View allAll Photos Tagged Humiliated
Cricket's rich history of thrilling upsets was given another chapter as Netherlands sensationally beat England by four wickets in the opening match of the ICC World Twenty20 at Lord's. Needing seven off the last over Ryan ten Doeschate and Edgar Schiferli ran for their lives and with two needed off the last delivery Stuart Broad missed a run-out from his follow through and the resulting overthrow set off wild scenes of celebration.
Tom de Grooth played the innings of his life to hit 49 off 30 balls and Netherlands paced their pursuit of 163 so expertly that they were always ahead of the Duckworth-Lewis when steady rain began to fall to add to the drama. But the game deserved to be played to a finish and crucially Netherlands had the experience of ten Doeschate, who plays professionally for Essex, up their sleeve as he didn't come in until No. 6.
Each time England nipped out a wicket the next Netherlands batsman held their nerve until the final-over equation with seven needed. England missed three chances off the first three balls as the fielding crumbled under pressure in the closing stages, with two run out opportunities and a dropped catch as ten Doeschate cracked a chance back to Broad.
When Schiferli, who had injured his shoulder diving to make his ground earlier in the over, clubbed the ball to the on side Broad collected in his follow-through. A direct hit would have given England the win, but even allowing the single would have sent the game to a Super Over - however Broad went for the win and he missed. Almost before the second run was complete the Dutch were sprinting from the dug-out.
Once again, Twenty20 had shown its capacity to produce the most incredible upsets. But this wasn't about the gap being narrowed, this victory was all about the superior skill level of Netherlands on the night. The intent with which they went about the chase was thrilling in its freedom and confidence.
Darron Reekers set the tone with thumping sixes over midwicket off Ryan Sidebottom and James Anderson a stark comparison to England who didn't manage a single six throughout their innings. Netherlands were nervous for the first 10 overs and didn't appear to have a pray as Ravi Bopara and Luke Wright opened with a stand of 102, yet England managed just 73 in the second half of the innings.
The confidence Netherlands gained from their strong finish in the field - where, notably, they held their chances - showed in the batting performance. When Alexei Kervezee pulled to mid-on and Reekers' brief dash was ended by Broad it appeared England would have too much fire power. However de Grooth took 16 off the sixth over, including a straight six, and England knew they were in a battle.
Adil Rashid, on his international debut, produced a neat legspinner to have Bas Zuiderent stumped, only for Peter Borren to open his account with a thumping pull over midwicket. de Grooth continued to play one of those innings that amateur cricketers dream of and each boundary gave him another story to regale with in the years to come.
Paul Collingwood opted for his medium-pacers rather than returning to the strike bowlers as the runs were whittled down. de Grooth launched the England captain over midwicket for a flat six, but two balls later got a leading edge against a slower ball that looped to extra cover. The celebrations, though, were muted; this wasn't what the hosts had expected.
Borren top-edged to short fine-leg and Daan van Bunge picked out Wright on the cover boundary with a powerful drive that lodged in the fielders' elbow, but ten Doeschate found a crucial four in the 19th over with a sliced drive that was parried over the rope by an airborne Eoin Morgan. This was going to be Netherlands' moment.
It was the type of start the event desperately needed on a cold, grey, damp day which forced the opening ceremony to be cancelled amid memories of the inglorious beginning to the 1999 World Cup. It didn't seem the most astute scheduling to open with a game involving a minnow, but now the tournament is alive.
England will want to forget the evening. It started badly when Kevin Pietersen was ruled out with a recurrence of his Achilles problem and Rob Key was drafted in having not played during the warm-ups, and finished batting down at No. 6 where he never plays in county cricket.
That was partly down to an excellent opening stand between Bopara and Wright, a continuation of their effort against West Indies, which made it appear that England would have a routine few hours of cricket. Their partnership of 102 equalled England's best in Twenty20 internationals, but the middle order couldn't build on the foundation and showed a worrying lack of striking power. Huge credit must go to the Netherlands attack who got their game together after a slow start.
