View allAll Photos Tagged Deliberative
Where Has Democracy Gone?
Are the impacts of immigration and/or globalization the reasons for the actual crises in the world?
What Anglo-Saxons use to call “globalisation” in order to express the increase of trades around the world, is in fact an economic revolution triggered by technology which started more than a quarter of a century ago. Technology driven societies have transformed the world deeply and calmly but being the norm today they determine the entire world system of the 21st century and our regards towards democracy. Nowadays, we are questioning ourselves whether globalization is useful for African and Asian countries, or whether we are going to continue complaining about this situation like most European countries are likely to do or the United States which has elected D. Trump with his slogan “America First” for president in order to protect themselves against globalization? However, we have to face the facts and the reality of the actual conditions teaching us that the impact of the globalization will be even more important than the industrial revolution which had started about 300 years ago.
Being aware of the fact that communication and mutual understanding is the oxygen of a sustainable peace and assuming that the actual democracy of The People (German: “Das Volk”) is not in the position to manage these four different groups because they lack common interests, they don’t share common goals and above all, they have a low understanding of global facts, it is possibly maybe necessary to develop and extend and if necessary to substitute the actual deliberative Democracy by a pluralistic Expertocracy. Pluralistic Expertocracy refers to models whereby the votes of those, who have a proven better knowledge about important questions of a country, about critical political and societal issues, who have less prejudices, etc., are weighted higher than of those who do not fulfill such kind of criteria. And these criteria have to be fulfilled by the political candidates respectively actors as well.
Can we summarize, that the so-called dictatorship in Africa is a form of Expertocracy, as it is a common practice in several African countries that the language of public administration, services and education is that of their former colonial “masters”, meaning that the population do not understand what the political leaders are saying, planing or doing respectively? How and when will the population be taken into consideration as conversational partner?
Can the causality of south-south and south-north immigration be explained by the failures of the world system in terms of the international order and the redistribution of world resources? How to establish the new world order without a war?
The reality of globalization evolved four categories of people:
1. “The non-political Bohémien”, who is not interested in politics at all
2. “The Hooligan”, a type of political believer, who forms him/herself in groups of political activists
3. “The Vulcanian”, the rational intellectual, who is politically interested, who wants to break with the traditional belonging of the left or right wings
4. “The Terrorist”, the violent believer, who doesn’t respect anything else than his/her own believe and uses violence as language of communication.
In terms of these four character groups above, there is a further question: Is the impact of immigration (mass migration), discrimination and related societal conflicts an extended problem of the societal dysfunction in the Western hemisphere?
Am Podium diskutierten Dr. Yves Ekoué Amaïzo, Cindy Nägeli-Dupont, Dr. Camillus E. Konkwo, Dr. Jean-Alain Ngapout, Mag. Simone Prenner, Hubert Mvogo, Mag. Sintayehu Tsehay
Moderation: Dr. Di-Tutu Bukasa
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
The panelists and Brookings President Strobe Talbott enter the event. Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
The panel included (left to right) Cheryl Frank, the head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Program at the Institute for Security Studies, Ted Piccone, a senior fellow in Foreign Policy, Mehdi Jomaa, the former prime minister of Tunisia, and Madeleine Albright, the chair of the National Democratic Institute and former secretary of state.
Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
further corrected on press. kerned the Te in Tears, and pulled 3-to-the-em word spaces, and replaced with 4-to-the-em spaces.
fine work is all in the deliberative details, and with type, you can make on-the-fly decisions to improve things in a few short minutes.
do that with polymer...
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
Italien / Lombardei - Como
Piazza del Duomo
Como (Italian: [ˈkɔːmo] locally [ˈkoːmo] Comasco: Còmm [ˈkɔm],[ Cómm [ˈkom] or Cùmm [ˈkum]; Latin: Novum Comum) is a city and comune (municipality) in Lombardy, Italy. It is the administrative capital of the Province of Como.
Its proximity to Lake Como and to the Alps has made Como a tourist destination, and the city contains numerous works of art, churches, gardens, museums, theatres, parks, and palaces: the Duomo, seat of the Diocese of Como; the Basilica of Sant'Abbondio; the Villa Olmo; the public gardens with the Tempio Voltiano; the Teatro Sociale; the Broletto or the city's medieval town hall; and the 20th-century Casa del Fascio.
Como was the birthplace of many historical figures, including the poet Caecilius mentioned by Catullus in the first century BCE, writers Pliny the Elder and Pliny the Younger, Pope Innocent XI, scientist Alessandro Volta, and Cosima Liszt, second wife of Richard Wagner and long-term director of the Bayreuth Festival, and Antonio Sant'Elia (1888–1916), a futurist architect and a pioneer of the modern movement.
History
Ancient History
The hills surrounding the current location of Como were inhabited, since at least the Iron Age, by a Celtic tribe known as the Orobii, who also, according to Pliny the Elder and modern scholars, had relations with the Ancient Ligurians, a people very similar to the Celts. Remains of settlements are still present on the wood-covered hills to the southwest of town, around the area of the modern town's district of Rebbio. In the areas of the districts of Breccia, Prestino and the neighbouring towns of San Fermo della Battaglia and Cavallasca there were also settlements of the Golasecca Culture, built in the Iron Age. Later, a second Celtic migration brought the Gaulish peoples in the area of Como, especially the tribe of the Insubres.
