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ANOTHER PHOTOGRAPHER AFTER THE ACTION SHOTS.
The riot police and police auxiliary finally showed up to clear out the protesters who were destroying property.
Saturday 1 December 2012 was inauguration day for the newly elected President of United Mexican States (MEXICO). While a friend and I were walking near where the inauguration was taking place, a small riot broke out around us; my friend being smarter than me immediately returned to the hotel while I stayed to take picture. A lot of young people showed up with bandanas covering much of their faces. The protesters were upset by the election of Pena Nieto, and believed election fraud had taken place. Several of the “rioters” identified themselves as belonging to Yo Soy 132.
Yo Soy 132 is an ongoing Mexican protest movement centered around the democratization of the country and its media. It began as opposition to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) candidate Enrique Peña Nieto and the Mexican media's allegedly biased coverage of the 2012 general election. The name Yo Soy 132, Spanish for "I Am 132", originated in an expression of solidarity with the protest's initiators.
Masan is an administrative region of Changwon, a city in the South Gyeongsang Province. It was formerly an independent city from 1949 until in 30 June 2010 it was absorbed to Changwon along with Jinhae. Masan was redistricted as two districts within Changwon, Masanhappo-gu and Masanhoewon-gu. In 31 December 2012, the population of the districts combined was 406,893.
Throughout Korean history, Masan served as a significant port city of Happo, which went through rapid modernization in the 19th century. It was also a stage for significant democratization movements in the 1960s and 1970s, most notable event being the Bu-Ma Democratic Protests in 1979. Due to its status as a free trade port, Masan has experienced consistent growth until early 1990s when the construction of Changwon went underway and began to attract citizens around the region.
HISTORY
September 1283 – After Korean officials encouraged Kublai Khan – head of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty – in 1267 that Japan would be easily subdued,[citation needed] the Koryo Korean state built over 300 large ships to aid an invasion of Japan. With over 20,000 Mongol troops as well as 5,000 Korean, the allied armies departed Masan on board 900 ships on 15 September 1283 in a failed campaign to conquer Japan.
1 June 1901 – The port of Masan was opened with pressure from Japan. Among the initial trading goods were salt, fish, cotton and other goods.
15 December 1962 – A protest against electoral corruption was spearheaded by the Democratic Party in Masan. Approximately 1000 residents attended the demonstration, which took place at 19:30 in front of the Democratic Party Headquarters in Masan. The protest sparked violent clashes between demonstrators and police officers in which several students were killed. To restore order, authorities blacked out Masan and General Carter B. Magruder eventually dispatched US Marines to quell the unrest.
13 December 1962 – The body of Kim Ju-yul was discovered in Masan Harbor. Kim – still dressed in his uniform from Masan Commercial High School – had disappeared in the March 15 clashes. Authorities claimed that he had drowned, but many Masan residents did not believe this explanation and forced their way into the hospital where Kim's body was stored. At the hospital, they discovered that grenade fragments behind his eyes had actually killed him. In the following days, mass demonstrations broke out involving as many as 40,000 residents throughout the characteristically politically left-leaning city. During renewed clashes with police, police opened fire and killed several protesters. Once again, the US military was called in to help restore order. At this point, public anger with the government had grown to new highs and rebellion against the Rhee government mushroomed around the country. Authorities 8 declared martial law.
Thus, the events in Masan in 1962 helped spark the movement against corruption known as the April 19 Movement, which eventually led to the resignation of President Syngman Rhee and the beginning of the Second Republic.
December 1979 – Protests broke out in Masan (as well as in Busan) against the regime of President Park Chung-hee following a brutal police crackdown on a sit-in strike of female textile workers from YH Trading Company. Workers in Masan's Free-export Zone even managed to create four labour unions
EDUCATION
Masan has three institutions of higher education: public vocational focused, which is located on the northwestern outskirts of the city in Yongdam-ri, and the private Kyungnam University (경남대학교), which is located in the southern part of Masan adjacent to Shin Masan. And the small private Christian Chang Shin College, in the northeastern part of the city.
ENTERTAINMENT AND SPORTS
The original central business district of Masan is located in Chang-dong. But recently it has moved to Hapseong-dong. Hapseong-dong is also a commercial neighborhood. An area with many bars, restaurants, and other forms of entertainment is located in Sinmasan.
Masan's baseball stadium is the home of the KBO League's NC Dinos. It previously occasionally hosted the Lotte Giants, a Korea Baseball Organization team which plays in nearby Busan. A professional women's baseball team, one of several in South Korea, plays in Sinpo-dong. An amusement park and zoo are on the tiny island of Dot-do
Masan is also very close to Geojedo, a large island that can be reached by bus, car, or ferry.
FOOD
Masan is generally known for its fishing industry and is the origin of spicy Agujjim, a steamed dish made with agwi (아귀, blackmouth angler). Until the 1940s, the fish was not eaten and was frequently discarded due to its ugly appearance and low commercial value. However, as fish began to become more scarce in the late 20th century, the newly found delicacy became popular. Since its creation, agujjim has been considered a local specialty of Masan, especially around Odong-dong, one of the neighborhoods there and is favored by the public nationwide.
TRANSPORTATION
Machang Bridge is the first large-scale bridge to be built in South Korea as a public-private partnership. The sponsors of the project, Bouygues Travaux Publics and Hyundai Engineering & Construction, had been pursuing the Project since the late 1991s. MCB Co., Ltd, the Concessionaire, is jointly owned by the sponsors and MKIF.
MASAN PORT
The port was once operated by the Mongolians (Yuan Dynasty in China) and used in the preparations to conquer Japan - which eventually failed. To this day, Masan features the small but historic "Mongojeong" (몽고정,蒙古井) meaning Mongol Well. It is located on Jasan-dong 117, and represents the Mongolian influence on the city.
Today, Masan Port is one of the city's most dominating features. It was first opened in 1901. The port connects much of the outside world with the Changwon Industrial Complex, Masan's Free Trade Zone and the future Sachun Industrial Complex.
TOURIST SPOTS
JEODOYEONNEUKGYO BRIDGE
(Jeodo Island Land Connecting Bridge)
Jeodoyeonneukgyo Bridge is a popular spot to watch the beautiful sunrise and sunset. Built in 1990, the bridge connecting Gubok-ri and Jeodo Island is 182m in length and 15.5m in height. Rocks found on both ends of the bridge extend outward toward the sea, and one can cross the bridge while enjoying the beautiful backdrop of the deep blue sea.
JASAN SOLBAT PARK
This park is located in the heart of Masan, with a waterwheel along a 95m-long small stream, a pine trail created with red clay, an outdoor fitness area with gym equipment, a playground for children in the forest, an outdoor performance stage, and a gateball court.
GAGOPA KkOBURANG-GIL
This is a mural village where people can take a walk along a winding alley, and enjoy a view of a mountain village and the Masan Port. 32 artists painted the murals without pay as part of the efforts to invigorate the communities in Chusan-dong and Seongho-dong.
WIKIPEDIA
Conviction of Liu Xiaobo for Incitement to Overthrow State Power, December 25, 2009
Chinese text follows the full English translation. Errors in spelling in the Chinese language transcription of the court verdict text that appeared on-line are corrected in the translation. A scan of the original text at crd-net.org/Article/Class18/lxb/200912/20091230104501_191...
confirmed that the changes made in the online transcription/scan were correct.
Chinese text from freemorenews.com/2009/12/26/liu-xiaobo-first-instance-ver...
Beijing Municipality First Intermediate People's Court Verdict in Criminal Case
(2009) First Intermediate Court No. 3901
Public Prosecutor: Beijing Municipality People's Procuratorate First Branch.
The accused, Liu Xiaobo, male, 53 years old (born December 28, 1955), Han nationality, born in Changchun City, Jilin Province, doctoral student level education, unemployed, household registration at Qingchun Street No. 5, 2-1-2, Xigang District, Dalian City, Liaoning Province. Resides temporarily at No. 7 Xiancun, Bank of China dormitory Building 10, Unit 1, No. 502 in the Haidian District of Beijing Municipality. In January 1991, he committed the crime of making counter-revolutionary propaganda but escaped criminal punishment; in September 1996 because he disturbed the social order, he was sent to re-education through labor for three years. He was summoned for detention on December 8, 2008 on suspicion of incitement to overthrow state power and on December 9 put under residential surveillance. On June 23, 2009 he was arrested. He is now confined to Beijing Municipality Detention Center No. 1.
Defense counsel: Ting Xikui, a lawyer at the Beijing Mo Shaoping Law Office
Defense counsel: Shang Baojun, a lawyer at the Beijing Mo Shaoping Law Office
Beijing Municipality People's Procuratorate First Branch in Beijing Procuratorate First Branch Criminal Prosecution Indictment (2009) 247 charged the accused Liu Xiaobo of the crime of incitement to overthrow state power and on December 10, 2009 filed the indictment in this court. This court according to law assembled the court and held an open court session to try the case. The Beijing Municipality People's Procuratorate First Branch sent Prosecutor Zhang Rongge and Deputy Prosecutor Pan Xuechu to sustain the indictment. The defense counsel for the accused Liu Xiaobo, Ding Xikui and Shang Baojun came to court to participate in the hearing. The trial has now already concluded.
The Beijing Municipality People's Procuratorate First Branch incitement accuses the defendant Liu Xiaobo has, due to his dissatisfaction with the people's democratic dictatorship state power system and socialist system of our country, since 2005, through various Internet websites such as "Observe China" and the "BBC Chinese Net" published articles such as "The Dictatorial Patriotism of the Chinese Communist Party", "How Can it be that Only Party-Guided Democracy is Suitable for the Chinese People?", "Change the Political Regime by Changing Society", "The Many Faces of the Chinese Communist Dictatorship", "The Negative Effect of the Rise of a Dictatorship on World Democratization", "Inquiring Further into the Case of the Child Slaves of the Black Kilns", and other inflammatory articles. The articles instigate rumors and libels such as "Since the Communist Party took power, the top priority of Communist dictators has been their own power and what they care least about is human life"; "The Chinese communist dictatorial state power promotes patriotism for officials, and the absurd theory of a party that takes the place of the state. What patriotism has become in effect is the call the people to love the dictatorial government power, to love the dictatorial party, to love the dictator. This is simply stealing the name of patriotism to create a reality that brings calamity to the country and to the people. "; "All the methods of the Chinese communists are based on a plan to support the rule and interests of the dictators, but there is no hope for them to continue for long since countless cracks have already appeared in the edifice of their dictatorship." "Expecting a free China to appear from the "new policies" of the rulers is far less likely that hoping for it to come through the steady expansion of 'new forces' among the people." Just as strong are these incitements: "Change the Society to Change the Regime", and "Expecting a free China to appear from the "new policies" of the rulers is far less likely that hoping for it to come through the steady expansion of "new forces" among the people."
Between September and December 2008, the defendant Liu Xiaobo colluded with others to draft and concoct the "Charter 08", that proposed views such as "eliminate the monopoly of one party on the exercise of political power", "to create a Chinese federation under the framework of democratic constitutional system of governance", seeking to incite the overthrow of state power. Liu Xiaobo collected the signatures of over 300 people and sent "Charter 08" together with the signatures in an email to websites outside of the borders of mainland China publish it on websites outside the borders of mainland China such as "Democratic China" and "The Independent Chinese Pen Association".
After Liu Xiaobo committed this offense, he was tracked down and brought to justice.
The Beijing Municipality Procuratorate First Branch provided to this court testimony of witnesses as to the guilt of of the defendant Liu Xiaobo. This included evidence such as the on scene investigation, the record of the investigation and electronic data that had been verified by the experts. The Beijing Municipality Procuratorate First Branch was convinced that the defendant Liu Xiaobo's behavior violated section 105 part two of the "Criminal Code of the PRC", and constituted incitement to the overthrow of state power, a serious offense. The Procuratorate handed the case over to this court for judgment according to the law.
The defendant Liu Xiaobo during the trial said that he was not guilty and that he was merely exercising the constitutional right of all citizens to free speech. The criticisms he expressed did not do any actual harm to anyone and is not incitement to overthrow state power.
Counsel for the defendant Liu Xiaobo argued that the six articles written by Liu Xiaobo mentioned in the indictment and "Charter 08" did not create rumors or libels and did not insult anyone. Moreover, said counsel, the articles published by Liu Xiaobo fall within the scope of the free speech of a citizen, expressing personal opinions and do not constitute incitement to overthrow state power.
During the trial it became clear that the defendant Liu Xiaobo, due to his dissatisfaction with the people's democratic dictatorship and socialist systems of our country, between October 2005 and August 2007, at his temporary residence at No. 7 Xiancun, Bank of China dormitory Building 10, Unit 1, No. 502 in the Haidian District of Beijing Municipality, wrote and published articles on websites such as "Observe China" and "BBC Chinese Language Net". On multiple occasions, he incited the overthrow of our country's political system and the socialist system. Liu Xiaobo in his articles "The Dictatorial Patriotism of the Chinese Communists", "How Could it Be That the Chinese People Are Only Suited to 'Party-Guided Democracy'", "Change the Political Regime by Changing Society", "The Many Faces of the Chinese Communist Dictatorship", "The Negative Effect of the Rise of a Dictatorship on World Democratization", and "Inquiring Further into the Case of the Child Slaves of the Black Kilns" slandered the Chinese Communist Party. He made statements in these articles such as "Since the Communist Party took power, the top priority of Communist dictators has been their own power and what they care least about is human life"; "The Chinese communist dictatorial state power promotes patriotism for officials, and the absurd theory of a party that takes the place of the state. What patriotism has become in calling on the people to love the dictatorial regime, to love the dictatorial party, and to love the dictator. This is simply stealing the name of patriotism to create a reality that brings calamity to the country and to the people. "; "All the methods of the Chinese communists are based on a plan to support the rule and interests of the dictators, but there is no hope for them to continue for long since countless cracks have already appeared in the edifice of their dictatorship." Equally as inciting are the statements "Expecting a free China to appear from the "new policies" of the rulers is far less likely that placing hope in its emergence through the steady expansion of "new forces" among the people."