Still, at the half-way stage, most pundits and a large proportion of the crowd will have thought England had enough. No one told the men wearing orange - a motley crew from a country where football is king and cricket barely rates a mention - who less than two hours later and put some of the highest paid players in the world firmly in their place. Say what you like about Twenty20, this was a sporting drama at its very best.
Andrew McGlashan is assistant editor of Cricinfo
Sati was a social funeral practice among some Indian communities in which a recently widowed woman would immolate herself on her husband’s funeral pyre. The practice was banned several times, with the current ban dating to 1829 by the British.
The term is derived from the original name of the goddess Sati, also known as Dakshayani, who self-immolated because she was unable to bear her father Daksha's humiliation of her husband Shiva. The term may also be used to refer to the widow. The term sati is now sometimes interpreted as "chaste woman". Sati appears in both Hindi and Sanskrit texts, where it is synonymous with "good wife"; the term suttee was commonly used by Anglo-Indian English writers.
ORIGN
Few reliable records exist of the practice before the time of the Gupta empire, approximately 400 CE. After about this time, instances of sati began to be marked by inscribed memorial stones. The earliest of these are found in Sagar, Madhya Pradesh, though the largest collections date from several centuries later, and are found in Rajasthan. These stones, called devli, or sati-stones, became shrines to the dead woman, who was treated as an object of reverence and worship. They are most common in western India. A description of suttee appears in a Greek account of the Punjab written in the first century BCE by historian Diodorus Siculus. Brahmins were forbidden from the practice by the Padma Purana. A chapter dated to around the 10th century indicates that, while considered a noble act when committed by a Kshatriya woman, anyone caught assisting an upper-caste Brahmin in self-immolation as a "sati" was guilty of Brahminicide.
The ritual has prehistoric roots, and many parallels from other cultures are known. Compare for example the ship burial of the Rus' described by Ibn Fadlan, where a female slave is burned with her master.
Aristobulus of Cassandreia, a Greek historian who traveled to India with the expedition of Alexander the Great, recorded the practice of sati at the city of Taxila. A later instance of voluntary co-cremation appears in an account of an Indian soldier in the army of Eumenes of Cardia, whose two wives jumped on his funeral pyre, in 316 BC. The Greeks believed that the practice had been instituted to discourage wives from poisoning their old husbands.
Voluntary death at funerals has been described in northern India before the Gupta empire. The original practices were called anumarana, and were uncommon. Anumarana was not comparable to later understandings of sati, since the practices were not restricted to widows – rather, anyone, male or female, with personal loyalty to the deceased could commit suicide at a loved one's funeral. These included the deceased's relatives, servants, followers, or friends. Sometimes these deaths stemmed from vows of loyalty, and bear a slight resemblance to the later tradition of junshi in Japan.
It is theorized that sati, enforced widowhood, and girl marriage were customs that were primarily intended to solve the problem of surplus women and surplus men in a caste and to maintain its endogamy.
Apart from the Indian subcontinent, origins of this practice have been found in many parts of the world; it was followed by the ancient Egyptians, Thracians, Scythians, Scandinavians, Chinese, as well as people of Oceania and Africa.
Sati remained legal in some princely states for a time after it had been abolished in lands under British control. Jaipur banned the practice in 1846. Nepal continued to practice Sati well into the 20th century.
On the Indonesian island of Bali, sati (known as masatya) was practised by the aristocracy as late as 1905, until Dutch colonial rule pushed for its termination.
Following outcries after each instance, the government has passed new measures against the practice, which now effectively make it illegal to be a bystander at an event of sati. The law now makes no distinction between passive observers to the act and active promoters of the event; all are supposed to be held equally guilty. Other measures include efforts to stop the 'glorification' of the dead women. Glorification includes the erection of shrines to the dead, the encouragement of pilgrimages to the site of the pyre, and the derivation of any income from such sites and pilgrims.