Around the first century BC, the territory became subject to the Romans. The town centre was situated on the nearby hills, but it was then moved to its current location by order of Julius Caesar, who had the swamp near the southern tip of the lake drained and laid the plan of the walled city in the typical Roman grid of perpendicular streets. The newly founded town was named Novum Comum and had the status of municipium. In September 2018, Culture Minister Alberto Bonisoli announced the discovery of several hundred gold coins in the basement of the former Cressoni Theater (Teatro Cressoni) in a two-handled soapstone amphora, coins struck by emperors Honorius, Valentinian III, Leo I the Thracian, Antonio and Libius Severus dating to 474 AD.
Early Middle Ages
After the so-called "fall of the Western Roman Empire", the history of Como followed that of the rest of Lombardy, being occupied by the Goths, the Byzantines, and later the Langobards. The Langobards were a significant people in the region. Originating in Scandinavia, this Germanic group arrived in the Po Valley in 568, led by King Alboin. The Langobards established the Lombard Kingdom, which initially encompassed only modern-day Northern Italy, but later expanded to include Tuscany, Umbria, and portions of Southern Italy. Under Lombard rule, Como continued to flourish, particularly due to the reconstruction of Queen Theudelind's road, which connected Germany and the Italian Peninsula, providing the town with strategic access to commerce. In 774, Como surrendered to the invading Franks led by Charlemagne and subsequently became a center of commercial exchange.
Communal Era
The Commune of Como likely originated in the 11th century as an "association of prestigious families on a treaty basis," bound by an oath of adhesion to the commune, which was renewed periodically in front of municipal authorities until the 1200s, and later in the presence of the mayor. Despite resistance from parts of the feudal nobility of the diocese, this pact quickly extended to the entire free male population of the town. This expansion aimed to strengthen the political independence of Como and its diocese, especially from neighboring Milan, and to affirm the sovereignty of the bishop of Como. The bishop soon became the de facto "head of state", while an assembly of citizens convened in the "Broletto" (Town Hall), called "Brolo". This assembly consisted of representatives of the local nobility, known as consuls, and later included representatives of the guilds. The Commune had a set of laws and conventions that regulated urban activities, commerce, agriculture, fishing, hunting, law enforcement, and taxation.
The first explicit written mention of the Commune of Como dates back to 1109. Initially, the deliberative assembly of the commune was likely the plenary assembly. In the early 12th century, the role of this assembly was assumed by the council (or "Credenza"), known after 1213 as the "General council" or "Bell council". From the second half of the 13th century, this assembly was divided into a large and a small council. Starting in 1109, the communal organization included an executive body called the "collegial magistracy of the consuls". Before 1172, this body was divided into two institutions: the consuls of justice and the consuls of the municipality. In the early 13th century, the latter were replaced by the podestà, who had broader special powers in criminal matters.
The territory of the Commune extended beyond the town of Como itself, encompassing the entire diocese, which included most of present-day Province of Como, modern-day Canton of Ticino, Valtellina, Valchiavenna, and Colico. Thanks to its strategic position on Lake Como and the important Road of Queen Theudelind, which linked the Italian Peninsula with Germany: the heart of the Holy Roman Empire, Como quickly became a wealthy and powerful town.
During this period of growth, Como and Milan quickly became rivals. The Commune of Milan experienced significant population growth but lacked strategic communication routes. Consequently, Milan planned to conquer neighboring territories to gain access to their strategic positions. Tensions first arose over the County of Seprio, as both communes sought control of the area. Meanwhile, Milan acted aggressively against other Lombard towns, leading to the outbreak of the war of Lodi when soldiers from Lodi, Pavia, and Cremona attacked Tortona, an ally of Milan. In this conflict, Milan, supported by Crema and Tortona, fought against the communes of Lodi, Pavia, and Cremona, ultimately achieving a significant victory that established Milan as the dominant power in Lombardy.
This left the Commune of Como as Milan's only remaining rival. Tensions escalated when Emperor Henry IV appointed Landolfo da Carcano, who sympathized with Milan, as the bishop of Como. In response, the people of Como elected Guido Grimoldi as their bishop and exiled Landolfo. Despite his exile, Landolfo continued to interfere in Como's affairs, prompting the town to besiege his castle under the leadership of consul Adamo del Pero. Landolfo was captured and imprisoned, igniting a crisis between Como and Milan, as Milanese soldiers had defended Landolfo's castle.
This conflict led to the Decennial War between Como and Milan in 1118. The war is well-documented thanks to an anonymous poet who recorded the events in a poem titled "Liber Cumanus, sive de bello Mediolanensium adversus Comenses". Initially, Como seemed to prevail due to smart tactics, but after the death of Guido Grimoldi, the tide turned, and Como lost the war in 1127. Milanese soldiers destroyed every building in Como, sparing only the churches.
After the war, the Commune was forced to pay tribute to Milan. However, this changed when Frederick Barbarossa came to power and restored Como's independence from Milan. The Comaschi avenged their defeat when Milan was destroyed in 1162. Frederick promoted the construction of several defensive towers and small castles around the town's limits, of which only the Baradello remains. He also assisted the town in rebuilding its defensive walls, most of which still survive today.
When the Guelph communes organized the Lombard League to oppose the Holy Roman Emperor, Como maintained its Ghibelline alignment. Frederick I Barbarossa formally recognized the Commune of Como with an imperial diploma in 1175 (Concession of Frederick I 1175), allowing the town to elect the mayors of the county. This was a reward for Como's defection from the Lombard League and its shared anti-Milan policy. Subsequent agreements in 1191 and 1216 saw Emperors Henry VI and Frederick II extend additional concessions to Como, similar to those made in the Peace of Constance to the cities participating in the League.
