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A view of mausoleum of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah -the founder of Pakistan, which is situated right in the heart of Karachi.
It is one of the few iconic / landmark structure which makes the identity of the city world over.
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Please don't copy, edit or use this image on websites, blogs or other media. However if you are interested in using any of my images, please feel free to contact with me.
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La vuelta al mundo Pool
----------------------------------------------
Our hopes and dreams are
Out there somewhere
Won't let time pass us by
We'll just fly
If this life gets any harder now
It ain't ,no, never mind
You got me by your side
And any time you want
Yeah, we can catch a train and
Find a better place
Yeah, cuz we won't let nothin'
Or no one keep gettin' us down
Maybe you and I
Can pack our bags and hit the sky
And ►Fly away from here ♪♫
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Please don't use my pictures without my absolute permission.
Thanks♥
BASU BATI, BAGBAZAR, KOLKATA
The house at 65 Bagbazar Street belongs to NandalalBasu who hailed from Gaya. They were three brothers, Mahendranath, Nandalal and Pashupatinath. Nandalal commissioned NilmaniMitra, an engineer, to build this house on a 22-bigha plot.
The south-facing house has a column beam structure. Sixteen Doric columns accentuate the front. Iron beams support the roof. The crown of the columns resembles lotus petals. Below the petals, heads of lions can be found. Beyond the large entrance door, lies the thakurdalan. This thakurdalan was very famous for its wall paintings, and relief works in plaster. This is perhaps one of the few examples where some reflections of Bengali motif and art are evident. The walls of the house were ornamented and the roofs were painted golden. The nautchghar and balconies for women were on the first floor.
The structure is more than 100 years old and had several trysts with history – S. N. Banerjee addressed an assembly of activists against the partition of Bengal. Rabindranath Tagore and Surendranth Banerjee visited the house often to hold meetings in the central courtyard.
A disciple of Thakur Ramakrishna, Nandalal Bose, was a great lover of art. In his palatial house he collected hundreds of paintings and other artistic objects. What is most poignant in BasuBati is the collection of paintings on ground glass used as panes of several hundreds of windows of the building from ground to top floor. The paintings were unmistakably, done by the chitrakars of Kalighat. It is mentioned in the ‘Ramakrishna Kathamrita’ that Thakur Ramakrishna on seeing the paintings observed that Nandalal Bose was a great Hindu. Jamini Roy when he was searching for his national form used to visit BasuBati frequently to get inspiration from the painted panes.
Other than the glass panes, there are about a hundred oil paintings by Bamapada Banerjee, a famous name in the late nineteenth century among artists and art – lovers of Bengal.
His subjects being on mythical stories of Raja Dasarath, Raja Harishachandra, Nal – Damayanti, birth of Krishna etc. A good collection of Tanjore paintings, more, correctly, – collages in which real gold foils were used for ornamentation purposes decorated the walls of the rooms of the ground floor.
In the history of Swadeshi Movement, BasuBati fills up a significant part. The formation of the Swarajya Party took place here under the leadership of DeshbandhuChittaranjan Das. The first SwadeshiMela inaugurated by Kasturba Gandhi was held in this building. The famous students’ conference in which Anti – Imperialistic slogans were raised aloud was held in the adjoining ground of the BasuBati in 1931. The Boses gave shelter to the revolutionaries and arms and ammunition which were later confiscated by British Police. Earlier the first meeting on ‘BangaBhanga’ was held here under president ship of Surendranath Banerjee.
The witness of so many events, BasuBati with its tall columns overlooks the Baghbazar Street. That it still houses an art treasure only a few know.
Source: ashisacharjee.com/2011/06/basu-bati-bagbazar-kolkata-2/
Con un suave vuelo y la brisa otoñal sometiéndole el rostro. Cruzó las calles apenas prestando atención a los semáforos, se posa en la rama de un árbol y frente a la ventana, la contempla desde lo lejos. Al ver su figura y oír ese ruido demasiado familiar, un sonido que estaba unido a su mirar, su sonrisa radiante y el brillo de sus ojos, hacían especial el momento.
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All Rights Reserved
Todos los derechos reservados
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.No me digan ustedes en dónde están mis ojos, pregunten hacia dónde va mi corazón.
-Sabines-
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
2) archive.org/details/india-pakistan-owe-their-freedom-to-a...
#AllamaMashriqi #AllamaMashriqiVirtualMuseum #KhaksarMovement #Khaksars #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #LahoreMuseum #PartitionMuseum #AmritsarMuseum #PartitionMuseumAmritsar #Lahore #Twitter #YouTube #SocialMedia #CollectionsUnited
India & Pakistan Owe their Freedom to Allama Mashriqi
By Nasim Yousaf
Has a powerful ruler ever transferred power without facing a significant threat to their rule? The Indian sub-continent’s freedom was inconceivable without Allama Mashriqi’s private army of over five million uniformed Khaksars who threatened British rule. Considering this reality, India and Pakistan owe their independence to Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi – a legend and a great freedom fighter.
Allama Mashriqi’s struggle to revive the glory of the Indian nation started with his poetic work, Kharita, which he wrote in his youth (1902-1909). In 1912, Mashriqi discussed his future aims to liberate the nation when he spoke at a graduation dinner (hosted by the Indian Society of Cambridge University in his honor):
“[translation]…Our educational achievements bear testimony to the fact that India can produce unparalleled brains that can defeat the British minds. India is capable of producing superior brains that can make the nation’s future brighter. After we return from here, we must ponder how to break the chains of slavery from the British…We should keep our vision high and enlarge our aims and goals so we can be free from the chains of slavery as soon as possible” (Al-Mashriqi by Dr. Mohammad Azmatullah Bhatti).