Another instance of systematic Sati happened in 1973, when Savitri Soni sacrificed her life with her husband in Kotadi village of Sikar District in Rajasthan. Thousands of people witnessed this incident.
Although many have tried to prevent the act of sati by banning it and reinforcing laws against it, it is still being practiced (on rare occasions) in India under coercion or by voluntary burning, as in the case of Charan Shah: a 55 year-old widow of Manshah who burnt herself on the pyre of her husband in the village of Satpura in Uttar Pradesh on 11 November 1999. Her death on the funeral pyre has provoked much controversy, as there have been questions as to whether she willingly performed the Sati or was coerced. Charan Shah had not professed strong feelings to become a Sati to any of her family members, and no one saw her close to the burning body of her husband before she jumped into the fire. The villagers, including her sons, say that she became a Sati of her own accord and that she was not forced into it. They continue to pay their respects to the house of Charan Shah. It has become a shrine for the villagers, as they strongly believe that one who has become a sati is a deity; she is worshipped and endowed with gifts.
NUMBERS
There are no reliable figures for the numbers who died by sati across the country. A local indication of the numbers is given in the records kept by the Bengal Presidency of the British East India Company. The total figure of known occurrences for the period 1813 to 1828 is 8,135; another source gives a comparable number of 7,941 from 1815 to 1828, thus giving an average of about 507 to 567 documented incidents per year in that period. Raja Ram Mohan Roy estimated that there were ten times as many cases of Sati in Bengal compared to the rest of the country. Bentinck, in his 1829 report, states that 420 occurrences took place in one (unspecified) year in the 'Lower Provinces' of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, and 44 in the 'Upper Provinces' (the upper Gangetic plain).
WIKIPEDIA
Clinging to Ego
© 2013 Kristine Jabbour
On one hand, I’m tired of humiliation
Ego’s distorted vision
Leaving me exposed
Like the Emperor without clothes
On the other hand, isn’t ego a part of me
Something to accept, reconcile and integrate
Rather than deny it
Squelch or annihilate it?
What else can protect me from cruelty?
Terrifying to leave it behind
My heart in full view
And without it, would I have any drive?
What would push me out of bed in the morning?
For me it’s essential to be productive
(Whatever that means)
Must I be complacent to be content?
Yet I recall a long string of birthdays
Crushed by unmet goals of ever-elusive greatness
Alienated by self-constructed barriers
Can I muster the courage to drop the mask?
Have faith I won’t be flattened
Confidence I won’t reek of weirdness
Can love be motivation enough?
Ego at the Mall
© 2013 Kristine Jabbour
Today I look good!
Everybody’s staring.
People are checking out my butt as I pass.
They must be wondering how I can be so sexy.
Oh! I have my period!
I guess white shorts wasn’t the best choice for today.
Ego at Work
© 2013 Kristine Jabbour
There are serious issues with this blueprint.
I can’t believe no one involved me until now!
Clearly you have not thought this through.
You’ve accounted for fire and earthquake risks
But what about wind, hail, volcanoes?
And these are just the glaring gaps
Given time I’m sure I’d find more.
It’s a good thing I’m here to point these things out.
“Umm, it’s for an underground facility…”
Ego at Yoga
© 2013 Kristine Jabbour
Look at her! I can do that.
I’m almost there, balance, balance…
Plop
I’ve been doing this longer than her!
I’m sure I can get into that pose.
Stretch, stretch…
Pop
This isn’t very relaxing.
Ego at Church
© 2013 Kristine Jabbour
Oh I love this song!
It really suits my range!
I bet the couple in front of me
Are so impressed with my voice.
I bet I’ll be approached to do a solo!
Oh, the couple just put on headsets.
I guess they’re hearing impaired.
Ego in Love
© 2013 Kristine Jabbour
I’m so hi-i-i-i-i-gh
High above him
I’m so lovely…
What?! He’s cheating on me?!!