In 1281, Como adopted its first written legislative code, the "Statuta Consulum Iustitie et Negotiatorum", followed by a second code in 1296.
The rise of Rusca/Rusconi family to power
In the second half of the 12th century, the Rusca family (also known as Rusconi) began to gain prominence in the town of Como. The Rusca were a noble family originating in Como in the 10th century. They led the Ghibelline faction in the town, with their principal rivals being the members of the Vitani family.
In 1182, Giovanni Rusca became a consul of the commune and was later appointed podestà of Milan in 1199, thanks to his abilities during a peace treaty with the rival city. Between 1194 and 1198, he was joined by two other relatives, Adamo and Loterio, who also became consuls of Como. The Rusca quickly became the most influential family in Como, with several members attempting to establish a lordship over the town with varying degrees of success.
Loterio Rusca was the first to attempt this goal. He was acclaimed "Lord of the People" in 1276 and, with the trust of the Comaschi, he began his rise to power. However, he faced resistance from the bishop of Como, Giovanni degli Avvocati, who was consequently exiled. Giovanni was hosted by the Visconti of Milan, providing Ottone Visconti with a pretext to start a new war against Como. Unexpectedly, Loterio prevailed and signed a favorable peace treaty with Milan in the town of Lomazzo. Milan was forced to recognize Loterio as the ruler of their rival town and return the town of Bellinzona to Como.
Thanks to this success, the family secured titles such as Lords of Como, Bellinzona, Chiavenna, and Valtellina, as well as Counts of Locarno, Lugano, and Luino. Following Loterio's death, the next notable family member was Franchino I Rusca, who established a personal lordship over Como and its territories and became an imperial vicar.
In 1335, a new war between Como and Milan broke out due to the expiration of conditions established in Lomazzo. This time, under the leadership of Azzone Visconti, Milan won the war and Como was annexed to the Duchy of Milan. The people of Como sought to regain their administrative freedom, and an opportunity arose in 1402 when Gian Galeazzo Visconti, Duke of Milan, died. Franchino II Rusca led a rebellion against the Milanese, which ended in 1412 when his son, Loterio IV Rusca, gained the title of Lord of Como and drove out the Milanese occupiers. However, this did not end the political unrest, and a period of conflicts and massacres ensued until Como once again fell under the control of Filippo Maria Visconti, becoming part of the Duchy of Milan in 1416.
At the Duke's death, Como reclaimed its independence, and in 1447, the "Republic of Saint Abundius" was founded. In January 1449, Francesco Sforza, who claimed the title of Duke of Milan (though the city was under the control of the Ambrosian Republic), sent Giuseppe Ventimiglia to attack Como. He was repelled by the citizens led by Giovanni della Noce, forcing him to retreat to Cantù, in Brianza. Monzone assisted the Rusca against the Vitani, who were Guelphs allied with the Milanese, ultimately defeating them with Ghibelline forces. In April 1449, Ventimiglia attacked Como again, and in January 1450, he unsuccessfully attacked the Ambrosian garrisons in Monza, intended to reunite with the Venetians of Colleoni to support Milan against Sforza. These events, known as the Battles of Cantù and Asso, culminated in March 1450 when Como was defeated following the fall of the Ambrosian Republic, due to exhaustion and lack of resources. Como was definitively subjected to the reconstituted Duchy of Milan under Francesco Sforza, who in 1458 profoundly reformed the Statutes of Como.
Modern Era
Subsequently, the history of Como followed that of the Duchy of Milan, through the French invasion and the Spanish domination, until 1714, when the territory was taken by the Austrians. Napoleon descended into Lombardy in 1796 and ruled it until 1815, when the Austrian rule was resumed after the Congress of Vienna. By 1848, the population had reached 16,000. In 1859, with the arrival of Giuseppe Garibaldi, the town became part of the newly formed Kingdom of Italy under the House of Savoy.
20th century
The Rockefeller fountain that today stands in the Bronx Zoo in New York City was once in the main square (Piazza Cavour) by the lakeside. It was bought by William Rockefeller in 1902 for Lire 3,500 (the estimated equivalent then of $637).
At the end of World War II, after passing through Como on his escape towards Switzerland, Benito Mussolini was taken prisoner and then shot by partisans in Giulino di Mezzegra, a small town on the north shores of Lake Como.
21st century
In 2010, a motion by members of the nationalist Swiss People's Party was submitted to the Swiss parliament requesting the admission of adjacent territories to the Swiss Confederation; Como (and its province) is one of these.
Geography and Climate
Situated at the southern tip of the south-west arm of Lake Como, the city is located 40 kilometres (25 mi) north of Milan; the city proper borders Switzerland and the communes of Blevio, Brunate, Capiago Intimiano, Casnate con Bernate, Cernobbio, Grandate, Lipomo, Maslianico, Montano Lucino, San Fermo della Battaglia, Senna Comasco, Tavernerio, and Torno, and the Swiss towns of Chiasso and Vacallo. Nearby major cities are Varese, Lecco, and Lugano.