Later, Mashriqi’s work Tazkirah (published in 1925) spoke of jihad as well as the rise and fall of nations and was a step towards bringing revolt against British rule. In 1926, Mashriqi embarked on a trip to Egypt and Europe; there, he delivered a lecture on his book Tazkirah, jihad and fighting colonial rule. In Germany, Mashriqi was received by Helene von Nostitz-Wallwitz, the niece of German President Hindenburg (Al-Islah, May 31, 1935). While in Germany, Mashriqi discussed the aforementioned topics with Albert Einstein, Helene, and other prominent individuals; these conversations reflected his mindset of bringing an uprising in foreign lands (as well as in India) against the oppression of British colonial rule. Earlier, while in Egypt at the International Caliphate Conference, Mashriqi succeeded in defeating a British plan to have a Caliph of their choice elected to control the Muslim world. During the trip, Mashriqi acted courageously and ignored the risks of being persecuted or even hanged for treachery against the British Empire in foreign lands…and that too as a government employee.
Meanwhile in India, M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, the All-India Muslim League, and Indian National Congress had not taken any concrete steps to bring revolt or overturn British rule. Anyone who attempted to rise against British rule was either ruthlessly crushed or faced the end of his/her political career. As such, Muslim and Hindu leadership adopted ineffective methods such as passing resolutions, taking out rallies and raising anti-British slogans. Mashriqi felt that such methods were useless and would not end the British Raj.
In 1930, Mashriqi resigned from his lucrative job to bring independence to the nation. Risking the lives of himself and his family, Mashriqi launched a private army called the Khaksar Movement. Enrollment in the combative and revolutionary Movement was tough; the masses were not only dispirited, but scared to risk their lives for freedom. In order to promote his mission, Mashriqi traveled in buses, tongas, or third-class compartments of trains and walked for miles at a time in poverty-stricken and rural areas. He was indistinguishable from the common people. This was a man who could have easily accepted an Ambassadorship and title of “Sir” (both of which he was offered by the British in 1920) and continued to draw a hefty salary, brushing shoulders with the British rulers and leading a life of utmost luxury. However, he chose to fight for the people instead.
In 1934, Mashriqi launched the Al-Islah weekly newspaper. The Times of India (August 08, 1938) wrote, “The publication of Al-Islah gave a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and U.K].” By the late 1930s, from Peshawar to Rangoon, the private army of Khaksars had grown to millions.
Throughout these years, the Khaksars continued their activities, including military camps where mock wars were held using belchas (spades), swords, batons, and sometime even cannons. Many Khaksars had willingly signed pledges in blood indicating that they would lay their lives and property if necessary for the cause of freedom. The Khaksars paraded in the streets of India and spread their message against British rule, including running slides in cinemas, chalking walls, distributing pamphlets and flyers and through Al-Islah. By 1939, Mashriqi had prepared a plan to oust British rule. Later that year, he paralyzed the Government of U.P. Thereafter, Mashriqi formed a parallel government, published a plan (in Al-Islah newspaper) to divide India into 14 provinces, issued currency notes, and ordered the enrollment of an additional 2.5 million Muslim and non-Muslim Khaksars.
By now, the strength of the Khaksars had been revealed and the British foresaw Mashriqi taking over. Under intense pressure, the rulers began to make promises of freedom for India and started conversations with M.A. Jinnah, M.K. Gandhi, and others. The Government also took immediate action by launching an anti-Mashriqi campaign in the media; Khaksar activities and the Al-Islah journal were banned. A large number of Khaksars were mercilessly killed by police on March 19, 1940. Mashriqi, his sons, and thousands of Khaksars were arrested. Mashriqi’s young daughters received death threats and threats of abduction. Intelligence agencies were alerted. While in jail, life was made miserable for Mashriqi and the Khaksars; many individuals were kept in solitary confinement and several got life imprisonment. While their activities were banned, the Khaksar Tehrik continued operating from the underground; Al-Islah’s publishing operations were moved to other cities (Aligarh and Calcutta). To overcome censoring of mail and phone calls, they employed the use of secret codes. The Government repression brought additional uprise in the country against British rule.
While in jail, Mashriqi was informed that in order to obtain his release, he must announce the disbandment of the Movement; he refused and instead kept a fast unto death that made the rulers fearful of additional backlash from the public and forced them to release Mashriqi after two years in jail without a trial (strict restrictions on his movements remained after release). Thus, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars refused to surrender and the rulers failed to suppress the Khaksar Tehrik.
Upon his release (despite restrictions on his movements), Mashriqi asked Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leaders to form a joint front and stand with him so he could end British rule. He also pushed for a Jinnah-Gandhi meeting and continued to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. However, vested interests prevented these leaders from joining hands with Mashriqi.
As the British continued holding talks with their favored leaders, Mashriqi continuing pushing rigorously for a revolt. In 1946, Mashriqi succeeded in bringing about a Bombay Naval Mutiny on February 18, 1946 (Al-Islah, March 08, 1946), which also prompted mutiny within the other armed forces.
On June 08, 1946, at the Khaksar Headquarters in Icchra (Lahore), Mashriqi addressed a gathering of Khaksars, soldiers released from the armed forces after World War II, and the soldiers of the defeated Indian National Army (INA) of Subhas Chandra Bose: “after sixteen years of unprecedented self-sacrifices, we are now ardent to reach our objective as fast as possible, and within the next few months will do anything and everything to achieve our goal” (Al-Islah June 14, 1946).
Final preparations for a revolt for independence took place in November 1946 at a historic Khaksar Camp in Peshawar (from November 07-10, 1946), where mock wars and military exercises were held. Mashriqi addressed a crowd of 110,000 Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, and others; he shed light on the self-seeking and futile politics of Indian leaders and gave an account of the British exploitations of India’s resources. The speech sparked a sense that further abuse by the rulers would no longer be tolerated and their rule must come to an end. Thereafter, on December 01, 1946, Mashriqi distributed a pamphlet in India proclaiming:
“[translation] Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
With this bold announcement, a British hold on power was no longer possible. As such, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced a transfer of power by no later than June 1948. Mashriqi suspected that the announcement could be a ploy to divert public attention or to buy time to create dissent within the country (for example, by encouraging ongoing Muslim-Hindu riots), so that the British could justify and extend their rule.