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
2016/03/05(sat)
MALAYSIAS MILITARY DEATH METAL
HUMILIATION JAPAN INVASION 2016 OSAKA
at SOCORE FACTORY
HUMILIATION
DISTURD
SEX MESSIAH
SECOND TO NONE
A hidden straitjacket with a heavy hut with a flab in front of my face and a rubber inner side of flab
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Sati was a social funeral practice among some Indian communities in which a recently widowed woman would immolate herself on her husband’s funeral pyre. The practice was banned several times, with the current ban dating to 1829 by the British.
The term is derived from the original name of the goddess Sati, also known as Dakshayani, who self-immolated because she was unable to bear her father Daksha's humiliation of her husband Shiva. The term may also be used to refer to the widow. The term sati is now sometimes interpreted as "chaste woman". Sati appears in both Hindi and Sanskrit texts, where it is synonymous with "good wife"; the term suttee was commonly used by Anglo-Indian English writers.
ORIGN
Few reliable records exist of the practice before the time of the Gupta empire, approximately 400 CE. After about this time, instances of sati began to be marked by inscribed memorial stones. The earliest of these are found in Sagar, Madhya Pradesh, though the largest collections date from several centuries later, and are found in Rajasthan. These stones, called devli, or sati-stones, became shrines to the dead woman, who was treated as an object of reverence and worship. They are most common in western India. A description of suttee appears in a Greek account of the Punjab written in the first century BCE by historian Diodorus Siculus. Brahmins were forbidden from the practice by the Padma Purana. A chapter dated to around the 10th century indicates that, while considered a noble act when committed by a Kshatriya woman, anyone caught assisting an upper-caste Brahmin in self-immolation as a "sati" was guilty of Brahminicide.
The ritual has prehistoric roots, and many parallels from other cultures are known. Compare for example the ship burial of the Rus' described by Ibn Fadlan, where a female slave is burned with her master.
Aristobulus of Cassandreia, a Greek historian who traveled to India with the expedition of Alexander the Great, recorded the practice of sati at the city of Taxila. A later instance of voluntary co-cremation appears in an account of an Indian soldier in the army of Eumenes of Cardia, whose two wives jumped on his funeral pyre, in 316 BC. The Greeks believed that the practice had been instituted to discourage wives from poisoning their old husbands.
Voluntary death at funerals has been described in northern India before the Gupta empire. The original practices were called anumarana, and were uncommon. Anumarana was not comparable to later understandings of sati, since the practices were not restricted to widows – rather, anyone, male or female, with personal loyalty to the deceased could commit suicide at a loved one's funeral. These included the deceased's relatives, servants, followers, or friends. Sometimes these deaths stemmed from vows of loyalty, and bear a slight resemblance to the later tradition of junshi in Japan.
It is theorized that sati, enforced widowhood, and girl marriage were customs that were primarily intended to solve the problem of surplus women and surplus men in a caste and to maintain its endogamy.
Apart from the Indian subcontinent, origins of this practice have been found in many parts of the world; it was followed by the ancient Egyptians, Thracians, Scythians, Scandinavians, Chinese, as well as people of Oceania and Africa.
Sati remained legal in some princely states for a time after it had been abolished in lands under British control. Jaipur banned the practice in 1846. Nepal continued to practice Sati well into the 20th century.
On the Indonesian island of Bali, sati (known as masatya) was practised by the aristocracy as late as 1905, until Dutch colonial rule pushed for its termination.
Following outcries after each instance, the government has passed new measures against the practice, which now effectively make it illegal to be a bystander at an event of sati. The law now makes no distinction between passive observers to the act and active promoters of the event; all are supposed to be held equally guilty. Other measures include efforts to stop the 'glorification' of the dead women. Glorification includes the erection of shrines to the dead, the encouragement of pilgrimages to the site of the pyre, and the derivation of any income from such sites and pilgrims.