Climate
According to the Köppen climate classification, Como has a humid subtropical climate (Cfa); until the late 20th century winters used to be quite cold, with average daily temperatures well below freezing; recently, occasional periods of frost from the Siberian Anticyclone have been recorded; however, due to global warming average temperatures in winter have gradually risen since the turn of the 21st century, reaching a record high of 21 degrees Celsius (70 °F) on 27 January 2024; spring and autumn are well marked and pleasant, while summer can be quite hot and sultry. Wind is uncommon although sudden bursts of foehn have been registered in different occasions. Pollution levels rise significantly in winter when cold air clings to the soil. Rain is more frequent during spring; summer is subject to thunderstorms and occasionally violent hailstorms.
Economy
The economy of Como, until the end of the 1980s, was traditionally based on industry; in particular, the city was world-famous for its silk manufacturers, and in 1972 its production exceeded that of China and Japan, but since the mid-1990s increasing competition from Asia has significantly reduced profit margins and many small and mid-sized firms have gone out of business. As a consequence, manufacturing is no longer the economic driver, and the city has been absorbed into Milan's metropolitan area where it mainly provides workers to the service industry sector. A significant number of residents are employed in the nearby Swiss towns Lugano and Mendrisio, primarily in the industrial sector, health care services and in the hospitality industry; the 30 km (19 mi) commute is beneficial as wages in Switzerland are notably higher. For these reasons, tourism has become increasingly important for the city's economy since the late 1990s, when local small businesses have gradually been replaced by bars, restaurants and hotels. With about 400 thousand overnight guests in 2023, Como was one of the most visited cities in Lombardy.
The city and the lake have been chosen as the filming location for various recent popular feature films, and this, together with the increasing presence of celebrities such as Matt Bellamy who have bought lakeside properties, has heightened the city's attractiveness and given a further boost to international tourism; since the early 2000s the city has become a popular "must-see" tourist destination in Italy.
(Wikipedia)
Como (früherer deutscher Name: Chum) ist eine Stadt in der italienischen Region Lombardei mit 83.361 Einwohnern (Stand 31. Dezember 2022) und Hauptort der Provinz Como. Die Stadt liegt 45 Kilometer nördlich von Mailand, am gleichnamigen See und an der Grenze zum Kanton Tessin (Schweiz).
Geografie
Como liegt am Fuß der italienischen Voralpen, am Südwestende des Comer Sees, der sich auf der Höhe von Menaggio nach Süden in zwei Arme (Lago di Como und Lago di Lecco) teilt. Weil der Abfluss des Comer Sees, die Adda, den See bei Lecco verlässt und der andere Arm des Sees keinen Abfluss hat, wird zu Zeiten der Schneeschmelze und besonders starker Niederschläge, ganz besonders bei Nordwind, der das Wasser gegen Como staut, die Stadt fast jährlich von Hochwasser heimgesucht. Die Stadt liegt verkehrsgünstig an der Eisenbahnlinie Mailand–Zürich und an der Autostrada A9, die sich in der Schweiz als A2 fortsetzt, was zur Ansiedlung vieler Industriebetriebe geführt hat. Como ist die größte Stadt der schweizerisch-italienischen Metropolregion Tessin, die insgesamt mehr als 500.000 Einwohner hat.
Die Nachbargemeinden sind: Blevio, Brunate, Capiago Intimiano, Casnate con Bernate, Cavallasca, Cernobbio, Grandate, Lipomo, Maslianico, Montano Lucino, San Fermo della Battaglia, Senna Comasco, Tavernerio, Torno, Chiasso (CH-TI) und Vacallo (CH-TI).
Klima
Der Winter in Como wird durch den mildernden Einfluss der Wassermassen des Sees relativ stark beeinflusst. Die Tiefsttemperaturen im November, Dezember, Januar, Februar und manchmal auch im März können in der Regel unter den Nullpunkt sinken und gehen meist mit einer hohen Luftfeuchtigkeit einher. Der Nebel, der für die nahe gelegene Brianza und die Poebene charakteristisch ist, fehlt hingegen völlig und ist nur teilweise jenseits der Hügel südlich des so genannten „Convalle“, d. h. des Stadtzentrums, vorhanden. Schneefall ist relativ häufig, wenn auch je nach Winter unregelmäßig, wobei die durchschnittlichen jährlichen Schneemengen vom Tal (ca. 20/30 cm pro Jahr) bis zu den Vorstädten (ca. 40/50 cm pro Jahr) ansteigen. Die letzten bedeutenden Schneefälle waren am 24. und 25. Februar 2013, am 13., 14. und 15. Dezember 2012, am 31. Januar, 1. und 2. Februar 2012, am 17. Dezember 2010, am 21. und 22. Dezember 2009, am 2. Februar und 6. und 7. Januar 2009 sowie am 26., 27. und 28. Januar 2006. Im Februar 2012 blieb der Schnee aufgrund der sehr niedrigen Temperaturen länger liegen, mit Höchstwerten unter Null sogar im Zentrum für fast eine Woche.
Der Sommer ist relativ heiß, auch wenn die Spitzenzeiten relativ kurz sind (nicht mehr als zwei aufeinanderfolgende Wochen). Gelegentlich können die Temperaturen 35 bis 36 °C erreichen. Die Niederschlagsmenge ist mit durchschnittlich 1500 mm pro Jahr recht hoch und liegt in den nördlichsten Bezirken noch höher. Das Gebiet hat eine starke Neigung zu Unwettern. In der Gemeinde gibt es Unterschiede bei den nächtlichen Mindestwerten zwischen den Vierteln, je nachdem, ob sie nächtlichen Brisen ausgesetzt sind oder nicht. Während der Sommersaison sind die Temperaturen in den am See gelegenen Bezirken aufgrund der Seebrise am Morgen oft niedriger als in den Bezirken im Landesinneren, doch gleichen sich die Temperaturen am Nachmittag aufgrund der Drehung des Windes oft aus.