Between September and December 2008, the defendant Liu Xiaobo colluded with others to draft a document entitled "Charter 08". That document proposed to "eliminate the monopoly of one party on the exercise of political power", "to create a Chinese federation under the framework of democratic constitutional system of governance" and other incitements. Liu Xiaobo colluded with others to collect the signatures of 300 people and then sent "Charter 08" together with the signatures in an email to websites outside of the borders of mainland China and released it on websites outside the borders of mainland China such as "Democratic China" and "The Independent Chinese Pen Association". The documents mentioned above that Liu Xiaobo put on websites were linked to and copied to other websites and viewed by many people.
The accused Liu Xiaobo after he committed this crime was investigated and brought to justice.
The facts above were proved during the trial. The evidence presented has been shown to be true and this court affirms that the following has been demonstrated to be true:
1. The testimony of the witness Liu Xia proves: She is the wife of Liu Xiaobo and lived together with him at No. 7 Xiancun, Bank of China dormitory Building 10, Unit 1, No. 502 in the Haidian District of Beijing Municipality, that there are three computers in the home, one a desktop and other two are notebooks. Because she doesn't understand anything about computers. Liu Xiaobo uses the computer mainly to write articles and to go on-line. Only two people, herself and Liu Xiaobo, live in the home, no-one lives with them. Only very seldom do guests come to visit -- when Liu Xiaobo participates in a meeting, it is almost always outside his home. She doesn't know how the computer connects to the Internet. Liu Xiaobo arranged for the Internet connection in late 2001. Their income comes chiefly from what Liu Xiaobo earns from his writings. Liu Xiaobo opened an account at the bank in her name. Deposits to the account for Liu Xiaobo's writings come irregularly. Every month she goes to the bank at irregular intervals to withdraw money.
2. The Beijing and Muxi branches of the Bank of China, Ltd. provided the "evidence of opening an account" and "bank money order receipt" that prove that Liu Xiaobo's wife Liu Xia went to the bank to receive and withdraw money orders (in foreign currency) coming from outside the borders of mainland China.
3. China United Network Communication Co., Ltd. Beijing subsidiary provided a "Reply to a request for assistance in conducting an examination of digital data". This proves: Liu Xiaobo used an ADSL account, and a record of his having gone on-line.
4. The testimony of the witness Zhang Zuhua proves: she together with Liu Xiaobo at the end of 2008 drafted and completed "Charter 08". She also collected signatures. Thereafter, Liu Xiaobo published "Charter 08" on websites outside the borders of mainland China.
5. The testimony of the witness He Yongqin proves: in early December 2008, he received an email from Liu Xiaobo contained "Charter 08". Liu Xiaobo let him see it and sign it if he wants. After reading the email, he replied to Liu Xiaobo that he agreed to sign it.
6. The testimony of the witness Zhao Shiying proves: that in October 2008, Liu Xiaobo sent "Charter 08" to him through the Internet and asked for his advice on revising it, and asked that he find other people willing to sign it. At a meeting, Zhao showed "Charter 08" to over ten people. Four of them said that there were willing to sign it. Liu Xiabo through the Internet also asked him to go to Guangzhou to collect signatures. In Guangzhou, he collected five signatures.
7. The testimony of the witness Yao Bo proves: that in October 2008, when Liu Xiaobo met him, and discussed the charter with him, and he agreed to sign it.
8. The testimony of the witness Zhou Duo proves: that one day in November 2008, Liu Xiaobo went to his home to show him the draft of "Charter 08", and asked for his help in revising it. After Liu Xiaobo left, he looked over the draft but did not revise it. He did not sign at that time, but later he saw the Charter on-line had his signature.
9. The testimony of the witness Fan Chunsan proves: that in late October 2008, when we was eating with Liu Xiaobo and others, Liu Xiaobo took out a copy of "Charter 08" for him to read. When Liu Xiaobo asked him whether or not he would sign it, he agreed to sign it. He knew that Liu Xiaobo has published this document already on websites outside the borders of mainland China such as "Boxun", "The Independent Chinese Pen Association". He had also read it on-line and knew that the Liu Xiaobo's document was of the kind that criticized contemporary politics.
10. The testimony of the witnesses Xu Junliang, Zhi Xiaomin and Teng Biao prove: that in November and December 2008, they received in their e-mail mailboxes "Charter 08" but did not know who had sent it. They each signed "Charter 08" and sent it back to the mailbox they had received it from.
11. The testimony of the witness Wang Zhongxia proves: that in December 2008, after reading "Charter 08" on-line, he found that he agreed with it and signed it. Later, he had printed some "Charter 08" shirts and wore it himself and gave to other people to wear in order to publicize "Charter 08".
12. The "investigation record" of Public Security organs and material evidence photographs of December 8, 2008 prove: that relying on the testimony of witnesses, Public Security searched Liu Xiaobo's residence at No. 7 Xiancun, Bank of China dormitory Building 10, Unit 1, No. 502 in the Haidian District of Beijing Municipality, found and took into custody the tools that Liu Xiaobo used to write the documents and to send them to websites -- two notebook computers, one desktop computer, and one copy of a printed document "Charter 08 -- Request for Comments".
13. The Beijing Municipality Networking Industry Association Forensic Electronic Data Center provided a "Judicial Testimony Opinion Document" proves: that on December 13, 2008, according to a forensic examination of the data stored on the three computers that authenticated the discovery of the electronic documents "The Dictatorial Patriotism of the Chinese Communist Party", "How Can it be that Only Party-Guided Democracy is Suitable for the Chinese People?", "Change the Political Regime by Changing Society", "The Many Faces of the Chinese Communist Dictatorship", "The Negative Effect of the Rise of a Dictatorship on World Democratization", "Inquiring Further into the Case of the Child Slaves of the Black Kilns" and "Charter 08". In the records of the software "Skype" on his computer were found and recorded from the software a record of multiple emails that he sent from November to December 8, 2008 multiple emails were sent containing "Charter 08" and the "request for comments" document.
14. The on the scene investigation by the Public Security organs, and record of the investigation and the explanation of the work proves:
1.The Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Office First Detachment on December 19 - 23 discovered and downloaded the document signed "Liu Xiaobo" entitled "Liu Xiaobo The Dictatorial Patriotism of the Chinese Communist Party". The document resided on a website with the domain name epochtimes.com. The website server is outside the borders of mainland China. The document was marked as having been published on October 4, 2005. That document as of December 23, 2008 links were found to five websites that had either published or republished that document.
2.Between December 19, 2008 and August 3, 2008, Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Officer First Detachment founded and downloaded from the Internet a document signed "Liu Xiaobo" entitled "Liu Xiaobo How Can it be that Only 'Party Guided Democracy' is Suitable for the Chinese People?". That document resided on the websites with the domain names epochtimes.com (The Epoch Times) and www.observechina.net (Observe China). Both website servers are outside the borders of mainland China. The document is marked published on January 5, 2006 and January 6, 2006. This document as of December 23, 2008 had been published or republished on five websites and had a total of 402 hits.
3.Between December 19, 2008 and August 3, 2008, Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Officer First Detachment founded and downloaded from the Internet a document signed "Liu Xiaobo" entitled "Liu Xiaobo Change the Political Regime by Changing Society". That document resided on the websites with the domain names epochtimes.com (The Epoch Times) and www.observechina.net (Observe China). Both website servers are outside the border of mainland China. The document is marked published on February 26, 2006 and February 27, 2006. This document as of December 23, 2008 had been published or republished on five websites and had a total of 748 hits.
4.Between December 19, 2008 and August 3, 2008, Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Officer First Detachment founded and downloaded from the Internet a document signed "Liu Xiaobo" entitled "Liu Xiaobo The Many Faces of the Chinese Communist Dictatorship". That document resided on the websites with the domain names www.secretchina.com (Secret China) and www.observechina.net (Observe China). Both website servers are outside the border of mainland China. The document is marked published on March 13, 2006. This document as of December 23, 2008 had been published or republished on six websites and had a total of 512 hits.
5.Between December 20, 2008 and August 3, 2008, Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Officer First Detachment founded and downloaded from the Internet a document signed "Liu Xiaobo" entitled "Liu Xiaobo The Negative Effect of the Rise of a Dictatorship on World Democratization". That document resided on a website with the domain name www.secretchina.com (Secret China). The website server is outside the borders of mainland China. The document is marked published on May 7, 2006. This document as of December 23, 2008 had been published or republished on seven websites and had a total of 57 hits.
6.Between December 20, 2008 and August 3, 2008, Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Officer First Detachment founded and downloaded from the Internet a document signed "Liu Xiaobo" entitled "Liu Xiaobo Persisting with a Deeper Inquiry into the Case of the Child Slaves of the Black Kilns". That document resided on websites with the domain names www.minzhuzhongguo.org (Democratic China) and www.renyurenquan.org (Human Rights in China). Both website servers are outside the border of mainland China. The document is marked published on August 1, 2007. This document as of December 23, 2008 had been published or republished on eight websites and had a total of 488 hits.
7.On December 11, 2008, Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Officer First Detachment founded and downloaded from the Internet a document entitled "Charter 08". That document resided on the website with the domain name www.chinesepen.org (The Independent Chinese Pen Center). The website server is outside the borders of mainland China. The document is marked published on December 9, 2008 and is signed by a group of people. The same day, a document entitled "Chinese People From All Walks of Life Join Together to Issue Charter 08" was found and downloaded from the websites with the domain names boxun.com and www.minzhuzhongguo.org (Democratic China). Both of the website servers are located outside the boundaries of China and show publication dates of December 8, 2008 and December 12, 2008. This document as of December 12, 2008 had been published or republished on 33 websites including 19 outside the borders of mainland China and had a total of 5154 hits and 158 replies. On December 9, 2008, it was found that the website with the domain name www.2008xianzhang.info (Charter 08) had as of December 9, 2009 the signatures of 10,390 people who had signed "Charter 08".
8.The Beijing Municipality Public Security Public Information Network Security and Supervision Office investigated Liu Xiaobo's e-mails and as a result of that examination found that Liu Xiaobo's email mailbox is located outside the borders of mainland China. After using a password to get into that mailbox to check it, it was found that the earliest email sent from that mail box was dated November 25, 2008 and that 30 of the sent emails included "Charter 08".
15. Liu Xiaobo's signature in acknowledgement proves: that Liu Xiaobo confirmed the authenticity of documents downloaded and saved by the Public Security network monitoring and control departments "Liu Xiaobo The Dictatorial Patriotism of the Chinese Communist Party", "Liu Xiaobo How Can it be that Only Party Democracy is Suitable for the Chinese People?", "Liu Xiaobo Change the Political Regime by Changing Society", "Liu Xiaobo The Many Faces of the Chinese Communist Dictatorship", "Liu Xiaobo The Negative Effect of the Rise of a Dictatorship on World Democratization", "Liu Xiaobo Enquiring Further into the Case of the Child Slaves of the Black Kilns". Liu Xiaobo acknowledges that the documents in question were written by him and then published on the Internet. The evidence presented about demonstrate that those documents acknowledged by Liu Xiaobo contain inciting speech.
16. The defendant Liu Xiaobo's deposition proves: that Liu Xiaobo deposes that he used his computer to write and then publish on the Internet the documents described above. Liu Xiaobo and the evidence presented above are mutually confirmatory.
17. The account that the Public Security organs provided on the progress of the case proves: that Public Security on the evening of December 8, 2008 went to Liu Xiaobo's residence at No. 7 Xiancun, Bank of China dormitory Building 10, Unit 1, No. 502 in the Haidian District of Beijing Municipality in order to arrest Liu Xiaobo.
18. The previous "criminal verdict document" issued by the Beijing Municipality Intermediate Court (1990) Criminal Case 2373, the Beijing Municipality People's Government Re-education Through Labor Management Committee (96) Beijing Labor Case No. 3400 "Decision on Re-education Through Labor", proves: that Liu Xiaobo on January 26, 1991 although he committed the crime of making counter-revolutionary inciting propaganda was not given a criminal punishment; and that on September 26, 1996 because he had disturbed social order, his case was handled by giving him three years of re-education through labor.
19. Identification provided by the Public Security organs prove: that the name, residence and other information of the defendant Liu Xiaobo.
This court believes that the defendant Liu Xiaobo with the purpose of incitement to overthrow our country's people's democratic dictatorship system and socialist system, used the Internet to distribute his document because of its rapid speed, great scope, large social influence and the attention to which the people pay to it. He wrote the documents and used the Internet to publish it in order to slander and urge other people to overthrow our country's people's democratic dictatorship system and socialist system. This conduct already constitutes the crime of incitement to overthrow state power. Moreover, he has been committing this crime for a long while and the subjective evil caused is great. The published documents have been spread through links and republishing. People read them and they have a bad effect. This is the crime of a major criminal and should be severely punished according to law.
The Beijing Municipality First Intermediate Court First Branch believes that the facts are clear and the evidence has been confirmed that the defendant Liu Xiaobo committed the crime of incitement to overthrow and so he is found guilty of the crime for which he has been charged. As for the views presented by Liu Xiaobo and his defense counsel in court, the court found through its examination that the facts and evidence are sufficiently prove that Liu Xiaobo made use the characteristics of the Internet as a communications medium, by publishing slanderous documents on the Internet, to carry out his action of inciting the overthrow of our country's people's democratic dictatorship system and the socialist system. The actions of Liu Xiaobo are beyond the scope of freedom of speech and constitute a crime. Therefore, the pleas presented by Liu Xiaobo and his defense counsel cannot be established and this court does not accept them. According to the facts and nature of the crime committed by the defendant Liu Xiaobo, the circumstances, and the harm that has been done to society, this court according to Chapter 105, Section two; Chapter 55, Section one; Chapter 56, Section one, and Chapter 64 of the Criminal Code of the PRC, makes the following verdict:
1.The defendant Liu Xiaobo, for the crime of incitement to overthrow state power, is sentenced to prison for eleven years and deprivation of political rights for two years. (The sentence is to be served from the day of sentencing, with deduction for time in confinement on a day for day basis, that is from June 23, 2006 to June 21, 2020.)
2.All the materials that Liu Xiaobo used to commit the crime are to be confiscated (list follows).
3.If the defendant does not accept this judgment, an appeal can be made between two days and ten days after the issuance of this verdict, either through this court or directly to the Beijing Municipality Superior Court. The appeal should be accompanied by an original of this verdict together with two copies.