Another instance of systematic Sati happened in 1973, when Savitri Soni sacrificed her life with her husband in Kotadi village of Sikar District in Rajasthan. Thousands of people witnessed this incident.
Although many have tried to prevent the act of sati by banning it and reinforcing laws against it, it is still being practiced (on rare occasions) in India under coercion or by voluntary burning, as in the case of Charan Shah: a 55 year-old widow of Manshah who burnt herself on the pyre of her husband in the village of Satpura in Uttar Pradesh on 11 November 1999. Her death on the funeral pyre has provoked much controversy, as there have been questions as to whether she willingly performed the Sati or was coerced. Charan Shah had not professed strong feelings to become a Sati to any of her family members, and no one saw her close to the burning body of her husband before she jumped into the fire. The villagers, including her sons, say that she became a Sati of her own accord and that she was not forced into it. They continue to pay their respects to the house of Charan Shah. It has become a shrine for the villagers, as they strongly believe that one who has become a sati is a deity; she is worshipped and endowed with gifts.
NUMBERS
There are no reliable figures for the numbers who died by sati across the country. A local indication of the numbers is given in the records kept by the Bengal Presidency of the British East India Company. The total figure of known occurrences for the period 1813 to 1828 is 8,135; another source gives a comparable number of 7,941 from 1815 to 1828, thus giving an average of about 507 to 567 documented incidents per year in that period. Raja Ram Mohan Roy estimated that there were ten times as many cases of Sati in Bengal compared to the rest of the country. Bentinck, in his 1829 report, states that 420 occurrences took place in one (unspecified) year in the 'Lower Provinces' of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, and 44 in the 'Upper Provinces' (the upper Gangetic plain).
WIKIPEDIA
Sati was a social funeral practice among some Indian communities in which a recently widowed woman would immolate herself on her husband’s funeral pyre. The practice was banned several times, with the current ban dating to 1829 by the British.
The term is derived from the original name of the goddess Sati, also known as Dakshayani, who self-immolated because she was unable to bear her father Daksha's humiliation of her husband Shiva. The term may also be used to refer to the widow. The term sati is now sometimes interpreted as "chaste woman". Sati appears in both Hindi and Sanskrit texts, where it is synonymous with "good wife"; the term suttee was commonly used by Anglo-Indian English writers.
ORIGN
Few reliable records exist of the practice before the time of the Gupta empire, approximately 400 CE. After about this time, instances of sati began to be marked by inscribed memorial stones. The earliest of these are found in Sagar, Madhya Pradesh, though the largest collections date from several centuries later, and are found in Rajasthan. These stones, called devli, or sati-stones, became shrines to the dead woman, who was treated as an object of reverence and worship. They are most common in western India. A description of suttee appears in a Greek account of the Punjab written in the first century BCE by historian Diodorus Siculus. Brahmins were forbidden from the practice by the Padma Purana. A chapter dated to around the 10th century indicates that, while considered a noble act when committed by a Kshatriya woman, anyone caught assisting an upper-caste Brahmin in self-immolation as a "sati" was guilty of Brahminicide.
The ritual has prehistoric roots, and many parallels from other cultures are known. Compare for example the ship burial of the Rus' described by Ibn Fadlan, where a female slave is burned with her master.
Aristobulus of Cassandreia, a Greek historian who traveled to India with the expedition of Alexander the Great, recorded the practice of sati at the city of Taxila. A later instance of voluntary co-cremation appears in an account of an Indian soldier in the army of Eumenes of Cardia, whose two wives jumped on his funeral pyre, in 316 BC. The Greeks believed that the practice had been instituted to discourage wives from poisoning their old husbands.