Geschichte
Das Gebiet auf den Hügeln südlich des Comer Sees wies seit dem 10. Jahrhundert vor Christus eine dichte dörfliche Besiedlung auf. Nach einer Blütephase im 5. Jahrhundert vor Christus kam es nach den Einfällen der Kelten zu einem Niedergang. Laut dem älteren Cato soll Comum (wie die Römer Como nannten) vom Stamm der Orobier gegründet worden sein. Iustinus gibt an, dass Comum eine Gründung der Gallier war, nachdem diese Norditalien erobert hatten; allerdings spezifiziert Iustinus den diesbezüglichen gallischen Stamm nicht näher. Die Siedlung wird nur einmal während der Kriege zwischen Römern und Galliern 196 v. Chr. erwähnt, als der Konsul Marcus Claudius Marcellus Comenses (Name der Einwohner von Comum) und Insubrer besiegte und Comum eroberte. Nach der Unterwerfung von Gallia cisalpina dürfte sich eine Anzahl römischer Siedler in Comum niedergelassen haben. Doch diese erlitten durch Einfälle der benachbarten Räter immer wieder Schäden. Um 89 v. Chr. schickte Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo beträchtlich mehr Siedler nach Comum und machte es zu einer Kolonie latinischen Rechts, die bald darauf um weitere 3000 Kolonisten verstärkt wurde. Gaius Iulius Caesar siedelte 59 v. Chr. 5000 weitere Kolonisten, darunter 500 angesehene Griechen, in der Stadt an. Diese bekam nun den Namen Novum Comum. Kurz vor Ausbruch des Bürgerkriegs zwischen Caesar und Pompeius suchten die Feinde Caesars diesen dadurch zu treffen, dass sie Comum den privilegierten Status einer Kolonie latinischen Rechts wieder entziehen lassen wollten. Nach Caesars erfolgreichem Vormarsch nach Italien verlieh er aber 49 v. Chr. den Einwohnern von Comum zusammen mit jenen der übrigen Gemeinden der Gallia Transpadana das römische Bürgerrecht.
Seit augusteischer Zeit war die Stadt ein municipium und wurde allgemein nur Comum genannt. Der Ort war wohlhabend; er hatte eine wichtige Eisenindustrie und die Ufer des Sees waren mit Villen übersät. Er war der Ausgangspunkt für die Überfahrt über den See, um zum Splügenpass und zum Septimerpass zu kommen (siehe auch Chiavenna). Como war der Geburtsort sowohl Plinius des Älteren als auch Plinius des Jüngeren. Letzterer gründete hier Bäder und eine Bibliothek und spendete Geld zur Unterstützung von Waisen. Im späten Kaiserreich gab es einen praefectus classis Comensis und Comum wurde als starke Festung betrachtet. Noch heute zeigt die Stadt den planimetrischen Grundriss des römischen castrum. Reste der römischen Umfassungsmauer verlaufen unterirdisch parallel zu den noch sichtbaren mittelalterlichen Stadtmauern.
Como litt erheblich unter den frühen germanischen Invasionen. Viele der Einwohner nahmen auf der Isola Comacina bei Sala Zuflucht, kehrten aber in der langobardischen Zeit zurück. In dieser Zeit begannen die Magistri Comacini eine privilegierte Zunft der Architekten und Steinmetze zu gründen, die auch in anderen Teilen Italiens beschäftigt wurden. Como kam dann unter die Herrschaft der Erzbischöfe von Mailand, gewann gegen Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts aber seine Freiheit wieder. Zu Beginn des 12. Jahrhunderts brach zwischen Como und Mailand Krieg aus, nach zehn Jahren wurde Como eingenommen und seine Befestigungen wurden 1127 geschleift. 1154 zog es aus der Ankunft Friedrich Barbarossas Vorteil und blieb ihm während des ganzen Krieges mit dem Lombardenbund treu. Im Jahre 1169 verwüstete Como die Isola Comacina, die von Mailand gegen Como befestigt worden war. 1183 erhielt Como im Konstanzer Frieden wie alle lombardischen Kommunen die Unabhängigkeit. Im 13. Jahrhundert wurde Como Zeuge der erbitterten Kämpfe zwischen den Vittani (Guelfen) und den Rusconi (Ghibellinen). Nach häufigen Kämpfen mit Mailand fiel Como von 1335 bis 1447 unter die Macht der Visconti. Nach einer kurzen Zeit der Unabhängigkeit als Repubblica di Sant’Abbondio unterwarf sich Como 1450 Francesco Sforza, dem Herzog von Mailand. 1521 wurde Como von den Spaniern belagert und geplündert und fiel wie der Rest der Lombardei unter die spanische Herrschaft. Im Frieden von Rastatt kam Como zusammen mit dem Gebiet Mailands 1714 an Österreich, später zur Cisalpinischen Republik, zum napoleonischen Königreich Italien und wieder zu Österreich. In der napoleonischen Ära war es die Hauptstadt des Départements Lario. Seine Seidenindustrie und die Lage am Eingang der Alpenpässe verliehen ihm selbst da einige Bedeutung. Como trug in den „Fünf Tagen“ im März 1848 (Cinque giornate) zusammen mit Mailand wesentlich zu den nationalen Aufständen gegen die österreichische Garnison bei. 1859 empfing Como Giuseppe Garibaldi nach dem Sieg von San Fermo als Befreier von der österreichischen Herrschaft.