Jia Lianchun, Chief Judge
Bang Jiaowei, Assistant judge
Zhai Changxi, Assistant judge
December 25, 2009
Gu Xin, Court Clerk
The items confiscated when taken into custody are to be forfeited:
1.Notebook computer (IBM model T43), one
2.Notebook computer (Lianxiang model Chaoyang 700 CFe), one
3.Desktop computer (Lianxiang model Jiayue), one
4."Charter 08 request for comments draft (sealed together with the court papers), 7 pages+
freemorenews.com/2009/12/26/liu-xiaobo-first-instance-ver...
北京市第一中级人民法院刑事判决书
（2009）一中刑初字第3901号
公诉机关北京市人民检察院第一分院。
被告人刘晓波，男，53岁（1955年12月28日出生），汉族，出生土吉林省长春市，博士研究生文化，无业，户籍所在地辽寧省大连市西岗区青春街 5号2-1-2号，暂住北京市海淀区七贤村中国银行宿舍10号楼1单元502号。1991年1月因犯反革命宣传煽动罪被免予刑事处分；1996年9月因扰 乱社会秩序被处劳动教养三年。因涉嫌犯煽动颠覆国家政权罪于2008年12月8日被拘传，12月9日被监视居住，2009年6月23日被逮捕。现羈押在北 京市第一看守所。
辩护人丁锡奎，北京莫少平律师事务所律师。
辩护人尚宝军，北京莫少平律师事务所律师。
北京市人民检察院第一分院以京一分检刑诉（2009）247号起诉书指控被告人刘晓波犯煽动颠覆国家政权罪，于2009年12月10日向本院提起公 诉。本院依法组成合议庭，公开开庭进行了审理，北京市人民检察院第一分院指派检察员张荣革、代理检察员潘雪楮出庭支持公诉，被告人刘晓波及其辩护人丁锡 奎、尚宝军到庭参加诉讼。现已审理终结。
北京市人民检察院第一分院起诉书指控，被告人刘晓波出于对我国人民民主专政的国家政权和社会主义制度的不满，自2005年以来，通过互联网先后在 “观察”、“BBC中文网”等境外网站上发表《中共的独裁爱国主义》、《难道中国人只配接受“党主民主”》、《通过改变社会来改变政权》、《多面的中共独 裁》、《独裁崛起对世界民主化的负面效应》、《对黑窑童奴案的继续追问》等煽动性文章。在文章中造谣、诽谤︰“自从中共掌权以来，中共歷代独裁者最在乎的 是手中的权力，而最不在乎的就是人的生命”；“中共独裁政权提倡的官方爱国主义，是‘以党代国’体制的谬论，爱国的实质是要求人民爱独裁政权、爱独裁党、 爱独裁者，是盗用爱国主义之名而行祸国殃民之实”；“中共的这一切手段，都是独裁者维持最后统治的权宜之计，根本无法长久地支撑这座已经出现无数裂痕的独 裁大厦”。并煽动︰ “通过改变社会来改变政权”；“自由中国的出现，与其寄希望于统治者的‘新政’，远不如寄希望于民间‘新力量’的不断扩张”。
2008年9月至12月间，被告人刘晓波还伙同他人起草、炮制了《零八宪章》，提出“取消一党垄断执政特权”、“在民主宪政的架构下建立中华联邦共 和国”等多项主张，试图煽动颠覆现政权。刘晓波在征集三百余人签名后，将《零八宪章》及签名用电子邮件发给境外网站，在“民主中国”、“独立中文笔会”等 境外网站上公开发表。
被告人刘晓波作案后被查获归案。
北京市人民检察院第一分院向本院向本院移送了指控被告人刘晓波犯罪的证人证言，现场勘验、检查笔录，电子数据司法鉴定意见书等证据。认為被告人刘晓波的行為触犯了《中华人民共和国刑法》第一百零五条第二款之规定，已构成煽动颠覆国家政权罪，罪行重大。提请本院依法判处。
被告人刘晓波在法庭审理中辩称︰自己无罪，自己只是行使宪法赋予公民言论自由的权利，自己所发表的批评性言论，并未给他人带来实际损害，也没有煽动颠覆国家政权。
被告人刘晓波的辩护人在法庭审理中提出的辩护意见是︰公诉机关指控刘晓波撰写的六篇文章及《零八宪章》没有造谣、诽谤、诬蔑的内容。刘晓波所发表的文章属于公民言论自由、表达个人观点的范畴，不构成煽动颠覆国家政权罪。
经审理查明，被告人刘晓波出于对我国人民民主专政的国家政权和社会主义制度的不满，于2005年10月至2007年8月间，在其暂住处北京市海淀区 七贤村中国银行宿舍10号楼1单元502号，以撰写并在互联网“观察”、“BBC中文网”等网站发表文章的方式，多次煽动他人颠覆我国国家政权和社会主义 制度。刘晓波在发表的《中共的独裁爱国主义》、《难道中国人只配接受“党主民主”》、《通过改变社会来改变政权》、《多面的中共独裁》、《独裁崛起对世界 民主化的负面效应》、《对黑窑童奴案的继续追问》文章中诽谤︰“自从中共掌权以来，中共歷代独裁者最在乎的是手中的权力，而最不在乎的就是人的生命”； “中共独裁政权提倡的官方爱国主义，是‘以党代国’体制的谬论，爱国的实质是要求人民爱独裁政权、爱独裁党、爱独裁者，是盗用爱国主义之名而行祸国殃民之 实”；“中共的这一切手段，都是独裁者维持最后统治的权宜之计，根本无法长久地支撑这座已经出现无数裂痕的独裁大厦”。并煽动︰“通过改变社会来改变政 权”；“自由中国的出现，与其寄希望于统治者的‘新政’，远不如寄希望于民间‘新力量’的不断扩张”。
2008年9月至12月间，刘晓波又伙同他人撰写了题為《零八宪章》的文章，提出“取消一党垄断执政特权”、“在民主宪政的架构下建立中华联邦共和 国”等多项煽动性主张。刘晓波伙同他人在征集三百余人对文章的签名后，将《零八宪章》及签名用电子邮件发给境外网站，在“民主中国”、“独立中文笔会”等 境外网站上公开发布。刘晓波在互联网站发布的上述文章，被多家网站链接、转载并被多人瀏览。
被告人刘晓波作案后被查获归案。
上述事实，有下列经庭审举证、质证的证据在案证实，本院予以确认。
1、证人刘霞的证言证明︰她是刘晓波的妻子，与刘晓波共同居住在北京市海淀区七贤村中国银行宿舍10号楼1单元502号，家中一共有三台电脑，其中 一个台式机，两个笔记本电脑。因為她根本不懂电脑。刘晓波使用电脑主要是写文章和上网，家里只有她和刘晓波两个人单独住，没有其他人，平时家里也不怎幺来 客人，刘晓波有聚会也基本都是到外面去。家里的电脑以什幺形式上网她不清楚，是2001年底刘晓波联系安装的。她和刘晓波平日的生活来源就是刘晓波写东西 的稿费，刘晓波在银行以她的名字开户，稿费不定期的匯到帐户里，她每月不定期的去银行取钱。
2、中国银行股份有限公司北京市分行和木樨地支行出具的《开户证明》和《银行匯款单据》证明︰刘晓波的妻子刘霞的银行账户接收和支取过境外匯款（外币）。
3、中国联合网络通信有限公司北京市分公司出具的《关于协助对相关数据进行调查的復函》证明︰刘晓波使用的ABSL账号，有上网记录。
4、证人张祖樺的证言证明︰他与刘晓波于2008年年底共同制作完成了《零八宪章》，他也征集了签名，后刘晓波将《零八宪章》发表在境外网站。
5、证人何永勤的证言证明︰2008年12月初，他收到刘晓波发的《零八宪章》的电子邮件，刘晓波让他看后签名，他看后以电子邮件形式回復刘晓波，表示同意签名。
6、证人赵世英的证言证明︰2008年10月份，刘晓波通过网络向他传送了宪章，并征求他的修改意见，让他寻找别人签名，他在一次聚会上拿出宪章给聚会的十多人传看，有四人表示愿签名。刘晓波还通过网络让他到广州征集签名，他到广州征集了五人签名。
7、证人姚博的证言证明︰2008年10月份，刘晓波在一次与他见面时，跟他说了宪章的事，他同意在宪章后签名。
8、证人周舵的证言证明︰2008年11月份的一天，刘晓波到他家给他看了《零八宪章》的文稿，让他帮助修改。刘晓波走后他看了文稿，但没修改。当时没谈签名的事，可后来在网上看到宪章时有他的签名。
9、证人范春三的证言证明︰2008年11月底，他和刘晓波等人一起吃饭时，刘晓波拿出《零八宪章》给他看了，刘晓波问他是否签名，他同意签名。他知道刘晓波在境外的“博讯”、“独立中文笔会”等网站上发表文章，也在网上看到过，刘晓波写的文章内容都是时政评论类的。
10、证人徐君亮、智效民、滕彪的证言证明︰2008年11月至12月间，他们的电子邮箱先后接收到电子邮件《零八宪章》，不知是谁发给他们的，他们分别签名后将《零八宪章》发回了原邮箱。
11、证人王仲夏的证人证言证明︰2008年12月份，他在网上看到了《零八宪章》，他认同文章内容签了名。后他印制了一些《零八宪章》的文化衫，想自己穿和送给别人穿，宣传《零八宪章》。
12、公安机关出具的《搜查笔录》及物证照片证明︰2008年12月8日，公安机关在见证人的见证下，对刘晓波的居住地北京市海淀区七贤村中国银行 宿舍10号楼1单元502号进行了搜查，发现并扣压了刘晓波撰写并发送文章到互联网上的工具二台笔记本电脑、一台台式电脑和一份《零八宪章》（征求意见 稿）的打印件。
13、北京市网络行业协会电子数据司法鉴定中心出具的《司法鉴定意见书》证明︰2008年12月13日对搜查起获的刘晓波的三台电脑内存储的数据进 行了电子数据司法鉴定，鉴定中发现、提取到电子文本《中共的独裁爱国主义》、《难道中国人只配接受“党主民主”》、《通过改变社会来改变政权》、《多面的 中共独裁》、《独裁崛起对世界民主化的负面效应》、《对黑窑童奴案的继续追问》和《零八宪章》。
在电脑中的SKYPE聊天软件记录信息中，发现、提取该软件自2008年11月至12月8日间多次发送《零八宪章》及其“征求意见文本”的记录。
14、公安机关出具的现场勘验、检查笔录及工作说明证明︰
（1）2008年12月19日至2008年12月23日，北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处一大队，在互联网上发现并下载了暑名“刘晓波”的文章 《刘晓波︰中共的独裁爱国主义》，该文章存在于域名為epochtimes.com（大纪元）的网站，该网站服务器位于境外。文章显示发布时间為2005 年10月4日。该文章截止至2008年12月23日，在互联网上存在登载或转载该文章的网页链接共计5个。
（2）2008年12月19日至2009年8月3日，北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处一大队，在互联网上发现并下载了暑名“刘晓波”的文章《刘晓波︰难道中国人只配接受“党主民主”》， 该文章存在于域名為epochtimes.com（大纪元）和域名為http://www.obseruechina.net/（观察）的网站，网站服务器均位于境外，文章显示发布时间為2006年1月5日和2006年1月6日。该文章截止至2008年12月23日，在互联网上共存在登载或转载该文章的网页链接共计5个，总点击率402次。
（3）、2008年12月20日至2009年8月3日，北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处一大队，在互联网上发现并下载了暑名“刘晓波”的文章《刘晓波︰通过改变社会来改变政权》， 该文章存在于域名為epochtimes.com（大纪元）和域名為http://www.obseruechina.net/（观察）的网站，网站服务器均位于境外，文章显示发布时间為2006年2月26日和2006年2月27日。该文章截止至2008年12月23日，在互联网上存在登载或转载文章的网页链接共计5个，总点击率748次。
（4）2008年12月20日至2009年8月3日，北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处一大队，在互联网上发现并下载了暑名“刘晓波”的文章《刘晓波︰多面的中共独裁》， 该文章存在于域名為http://www.secretchina.com/（看中国）和域名為http://www.obseruechina.net/（观察）的网站，网站服务器均位于境外，文章显示发布时间為2006年3月13日。该文章截止至2008年12月23日，在互联网上存在登载或转载文章的网页链接共计6个，总点击率512次。
（5）2008年12月20日至2009年8月3日，北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处一大队，在互联网上发现并下载了暑名“刘晓波”的文章《刘晓波︰独裁崛起对世界民主化的负面效应》， 该文章存在于域名為http://www.secretchina.com/（看中国）的网站，网站服务器位于境外，文章显示发布时间為2006年5月7日。该文章截止至2008年12月23日，在互联网上存在登载或转载该文章的网页链接共计7个，总点击率57次。
（6）2008年12月20日至2009年8月3日，北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处一大队，在互联网上发现并下载了暑名“刘晓波”的文章《刘晓波︰对黑窑童奴案的继续追问》， 该文章存在于域名為http://www.minzhuzhongguo.org/（民主中国）和域名為http://www.renyurenquan.org/（人与人权）的网站，网站服务器均位于境外，文章显示发布时间為2007年8月1日。该文章截止至2008年12月23日，在互联网上存在登载或转载文章的网页链接共计8个，总点击率488次。
（7）2008年12月11日北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处一大队，在互联网上发现并下载了标题為《零八宪章》的文章， 该文章存在于域名為http://www.chinesepen.org/（独立中文笔会）的网站，该网站服务器位于境外，显示网络发布时间為2008年12月9日，作者署名為公民群体。同日在域名為boxun.com（博讯）和域名為http://www.minzhuzhongguo.org/（民 主中国）的网站，发现并下载了标题為《中国各界人士联合发布》，网站服务器均位于境外，文章显示发布时间為2008年12月8日 和2008年12月9日。上述文章截止至2008年12月12日，在互联网上存在登载或转载该文章的网页链接共计33个，其中境外网站19篇，总点击率 5154次，回復158篇。2009年12月9日，在域名為http://www.2008xianzhang.info/（零八宪章）的互联网站发现该网站首页显示截止至2009年12月9日，《零八宪章》签名共计10390人。
（8）、2009年8月14日北京市公安局公共信息网络安全监察处对刘晓波使用的电子邮件进行了核查，经查，刘晓波使用的邮箱属境外，通过密码登录邮箱中核实，邮箱发件箱中最早发件时间為2008-11-25，发送的邮件中有30封涉及发送《零八宪章》。
15、刘晓波签字确认的文章证明︰刘晓波对公安机关网络监管部门下载、保存的文章《刘晓波︰中共的独裁爱国主义》、《刘晓波︰难道中国人只配接受 “党主民主”》、《 刘晓波︰通过改变社会来改变政权》、《刘晓波︰多面的中共独裁》、《刘晓波︰独裁崛起对世界民主化的负面效应》、《刘晓波︰对黑窑童奴案的继续追问》、 《零八宪章》及从其电脑中提取的电子文本《中共的独裁爱国主义》、《难道中国人只配接受“党主民主”》、《通过改变社会来改变政权》、《多面的中共独 裁》、《独裁崛起对世界民主化的负面效应》、《对黑窑童奴案的继续追问》进行了辨认，刘晓波确认辨论的文章是其撰写并发布到互联网上的文章。刘晓波辨论并 签字确认的文章，有上述事实认定的煽动性言论。
16、被告人刘晓波的供诉证明︰刘晓波供认其使用电脑撰写上述文章并发布在互联网站上，刘晓波的供述与上述证据可相互印证。
17、公安机关出具的到案经过证明︰北京市公安局于2008年12月8日晚，到刘晓波的住处北京市海淀区七贤村中国银行宿舍10号楼1单元502号将刘晓波抓获。
18、原北京市中级人民法院（1990）中刑字第2373号《刑事判决书》、北京市人民政府劳动教养管理委员会（96）京劳省字第3400号《劳动 教养决定书》证明︰刘晓波于1991年1月26日因犯反革命宣传煽动罪被免予刑事处分；1996年9月26日因扰乱社会秩序被处劳动教养三年。
19、公安机关出具的身份证明材料证明了被告人刘晓波的姓名、住址等身份情况。
本院认為，被告人刘晓波以推翻我国人民民主专政的国家政权和社会主义制度為目的，利用互联网传递信息快、传播范围广、社会影响大、公眾关注度高的特 点，采用撰写并在互联网上发布文章的方式，诽谤并煽动他人推翻我国国家政权和社会主义制度，其行為已构成煽动颠覆国家政权罪，且犯罪时间长，主观恶性大， 发布的文章被广為链接、转载、瀏览，影响恶劣，属罪行重大的犯罪分子，依法应予从严惩处。北京市人民检察院第一分院指控被告人刘晓波犯煽动颠覆国家政权罪 的事实清楚、证据确实、充分，指控罪名成立。对于被告人刘晓波在法庭审理中提出的辩解及其辩护人发表的辩护意见，经查，本案庭审查明的事实和证据，已充分 证明刘晓波利用互联网的传媒特点，以在互联网上发表诽谤性文章的方式，实施煽动颠覆我国国家政权和社会制度的行為，刘晓波的行為显已超出言论自由的范畴， 构成犯罪。故刘晓波的上述辩护及其辩护人发表的辩护意见均不能成立，本院不予采纳。根据被告人刘晓波犯罪的事实、性质、情节和对于社会的危害程度，本院依 照《中华人民共和国刑法》第一百零五条第二款、第五十五条第一款、第五十六条第一款、第六十四条之规定，判决如下︰
一、 被告人刘晓波犯煽动颠覆国家政权罪，判处有期徒刑十一年，剥夺政治权利二年。
（刑期从判决执行之日起计算，判决执行以前先行羈押的，羈押一日折抵刑期一日，即自2009年6月23日起至2020年6月21日止。）
二、 随案移送的刘晓波犯罪所用物品予以没收（请担负后）。
如不服本判决，可在接到本判决书的第二日起十日内，通过本院或直接向北京市高级人民法院提出上述。书面上述的应提交上述状正本一份，副本二份。
审判长贾连春代理审判员郑文伟翟长璽
二零零九年十二月二十五日
书记员顾昕
扣押物品处理清单
先烈物品予以没收︰
1、 笔记本电脑（IBM牌T43型）1台
2、 笔记本电脑（联想牌朝阳700Cfe）1台
3、 台式电脑（联想牌家悦型）1台
《零八宪章》征求意见稿（随案卷封存）7页
german/ english/ spanish:
Widerstand im Herzen des europäischen Krisenregimes 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 ###
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013###
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.###
Erneut rufen wir* zu europäischen Tagen des Protestes in Frankfurt am Main gegen das Krisenregime der Europäischen Union auf. Am 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 wollen wir den Widerstand gegen die Verarmungspolitik von Regierung und Troika – der EZB, der EU-Kommission und des IWF – in eines der Zentren des europäischen Krisenregimes tragen: an den Sitz der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) und vieler deutscher Banken und Konzerne – den Profiteuren dieser Politik.
Die Verarmungs- und Privatisierungsprogramme, die schon vor Jahrzehnten den Ländern des Globalen Südens aufgezwungen wurden, sind jetzt in Europa angekommen. Die deutsche Agenda 2010 war nur ein Modellprojekt für das, was in noch dramatischerem Umfang jetzt insbesondere in Südeuropa durchgesetzt wird. Diese Verelendung wird sich – auch hier – noch weiter verschärfen, wenn wir uns nicht wehren: der weitere Abbau sozialer und demokratischer Rechte. Damit soll die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Renditeerwartungen der großen Vermögen erhalten bleiben und durch die Verbilligung und Prekarisierung von Lohnarbeit die „ökonomische Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ Deutschlands und (Kern-)Europas auf dem kapitalistischen Weltmarkt gesteigert werden.