Voluntary death at funerals has been described in northern India before the Gupta empire. The original practices were called anumarana, and were uncommon. Anumarana was not comparable to later understandings of sati, since the practices were not restricted to widows – rather, anyone, male or female, with personal loyalty to the deceased could commit suicide at a loved one's funeral. These included the deceased's relatives, servants, followers, or friends. Sometimes these deaths stemmed from vows of loyalty, and bear a slight resemblance to the later tradition of junshi in Japan.
It is theorized that sati, enforced widowhood, and girl marriage were customs that were primarily intended to solve the problem of surplus women and surplus men in a caste and to maintain its endogamy.
Apart from the Indian subcontinent, origins of this practice have been found in many parts of the world; it was followed by the ancient Egyptians, Thracians, Scythians, Scandinavians, Chinese, as well as people of Oceania and Africa.
Sati remained legal in some princely states for a time after it had been abolished in lands under British control. Jaipur banned the practice in 1846. Nepal continued to practice Sati well into the 20th century.
On the Indonesian island of Bali, sati (known as masatya) was practised by the aristocracy as late as 1905, until Dutch colonial rule pushed for its termination.
Following outcries after each instance, the government has passed new measures against the practice, which now effectively make it illegal to be a bystander at an event of sati. The law now makes no distinction between passive observers to the act and active promoters of the event; all are supposed to be held equally guilty. Other measures include efforts to stop the 'glorification' of the dead women. Glorification includes the erection of shrines to the dead, the encouragement of pilgrimages to the site of the pyre, and the derivation of any income from such sites and pilgrims.
Another instance of systematic Sati happened in 1973, when Savitri Soni sacrificed her life with her husband in Kotadi village of Sikar District in Rajasthan. Thousands of people witnessed this incident.
Although many have tried to prevent the act of sati by banning it and reinforcing laws against it, it is still being practiced (on rare occasions) in India under coercion or by voluntary burning, as in the case of Charan Shah: a 55 year-old widow of Manshah who burnt herself on the pyre of her husband in the village of Satpura in Uttar Pradesh on 11 November 1999. Her death on the funeral pyre has provoked much controversy, as there have been questions as to whether she willingly performed the Sati or was coerced. Charan Shah had not professed strong feelings to become a Sati to any of her family members, and no one saw her close to the burning body of her husband before she jumped into the fire. The villagers, including her sons, say that she became a Sati of her own accord and that she was not forced into it. They continue to pay their respects to the house of Charan Shah. It has become a shrine for the villagers, as they strongly believe that one who has become a sati is a deity; she is worshipped and endowed with gifts.
NUMBERS
There are no reliable figures for the numbers who died by sati across the country. A local indication of the numbers is given in the records kept by the Bengal Presidency of the British East India Company. The total figure of known occurrences for the period 1813 to 1828 is 8,135; another source gives a comparable number of 7,941 from 1815 to 1828, thus giving an average of about 507 to 567 documented incidents per year in that period. Raja Ram Mohan Roy estimated that there were ten times as many cases of Sati in Bengal compared to the rest of the country. Bentinck, in his 1829 report, states that 420 occurrences took place in one (unspecified) year in the 'Lower Provinces' of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, and 44 in the 'Upper Provinces' (the upper Gangetic plain).
(WIKIPEDIA)
The 7.7 cm Feldkanone 96 neuer Art (7.7 cm FK 96 n.A.) was a field gun used by Germany in World War I.
Rate of fire: 10 rounds per minute - maximum firing range: 8,400 m (9,200 yd = 5.23 miles) - Manned by crew of 5.
The FK 96 n.A. was shorter-ranged, but lighter than the French Canon de 75 modèle 1897 or the British Ordnance QF 18 pounder gun; the Germans placed a premium on mobility, which served them well during the early stages of World War I.
However, once the front had become static, the greater rate of fire of the French gun and the heavier shells fired by the British gun put the Germans at a disadvantage.
The Germans remedied this by developing the longer-ranged, but heavier 7.7 cm FK 16. (Source - Wikipedia). Depot du Musée de l'artilliere de Draguignan, 2004
A hidden straitjacket with a heavy hut with a flab in front of my face and a rubber inner side of flab
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
The "other side” of the American Dream
They were frightened, uncomfortable and humiliated.