To close the door on any such ploys, Mashriqi ordered 300,000 Khaksars to assemble on June 30th, 1947 in Delhi; this order put the final nail in the coffin for the British Raj. Such a huge assembly of this private army of Khaksars would enable them to take over all important installations – including radio/broadcasting stations, newspaper offices, British officials’ lodges, and government offices. Immediately following these steps, an overturn of British rule was to be announced via media. The timing of this coup d’état was fitting, as the entire nation (including the armed forces, who had already revolted against the regime) wanted an end to British rule. With this impending massive assembly of Khaksars in Delhi, the rulers saw the writing on the wall; they feared their humiliation and defeat at the hands of the Khaksars and angry masses. Moreover, the rulers could not accept a united India…and that too at the hands of Allama Mashriqi.
Therefore, without any other compelling reason, a transfer of power was undertaken by the British in an extraordinary rush; on June 3rd, 1947, the Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, announced a plan to partition India. Mountbatten called a hurried meeting of their selected Muslim and Hindu leaders and asked them to accept the plan immediately. The selected leaders saw power falling in the hands of Mashriqi and he becoming the champion of freedom if they did not accept the plan. Jealousy and vested interests came into play. M. K. Gandhi, Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, and the Indian National Congress accepted the plan almost immediately. Mashriqi tried to prevent the All-India Muslim League from signing off on the plan, but was “stabbed” (The Canberra Times, Australia, June 11, 1947) on the same day that the League accepted the plan (June 09, 1947). It was obvious that the motive of this stabbing was to keep Mashriqi from stopping the partition of India (in order to have a united independence).
The partition plan was accepted and announced all over the world only about two weeks before the assembly of the Khaksars was to take place. Logically speaking, can it actually be called a “transfer of power”? The British handed over control of the nation in a rush because the Khaksars were on the verge of forcibly ending their rule; indeed, over 100,000 (Dawn July 02, 1947 reported “70,000 to 80,000”) Khaksars had already entered Delhi despite strict measures in place.
The establishments in India and Pakistan and historians overstate the role of the British’s preferred leaders, while failing to recognize the reality of what led to independence. Neither Jinnah nor Gandhi had the street power to overturn-British rule; it is for this reason that they were seeking a transfer of power, which they obtained based on the threat posed to British rule by the powerful Khaksar Movement. Historians have thus far presented history from a colonial or Pakistani/Indian state point of view, rather than based on the facts on the ground.
Instead of giving credit to Mashriqi, some historians provide flimsy reasons for the end of British rule. Some of the reasons they cite are:
(1) Gandhi’s methods and Jinnah’s constitutional fight brought freedom to India and Pakistan respectively -- this argument is neither supported by human history nor the realities on the ground, as colonial rulers do not voluntarily relinquish their power without a significant threat to their rule.
(2) The British fast-forwarded transfer of power and left quickly to avoid blame for the massive killings that would ensue -- this argument also does not make sense as the massive communal riots/killings began on Direct Action Day (August 16, 1946), so an early transfer of power would not have helped the rulers avoid blame. Even if we were to accept these writers’ claims, why would Lord Mountbatten then become the first Governor General of India and why would many Britishers continue to hold important positions in Pakistan and India?
(3) The British left India because after World War II, they became economically weak and could not keep their hold on India -- this claim does not hold water. India’s rich resources would have helped them to recover their losses from the war.
(4) The end of the British Raj came about because of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army (INA) -- the INA was defeated in 1945 and thereafter, Subhas Chandra Bose was not on the scene anymore (he was either killed or went into hiding as claimed).
The Pakistani, Indian, and United Kingdom establishments do not let the truth come out. Despite my open letters to the Chief Justices of the Supreme Courts and the Prime Ministers of Pakistan and India, both countries (and the U.K.) have not declassified Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated papers from the pre-post partition era. In order to hide the truth, Mashriqi’s role is also excluded from the educational curriculum and academic discussions everywhere. The Partition Museum in Amritsar, Lahore Museum, London Museum and others do not display Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s artifacts.
Despite the current state of affairs, the ground realities speak loudly to Mashriqi’s heroic fight; without Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars, the British rulers would not have even come to the table to discuss the freedom of the Indian sub-continent (now Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan), leave alone quit the lucrative sub-continent. As such, both countries owe their independence to Mashriqi and he is a founding father of India and Pakistan.
Nasim Yousaf is a biographer and grandson of Allama Mashriqi. Yousaf’s works have been published in peer-reviewed encyclopedias and academic journals (including at Harvard University and by Springer of Europe), and he has presented papers at academic conferences, including at Cornell University.
Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf
Published:
Kashmir Images (Srinagar, Kashmir), August 22, 2020
Pakistan Link (USA), August 28, 2020
The Miracle (Canada), August 28, 2020
Brisbane Indian Times (Australia), September 12, 2020
Asian World News (United Kingdom), August 20, 2020
Isma Times (India), Aug 20, 2020
Muslim Mirror (India), August 25, 2020
New Age Islam (India), August 21, 2020
Fast Kashmir, (Kashmir), Aug 20, 2020
***
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Quero tempo para pensar e liberdade para experimentar... Nada de que normatizem minha vida, meu amor, meu sexo... Quero sentir a vida com intensidade, com toda a sua variedade de sentimentos e sensações.
Quiero tiempo para pensar y libertad para experimentar... Nada de que normaticen mi vida, mi amor, mi sexo... Quiero sentir la vida con intensidad, con toda su variedad de sentimientos y sensaciones.
I want time to think and freedom to experiment… Nothing of which privatize my life, my love, my sex… I wanna to feel the life with intensity, with all their variety of feelings and sensations.
Volar, volar alto
subir y bajar despacio
sin (dejar de tener los pies bien firmes en el suelo)
tocar el cielo,
subir y volar bien alto
sentir el aire acariciando mi piel
desnudando mi alma
sentir, sentir el ritmo de la velocidad del viento
volar, volar
sentir y tocar bien alto...
by Mar*~
His Majesty’s Opponents: Allama Mashriqi & Subhas Chandra Bose
By Nasim Yousaf
Allama Mashriqi (Sage of the East) and Subhas Chandra Bose (Netaji) were two prominent leaders of the Indian sub-continent (now comprised of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh). Both were His Majesty’s intransigent opponents and fought against the British Raj in their own ways. However, credit for India’s freedom is being given to Bose (and a few others), whereas Mashriqi’s paramount role in the freedom movement has been either misrepresented or completely wiped out in India (and Pakistan). As a grandson and biographer of Mashriqi, I feel compelled to provide the true facts, which have been kept hidden from public view.