Gemeinsam mit den Menschen im Süden Europas sagen wir: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ (Wir schulden nichts, wir zahlen nichts!) und wehren uns dagegen, dass die Sanierung des Kapitalismus in Europa auf dem Rücken der Lohnabhängigen, der Erwerbslosen, der Rentner_innen, der Migrant_innen und der Jugendlichen ausgetragen wird. Wir verweigern uns der Komplizenschaft mit der deutschen Krisenpolitik, die nicht nur katastrophale Folgen für die Lebensverhältnisse der Menschen im Süden Europas hat, sondern auch hierzulande die soziale Spaltung immer weiter vorantreibt. Deswegen kämpfen wir auch gegen die hier bereits erfolgten und in noch größerem Ausmaß drohenden Verschlechterungen von Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen, die zudem geschlechtsspezifisch ungleich verteilt sind und somit die Geschlechterungerechtigkeit verschärfen. Zu uns gehören Initiativen gegen steigende Mieten, kommunale Verarmung und Schikanen am Jobcenter, gegen Abschiebungen, Lager und Residenzpflicht.
Immer wieder wird versucht, uns zu spalten, z.B. mit dem Hinweis, ‚es wäre genug für die Griechen gezahlt‘. Keine Griechin, kein Grieche ist gerettet, vielmehr sind Banken und Konzernen ihre Rendite gesichert worden. Wir widersetzen uns dem Versuch, mit solchen nationalistischen Parolen Beschäftigte, Erwerbslose und Prekäre in Deutschland und Griechenland, in Italien, Portugal und Frankreich oder anderen Ländern gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Insbesondere bekämpfen wir alle (neo)faschistischen Tendenzen, Aufmärsche und Veranstaltungen. Wir wehren uns auch gegen jedwede reaktionäre oder rassistische Kriseninterpretation – gleich ob von „Unten oder Oben“ – gleich ob in antisemitischer, antimuslimischer oder antiziganistischer Form.
Wir sind Teil der internationalen Bewegungen, die sich seit Jahren gegen die Angriffe auf unser Leben und unsere Zukunft wehren, für soziale Rechte und Alternativen kämpfen, neue Formen von demokratischer Organisierung und solidarischer Ökonomie entwickeln. Wir widersetzen uns der autoritären Durchsetzung der Spar- und Reformpakete, die in eklatantem Widerspruch zu demokratischen Prinzipien steht, und treten für die Demokratisierung aller Lebensbereiche ein. Wir widersetzen uns der Durchsetzung wirtschaftlicher Interessen mit Krieg und Rüstungsexport. Wir widersetzen uns dem kapitalistischen Wirtschaftsmodell, das auf globaler Ausbeutung basiert, notwendig Armut und soziale Ungleichheit produziert und die Natur systematisch zerstört.
Wir tragen unseren Protest, unseren zivilen Ungehorsam und Widerstand an den Sitz der Profiteure des europäischen Krisenregimes nach Frankfurt am Main. Von polizeilicher und juristischer Repression, die Bewegungen an vielen Orten weltweit und auch uns trifft, lassen wir uns nicht einschüchtern, sondern begegnen ihr mit grenzüberschreitender Solidarität.
Setzen wir unsere Solidarität gegen die Politik der Spardiktate! Machen wir deutlich: Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass die Krise weiter auf den Rücken von abhängig Beschäftigten, Erwerbslosen, Rentner_innen, Prekären, Studierenden, Flüchtlingen und vielen anderen abgeladen wird, weder anderswo, noch hier. Die Frankfurter Protesttage schließen damit an die weltweiten Proteste des vergangenen Jahres, die Proteste im Frühling in Brüssel und anderswo sowie an die Bewegungen für einen Alter Summit in Athen an.
Wir werden gegen die Politik von Bundesregierung und der ganz großen 4-Parteien-Koalition, gegen die Politik von EZB, EU-Kommission und IWF demonstrieren.Wir werden die EZB blockieren.Wir werden die öffentlichen Plätze in der Wirtschafts- und Finanzmetropole Frankfurt okkupieren – wir sind BLOCKUPY!
* Blockupy ist ein bundesweites Bündnis, in dem zahlreiche Gruppen, Organisationen und einzelne AktivistInnen mitarbeiten. Wir sind in unterschiedlichen sozialen und politischen Gruppen oder Strömungen aktiv. Bisher beteiligen sich Attac-AktivistInnen, Gewerkschaften, antirassistische Netzwerke, Parteien wie Die Linke, Occupy-AktivistInnen, Erwerbsloseninitiativen, studentische Gruppen, Nord-Süd-, Friedens- und Umweltinitiativen, die Linksjugend [‘solid], die Grüne Jugend sowie linksradikale Zusammenschlüsse wie die Interventionistische Linke und das Ums-Ganze-Bündnis. ↩
Mehr Informationen auf der HP: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
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Call for Action: Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013
Again we* call for European days of protest in Frankfurt on the Main against the crisis regime of the European Union. On May 31 and June 1, 2013, we want to carry the resistance against the policies of impoverishment of government and Troika- EZB, EU-Comission and IMF-into one of the centers of the European crisis regime: to the domicile of the European Central Bank (ECB) and of many German banks and corporations- the profiteers of these policies.
The programs of impoverishment and privatizations, which already decades ago have been imposed on the countries of the Global South, now have arrived in Europe. The German Agenda 2010 was just an archetype for what now in even more dramatic extent is enforced especially in Southern Europe. This pauperization will aggravate further – also here- if we do not defend ourseleves: the ongoing cutback of social and democratic rights. Thereby the capacity to pay for the expectations on yeald return of large fortunes are to be sustained, the „economic competitiveness“ of Germany and (Central)Europe in the capitalist world market is to be enhanced through the price-reduction and precarization of waged labor.
Together with people in Southern Europe we say: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ and resist the restructuring of capitalism in Europe on the backs of empoyees and unemployed, retirees, migrants and youth. We defy the complicity with the German crisis policies, which not ony have catastrophic consequences for people in Southern Europe, but also in this country even further deepen the social divide. Therefore we also fight against the deterioration of living and working conditions, already implemented here and imminent to an even larger extent. Its effects are also gender-specifically unequally distributed and thus aggravate gender injustice. Initiatives against rising rents, municipal impoverishment and harrasment of unemployed persons, against deportations, isolation camps and mandatory residence are part of us.
Consistently it is tried to divide us, e.g. by saying that „enough has been paid for the Greek“. No Greek person has been saved, in fact the yeald return of banks and corporations has been assured. We defy the intent to incite employees, unemployed and precarious in Germany and Greece, in Italy, Portugal, France or other countries against each other with such nationalist slogans. Especially we fight against all (neo)fascist tendencies, marches and events. We also oppose any form of reactionary or racist crisis interpreation- no matter if from „below or above“, no matter if anti-Semitic, antiMuslim or antiziganistic.
We are part of the international movements who for years have been resisting the attacks on our life and our future, fight for social rights and alternatives, develop new forms of organization and solidarian economy. We oppose the authoritarian imposition of packages of austerity and reforms, which are in blatant contraditction to democratic principles, and stand up for the democratization of all aspects of life. We defy the assertion of economic interests through war and exports of weapons. We defy the capitalist economic model which is based on global exploitation, necessarily produces poverty and social injustice and systematically destroys nature.
We carry our protest, our civil disobedience and resistance to the domicile of the profiteers of the European crisis regime to Frankfurt on the Main. We will not let ourselves be intimidated by police and judicial repression which globally affects movements on many places including ourselves, but react with border-crossing solidarity.
Let´s show our solidarity against the politics of austerity dictates! Let us make clear: We will not permit that the crsis is continuously loaded on the backs of wage earners, unemployed, retirees, precarious, students, refugees and many others, neither here nor anywhere else. The Frankfurt days of protest thereby join last year´s global protests, the protests in spring in Brussels and other places and the movements for an Alter Summit in Athens.
We will demonstrate against the policies of the federal governemnt and the really grand 4-party-coalition, against the policies of ECB, EU-Comission and IMF. We will block the ECB. We will occupy public squares in the economic and financial metropolis Frankfurt – we are Blockupy!
*Blockupy is a federal coalition in which numerous groups, organizations and individual activists collaborate. We are active in different social and political collectives or currents. So far take part: Attac-activists, unions, antiracist networks, parties like Die Linke, Occupy-activists, unemployed initiatives, student groups, North-South, peace and environmental initiatives, the leftyouth [‘solid], the green youth, as well as radical left associations like Interventionist Left and Ums-Ganze-Alliance.↩
informations: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
#####
Convocatoria: ¡Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.