Day after day we heard about border lines, immigrants, people who left their house and their families never had news about them, some other are dead.
There are an estimated of 12 million illegal immigrants in the United States. More than half (55 percent) were Mexican and one quarter (25 percent) are American. The remainder (20 percent) are from around the world.
This is the story of a few of them; not the ones that die trying to reach their goal, not the others who live in the States. But the ones that are stocked in the border line, unfortunately the south.
"My dream was to arrive to United States work as hard as I can and come back to my country to be with my daughter" MARIANA, HONDURAS.
Braving a ride on top of the freight trains that head north all across Mexico is the only chance for migrants, from all over Central America… to get close to the "American Dream". They are victims of robbers, police abusing their power, Zetas, kidnap and the government corruption.
Sometimes It is the same machine that they use to reach their dreams, the one that can cut any hope, and also some part of their body.
Their plan to migrate to the States, to work and provide their families, is failed. They face mutilations and injuries but most of the humiliation is because their dream never come true… being on "The Other Side".
more about this proyect at www.okinreport.net
Politics of bitterness, revenge and blackmail indeed, USA with its democratically experienced for many years seriously engaging in politics of rancor. You are belittling yourselves, this kind of politics is what have continue to draw Nigeria State backward.
Apolitical and rational politicians...
www.tweet.ng/2016/08/us-election-donald-trump-highly-humi...
Read more about me and my life on my website with lots of pictures, videos and texts (en/en). You can find the link on the info/start page on the right side under the showcase pictures.
I love to wear women's underwear and girdles, I don't own men's underwear since a long time. But I don't want to simulate femininity and I don't have transsexual ambitions. I'm just a fat, effeminate loser, who always failed in relationships with women as a real man. I was brought up to be a sissified, feminized boy who wore girly panties, camisoles and tights, so I grew up to be a feminized sissy. For many, many years I expose my shame in public for my humiliation. I do this on the Internet and I wear blouses and skirts, bras and silicone breasts, girdle suspenders and stockings on the street and in parks, as can be seen in some photos. I am very well known in the neighborhood as a ridiculous, effeminate sissy.
Virat Kohli and humiliated Anushka Sharma www.thenewsin.com/sports/virat-kohli-and-humiliated-anush... www.thenewsin.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/virat-kohli-...
Virat Kohli and humiliated Anushka Sharma www.thenewsin.com/sports/virat-kohli-and-humiliated-anush... www.thenewsin.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/virat-kohli-...
Virat Kohli and humiliated Anushka Sharma www.thenewsin.com/sports/virat-kohli-and-humiliated-anush... www.thenewsin.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/virat-kohli-...
The "other side” of the American Dream
They were frightened, uncomfortable and humiliated.
Day after day we heard about border lines, immigrants, people who left their house and their families never had news about them, some other are dead.
There are an estimated of 12 million illegal immigrants in the United States. More than half (55 percent) were Mexican and one quarter (25 percent) are American. The remainder (20 percent) are from around the world.
This is the story of a few of them; not the ones that die trying to reach their goal, not the others who live in the States. But the ones that are stocked in the border line, unfortunately the south.
"My dream was to arrive to United States work as hard as I can and come back to my country to be with my daughter" MARIANA, HONDURAS.
Braving a ride on top of the freight trains that head north all across Mexico is the only chance for migrants, from all over Central America… to get close to the "American Dream". They are victims of robbers, police abusing their power, Zetas, kidnap and the government corruption.
Sometimes It is the same machine that they use to reach their dreams, the one that can cut any hope, and also some part of their body.
Their plan to migrate to the States, to work and provide their families, is failed. They face mutilations and injuries but most of the humiliation is because their dream never come true… being on "The Other Side".
more about this proyect at www.okinreport.net