Mashriqi and Bose were both born in British India, Mashriqi in Amritsar (Punjab) and Bose in Cuttack (Bengal). The two men had some similarities. Both wanted India’s freedom from British rule for the sake of saving the nation from political, economic, and cultural slavery. Both men believed that M.K. Gandhi’s methods were ineffective and could not bring freedom; and both adopted militarism in order to overthrow British rule. Gandhi opposed their ideas and supported their arrest. As they were considered a grave threat to British rule, the two men were jailed at different times. During their political careers, Mashriqi and Bose founded parallel/provisional Governments, Mashriqi in India and Bose outside the country. They were warned and harassed to stop their activities, but they brushed aside any pressure and moved forward with their goal of obtaining freedom for India.
Mashriqi and Bose headed prominent political movements dedicated to obtaining freedom for the Indian sub-continent. Mashriqi founded his private army, known as the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) in 1930. The Tehrik welcomed people from all faiths. Through the Tehrik, Mashriqi taught Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others how unity and discipline in their ranks could help them overturn foreign rule. Within a short period of time, Mashriqi’s army of Khaksars spread throughout India and the Tehrik also established branches in different parts of the world. Mashriqi and the Khaksars fought relentlessly for freedom of the Indian sub-continent and a large number of Khaksars’ lost their lives (including Mashriqi’s beloved son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam). During the freedom struggle, Mashriqi and his sons (Anwar, Akram, and Asghar) and thousands of Khaksars were imprisoned (many for life). The rulers did everything to try to crush Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars (including torturing and threatening them, spreading false allegations and propaganda labeling them as “fifth columnists,” banning their activities, etc.). However, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars remained relentlessly determined, mobilizing the public via fiery speeches, pamphlets, demonstrations, road marches, and mock wars. They continued their rigorous efforts until British rule came to an end in 1947.
Meanwhile, Bose became the head of the Indian National Army (also known as INA or Azad Hind Fauj) on July 05, 1943 with the help of the Japanese (who were part of the Axis powers). Like the Khaksar Tehrik, the INA was also comprised of Indians from different faiths. The INA focused its efforts on liberating India and fought British forces from outside India. In 1945, Bose’s forces were defeated by the British and the INA surrendered. Thereafter, the INA was disintegrated, and many of the INA’s soldiers were put on trial for treason, murder, and torture. Bose fled soon after his defeat and subsequently died in a plane crash (the circumstances surrounding his death have been questioned by some conspiracy theorists, even though there is no solid proof that he survived).
Bose and the INA’s role ended prior to independence, yet certain quarters in India claim that Bose brought freedom to the region, while ignoring Mashriqi’s efforts. To prove their point, they provide various questionable arguments. For example, apparently the late Prime Minister Clement Attlee mentioned in 1956 to then acting Governor of West Bengal Justice PB Chakraborthy that the British had abandoned their rule in India because of Bose’s INA. This seems to be based purely on hearsay, as there is not a single authentic historic British document or public statement by the Prime Minister or any other British high official that indicates that Attlee made this statement. Also, why would the British declare the INA victorious when the INA had been defeated by the Britons (who were part of the Allied forces)? If anything, it seems more plausible that Attlee confused INA soldiers with Khaksars – as the uniformed Khaksars were the ones fighting inside of India and after the INA’s surrender in 1945, many INA soldiers (e.g. Major General S.D. Khan and Col Ihsan Qadir) had joined the Khaksar Tehrik. In fact, by March of 1945, the “INA strength…was estimated to have declined to about 35,000” (source: cia.gov), whereas the Khaksar strength in 1946 was over five million Khaksar soldiers (Al-Islah, December 01, 1946). Some also claim that the mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946 was inspired by the INA. This claim may have some validity, but again lacks evidence and is based on questionable assumptions.
In the case of Mashriqi, there are many historic documents and events that show how he created grave fear in the British rulers’ minds and ultimately brought about an end to British rule. Throughout the 1930’s and ‘40’s, Mashriqi and the Khaksars worked tirelessly to mobilize the masses and undermine British rule. To cite just a few examples, upon Mashriqi’s directive, 3,000 Khaksar soldiers (who were in the Armed Forces of British India) brought about a mutiny in the armed forces. This was reported in Al-Islah on March 08, 1946. And in the time period leading up to independence, Mashriqi and the Khaksars moved aggressively to ensure that the British would have no choice but to quit India, as summarized below.
On November 7-10, 1946, a Khaksar military camp was held in Peshawar in which military exercises were conducted and the plan for a coup was finalized. On the last day of the camp (Nov 10, 1946), Mashriqi delivered a fiery speech to a crowd of 120,000 (including 10,000 uniformed Khaksars) comprised of Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and other faiths. During the speech, Mashriqi again spoke about British exploitation (Al-Islah November 15, 1946) and inspired the masses to revolt and overturn British rule. On December 01, 1946, just a few weeks after his speech at the said Khaksar camp, Mashriqi made the following announcement in a pamphlet:
“Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
The above message was widely distributed via flyers, wall writings, billboards, cinema slides and in Khaksar speeches in India. Furthermore, Al-Islah newspaper dated December 06, 1946 announced a street march of 10 million people (with spades); the announcement invited the masses from all faiths and backgrounds (civil and military) and also declared the issuance of 10 million advertisements in order to bring an end to British rule in the Indian sub-continent.