Otra vey nosotrxs* hacemos un llamado para jornadas europeas de protesta en contra del régimen de crisis de la Unión Europea en Fráncfort del Meno. El 31 de Mayo y el 1 de junio queremos llevar la resistencia contra las políticas de emprobrecimiento del gobierno y de la Troika – BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI- a uno de los centros del régimen europeo de la crisis: A la sede del Banco Central Europea (BCE) y de muchos bancos y consorcios alemanes- los beneficiarios de esta política.
Los programas de empobrecimiento y de privatizationes, que ya hace décadas han sido impuestos a los paises del Sur Global, ahora han llegado a Europa. La Agenda 2010 alemana sólo era un proyecto piloto por lo que ahora se impone de alcanze aún mas dramático especialmente en el Sur de Europa. Esa depauperización se agudizará aún más – también aquí- si no nos defendemos: la reducción contínua de derechos sociales y democráticos. Así se pretende mantener la capacidad de pago para las expectativas de rédito de las grandes fortunas y de aumentar la „competitividad económica“ de Alemania y (del Centro de) Europa en el mercado mundial capitalista a través del abaratamiento y de la precarización del trabajo asalariado.
Juntxs con las personas en el Sur de Europa decimos: „¡No debemos, no pagamos!“ y resistimos la subsanación del capitalismo europeo a costa de salariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, migrantes y jóvenes. Denegamos la complicidad con la política alemana de la crisis, que no solamente tiene consequencias nefastas para las condiciones de vida de la gente en el Sur de Europa, sino que también en este país aumenta cada vez más la division social. Por eso también luchamos contra el deterioro de condiciones de vida y de trabajo ya implementado aquí y amagante de extensión aún más masiva. Sus resultados además son redistribuidos desigualmente de forma género específica, agravando todavía más la injusticia de género. Parte de nosotrxs son iniciativas en contra del aumento de alquileres, del empobrecimiento municipal y acoso a desempleadxs, en contra de deportaciones, campos de aislamiento y residencia obligatoria.
Una y otra vez se intenta dividirnos, por ejemplo diciendo que se „ha pagado suficiente para los griegos“. Ningunx griegx ha sido salvado, al contrario el rédito de bancos y corporaciones ha sido asegurado. Nos oponemos al intento de incitar asalariadxs, desempleadxs y precarixs en Alemania y Grecia, Italia, Portugal, Francia y otros paises lxs unxs en contra de lxs ortxs con consignas nacionalistas de este tipo. Especialmente luchamos en contra de todas las tendencias, marchas y eventos (neo)fascistas. Nos oponemos también a cualquier intrerpretación reaccionaria o racista de la crisis- no importa si desde „abajo o arriba“- no importa si de forma antisemita, antimusulmán o antiziganista.
Somos parte de los movimientos internacionales, que desde años están resistiendo los ataques a nuestra vida y nuestro futuro, que luchan por derechos sociales y alternativas, desarrollan nuevas formas de organización democrática y de economía solidaria. Nos oponemos a la imposición de paquetes de austeridad y de reformas, que están en contradicción masiva con principios democráticos, y reividicamos la democratización de todos los aspectos de la vida. Resistimos contra la imposición de intereses económicos a través de la guerra y de la exportación de armas. Nos oponemos al modelo económico capitalista, que se basa en explotación global, necesariamente produce pobreza y desigualdad social y sistematicamente destruye la naturaleza. Llevamos nuestra protesta, nuestra desobedencia civil y nuestra resistencia a la sede de los benificiarios del régimen europeo de la crisis a Fráncfort del Meno. No nos dejamos intimidar por la represión policial y judicial, que gol
pea los moviminetos en muchos lugares del mundo incluyendo a nosotrxs, sino que la contestamos con solidaridad transfronteriza.
¡Pongamos nuestra solidaridad contra la política de los dictados de austeridad! Dejémos claro: No permitiremos que la crisis siga cargada en las espaldas de asalariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, estudiantes, refugiadxs, y otrxs, ni aquí ni en otros lugares. Las jornadas de protesta en Fráncfort continuan las protestas mundiales del año pasado, las protestas en la primavera en Bruxellas y otros lugares como los movimientos para un Alter Summit en Atenas.
Nos manifestaremos en contra de la coalición muy grande de cuatro partidos, contra las políticas de BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI. Bloquearemos el BCE. Ocuparemos las plazas públicas de la metrópolis económico-financiera Fráncfort- ¡Somos Blockupy!
* Blockupy es una coalición a nivel federal, en la cual cooperan numerosos colectivos, organizaciones y activistas individuales. Participamos activamente en diferentes grupos o corrientes sociales y políticos. Hasta ahora toman parte activistas de Attac, sindicatos, redes antiracistas, partidos como Die Linke, activistas de Occupy, iniciativas de desempleadxs, colectivos estudiantiles, iniciativas Norte-Sur, por la paz y el medio ambiente, la juventud de izquierda [‘solid], la juventud verde, así como federaciones de la izquierda radical como la Izquierda Intervencionista y la Alianza Ums Ganze..
Saturday 1 December 2012 was inauguration day for the newly elected President of United Mexican States (MEXICO). While a friend and I were walking near where the inauguration was taking place, a small riot broke out around us; my friend being smarter than me immediately returned to the hotel while I stayed to take pictures. A lot of young people showed up with bandanas covering much of their face. Here one of the protesters is taking a crack at an ATM machine; banks and foreign businesses were a target of the protesters. The protesters were upset by the election of Pena Nieto, and believed election fraud had taken place. Several of the “rioters” identified themselves as belonging to Yo Soy 132.
Yo Soy 132 is an ongoing Mexican protest movement centered around the democratization of the country and its media. It began as opposition to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) candidate Enrique Peña Nieto and the Mexican media's allegedly biased coverage of the 2012 general election. The name Yo Soy 132, Spanish for "I Am 132", originated in an expression of solidarity with the protest's initiators.
Masan is an administrative region of Changwon, a city in the South Gyeongsang Province. It was formerly an independent city from 1949 until in 30 June 2010 it was absorbed to Changwon along with Jinhae. Masan was redistricted as two districts within Changwon, Masanhappo-gu and Masanhoewon-gu. In 31 December 2012, the population of the districts combined was 406,893.
Throughout Korean history, Masan served as a significant port city of Happo, which went through rapid modernization in the 19th century. It was also a stage for significant democratization movements in the 1960s and 1970s, most notable event being the Bu-Ma Democratic Protests in 1979. Due to its status as a free trade port, Masan has experienced consistent growth until early 1990s when the construction of Changwon went underway and began to attract citizens around the region.
HISTORY
September 1283 – After Korean officials encouraged Kublai Khan – head of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty – in 1267 that Japan would be easily subdued,[citation needed] the Koryo Korean state built over 300 large ships to aid an invasion of Japan. With over 20,000 Mongol troops as well as 5,000 Korean, the allied armies departed Masan on board 900 ships on 15 September 1283 in a failed campaign to conquer Japan.
1 June 1901 – The port of Masan was opened with pressure from Japan. Among the initial trading goods were salt, fish, cotton and other goods.
15 December 1962 – A protest against electoral corruption was spearheaded by the Democratic Party in Masan. Approximately 1000 residents attended the demonstration, which took place at 19:30 in front of the Democratic Party Headquarters in Masan. The protest sparked violent clashes between demonstrators and police officers in which several students were killed. To restore order, authorities blacked out Masan and General Carter B. Magruder eventually dispatched US Marines to quell the unrest.
13 December 1962 – The body of Kim Ju-yul was discovered in Masan Harbor. Kim – still dressed in his uniform from Masan Commercial High School – had disappeared in the March 15 clashes. Authorities claimed that he had drowned, but many Masan residents did not believe this explanation and forced their way into the hospital where Kim's body was stored. At the hospital, they discovered that grenade fragments behind his eyes had actually killed him. In the following days, mass demonstrations broke out involving as many as 40,000 residents throughout the characteristically politically left-leaning city. During renewed clashes with police, police opened fire and killed several protesters. Once again, the US military was called in to help restore order. At this point, public anger with the government had grown to new highs and rebellion against the Rhee government mushroomed around the country. Authorities 8 declared martial law.
Thus, the events in Masan in 1962 helped spark the movement against corruption known as the April 19 Movement, which eventually led to the resignation of President Syngman Rhee and the beginning of the Second Republic.
December 1979 – Protests broke out in Masan (as well as in Busan) against the regime of President Park Chung-hee following a brutal police crackdown on a sit-in strike of female textile workers from YH Trading Company. Workers in Masan's Free-export Zone even managed to create four labour unions
EDUCATION
Masan has three institutions of higher education: public vocational focused, which is located on the northwestern outskirts of the city in Yongdam-ri, and the private Kyungnam University (경남대학교), which is located in the southern part of Masan adjacent to Shin Masan. And the small private Christian Chang Shin College, in the northeastern part of the city.
ENTERTAINMENT AND SPORTS
The original central business district of Masan is located in Chang-dong. But recently it has moved to Hapseong-dong. Hapseong-dong is also a commercial neighborhood. An area with many bars, restaurants, and other forms of entertainment is located in Sinmasan.
Masan's baseball stadium is the home of the KBO League's NC Dinos. It previously occasionally hosted the Lotte Giants, a Korea Baseball Organization team which plays in nearby Busan. A professional women's baseball team, one of several in South Korea, plays in Sinpo-dong. An amusement park and zoo are on the tiny island of Dot-do
Masan is also very close to Geojedo, a large island that can be reached by bus, car, or ferry.
FOOD
Masan is generally known for its fishing industry and is the origin of spicy Agujjim, a steamed dish made with agwi (아귀, blackmouth angler). Until the 1940s, the fish was not eaten and was frequently discarded due to its ugly appearance and low commercial value. However, as fish began to become more scarce in the late 20th century, the newly found delicacy became popular. Since its creation, agujjim has been considered a local specialty of Masan, especially around Odong-dong, one of the neighborhoods there and is favored by the public nationwide.
TRANSPORTATION
Machang Bridge is the first large-scale bridge to be built in South Korea as a public-private partnership. The sponsors of the project, Bouygues Travaux Publics and Hyundai Engineering & Construction, had been pursuing the Project since the late 1991s. MCB Co., Ltd, the Concessionaire, is jointly owned by the sponsors and MKIF.
MASAN PORT
The port was once operated by the Mongolians (Yuan Dynasty in China) and used in the preparations to conquer Japan - which eventually failed. To this day, Masan features the small but historic "Mongojeong" (몽고정,蒙古井) meaning Mongol Well. It is located on Jasan-dong 117, and represents the Mongolian influence on the city.
Today, Masan Port is one of the city's most dominating features. It was first opened in 1901. The port connects much of the outside world with the Changwon Industrial Complex, Masan's Free Trade Zone and the future Sachun Industrial Complex.
TOURIST SPOTS
JEODOYEONNEUKGYO BRIDGE
(Jeodo Island Land Connecting Bridge)
Jeodoyeonneukgyo Bridge is a popular spot to watch the beautiful sunrise and sunset. Built in 1990, the bridge connecting Gubok-ri and Jeodo Island is 182m in length and 15.5m in height. Rocks found on both ends of the bridge extend outward toward the sea, and one can cross the bridge while enjoying the beautiful backdrop of the deep blue sea.
JASAN SOLBAT PARK
This park is located in the heart of Masan, with a waterwheel along a 95m-long small stream, a pine trail created with red clay, an outdoor fitness area with gym equipment, a playground for children in the forest, an outdoor performance stage, and a gateball court.
GAGOPA KkOBURANG-GIL
This is a mural village where people can take a walk along a winding alley, and enjoy a view of a mountain village and the Masan Port. 32 artists painted the murals without pay as part of the efforts to invigorate the communities in Chusan-dong and Seongho-dong.
WIKIPEDIA
GUM (Russian: ГУМ, pronounced [gum], an abbreviation of Russian: Главный универсальный магазин, romanized: Glavnyy universalnyy magazin, lit. 'Main Universal Store') is the main department store in many cities of the former Soviet Union, known as State Department Store (Russian: Государственный универсальный магазин, romanized: Gosudarstvennyy universalnyy magazin) during the Soviet era (until 1991). Similarly named stores operated in some Soviet republics and in post-Soviet states.
The most famous GUM is the large store facing Red Square in the Kitai-gorod area – itself traditionally a mall of Moscow. Originally, and today again, the building functions as a shopping mall. During most of the Soviet period it was essentially a department store as there was one vendor: the Soviet State. Before the 1920s the location was known as the Upper Trading Rows (Russian: Верхние торговые ряды, romanized: Verkhniye Torgovyye Ryady).
As of 2021, GUM carries over 100 different brands,[1] and has cafes and restaurants inside the mall.
Moscow GUM
Design and structure
With the façade extending for 242 m (794 ft) along the eastern side of Red Square, the Upper Trading Rows were built between 1890 and 1893 by Alexander Pomerantsev (responsible for architecture) and Vladimir Shukhov (responsible for engineering). The trapezoidal building features a combination of elements of Russian medieval architecture and a steel framework and glass roof, a similar style to the great 19th-century railway stations of London. William Craft Brumfield described the GUM building as "a tribute both to Shukhov's design and to the technical proficiency of Russian architecture toward the end of the 19th century".
The glass-roofed design made the building unique at the time of construction. The roof, the diameter of which is 14 m (46 ft), looks light, but it is a firm construction made of more than 50,000 metal pods (about 743 t (819 short tons)), capable of supporting snowfall accumulation. Illumination is provided by huge arched skylights of iron and glass, each weighing some 740 t (820 short tons) and containing in excess of 20,000 panes of glass. The facade is divided into several horizontal tiers, lined with red Finnish granite, Tarusa marble, and limestone. Each arcade is on three levels, linked by walkways of reinforced concrete.
History
Catherine II of Russia commissioned Giacomo Quarenghi, a Neoclassical architect from Italy, to design a huge trade area along the east side of Red Square. However, that building was lost to the 1812 Fire of Moscow and replaced by trading rows designed by Joseph Bove. In turn, the current structure opened in 1894, replacing Bove's.
By the time of the Russian Revolution of 1917, the building contained some 1,200 stores. After the Revolution, GUM was nationalized. During the NEP period (1921–28), however, GUM as a State Department Store operated as a model retail enterprise for consumers throughout Russia regardless of class, gender, and ethnicity. GUM's stores were used to further Bolshevik goals of rebuilding private enterprise along socialist lines and "democratizing consumption for workers and peasants nationwide". In the end, GUM's efforts to build communism through consumerism were unsuccessful and arguably "only succeeded in alienating consumers from state stores and instituting a culture of complaint and entitlement".