1885 wurden die Gemeinden Camerlata und Monte Olimpino eingemeindet.
Wirtschaft
Comos Wirtschaftsleben basiert hauptsächlich auf Tourismus und Industrie. Die Stadt besitzt unter anderem eine weltbekannte Seiden-Manufaktur.
Die im Jahr 1940 von Toblach nach Como verlegte elektrotechnische Produktionsgesellschaft UNDA von Max Glauber kam wegen zu schneller Ausweitung der Produktion nach dem Krieg in Zahlungsschwierigkeiten, wurde verkauft und 1962 definitiv geschlossen.
Verkehr
Die Stadt liegt direkt an der Grenze zur Schweiz; die Grenze befindet sich im unmittelbar benachbarten schweizerischen Chiasso.
(Wikipedia)
At the TUC conference held in Edinburgh in September 1896, Samuel Woods and the Scottish trade unionist John Mallinson were selected as delegates to the 16th annual convention of the American Federation of Labor, to be held in Cincinnati, Ohio, on 14-21 December. The pair are shown travelling together on the “Second Cabin” passenger manifest of the 21 November departure from Liverpool of the Cunard steamship RMS Campania (above, left). The crossing took 7 days, the Campania docking at New York on 28 November where the travellers were met by “an old friend”, Robert Watchorn, a Derbyshire miner who had emigrated to the US. A committee appointed by the New York Central Labor Union then took care of their needs prior to their departure for Ohio.*
On their very first night in Cincinnati, on the eve of the start of the AFL convention, Woods, Mallinson and several other delegates were the victims of a series of robberies at the city's Dennison Hotel. Thieves entered the rooms whilst they slept, helping themselves to cash and valuables. AFL founder and president Samuel Gompers was relieved of $55 “from his pantaloons pocket”. John Phillips of Brooklyn NY, representing the United Hatters of North America, lost $60. As reported by The Perrysburg Journal, “Woods lost a diamond ring valued at $70 and $28 cash, and Manlinson [sic] $10... Each had a large sum in English banknotes in their pockets, which was not disturbed”.**
President Gompers formally opened the convention at Cincinnati's Odd Fellows Hall at 10.30am on Monday 14 December. Extending “a hearty, cordial and fraternal welcome” to Woods and Mallinson, he invited them to take their seats on the platform, commenting that “trade unionists were kin the world over, and there was much we could learn from each other”. Woods was invited to address the convention on the third day. As reported by The Westbury Democrat in its edition of 17 December 1896-
“The afternoon session of the Federation of Labor was opened by a talk by delegate Samuel Woods of Great Britain on his impressions during his short stay in America, his remarks being of a highly complimentary nature to America as a nation and an expression of the gratification which he and his colleague, Mr Manlinson [sic] of Scotland, feel at finding such a high order of intelligence in the deliberative bodies of labor organization in the United States. He then read an exhaustive paper on European labor, the late meeting of the European labor congress at Edinburgh, Scotland, and the progress made in recent years by the labor organizations of Great Britain, setting forth what organization has accomplished for working people and what it hopes to accomplish in the future. The paper laid special stress on the fact that trade unions have brought about a system of compulsory education which, while it was admitted was greatly inferior to the educational system of the United States, was yet a very important and gratifying accomplishment which all previous efforts had failed to bring about until the organized labor unions took the matter up and pushed it to its first fruition, with good prospects that the work so well begun would be prosecuted until a public school system similar in many respects and equal in value to the masses and to poorer people to that in vogue in the United States will be established.”***
On Saturday 19 December – the penultimate day of the convention – Woods was presented by the AFL's Henry Lloyd with “a handsome diamond-studded watch charm” and Mallinson with a gold watch. As reported by The Salt Lake Herald in its edition of 20 December-
“THEN THEY SANG
Fraternal Delegates Sam Wood and John Manlinson having announced that they would leave at 8 o'clock to begin the journey to their homes in England and Scotland, President Gompers, in a very happy manner, expressed the pleasure felt by the convention over their presence, and each of the gentlemen responded in words of praise for the manner in which they were entertained. On a motion a special committee of five was appointed to escort the fraternal delegates to the railway station, and after singing “Auld Lang Syne” and “They Are Jolly Good Fellows” in chorus, the convention adjourned until 9 o'clock Monday morning...”.
The return voyage was via the White Star Line's RMS Germanic, which departed New York on Wednesday 23 and docked at Liverpool on Thursday 31 December.
Reporting back to the TUC at the 1897 conference in Manchester, Woods and Mallinson stated-
“We had every opportunity given to us during our stay in America of learning the industrial, social and economic conditions of the workers, of which we took advantage. We were assured that the bond of unity which as been created for several years between the British and American organised workers was greatly appreciated by our friends in America, and we feel certain that the closer the ties of relationship become between these two great organised bodies of labour the more will its influence tend to bring about the emancipation of the workers of the world”.