Such open and county-wide invitation of revolt was a clear signal to the British rulers that Mashriqi was going to overturn British rule. Thus, British Prime Minister Attlee soon announced that power shall be transferred “by a date not later than June, 1948.” Following this announcement, Mashriqi again took a number of steps to ensure that this was not a ploy by the British. For example, the British could have used their favored leaders (with whom they would hold talks) to instigate country-wide riots between Muslims and Hindus in an attempt to legitimize that the country was not ready for independence. Mashriqi would not allow this type of gambit to be played and put the last nail in the coffin for British rule when in March of 1947, he ordered 300,000 Khaksar soldiers to assemble in Delhi on June 30, 1947 to overthrow British rule (the British feared the gathering of such a large number of Khaksars).
On May 14, 1947, Mashriqi again addressed over 50,000 people in Patna and called for a Muslim-Hindu revolution:
“…The last remedy under the present circumstances is that one and all rise against this conspiracy [partition] as one man. Let there be a common Hindu-Muslim Revolution in which not hundreds but millions will lose their lives by the bullets of Birla and the British. Millions will die, no doubt, in this way but hundreds of millions will be saved forever. If man has decided to kill man for sheer lust of power and with nothing to show to the world except tyranny and loot, it is time that we should sacrifice men in millions now in order to uphold Truth, Honour and Justice.”
Faced with the prospect of a revolution, the rulers saw the writing on the wall and Lord Mountbatten hurriedly announced the Mountbatten Plan to transfer power. The plan was accepted by Muslim and Hindu leaders (including M.K. Gandhi) weeks before the assembly of the 300,000 Khaksars (despite the acceptance of the plan and a strict lockdown on public assemblies via Section 144, 70,000-80,000 Khaksars still assembled in Delhi according to The Tribune Lahore, July 02, 1947; according to the Khaksar circle, the gathering was much larger than the 80,000 reported in the newspaper).
A powerful ruler does not quit or transfer power without a strong threat to their rule; Mashriqi and the Khaksars were the threat that ultimately compelled the British to relinquish their rule in the Indian sub-continent.
In closing, while Bose certainly played some role in the freedom movement, his role was limited to fighting from outside India and ended before independence was achieved. Meanwhile, Mashriqi and the Khaksars were fighting from within India and continued to remain a powerful force that helped ensure the end of British rule in 1947. It is ironic then that Mashriqi’s crucial fight and sacrifices for independence have been ignored. In the context of this article, I have only just briefly summarized Mashriqi’s role; I cover the subject in much more detail in my published works. I urge the Government of India to provide Mashriqi official recognition (as they have done with Bose) and release Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated documents (pre- and post-partition). It is imperative that the public is not only aware of Mashriqi’s sacrifices in bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent, but also how Mashriqi fought to keep India united. By not declassifying Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s documents, India and Pakistan are depriving the people of the truth about how the freedom of the Indian sub-continent came about.
About the Author: Historian and scholar Nasim Yousaf’s extensive knowledge of the freedom movement comes from exhaustive secondary research and direct accounts from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters and the Khaksars, all of whom were part of the freedom movement. His works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at prestigious academic conferences in the US. His books can be found in major research libraries in many countries.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
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His Majesty’s Opponents: Allama Mashriqi & Subhas Chandra Bose
By Nasim Yousaf
Allama Mashriqi (Sage of the East) and Subhas Chandra Bose (Netaji) were two prominent leaders of the Indian sub-continent (now comprised of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh). Both were His Majesty’s intransigent opponents and fought against the British Raj in their own ways. However, credit for India’s freedom is being given to Bose (and a few others), whereas Mashriqi’s paramount role in the freedom movement has been either misrepresented or completely wiped out in India (and Pakistan). As a grandson and biographer of Mashriqi, I feel compelled to provide the true facts, which have been kept hidden from public view.
Mashriqi and Bose were both born in British India, Mashriqi in Amritsar (Punjab) and Bose in Cuttack (Bengal). The two men had some similarities. Both wanted India’s freedom from British rule for the sake of saving the nation from political, economic, and cultural slavery. Both men believed that M.K. Gandhi’s methods were ineffective and could not bring freedom; and both adopted militarism in order to overthrow British rule. Gandhi opposed their ideas and supported their arrest. As they were considered a grave threat to British rule, the two men were jailed at different times. During their political careers, Mashriqi and Bose founded parallel/provisional Governments, Mashriqi in India and Bose outside the country. They were warned and harassed to stop their activities, but they brushed aside any pressure and moved forward with their goal of obtaining freedom for India.
Mashriqi and Bose headed prominent political movements dedicated to obtaining freedom for the Indian sub-continent. Mashriqi founded his private army, known as the Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) in 1930. The Tehrik welcomed people from all faiths. Through the Tehrik, Mashriqi taught Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others how unity and discipline in their ranks could help them overturn foreign rule. Within a short period of time, Mashriqi’s army of Khaksars spread throughout India and the Tehrik also established branches in different parts of the world. Mashriqi and the Khaksars fought relentlessly for freedom of the Indian sub-continent and a large number of Khaksars’ lost their lives (including Mashriqi’s beloved son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam). During the freedom struggle, Mashriqi and his sons (Anwar, Akram, and Asghar) and thousands of Khaksars were imprisoned (many for life). The rulers did everything to try to crush Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars (including torturing and threatening them, spreading false allegations and propaganda labeling them as “fifth columnists,” banning their activities, etc.). However, Mashriqi, his family, and the Khaksars remained relentlessly determined, mobilizing the public via fiery speeches, pamphlets, demonstrations, road marches, and mock wars. They continued their rigorous efforts until British rule came to an end in 1947.
Meanwhile, Bose became the head of the Indian National Army (also known as INA or Azad Hind Fauj) on July 05, 1943 with the help of the Japanese (who were part of the Axis powers). Like the Khaksar Tehrik, the INA was also comprised of Indians from different faiths. The INA focused its efforts on liberating India and fought British forces from outside India. In 1945, Bose’s forces were defeated by the British and the INA surrendered. Thereafter, the INA was disintegrated, and many of the INA’s soldiers were put on trial for treason, murder, and torture. Bose fled soon after his defeat and subsequently died in a plane crash (the circumstances surrounding his death have been questioned by some conspiracy theorists, even though there is no solid proof that he survived).
