. Mashriqi believed in uniting the human race and from the very start of the movement had made regular community service a key and compulsory feature of the Khaksar Movement. As a result, millions of Khaksars all over India followed his policy of spreading brotherhood, which earned him the utmost respect.

 

Mashriqi’s teachings of bringing together all people, regardless of religion, class, color, or creed are relevant even today. This spirit of inclusiveness needs to be instilled from the early school days to defeat the divisiveness that exists around the world. Ultimately, people should not support leaders who seek to divide them or try to foment communalism in order to gain or maintain their power, and instead support those who work tirelessly to bring them together.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a historian and scholar and a grandson of Allama Mashriqi; his works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at well-known academic conferences in the US.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

archive.org/details/allama-mashriqi-the-1943-bengal-famine

***

1. Madras Courier (India), May 26, 2020

2. Asian World (United Kingdom), May 20, 2020

3. Isma Times (India), May 21, 2020

4. The Companion (India), May 21, 2020

5. Tribune International (Australia), May 22, 2020

6. Muslim Mirror (India), May 20, 2020

7. Pakistan Christian Post, May 20, 2020

8. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

9. InkPoint Media (India), May 20, 2020

10. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

11. Global News Pakistan, June 06, 2020

12. Brisbane Indian Times, June 2020

www.facebook.com/AllamaMashriqiAndBengalFamine

***

 

#AllamaMashriqi #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #BengalFamine #Famine #Calcutta #Kolkata #Pandemic #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #IndianHistory #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #MuslimLeague #HinduMahasabha #VDSavarkar #Savarkar #BengalDestituteCamp #DestituteCamp #Bengal #BengalVictims #BengalTragedy #History #SouthAsia #SouthAsianStudies #SouthAsianHistory #Indiansubcontinent

Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released

 

By Nasim Yousaf

 

No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.

 

On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.

 

In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.

 

Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.

 

With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”

 

In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).

 

Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.

 

The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.

 

Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.

 

The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.

 

The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.

 

The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.

 

The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.

 

Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf

www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs

***

#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory

 

Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released

 

By Nasim Yousaf

 

No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.

 

On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.

 

In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.

 

Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.

 

With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”

 

In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).

 

Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.

 

The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.

 

Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.

 

The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.

 

The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.

 

The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.

 

The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.

 

Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf

www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs

***

#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory

 

Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released

 

By Nasim Yousaf

 

No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.

 

On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.

 

In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.

 

Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.

 

With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”

 

In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).

 

Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.

 

The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.

 

Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.

 

The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.

 

The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.

 

The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.

 

The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.

 

Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf

 

www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs

 

***

#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory

 

On October 27, 2007, the author (Nasim Yousaf) presented an abbreviated version of his paper entitled "Freedom of British India through the Lens of the Khaksar Movement" at New York Conference on Asian Studies (NYCAS). Slides on the activities of the Khaksar Movement were also presented.

www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1

 

"Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India" Rare photos released by respected Allama Mashriqi's grandson, Nasim Yousaf (Researcher & Author). More pics are on the flg link:

 

www.facebook.com/pg/KhaksarMovement.1/photos/?tab=album&a...

 

On October 27, 2007, the author (Nasim Yousaf) presented an abbreviated version of his paper entitled "Freedom of British India through the Lens of the Khaksar Movement" at New York Conference on Asian Studies (NYCAS). Slides on the activities of the Khaksar Movement were also presented.

www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1

 

On October 27, 2007, the author (Nasim Yousaf) presented an abbreviated version of his paper entitled "Freedom of British India through the Lens of the Khaksar Movement" at New York Conference on Asian Studies (NYCAS). Slides on the activities of the Khaksar Movement were also presented.

www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1