*Several US newspapers quote Woods' comments “as he stepped from the ship to the dock” concerning a dockers' strike and the TUC's political neutrality: “I have not heard about the strike of the Hamburg and Kiel dock laborers, but I do not believe there will be an international strike of dock laborers in sympathy with them. They might as well strike the moon... We do not believe in strikes, nor do we believe in arbitration; we prefer conciliation... We know no political party in our labor movement in England. Our constitution forbids it. We are for labor only. The British trades union [congress] is composed of one and a quarter millions of working men and women. In Great Britain the trades unions are the most important facts in regard to wages and hours” (The Watertown Republican, 2 December 1896; The Weiser Signal, 3 December 1896). See, also, American Federationist - Official Magazine of the American Federation of Labor Vol III No. 10 (December 1896).
**“Labor Leaders Robbed”, 19 December 1896. Also The Enterprise, 16 December 1896; The Macon Beacon, 19 December 1896; South Wales Daily News, 31 December 1896 (excerpt included above, top right). The AFL accounts for December 1896, published in American Federationist Vol III No. 12 (February 1897), show that Woods' and Mallinson's cash losses – but not those sustained by the other victims – were made good from Federation funds. A payment of $15 to Frank L Rist of the Cincinnati Central Labor Council for “entertaining English delegates” is also recorded.
***The official “Report of Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Convention...” records that Woods also made reference to “a new element” among British trade unionists - “young men [who] identified with the socialists and the independent labor party, but very few of [whom] had been in the good old ship during the storm of the last twenty years. They thought the congress was not travelling fast enough. No doubt they were stimulated by the poverty surrounding so many in our cities and towns. Much discussion had ensued, … with the result that the constitution and standing orders of the congress were changed, and quite an impetus given to the trade-union movement”. According to the American Federationist: “The fraternal delegates from the British Trade Union Congress, Samuel Woods and John Mallinson, proved themselves to be well worthy of the great movement of labor they had the honor of representing. Plain spoken and thoughtful, their addresses were full of that spirit which tends to make men truer, stronger and brighter, and to help cement the bond of fraternity of which the labor movement is the harbinger”.
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
The United Nations General Assembly (GA) is one of the five principal organs of the United Nations. It is the main deliberative organ of the United Nations. It is made up of all United Nations member states and meets in regular yearly sessions under a president elected from among the representatives.
As the only UN organ in which all members are represented, the Assembly serves as a forum for members to discuss issues of international law and make decisions on the functioning of the organization.
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
The audience enjoyed the event.
Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
Albright and Jomaa shake hands.
Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
The group’s deliberative meetings are held once a week to evaluate and decide on its actions and objectives, including participation in various workshops, study and research groups. The group is also responsible for our latest youth enterprise, a social communication programme called Urban Outcries, boarding six themes annually.
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
Audience members had the opportunity to ask questions.
Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
Piccone (left) and Jomaa (right) share a laugh.
Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
Former Tunisian Primer Minister Mehdi Jomaa offers keynote remarks.
Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright offers her keynote remarks.
Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
SHIFTING THE POWER: HOW NEW PHILANTHROPIC APPROACHES CAN TRANSFORM THE WORLD OF SOCIAL IMPACT
Both established philanthropists and new funds are leveraging their giving to promote innovation and systemic change to meet the needs created by urgent challenges. Philanthropy now sits at a critical moment to re-examine what practices drive the greatest progress and change. Philanthropy has always helped create transformative and systemic change. The work being done to address our most pressing challenges is all being driven to some extent by institutional funding, long-term commitments, and deliberative investments. Charities are also embracing newer models – including strategic time horizons, democratized giving, trust-based philanthropy, and accelerated investments that directly reach individuals and frontline communities. Collaboration and education between new voices and long-established philanthropic institutions have the potential for greater impact and progress.
PARTICIPANTS
VEDIKA BHANDARKAR Chief Operating Officer - Water.org
ANNE MARIE BURGOYNE Managing Director of Philanthropy - Emerson Collective
JONATHAN CAPEHART Anchor and Associate Editor - MSNBC & The Washington Post
MATT DAMON Co-Founder - Water.org and WaterEquity
TONY ELUMELU Founder and Chair - The Tony Elumelu Foundation
JUDITH LINGEMAN Director of International Affairs - Postcode Lottery Group
TSITSI MASIYIWA Co-Founder and Chair - Higherlife Foundation and Delta Philanthropies
RAJ PANJABI Co-Founder and Entrepreneur In Residence - Last Mile Health & Emerson Collective
DR. CARMEN ROJAS President and CEO, Marguerite Casey Foundation
ALEXANDER SOROS Chair - Open Society Foundations
Photo Credit: Jenna Bascom Photography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
Took this picture as an illustration for an in-character blog post on the forum for the medieval-fantasy sim I was roleplaying at in Second Life at the time, Valahari. Here, Arabella was looking at herself in the mirror and pondering her situation as a spy infiltrating the enemy kingdom under an alias: the ever masked Madam Lilith, owner of the local brothel. Below is the blog entry:
09.16.10
The hairbrush made a soft sound on the wood of her vanity table as she set it down and simply stared with a blank expression into the looking glass before her. She had been sitting here, brushing her unruly curls into some semblance of a controlled coiffure for the past half hour when the strange sense of displacement struck her. Now, her emerald gaze bored into that reflection, unsure of what to make of it. The tilt of the chin, the curve of the lips, the straight bridge of the nose, the set of the jaw, the rise of the cheekbones, even the darker outline of the scar on the left side...All these things she knew well. Everything before her was exactly as it had been since before she came to this realm, with the exception of the scar, yet somehow the person looking back at her was entirely other. So much had changed, and she'd experienced more in a few short months than she had in all the previous years of her life.