Bose and the INA’s role ended prior to independence, yet certain quarters in India claim that Bose brought freedom to the region, while ignoring Mashriqi’s efforts. To prove their point, they provide various questionable arguments. For example, apparently the late Prime Minister Clement Attlee mentioned in 1956 to then acting Governor of West Bengal Justice PB Chakraborthy that the British had abandoned their rule in India because of Bose’s INA. This seems to be based purely on hearsay, as there is not a single authentic historic British document or public statement by the Prime Minister or any other British high official that indicates that Attlee made this statement. Also, why would the British declare the INA victorious when the INA had been defeated by the Britons (who were part of the Allied forces)? If anything, it seems more plausible that Attlee confused INA soldiers with Khaksars – as the uniformed Khaksars were the ones fighting inside of India and after the INA’s surrender in 1945, many INA soldiers (e.g. Major General S.D. Khan and Col Ihsan Qadir) had joined the Khaksar Tehrik. In fact, by March of 1945, the “INA strength…was estimated to have declined to about 35,000” (source: cia.gov), whereas the Khaksar strength in 1946 was over five million Khaksar soldiers (Al-Islah, December 01, 1946). Some also claim that the mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946 was inspired by the INA. This claim may have some validity, but again lacks evidence and is based on questionable assumptions.
In the case of Mashriqi, there are many historic documents and events that show how he created grave fear in the British rulers’ minds and ultimately brought about an end to British rule. Throughout the 1930’s and ‘40’s, Mashriqi and the Khaksars worked tirelessly to mobilize the masses and undermine British rule. To cite just a few examples, upon Mashriqi’s directive, 3,000 Khaksar soldiers (who were in the Armed Forces of British India) brought about a mutiny in the armed forces. This was reported in Al-Islah on March 08, 1946. And in the time period leading up to independence, Mashriqi and the Khaksars moved aggressively to ensure that the British would have no choice but to quit India, as summarized below.
On November 7-10, 1946, a Khaksar military camp was held in Peshawar in which military exercises were conducted and the plan for a coup was finalized. On the last day of the camp (Nov 10, 1946), Mashriqi delivered a fiery speech to a crowd of 120,000 (including 10,000 uniformed Khaksars) comprised of Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and other faiths. During the speech, Mashriqi again spoke about British exploitation (Al-Islah November 15, 1946) and inspired the masses to revolt and overturn British rule. On December 01, 1946, just a few weeks after his speech at the said Khaksar camp, Mashriqi made the following announcement in a pamphlet:
“Idara-i-Aliya [Khaksar Headquarters] shall soon issue an order that in the entire India, four million [sources quote a range from 4-5 million members] Khaksars, side by side with hundreds of thousands rather millions of supporters shall march simultaneously…This moment shall dawn upon us very soon and that is why it is being ordered that a grand preparation for this historical day should commence immediately…so that British can clearly witness the day of India’s freedom…”
The above message was widely distributed via flyers, wall writings, billboards, cinema slides and in Khaksar speeches in India. Furthermore, Al-Islah newspaper dated December 06, 1946 announced a street march of 10 million people (with spades); the announcement invited the masses from all faiths and backgrounds (civil and military) and also declared the issuance of 10 million advertisements in order to bring an end to British rule in the Indian sub-continent.
Such open and county-wide invitation of revolt was a clear signal to the British rulers that Mashriqi was going to overturn British rule. Thus, British Prime Minister Attlee soon announced that power shall be transferred “by a date not later than June, 1948.” Following this announcement, Mashriqi again took a number of steps to ensure that this was not a ploy by the British. For example, the British could have used their favored leaders (with whom they would hold talks) to instigate country-wide riots between Muslims and Hindus in an attempt to legitimize that the country was not ready for independence. Mashriqi would not allow this type of gambit to be played and put the last nail in the coffin for British rule when in March of 1947, he ordered 300,000 Khaksar soldiers to assemble in Delhi on June 30, 1947 to overthrow British rule (the British feared the gathering of such a large number of Khaksars).
On May 14, 1947, Mashriqi again addressed over 50,000 people in Patna and called for a Muslim-Hindu revolution:
“…The last remedy under the present circumstances is that one and all rise against this conspiracy [partition] as one man. Let there be a common Hindu-Muslim Revolution in which not hundreds but millions will lose their lives by the bullets of Birla and the British. Millions will die, no doubt, in this way but hundreds of millions will be saved forever. If man has decided to kill man for sheer lust of power and with nothing to show to the world except tyranny and loot, it is time that we should sacrifice men in millions now in order to uphold Truth, Honour and Justice.”
Faced with the prospect of a revolution, the rulers saw the writing on the wall and Lord Mountbatten hurriedly announced the Mountbatten Plan to transfer power. The plan was accepted by Muslim and Hindu leaders (including M.K. Gandhi) weeks before the assembly of the 300,000 Khaksars (despite the acceptance of the plan and a strict lockdown on public assemblies via Section 144, 70,000-80,000 Khaksars still assembled in Delhi according to The Tribune Lahore, July 02, 1947; according to the Khaksar circle, the gathering was much larger than the 80,000 reported in the newspaper).
A powerful ruler does not quit or transfer power without a strong threat to their rule; Mashriqi and the Khaksars were the threat that ultimately compelled the British to relinquish their rule in the Indian sub-continent.
In closing, while Bose certainly played some role in the freedom movement, his role was limited to fighting from outside India and ended before independence was achieved. Meanwhile, Mashriqi and the Khaksars were fighting from within India and continued to remain a powerful force that helped ensure the end of British rule in 1947. It is ironic then that Mashriqi’s crucial fight and sacrifices for independence have been ignored. In the context of this article, I have only just briefly summarized Mashriqi’s role; I cover the subject in much more detail in my published works. I urge the Government of India to provide Mashriqi official recognition (as they have done with Bose) and release Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s confiscated documents (pre- and post-partition). It is imperative that the public is not only aware of Mashriqi’s sacrifices in bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent, but also how Mashriqi fought to keep India united. By not declassifying Mashriqi and the Khaksar Tehrik’s documents, India and Pakistan are depriving the people of the truth about how the freedom of the Indian sub-continent came about.