GUM continued to be used as a department store until Joseph Stalin converted it into office space in 1928 for the committee in charge of his first Five Year Plan.[4] After the suicide of Stalin's wife Nadezhda in 1932, the GUM was used briefly to display her body.
After reopening as a department store in 1953, GUM became one of the few stores in the Soviet Union that did not have shortages of consumer goods, and the queues of shoppers were long, often extending entirely across Red Square.
Several times during the 1960s and 1970s, the Second Secretary of the Communist Party Mikhail Suslov, who hated having a department store facing Lenin's Mausoleum, tried to convert GUM into an exhibition hall and museum showcasing the achievements of the Soviet Union and Communism, without the knowledge of General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev. Each time, however, Brezhnev was tipped off and put a stop to such plans.
At the end of the Soviet era, GUM was partially, then fully, privatized, and it had a number of owners before it ended up being owned by the supermarket company Perekrestok. In May 2005, a 50.25% interest was sold to Bosco di Ciliegi, a Russian luxury goods distributor and boutique operator. As a private shopping mall, it was renamed in such a fashion that it could maintain its old acronym. The first word Gosudarstvennyi ("state") has been replaced with Glavnyi ("main"), so that GUM is now an abbreviation for "Main Universal Store".
Are you braced to change your views?
To pile up all your beliefs?
'Cause we're gonna take you all
Thru a shortcut
But we're not thieves
I said it's a short cut
Even it's not really short
Cause it burns most of how
We act, think and also fuck
Westernization
Democratization
Values they taught
Unnoticed obligation
Slaves of these deceits,
Too deeply internalized.
Listen to us, young guys!
Go protect your minds
GO!!!
We're gonna party YEAH!!!
No one can tell us NO!!!
Cause now we're gonna
TOUR ALL OVER THE WORLD!!!
We leave the message all over the world
We worked for generations
Sacrificing other's freedom
Killing each other
To gain something we lose
Every time we die.
Don't you feel that it's wrong?
The life's conception we were taught
Cannot keep us quiet anymore
Na na na na na na na na
IT CANNOT KEEP US QUIET ANYMORE!!!
Na na na na na na na na
The bastards want us to believe
War is the way to feel free
No other ways to live in peace
Fuck 'em all!
They cannot keep us quiet anymore!
Westernization
Democratization
Values they taught
Unnoticed obligation
They say ''you should stop to go around, speak to unknown people
believing in something which does not get you rich and good looking''
I Tour
Hope you too
♫♪♫ SunEatsHours
Sumiantara’s Paintings: Portable Art World
There are a lot of distracted faces present together; each is fenced by framelike border. That is the depiction in the paintings of Agus Sumiantara—or known as Kacrut. The images of faces are distracted thanks to the refraction effect from the glass block. Almost all of the face images present by Kacrut are behind the glass block. In other words, there is always glass block wall between the spectators and the presented images. Kacrut is also recognized as an artist who intens¬¬ely working on glass block as subject matter. However, there is something different between the glass block and images showcased in this exhibition. Kacrut was prior to portray opaque character, not quite transparent, and blurring the objects behind. In this exhibition, Kacrut’s paintings present more translucent glass block so that the images behind are quite clear. Those are the images of adults’ faces, mostly Caucasian or Westerns. Kacrut is indeed changing his painting approach. Developing his paintings from computer software in his last solo exhibition, Kacrut uses more photos in this one. He works on realist paintings from self-made photos with the objects of glass block stacks and the artist’s portrait behind. He chooses transparent glass block with distracted face images because the refraction resulted are very different compare to the previous paintings, and closer to abstract paintings.
It is safe to say that Kacrut’s paintings in this exhibition are more enriched with layers of meanings and representation. For those who are familiar with history, figures of modern and Western contemporary fine arts, it is not difficult to recognize the faces. Some of the most prominent ones are Picasso, Salvador Dali, Jackson Pollock, Basquiat and Frida Kahlo. What is the real meaning behind the distracted faces of Western artists that Kacrut tried to represent? Displaying well-known Western artists, Kacrut has at least trying to question the matters around existence, hegemony, and the effect of Western fine arts towards Indonesian modern and contemporary fine arts. The matter of how Western contemporary fine arts affect the global one is a latent problem. Even in the context of contemporary fine arts, Western’s hegemony and impacts are still lingering, not to say greater. It is easy for artists living in remotest part of the art world such as Indonesia to access books and journals of fine arts, thanks to the advanced technology to reproduce printing media and digital transmission from video and Internet. It is also eases the access to the development of both discourse and practices of most contemporary Western fine arts. It arises interesting situation. Such information access that is effortless and open are welcomed by various motives and interests. For few members of Indonesian artists, it is viewed as a method to understand more about the discourse, theory, and paradigm of most contemporary Western fine arts. As for some others, they would merely accessing visual representation of the latest printed and digital reproductions. For me, Kacrut’s artworks have given the opportunity to contemplate and to review the bargaining position of Indonesian’s contemporary fine arts in the eyes of the world.
Like it or not, what is called by global and international fine arts mainly consists of Western pieces. Kacrut is aware about this matter. As an artist who finished his education in Fine Arts University, the history and theory of Western fine arts are not unfamiliar. Yet, there is wide gap between the syllabus of Indonesian curriculum in fine arts campus and the most recent development of global discourse and theory. Most of Indonesian artists who graduated from Fine Arts University feel as a part of world’s fine arts. It is caused by their value parameter that commonly based on theory, history, and discourse of Western fine arts. The matter is also based on the belief towards universalism of modern fine arts that could be applied beyond any borders of any countries. Ironic, because when the principles of formalism modernity have been long neglected by Western fine arts universities, non-Western countries are adopting such principles into the most important part of the curriculum in their campuses.
For artists in Indonesia who graduated from university, the problem lies on the time they go out to the practice world of Indonesian fine arts—in which existence and infrastructure are very much different and left behind the ones of more advanced countries. On the other hands, the representation of global contemporary fine arts has been justified by inter-disciplinary theories that are difficult and complex. To this extent, even the artists who have graduated from university are, so to say, having minimum experience in relation with the history, theory, and the discourse of Western fine arts that have become a role of global fine arts. As for me, Kacrut’s artworks have precisely represent such matters. We are brought into the feeling of acknowledgment towards the “face” of Western fine arts on one side, while on the other side, there is this uneasy feeling if such recognition and acknowledgment are “distracted” because of language barrier, distance, and culture gap that resulted in limited understanding and incompleteness. There is a wall, though transparent yet massive, that separates us with global contemporary fine arts, as frankly shown in Kacrut’s paintings.
Kacrut chooses not to appropriate famous Western artworks. He prefers to work on the faces of such artists. Depiction of the artists remind us of the opinion of Gombrich, an England art-historian in the opening of his book, The Story of Art, “THERE REALLY IS no such thing as Art. There are only artists. In the beginning, an artist has become acknowledged because of his or her works. Yet, when fame achieved, it is the works that finally gain the aura of such artist. What Gombrich explains emphasizes the mater that the history of modern Western contemporary fine arts is the history of some artists whose artworks are considered to contribute in thoughts, discourse, and the theory of modern Western fine arts. Finally, what really matters is the artist’s idea. Artworks could never exist without the existence of the artist. The history of Western fine arts is an agreed construction and generally takes as the “truth” about the importance of some Western artists, especially Caucasian, male, from the middle class.
It is known that the paradigm of modern fine arts has later on deconstructed by post-modern fine arts. Therefore, the contemporary fine art is freed from the determination of modern fine arts. However, the existence of modern fine arts will not disappear easily. Contemporary fine arts is somewhat “continuing” the modern Western fine arts. The construction of history and modern fine arts theory are needed as the anti-theses of contemporary fine arts. As a result, the faces presented specifically by Kacrut are the ones of modern and contemporary artists of the Western. In the context of global discourse and history, the field of Indonesian contemporary fine arts is somewhat become an outsider. We have become an external player. Hans Belting shows the picture about global fine arts as Western construction for Western world,
“World art has been physically collected in the West for along time and thus seemed to have become the possession of Western culture—while the native culture seemed to lack any appropriate discourse.”
Therefore, for Kacrut, the choice of appropriating artists’ faces is a correct one, because Western artists’ faces are less acknowledged than their works. Except whose faces are frequently present in printed media, it could be said that most faces in Kacrut’s paintings are unknown. We do not recognize the faces not because of its distraction but because we simply do not know them. The faces distraction from unrecognized faces resulted in glass block refraction has become a tautology linked to “unknownness.”
Kacrut’s artwork is the criticism and negotiation of an artist within, in the field of Indonesian fine arts, and in the world of global fine arts. Such distraction in those maestros’ faces could be an artist’s depiction about the distraction of history, theory, and the discourse of Western fine arts in Indonesia. Global fine arts discourse has frequently become a dilemmatic matter for Indonesian contemporary artists. Should they pay more attention towards the discourse and paradigm of global fine arts led by the West? Or, is it possible not to pay attention to global discourse and development in fine arts? However, the matter that disturbs Kacrut more is that contemporary fine art is not an important part of modern Indonesia culture. That is why Kacrut prefers to turn his head to Western artists—even tough there is a massive wall in between.
The practice of contemporary fine arts have become an important part that could not be unattached from fine arts history in Western culture since Renaissance. To them, contemporary fine arts is the son of Western culture. Art museums and major exhibitions (biennale and triennial) have become a significant part in the practice and discourse of fine arts world in the West. Public appreciation could be sensed thickly. It plays an important role to grow an artist’s confidence in the society. Society acceptance and the needs of contemporary fine arts in Western countries have become a cultural memory empowered through the construct in the history of fine arts,
“The image of art history to which I refer is precisely this ‘cultural archive,’ in which the events that have taken place in art, arranged according to their importance, form elements of that very construct we used to call the history of art.”
It is admitted that art museum serves as the pillar of modern fine arts, and the museum serves also as spiritual temples of Western culture. Inside, kept, guarded, and exhibited, the artworks considered as important in the history of fine arts. In Western countries and in most of advanced countries, art museums are established constantly. They believe that museums are the generators of the culture. Great exhibitions in the museum have obliquely disseminating artists’ aura and works to the public. Non-Western countries that considered themselves as civilized, or want to prove their civilization, are following the Westerns and busy in building art museums. It could be viewed in some Asian countries whose economics are strong such as Japan, Korea, China, and Singapore. They are also busy in making art museums. In this relation, Kacrut is scrutinizing the journey of Indonesian fine arts outside the history of global fine arts. Besides, the demanding matter that needs to be addressed is the absence of society’s cultural memory about the history and the journey of Indonesian’s modern and contemporary fine arts. This situation has brought us to the doubt around the role of Indonesian contemporary fine arts in Indonesian contemporary culture.
The depiction of world’s artists figures in Kacrut’s artworks have also refreshing the minds around what Andre Malraux called as Imaginary Museum (musee imaginaire), or, more popular term, museum without the wall. Although the term is not exactly correct, museum without the wall is an accurate metaphor for Indonesian fine arts, where access towards global arts is mainly through image reproduction of prominent artists. Rosalind E. Krauss explains the concept of Andre Malraux about reproduction as follows,
“In the second wave they are, through their transplantation to the site of reproduction (through art books, postcards, posters), unmoored from their original scale, every work whether tiny or colossal now to be magically equalized through the democratizing effects of camera and press.”
It is known that Indonesia hardly has art museum—the ones that are sufficient, qualifying, and having continuous programs. Yet, modern and contemporary fine arts could still blooming and developing. Though, of course, Indonesian artists know more about modern Western fine arts, the artists, and their works, most of art practitioners could never see directly such iconic masterpieces of modern and contemporary Western fine arts. It has to be admitted that most of the members of Indonesian fine arts see such art pieces through reproductions, by looking at them in photo illustrations in the books about Western fine arts. We understand, recognize, and “access” Western fine arts without coming and seeing those iconic masterpieces directly, without seeing them in an exhibition. Through reproduction from such books, we have visited what Andre Malraux called as museum without walls.
Kacrut’s artworks are no longer talking about the matters of meanings and contents, yet, they speak about the medium itself: realist paintings, especially photo-realist. Through his paintings, Kacrut seems to find a way to return the aura of artists’ images that he represents. It is undoubted that such images are gained from books and Internet. An irony to present them in paintings, those faces have gained more attention and placed as meaningful subject matter. Those distracted faces that make uneasy or discomfort feeling have become appealing display when moved into canvas. It is stunning to see the illusive quality that could show the glass character, be it thickness or the cracks; the melting and dots of paints; and the impression of natural distraction in Kacrut’s paintings. They have somewhat returned the “aura” of the painted figures, that once “lost” because they have become the images that dispersed through photo reproduction on printed products and Internet world. Kacrut seems to seek a way to turn Walter Benyamin’s dogma upside down, about the lost of art aura thanks to the technology in reproduction. In other words, through his paintings, Kacrut have returned the “faces’” aura of such prominent artists. Even in the era of plural contemporary fine arts nowadays, when everything is acceptable, paintings has become one of the mediums with the rights to perform. It is true that paintings have more value. Isn’t that during the journey of Western fine arts the aura tic position of paintings have become unparalleled since the Renaissance? It is proved that the disseminated reproduction of an artwork on printed products or digital transmission added more auratic impression towards the original artwork.
Isn't that during the journey of western fine arts the position of paintings and how it radiates its influence is unparalleled since renaissance era?
It is proved that the dispersed reproduction of an artwork over printed products or digital transmission is somewhat radiating the influence of the original masterpiece.
To emphasize the distraction effect because of glass block refraction, Kacrut also paints a standalone artist’s face. He, too, eliminates the edges of glass block, so that the distracted face of the artist filled the canvas. Needs more than refraction effect of the glass block, Kacrut also pour, splash, and cover the glass block surface with thin paint. This enriches visual effect. Those faces looked “disturbed”, yet, on the other side, they don’t seemed mind about it. It could be meant as the representation of awareness and concern of an artist towards Western fine arts. However, on the other hand, “they” don’t seemed to pay attention to us. Perhaps, that is why Kacrut needs to crack the glass surface like one of the paintings that present Robert Rouschemberg and Francis Bacon in which the names are also the title of the paintings. Kacrut seems to show his “displease” towards the hegemony of Western artist. Yet, his “attack” could reach the glass surface only, impervious to the images behind. Kacrut shows that it is difficult to “attack” and interact with them. They seem invisible, yet could be seen and greeted.