With a slow deliberative motion, lithe fingers reached up to trace the simultaneously familiar yet somehow unknown contours of her features. This was Arabella...or was it Lilith...or perhaps was it someone else? How did people manage to live under so many guises, she wondered. Most might not go about matters as she did now, but they all lived out their hidden truths and identities in some form or other. She, who had never been gifted at lying and deceiving, had always been too honest to hide her true feelings, was now surprisingly proving at least a very convincing spy. For a few weeks her ruse as Madam of Westenguard's new brothel had gone on without any real trouble. She'd amassed a group of employees of all sorts under her command, her business had begun to cater to not only the soldiers and sailors she had foreseen but some more notable public figures in the kingdom, and she had even caught the attention of the local tavern owner enough to strike up a mutually beneficial business agreement. Things were proceeding as she'd hoped, better even considering the weight of the rapidly filling chest she hid under her bed, back in her own city, with its store of the coins she'd accumulated so far. Another similar albeit much smaller chest was hidden away in Good Fortune, magically warded to ensure its safety, but kept there in case any bribes needed to be dealt with, rent paid, wines purchased or more of the herbs procured for the tea she brewed daily for both male and female workers in order to ensure no unwanted offspring came about as a result of their dealings.
Today she'd negotiated the terms of sale of her newest hire's services. The delicate human female she could tell was likely still "innocent," and for that she'd had the cool business sense of requiring the client pay double the usual fee. Somehow, as she replayed the words of the arrangement in her mind they seemed entirely Lilith, with none of Ara hidden beneath. The person she was, or thought she was, would have tried to dissuade an innocent from even considering entering such an establishment, let alone procuring work there. Perhaps the girl was desperate for money...Who knew? But Ara had taken her need and exploited it to her benefit, or Lilith had...It was so confusing. As the former, she could not dwell on her actions while pretending to be the latter without a small sense of remorse washing over her. She could justify her actions intellectually well enough, and repeat such reasoning to herself over and over until it became satisfactory, until she believed it. She was simply running a business venture, she was actually not being unfaithful to her mate since all clients were taken care of by her workers and never by the madam, she was gaining the means to secure her financial independence, and she would in time create the necessary contacts to obtain useful information which might serve her city's purposes. But...what or who was she becoming in the process, a process which seemed to have begun a long time before Good Fortune was ever a thought in her mind?
She regarded herself in the looking glass for a few more moments before her hand reached for the item perched on the corner of the vanity table. Such considerations served no purpose at this point. What was done was done. Thus, she embraced the only escape available to her now: donning the mask which obscured part of those confusing features on her visage. And with that simple addition, Ara was gone from the looking glass, supplanted by Lilith until the mask was next removed.
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
The United Nations General Assembly is the main deliberative, policymaking and representative organ of the United Nations. Comprising all 193 Members of the United Nations, it provides a unique forum for multilateral discussion of the full spectrum of international issues covered by the Charter.
I gave a speech on the ideals and practice of maintaining a good assembly during the Floyd M. Riddick Practicum on Parliamentary Procedure, 2005, held at the Crown Plaza Hotel in Williamsburg (construction at the College of William and Mary kept us from using the law school this year).
My cameo was one responsibility as the very first Hugh Cannon Scholar.
During this part of the cameo, I brainstormed with the audience about the different reasons that people join an organization and become involved in the deliberative process. After categorizing them into two groups, I demonstrated how many of us come to organizations, thinking of them as a fixture that we can gain value from. Among other things, I encouraged people to realize that their attitude and actions toward others within the organization determine its true value and its staying power (etc etc).
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
Talbott introduces the panelists. Due to their more open and deliberative nature, democracies are perceived as more vulnerable to conflict and violence. Even in established democracies, the role of democracy itself in underpinning national security and international stability is in doubt.
In June 2016, the Community of Democracies, an international forum dedicated to common action among democracies, launched the Democracy and Security Dialogue to foster greater collaboration among democracies to improve security outcomes and create a better environment for strengthening democracy around the world. Former Prime Minister of Tunisia Mehdi Jomaa, and former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright co-chaired the initiative, which was designed to combine top-quality research on democracy and security with a participatory consultation process.
On September 13, as governments gathered in Washington for the 9th ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, Foreign Policy at Brookings hosted Secretary Albright and Prime Minister Jomaa to launch the Dialogue’s final report. The co-chairs were joined by the two principal researchers for the report—Cheryl Frank, head of Transnational Threats and International Crime Programme for the Institute for Security Studies, and Ted Piccone, senior fellow in the Foreign Policy program at Brookings—for a discussion of the findings and what they tell us about the links between democracy and security.
Brookings President Strobe Talbott provided introductory remarks.
Photo credit: Sharon Farmer
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
City of Fort Collins | Madeline Bechtel
CSU's Center for Public Deliberation CPD) collaborated with the City to host a Deliberative Forum on April 26, 2023 Approximately 50 participants attended including representatives from HOAs and neighborhood associations, the BIPOC Alliance, Boards and Commissions, and the business community. The agenda included roundtable discussions and activities guided by student facilitators.
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography
March’s Friday Late welcomed attendees to engage with a myriad of contemporary activism practices, 100 years on from when a qualified group of women in the UK were granted the right to vote. From deliberative democracy workshops to installations depicting radically soft lives, from feminist zine making to tours of radical women in the history of art, this Late asked attendees to examine narratives that are too often left unaccounted.
Photos © PeanutButterVibes Photography
www.peanutbuttervibesphotography.com
@peanutbuttervibesphotography