About the Author: Historian and scholar Nasim Yousaf’s extensive knowledge of the freedom movement comes from exhaustive secondary research and direct accounts from Mashriqi’s sons, daughters and the Khaksars, all of whom were part of the freedom movement. His works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at prestigious academic conferences in the US. His books can be found in major research libraries in many countries.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/pg/AllamaMashriqiAndNetaji
***
#AllamaMashriqi #SubhasChandraBose #Netaji #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #TwoNationTheory #Partition #PartitionofIndia #OralHistory #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #PakistanHistory #IndianHistory #FreedomMovement #IndependenceMovement #INA #IndianNationalArmy #Pakistan #India #DelhiChalo #IndianSubcontinent #DistortedHistory
Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released
By Nasim Yousaf
No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.
On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.
In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.
Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.
With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”
In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).
Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.
The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.
Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.
The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.
The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.
The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs
***
#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory
Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released
By Nasim Yousaf
No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.
On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.
In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.
Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.
With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”
In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).
Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.
The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.
Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.
The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.
The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.
The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs
***
#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory
Remembering the Khaksar Martyrs of British India – Rare Photos Released
By Nasim Yousaf
No powerful ruler transfers power unless his/her reign is threatened and he/she can no longer continue. Allama Mashriqi’s private army of Khaksars in British India was indeed instrumental in bringing about the end of the British Raj in the Indian sub-continent.
On March 19, 1940, a large number of Khaksar freedom fighters were massacred while marching in protest of restrictions imposed on their activities (which were meant to bring freedom to the Indian sub-continent). In order to mark this historic day, rare photos of the Khaksar Movement (Khaksar Tehrik), which were part of a historic Khaksar album, have been made available from my collection at the following web site: www.facebook.com/KhaksarMovement.1. These pictures, captured during the 1930s, depict Mashriqi and his Khaksar Movement’s fight against the British Raj. They provide a snapshot of the Khaksar movement and its activities, as the Movement rose to prominence and became the most powerful private army the Indian sub-continent has ever known.
In 1930, Allama Mashriqi founded the Khaksar Movement to end British rule in the Indian sub-continent. The Khaksar Movement sought to instill a spirit of discipline and unity among the masses; the Khaksars wore uniforms, carried spades (symbolizing dignity and power of the common man), and held parades and mock wars to inspire Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and other communities and prepare them to seek indepence. The Khaksars, hailing from all faiths, sects, genders, ages, and classes worked tirelessly to mobilize the public towards freedom. In support of their efforts, thousands of copies of Khaksar photo albums were published and distributed among the Khaksars and to the masses in villages and cities. Photo slides were also displayed in cinemas. Furthermore, the Khaksars used to organize public gatherings across the Indian sub-continent to show Khaksar activities and photos and also to distribute Khaksar pamphlets, flyers, and copies of the “Al-Islah” newspaper.
Through such endeavors, the Khaksars were able to enroll over five million people into the Movement; the Movement spread all over the Indian sub-continent and established branches across many regions around the world – from Asia to Africa to Europe (specific countries are listed in various historical documents). Creating such a large army (even larger than many present-day armies) without a formal military academy or funding (from domestic or foreign sources) was unprecedented.
With its rapid growth and remarkable influence in India and overseas, the Khaksar Tehrik became a grave threat to the powerful British Empire. As Mashriqi moved to overturn British rule, on March 19, 1940, Mashriqi and his two sons, along with many Khaksars, were arrested; it is on this same date that police killed or injured a large number of Khaksars in Lahore (including Mashriqi’s third son, Ehsanullah Khan Aslam, who later died). More details on the massacre are reported in my published works, for example, “Khaksar and Jallianwala Bagh Massacres: The Bloodbaths that Ignited the Freedom Movement.”
In order to further suppress the movement, Khaksar materials, including a large number of the Movement’s photo albums were confiscated. Copies of some of the seized albums were sent to the British rulers (for example, the Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow, relevant authorities in London, and British Governors in India).
Following Mashriqi’s arrest, the Viceroy of India held a conference with high officials to discuss and formulate an action plan with regards to the Khaksar threat; those present at the said meeting (besides the Viceroy) were: the Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Sir Maurice Garnier Hallett (Governor of then United Provinces), Sir Henry Duffield Craik (Governor of Punjab), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), H.S. Stephenson (Secretary to the Governor of the United Provinces [U.P.]), and Sir John Gilbert Laithwaite (Viceroy’s Private Secretary). They discussed the serious threat Mashriqi’s army had created for British rule and devised a strategy to crush the Movement.
The British undertook a number of strong steps to try and stop the Khaksar movement. Since they controlled the media in India, they launched a vigorous anti-Mashriqi and anti-Khaksar campaign. Mashriqi, who was once the Under Secretary for the Education Department and was offered Knighthood and an Ambassadorship, was now called a “rebel” or “dictator” or “fascist.” The Khaksars were also falsely referred to as “fifth columnists” or “terrorists.” Foreign newspapers also followed suit. For example, on September 19, 1944, Australian newspaper The News published an item about the Khaksars under the title “India's Three Million Lawful Fascists” (along with falsely labeling the Khaksars as fascists, the paper underreported the size of the movement, which by this time was over five million people). This propaganda and suppression backfired and the freedom movement instead gained even greater momentum.
Mashriqi’s Khaksar Movement also brushed aside all the Government actions and propaganda and remained steadfastly committed to their mission of bringing freedom to the Indian sub-continent. The Movement began a vigorous resistance and civil disobedience campaign. And when Mashriqi was finally released from prison, he became even more determined to topple British rule and refused to engage in impractical negotiations or bargains with the rulers. He rigorously worked until British rule came to an end in 1947. During his political life, Mashriqi endured imprisonments, warnings, intimidations, restrictions, and life threatening attacks, but still he refused to relent.
The recently released Khaksar images are significant because they feature Mashriqi and the Khaksars participating in various activities – parading (in uniform with spades) in the streets to bring up-rise among the masses, engaging in military activities, displaying cannons as a demonstration of their intent and power, and holding mock wars to show their preparation for the battle to overthrow the British Raj.