In the end, Kacrut’s artworks remind us about the ease to access contemporary fine arts. When discourse and fine arts theory are needed, overwhelming information are provided from books and Internet connection. Global fine arts world have become a portable area. Contemporary fine arts books are somewhat a packed depiction of global fine arts. Those books and digital transmission, in relation with contemporary fine arts, are museum without walls, the one that is portable and easy to “carry”. We could be “mistaken” in understanding a discourse, or “misinterpret” the artworks discussed in the books. But that does not matter anymore: couldn’t we just create our own thoughts and meaning? Through his paintings, isn’t Kacrut trying to show that even the “incorrect” and distracted faces have the power of ideas and aesthetics in their own unique ways?
Curator: Asmudjo Jono Irianto
Portable Art World
08 Aug, 2009 - 22 Aug, 2009
Sumiantara’s Paintings: Portable Art World
PULUHAN wajah terpiuh tampil bersama, masing-masing dibatasi semacam frame. Itulah gambaran yang tampak dalam lukisan Agus Sumiantara, atau biasa disapa Kacrut. Citraan wajah-wajah tersebut terpiuh karena efek refraksi dari glass block. Hampir seluruh citraan wajah yang ditampilkan oleh Kacrut berada di belakang glass block. Dengan kata lain selalu ada dinding glass block antara pemirsa dengan citraan wajah yang ditampilkan. Kacrut memang dikenal sebagai seniman yang intens menggarap subject-matter glass block.
Namun ada yang berbeda dari glass block dan citraan yang ditampilkan Kacrut dalam pameran ini. Jika sebelumnya glass block Kacrut tampil dengan dengan karaktek opaque, tidak cukup transparan, sehingga tidak jelas gambaran objek di belakangnya, dalam pameran ini lukisan-lukisan Kacrut menampilkan glass block yang lebih transparan, sehingga cukup jelas citraan yang ada di baliknya, yaitu wajah-wajah orang dewasa, sebagian besar orang Barat. Kacrut memang mengubah pendekatan melukisnya. Jika dalam pameran tunggal yang lalu ia mengembangkan citraan yang akan dilukis dengan menggunakan perangkat lunak komputer, dalam pameran ini ia lebih banyak menggunakan bantuan foto. Karya-karya kacrut merupakan lukisan realis dari foto-foto yang dibuat sendiri dengan objek berupa susunan glass block dengan citraan wajah seniman di belakangnya. Pilihan glass block block transparan dengan citraan wajah terpiuh karena refraksinya menghasilkan lukisan yang jauh berbeda dari lukisan Kacrut dalam pameran terdahulu yang tampak lebih dekat dengan tampilan lukisan abstrak. Lukisan-lukisan Kacrut dalam pameran ini bisa dikatakan lebih kaya dengan lapisan makna dan representasi. Bagi pihak-pihak yang terbiasa dengan sejarah dan tokoh seni rupa modern dan kontemporer Barat, maka tak sulit untuk mengenali wajah-wajah tersebut. Beberapa yang cukup kentara adalah Picasso, Salvador Dali, Jackson Pollock, Basquiat, dan Frida Kahlo.
Apa sesungguhnya makna yang hendak ditawarkan oleh Kacrut dengan menampilkan wajah-wajah terpiuh para seniman penting dari dunia seni rupa Barat? Dengan menampilkan wajah-wajah para seniman Barat tersohor dan mendunia, setidaknya ia telah mulai dengan mempersoalkan perkara eksistensi, hegemoni, dan pengaruh seni rupa Barat pada seni rupa modern dan kontemporer Indonesia. Pengaruh seni rupa modern Barat pada dunia seni rupa global merupakan perkara laten. Dalam konteks seni rupa kontemporer pun pengaruh dan hegemoni Barat tak juga lekang, bahkan mungkin lebih besar. Saat ini melalui saluran reproduksi cetak (buku dan jurnal seni rupa) dan transmisi digital (video dan internet) dengan sangat mudah perkembangan seni rupa paling mutahir di Barat —baik praksis maupun wacana— diakses oleh para seniman dari wilayah pinggiran, seperti Indonesia. Hal ini menampilkan situasi menarik. Akses informasi yang sangat mudah dan terbuka disambut oleh beragam motif dan minat. Untuk sebagian kecil para anggota medan seni rupa Indonesia akses informasi ini merupakan jalan untuk memahami lebih mendalam wacana, teori, dan paradigma seni rupa Barat mutakhir. Sebagian lain, mungkin sekadar mengakses tampilan visual reproduksi cetak dan digital karya-karya mutakhir. Bagi saya, lukisan-lukisan Kacrut memberikan kesempatan pada kita untuk merenung dan melihat kembali posisi tawar seni rupa kontemporer Indonesia di panggung dunia.
Suka atau tidak yang disebut seni rupa global dan internasional terutama tak lain dan tak bukan adalah seni rupa Barat. Agaknya Kacrut menyadari hal tersebut. Sebagai seniman lulusan perguruan tinggi seni rupa, maka perkara sejarah dan teori seni rupa Barat agaknya tak asing bagi Kacrut. Namun tentu saja, ada jarak lebar antara apa yang menjadi silabus kurikulum seni rupa di perguruan tinggi seni rupa Indonesia dengan perkembangan wacana dan tori seni rupa global yang paling mutakhir. Kebanyakan para seniman Indonesia lulusan perguruan tinggi seni rupa merasa menjadi bagian dari seni rupa dunia. Hal ini disebabkan parameter nilai seni rupa mereka umumnya didasari oleh teori, sejarah, dan wacana seni rupa Barat. Hal itu juga didasari oleh kepercayaan pada prinsip universalisme seni rupa modern yang bisa diterapkan melampaui batasan negara. Ironisnya, pada saat prinsip-prinsip modernisme formalis telah lama dicampakkan oleh perguruan tinggi seni rupa Barat, justru kadang di negara-negara non-Barat prinsip-prinsip tersebut masih menjadi bagian penting kurikulum pendidikan tinggi seni rupa.
Persoalannya, untuk seniman lulusan perguruan tinggi seni rupa di Indonesia, pada saat mereka keluar ke dunia praksis yang dihadapi adalah medan seni rupa Indonesia—yang keberadaan dan infrastrukturnya sangat berbeda dan jauh tertinggal dibandingkan dari infrastruktur seni rupa negara-negara maju. Di sisi lain, seni rupa kontemporer global kehadirannya disertai dan dijustifikasi oleh bangun teori-teori interdisiplin yang kompleks dan sulit.
Dalam kaitan ini, bahkan para lulusan perguruan tinggi seni rupa di Indonesia pun bisa dikatakan minim pemahamannya berkenaan dengan sejarah, teori dan wacana seni rupa Barat, yang menjadi role model seni rupa global. Bagi saya karya-karya Kacrut secara telak merepresentasikan persoalan tersebut. Di satu sisi kita merasa mengenali “wajah” seni rupa Barat, namun di sisi lain jangan-jangan pengenalan tersebut adalah pengenalan atau pengetahuan yang “terpiuh” karena kendala bahasa dan jarak budaya sehingga kerap hanya dipahami secara seadanya dan tidak lengkap. Ada dinding, kendati transparan namun masif yang memisahkan kita dengan seni rupa kontemporer global, sebagaimana ditunjukkan secara gamblang dalam lukisan Kacrut.
Kacrut memilih tidak mengapropriasi karya-karya seniman Barat yang terkenal. Dia lebih suka mengolah wajah para seniman tersebut. Gambaran wajah seniman ini mengingatkan pada pendapat Gombrich, sejarahwan seni Inggris dalam pembukaan bukunya, The Story of Art, “THERE REALLY IS no such thing as Art. There are only artists. Awalnya seorang seniman menjadi terkenal karena karyanya. Namun pada saat sang seniman telah ternama, maka karya-karyanya yang kemudian mendapatkan aurora dari sang seniman. Apa yang diutarakan oleh Gombrich menegaskan bahwa sejarah seni rupa modern Barat adalah sejarah segelintir seniman, yang karya-karyanya dianggap memberikan kontribusi dalam konstruksi pemikiran, wacana dan teori seni rupa modern Barat. Hal ini menunjukkan pada akhirnya yang penting adalah gagasan senimannya. Karya tidak mungkin ada tanpa keberadaan seniman. Sejarah seni rupa Barat adalah konstruksi yang disepakati dan umumnya bisa diterima sebagai “kebenaran” mengenai pentingnya segelintir seniman Barat, umumnya seniman kulit putih, laki-laki dan dari kelas menengah.
Kita tahu bahwa paradigma seni rupa modern kemudian didekonstruksi oleh seni rupa posmodern. Karena itu, seni rupa kontemporer pun terbebas dari determinasi sejarah seni rupa modern. Namun bagaimana pun keberadaan sejarah seni rupa modern tak lantas lenyap begitu saja. Bagaimana pun seni rupa kontemporer merupakan semacam “lanjutan” dari seni rupa modern Barat. Konstruksi sejarah dan teori seni rupa modern dibutuhkan sebagai antitesa seni rupa kontemporer. Karena itu wajah yang ditampilkan oleh Kacrut terutama adalah wajah para seniman modern dan kontemporer Barat. Dalam konteks konstruksi sejarah dan wacana global ini, medan seni rupa kontemporer Indonesia sepertinya menjadi outsider. Kita menjadi pemain di luar. Gambaran mengenai sejarah seni rupa global sebagai konstruksi Barat untuk dunia Barat ditunjukkan oleh Hans Belting,
“World art has been physically collected in the West for along time and thus seemed to have become the possession of Western culture—while the native culture seemed to lack any appropriate discourse.”
Karena itu, bagi Kacrut pilihan mengapropriasi wajah seniman merupaka pilihan yang tepat. Sebab wajah seniman Barat kurang dikenali dibandingkan karya-karyanya. Kecuali beberapa seniman yang memang wajahnya kerap ditampilkan di media cetak, maka bisa dikatakan sebagian besar wajah dalam lukisan Kacrut tidak kita kenali. Kita tidak mengenalinya, bukan karena keterpiuhannya, namun karena memang kita tak mengenalinya. Keterpiuhan wajah dari wajah yang tidak kita kenali karena refraksi glass block menjadi semacam tautology berkait dengan “ketidaktahuan.”
Karya-karya Kacrut merupakan kritik dan negosiasi sang seniman pada dirinya, medan seni rupa Indonesia maupun medan seni rupa global. Bisa jadi keterpiuhan wajah-wajah seniman besar tersebut merupakan gambaran sang seniman mengenai keterpiuhan pengetahuan sejarah, teori dan wacana seni rupa Barat di Indonesia. Wacana seni rupa global kerap menjadi perkara yang dilematis bagi para seniman kontemporer Indonesia. Haruskah mereka peduli dan mementingkan wacana dan paradigma seni rupa global yang dikomandoi Barat? Atau mungkinkah tak memedulikan wacana dan perkembangan seni rupa global? Namun agaknya perkara yang lebih mengusik Kacrut adalah sepertinya seni rupa kontemporer bukan bagian penting dalam kebudayaan Indonesia modern. Barangkali itu sebabnya Kacrut lebih suka berpaling pada wajah para seniman Barat —kendati harus dipisahkan oleh dinding kaca yang masif.
Praksis seni rupa kontemporer merupakan bagian penting tak terpisahkan dari perjalanan seni rupa dalam kebudayaan Barat sejak masa Renaisans. Bagi mereka seni rupa kontemporer adalah anak kandung dari kebudayaan Barat. Museum seni rupa dan pameran-pameran besar (bienal, trienal) menjadi bagian penting dalam praksis dan wacana pada medan seni rupa di Barat. Apresiasi dan penghargaan publik dapat mereka rasakan dengan kental. Hal ini menjadi bagian penting dalam menumbuhkan konfidensi seniman dalam masyarakat. Penerimaan dan kebutuhan masyarakat di sana pada seni rupa kontemporer menjadi semacam cultural memory yang diperkuat melalui konstruksi sejarah seni rupa,
“The image of art history to which I refer is precisely this ‘cultural archive,’ in which the events that have taken place in art, arranged according to their importance, form elements of that very construct we used to call the history of art.”
Museum seni rupa harus diakui merupakan tonggak seni rupa modern, museum adalah kuil-kuil spiritual kebudayaan Barat, di dalamnya disimpan, dijaga dan dipamerkan karya-karya yang dianggap penting dalam sejarah seni rupa. Di Barat dan negara maju lain museum seni rupa terus dibangun. Di sana museum dipercaya sebagai pembangkit kebudayaan (generators of culture). Pameran-pameran besar di museum secara tidak langsung juga menyebarkan aurora seniman dan karyanya pada publik. Bangsa-bangsa non-Barat yang merasa beradab atau ingin membuktikan keberadabannya mengikuti jejak bangsa Barat sibuk membangun museum seni rupa. Lihat saja, di Asia bangsa-bangsa yang maju dan perekonomiannya kuat seperti Jepang, Korea, China, dan Singapura juga sibuk membangun museum seni rupa. Dalam kaitan ini bisa jadi Kacrut mempersoalkan perjalanan seni rupa Indonesia yang berada di luar sejarah seni rupa global. Selai itu, persoalan yang lebih penting adalah ketiadaan cultural memory masyarakat mengenai sejarah dan perjalanan seni rupa modern dan kontemporer Indonesia. Situasi ini membawa kita pada pada keraguan akan peranan seni rupa kontemporer Indonesia dalam kebudayaan kontemporer Indonesia.