The strength of Mashriqi’s disciplined private army also generated great interest among prominent men, who visited the Khaksar camps at different times. Some of the photos show these men at Khaksar camps watching their activities. Among the visitors were the Premier of then North West Frontier Province Sir Abdul Qayyum Khan, Punjab Premier Sir Sikander Hayat Khan, Bacha Khan, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi.
The availability of these rare and extraordinary Khaksar photos on social media shall go a long way in educating the public about the activities of these unsung heroes of the freedom movement.
The writer, Nasim Yousaf, is a grandson of Allama Mashriqi and a researcher based in the US.
Copyright © 2019 Nasim Yousaf
www.facebook.com/RememberingtheKhaksarMartyrs
***
#AllamaMashriqi #EhsanullahKhanAslam #NasimYousaf #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #KhaksarMartyrs #Shaheed #ShaheedKhaksars #KhaksarMassacre #KhaksarTehrik #JallianwalaBaghMassacre #Bloodbaths #FreedomMovement #Bloodshed #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #Indiansubcontinent #Continent #Britishrule #Lahore #Amritsar #19MarchMassacre #1940Massacre #LahoreMurder #IndianHistory #PakistanMovement #IndianMovement #Pakistanhistory
Among the crowds of May Day 2025, the vibrant green and purple flags of the Kurdish freedom movement stood tall. Supporters of YPJ and YPG marched in solidarity for Kurdish autonomy and in remembrance of resistance in Rojava. These colors are more than symbols—they represent a global movement for self-determination, women’s liberation, and anti-fascism.
Vapunpäivänä 2025 kurdien vapausliikkeen vihreät ja violetit liput nousivat korkealle Helsingin kaduilla. YPJ:n ja YPG:n tukijat marssivat Rojavan vastarinnan ja kurdien itsehallinnon puolesta. Nämä värit edustavat maailmanlaajuista liikettä itsehallinnon, naisten vapautuksen ja antifasismin puolesta.
"You can go to any place and to any time that you wish to go"
You have the freedom to be yourself, your true self,
here and now, and nothing can stand in your way.
It is the Law of the Great Gull, the Law that Is."
"Are you saying I can fly?"
"I say YOU ARE FREE."
John H. Livingston, the man who inspired the best-selling novel
"Jonathan Livingston Seagull," died Sunday at the Pompano
Beach (Fla.) Airport soon after completing his last plane ride.
Richard Bach, a former Iowa Air Guard pilot, has said his
best-selling book about a free-wheeling seagull was inspired
by Mr. Livingston.
Jonathan Livingston Seagull by Richard Bach lib.ru/RBACH/seagullengl.txt
movimiento/quietud
calor/frio
mente/cuerpo
sonido/silencio
luz/oscuridad
vida/muerte
Agua, Tierra, Luna/ Sol,Fuego,Paraíso
Tuve que adivinar en cada despertar el porque de las cosas
tuve que sentir para sufrir, sufrir para Amar, Amar para vivir,
vivir para gozar, gozar para respirar, respirar para morir y
morir para despertar ...
(8) Como un Mar eterno quiero ser Yo libre Amor
para que cuando cante llegara a tu corazon
para que cuando estes solo poder oirme
como si se tratara de sirena oirme, siente la
llama de la libertad y no tengas miedo y no
tengas miedo (...)
Carrying the message loud and clear, members of VESNA – the Russian democratic youth movement – marched in Helsinki on May Day 2025, standing against Putin’s regime and demanding protection for Russian dissidents. Their banner confronts the Finnish immigration service (Migri) for its lack of recognition of threats in Russia. Side by side with rainbow flags and Finnish supporters, their presence was a powerful call for human rights and asylum reform.
VESNAn – venäläisen demokraattisen nuorisoliikkeen – jäsenet marssivat Helsingin kaduilla vappuna 2025 vaatien ihmisoikeuksien ja toisinajattelijoiden suojelua. Heidän banderollinsa arvostelee Migriä sen kyvyttömyydestä tunnistaa Venäjän uhkia. Mielenosoittajat marssivat yhdessä sateenkaarilippujen ja suomalaisten tukijoiden kanssa vaatimassa parempaa turvapaikkapolitiikkaa.
A closer look at the front of the Bristol Hill Church (Congregational United Church of Christ). Now a little bit of history: The congregation formed in 1812 and began raising funds to build the church in 1831. African Americans Andrew Slater, Isaac Lawson, Amos Mason and his wife donated money, grain, lumber and labor to pay the preacher, build this Federal style church, along with a parsonage, and erect a steeple. During the time of slavery this was one of the many sites in Oswego County that was known by the Underground Railroad as a safe place to hide while waiting escape to Canada. Inside this simple Federal-style church, you can view the original wainscoting woodwork, windows and carved lintel. You also can view actual letters written by slaves that spent time here. The church was proud to have both white and black members, many of whom were in the Freedom Movement. The Federal style church was placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2001. It is located on County Route 3, outside of Fulton, in Volney, NY.
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
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A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
Guerrillas of the YJA Star, the women's branch of the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK), an armed organisation fighting a guerrilla warfare against the Turkish government. The group is labeled as a terrorist organisation by the United States, North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and European Union amongst others countries (while the United Nations and several countries have disagreed), despite the ongoing military assistance provided by the U.S.-led coalition to the PKK's sister organisation, YPG in North Syria. Qandil mountains, Kurdistan Region of Iraq.
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...
A handful of anti-vaccination protestors clash with the abortion rights rally, before being separated by police.
In response to the overturning of Roe vs Wade by the US Supreme Court, and attacks on women’s rights by right-wing politicians in both Australia and abroad; thousands of people rally in Melbourne to stand in solidarity with abortion rights.
My website: www.matthrkac.com.au
Follow me on Instagram: www.instagram.com/matt.hrkac/
And Facebook: www.facebook.com/MattHrkac
Support my work: chuffed.org/project/photojournalism-from-the-front-line-o...