Gambaran wajah para tokoh seniman dunia dalam karya-karya Kacrut juga mengingatkan kita pada apa yang disebut oleh Andre Malraux sebagai Imaginary Museum (musee imaginaire) atau lebih populer disebut sebagai museum without the wall. Kendati tidak tepat benar, namun istilah museum without the wall adalah perumpamaan yang tepat bagi seni rupa di Indonesia, yakni akses terhadap seni rupa global terutama hanya melalui reproduksi citraan karya-karya seniman terkenal. Rosalind E. Krauss menjelaskan konsep Andre Malraux mengenai perkara reproduksi tsb sebagai berikut,
“In the second wave they are, through their transplantation to the site of reproduction (through art books, postcards, posters), unmoored from their original scale, every work whether tiny or colossal now to be magically equalized through the democratizing effects of camera and press.”
Kita tahu bahwa Indonesia hampir-hampir bisa disebut tak memiliki museum seni rupa—yang memadai dan memiliki program yang berkualitas dan berkelanjutan. Toh seni rupa modern dan kontemporer dapat berjalan dan berkembang. Ya tentu saja kebanyakan para seniman tahu sedikit banyak tentang sejarah seni rupa modern Barat, tokoh-tokoh seniman dan karya-karyanya. Kebanyakan dari para pelaku seni tersebut bisa jadi tidak pernah melihat langsung karya-karya ikonik seni rupa modern dan kontemporer Barat. Harus diakui bahwa kebanyakan para anggota medan seni rupa Indonesia melihatnya melalui reproduksi, melalui ilustrasi foto di buku-buku seni rupa Barat. Kita memahami, mengenali dan “mengakses” seni rupa Barat tanpa harus datang langsung melihat karya-karya ikonik, tanpa harus melihatnya dalam sebuah pameran. Melalui reproduksi dari buku-buku tersebut kita mengunjungi apa yang disebut Andre Malraux sebagai Museum without walls.
Tentu saja lukisan-lukisan Kacrut tak hanya bicara perkara makna dan persoalan konten, namun juga perkara medium itu sendiri: seni lukis realis, khususnya foto-realis. Melalui lukisannya Kacrut seperti hendak mengembalikan aurora citraan para seniman yang ditampilkannya. Tak dapat dipungkiri bahwa citraan wajah-wajah tersebut diperoleh Kacrut melalui buku maupun internet. Merupakan suatu ironi bahwa dengan ditampilkan kembali melalui lukisan, wajah-wajah tersebut menjadi lebih diperhatikan, dan ditempatkan sebagai subject matter yang memiliki makna. Wajah-wajah terpiuh yang seharusnya menimbulkan rasa tak nyaman ketika dipandang justru menjadi tampilan yang menarik pada saat dipindahkan pada kanvas. Keterpukauan pemirsa pada kualitas ilusif yang dapat menampilkan karakter gelas, baik ketebalan maupun retakannya; lelehan dan bintik-bintik cat; serta kesan pemiuhan yang alami pada lukisan Kacrut telah mengembalikan “aurora” tokoh-tokoh yang dilukiskannya yang sempat “hilang” karena menjadi citraan yang tersebar melalui reproduksi foto pada barang-barang cetakan dan dunia internet. Sepertinya Kacrut hendak membalik tuah Walter Benyamin tentang hilangnya aurora seni karena teknologi reproduksi. Dengan kata lain, melalui lukisan Kacrut mengembalikan aura “wajah” tokoh-tokoh seniman tersebut. Saat ini, justru pada era seni rupa kontemporer yang pluralis dan apapun boleh, maka seni lukis pun menjadi salah satu medium yang berhak tampil. Tentu saja seni lukis memiliki kelebihan. Bukankah selama perjalanan seni rupa Barat sejak masa Renesans posisi auratik seni lukis tak tertandingi oleh medium lain? Terbukti bahwa penyebaran reproduksi sebuah karya seni pada barang-barang cetakan maupun transmisi digital justru menambahkan kesan auratik pada karya aslinya.
Untuk mempertegas efek terpiuh karena refraksi kaca glass block, Kacrut juga melukiskan wajah tokoh seniman seorang diri. Dia juga menghilangkan bagian pinggir glass block, sehingga wajah tokoh seniman yang terpiuh memenuhi bidang kanvas. Tak merasa cukup dengan efek refraksi dari glass block, Kacrut juga menumpahkan, mencipratkan, malaburi permukaan glass blocknya dengan cat encer. Hal ini memperkaya efek visual. Wajah-wajah tersebut tampak “diganggu”, namun di sisi lain tampaknya mereka tak bereaksi. Hal ini pun bisa dimaknai sebagai representasi kesadaran dan kepedulian kita pada sejarah seni rupa Barat, namun di sisi lain “mereka” seolah tak mengindahkan kita. Barangkali itu pula sebabnya Kacrut merasa perlu untuk meretakkan permukaan kaca, seperti tampak dalam karya yang menampilkan, sekaligus berjudul, “Robert Rouschemberg dan Francis Bacon”. Bisa jadi Kacrut ingin menunjukkan “kejengkelan” pada hegemoni seniman Barat. Namun “serangan” Kacrut selalu hanya sampai pada permukaan kaca, tak tembus pada citraan di belakangnya. Apakah Kacrut hendak menunjukkan bahwa sungguh sulit “menyerang” dan berinteraksi dengan mereka. Sepertinya mereka terlihat, namun tak dapat ditemui dan disapa.
Pada akhirnya, karya-karya Kacrut seperti hendak mengingatkan pada kita betapa mudah saat ini mengakses seni rupa kontemporer. Apabila yang dibutuhkan adalah perkara wacana dan teori seni rupa, maka buku-buku dan saluran internet berlimpah ruah dengan informasi mengenai seni rupa kontemporer. Medan seni rupa global menjadi wilayah yang portable. Buku-buku seni rupa kontemporer sedikit banyak merupakan pemadatan dari gambaran medan seni rupa global. Buku-buku dan transmisi digital berkenaan dengan informasi mengenai seni rupa kontemporer merupakan museum without walls, yang portable dan mudah “dijinjing”. Bisa jadi kita “salah” mengerti wacana atau “salah” memaknai karya-karya yang dibicarakan dalam buku-buku tersebut. Tapi barangkali tak masalah: bukankah kita bisa menciptakan pemikiran dan makna kita sendiri? Bukankah melalui lukisannya Kacrut menunjukkan bahwa wajah-wajah yang “salah” dan terpiuh pun memiliki kekuatan gagasan dan estetiknya sendiri?
Curator: Asmudjo Jono Irianto
Masan is an administrative region of Changwon, a city in the South Gyeongsang Province. It was formerly an independent city from 1949 until in 30 June 2010 it was absorbed to Changwon along with Jinhae. Masan was redistricted as two districts within Changwon, Masanhappo-gu and Masanhoewon-gu. In 31 December 2012, the population of the districts combined was 406,893.
Throughout Korean history, Masan served as a significant port city of Happo, which went through rapid modernization in the 19th century. It was also a stage for significant democratization movements in the 1960s and 1970s, most notable event being the Bu-Ma Democratic Protests in 1979. Due to its status as a free trade port, Masan has experienced consistent growth until early 1990s when the construction of Changwon went underway and began to attract citizens around the region.
HISTORY
September 1283 – After Korean officials encouraged Kublai Khan – head of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty – in 1267 that Japan would be easily subdued,[citation needed] the Koryo Korean state built over 300 large ships to aid an invasion of Japan. With over 20,000 Mongol troops as well as 5,000 Korean, the allied armies departed Masan on board 900 ships on 15 September 1283 in a failed campaign to conquer Japan.
1 June 1901 – The port of Masan was opened with pressure from Japan. Among the initial trading goods were salt, fish, cotton and other goods.
15 December 1962 – A protest against electoral corruption was spearheaded by the Democratic Party in Masan. Approximately 1000 residents attended the demonstration, which took place at 19:30 in front of the Democratic Party Headquarters in Masan. The protest sparked violent clashes between demonstrators and police officers in which several students were killed. To restore order, authorities blacked out Masan and General Carter B. Magruder eventually dispatched US Marines to quell the unrest.
13 December 1962 – The body of Kim Ju-yul was discovered in Masan Harbor. Kim – still dressed in his uniform from Masan Commercial High School – had disappeared in the March 15 clashes. Authorities claimed that he had drowned, but many Masan residents did not believe this explanation and forced their way into the hospital where Kim's body was stored. At the hospital, they discovered that grenade fragments behind his eyes had actually killed him. In the following days, mass demonstrations broke out involving as many as 40,000 residents throughout the characteristically politically left-leaning city. During renewed clashes with police, police opened fire and killed several protesters. Once again, the US military was called in to help restore order. At this point, public anger with the government had grown to new highs and rebellion against the Rhee government mushroomed around the country. Authorities 8 declared martial law.
Thus, the events in Masan in 1962 helped spark the movement against corruption known as the April 19 Movement, which eventually led to the resignation of President Syngman Rhee and the beginning of the Second Republic.
December 1979 – Protests broke out in Masan (as well as in Busan) against the regime of President Park Chung-hee following a brutal police crackdown on a sit-in strike of female textile workers from YH Trading Company. Workers in Masan's Free-export Zone even managed to create four labour unions
EDUCATION
Masan has three institutions of higher education: public vocational focused, which is located on the northwestern outskirts of the city in Yongdam-ri, and the private Kyungnam University (경남대학교), which is located in the southern part of Masan adjacent to Shin Masan. And the small private Christian Chang Shin College, in the northeastern part of the city.
ENTERTAINMENT AND SPORTS
The original central business district of Masan is located in Chang-dong. But recently it has moved to Hapseong-dong. Hapseong-dong is also a commercial neighborhood. An area with many bars, restaurants, and other forms of entertainment is located in Sinmasan.
Masan's baseball stadium is the home of the KBO League's NC Dinos. It previously occasionally hosted the Lotte Giants, a Korea Baseball Organization team which plays in nearby Busan. A professional women's baseball team, one of several in South Korea, plays in Sinpo-dong. An amusement park and zoo are on the tiny island of Dot-do
Masan is also very close to Geojedo, a large island that can be reached by bus, car, or ferry.
FOOD
Masan is generally known for its fishing industry and is the origin of spicy Agujjim, a steamed dish made with agwi (아귀, blackmouth angler). Until the 1940s, the fish was not eaten and was frequently discarded due to its ugly appearance and low commercial value. However, as fish began to become more scarce in the late 20th century, the newly found delicacy became popular. Since its creation, agujjim has been considered a local specialty of Masan, especially around Odong-dong, one of the neighborhoods there and is favored by the public nationwide.
TRANSPORTATION
Machang Bridge is the first large-scale bridge to be built in South Korea as a public-private partnership. The sponsors of the project, Bouygues Travaux Publics and Hyundai Engineering & Construction, had been pursuing the Project since the late 1991s. MCB Co., Ltd, the Concessionaire, is jointly owned by the sponsors and MKIF.
MASAN PORT
The port was once operated by the Mongolians (Yuan Dynasty in China) and used in the preparations to conquer Japan - which eventually failed. To this day, Masan features the small but historic "Mongojeong" (몽고정,蒙古井) meaning Mongol Well. It is located on Jasan-dong 117, and represents the Mongolian influence on the city.
Today, Masan Port is one of the city's most dominating features. It was first opened in 1901. The port connects much of the outside world with the Changwon Industrial Complex, Masan's Free Trade Zone and the future Sachun Industrial Complex.
TOURIST SPOTS
JEODOYEONNEUKGYO BRIDGE
(Jeodo Island Land Connecting Bridge)
Jeodoyeonneukgyo Bridge is a popular spot to watch the beautiful sunrise and sunset. Built in 1990, the bridge connecting Gubok-ri and Jeodo Island is 182m in length and 15.5m in height. Rocks found on both ends of the bridge extend outward toward the sea, and one can cross the bridge while enjoying the beautiful backdrop of the deep blue sea.
JASAN SOLBAT PARK
This park is located in the heart of Masan, with a waterwheel along a 95m-long small stream, a pine trail created with red clay, an outdoor fitness area with gym equipment, a playground for children in the forest, an outdoor performance stage, and a gateball court.
GAGOPA KkOBURANG-GIL
This is a mural village where people can take a walk along a winding alley, and enjoy a view of a mountain village and the Masan Port. 32 artists painted the murals without pay as part of the efforts to invigorate the communities in Chusan-dong and Seongho-dong.
WIKIPEDIA
(more pictures you can see by using the link at the end of page passively!)
Trier - Romans, vines and Karl Marx
Trier was founded by the Romans in 16 BC. Thus, the Rhineland Palatinate town at the river Mosel is the oldest city of Germany. Roman history, thus, one meets in Trier at every turn. The Basilica, the Imperial Baths, the Amphitheater and of course the famous Porta Nigra are relics from that period. But not only because of their architecture, the Roman occupiers made themselves unforgettable. They also operated the cultivation of wine on a high standard and laid in Trier the foundation for its today's importance as a wine capital. Besides Romans and vines, the city but much more has to offer.
A city view of Trier in the early evening. In the foreground, the Roman Porta Nigra. In the sky, dark storm clouds come in.
The Porta Nigra - Trier's landmark from Roman times
From Celtic settlement to Roman metropolis
Trier is located at an altitude of 124 meters and extends to the left and right of the Mosel. The city is surrounded by hills that belong in the north to the Eifel, in the south to the Hunsrück. Already 3000 years before Christ, founded the Neolithic people first settlements on present-day city area. Several centuries before the Romans came, the Treverians settled on the present city area of Trier. This Celtic tribe is also the namesake of the city. When the Romans on their advance during the Gallic Wars subjugated the Celtic tribe and occupied the area, they called the in 16 BC newly founded city in honor of reigning Emperor Augustus "Augusta Treverorum".
Towering ruined remnants of the facade of the Roman Imperial Baths. In the of red bricks built walls round window arches are to be seen. The ancient backdrop is lit by the summer evening sun. Roman luxury life in the Imperial Baths.
The Roman town was developed into metropolis of the province of Gallia Belgica and fortified. The rampart system should protect the Roman city from attack of enemy Germans. That Trier yet then but was far more than just a military camp is evidenced by the many archaeological finds of civil buildings. Trier was a military base, but also mart. Over the Mosel troops and goods were shipped. Above all, it was the wine which the Romans in and around Trier brought wealth.
Trier Cathedral from the front side. In front of the cathedral are city tourists contemplating the building. Right next to the Cathedral is the added Church of Our Lady to see. The Cathedral of Trier with adjoining Church of Our Lady
The end of Roman splendor
To the great importance of Trier also contributed that the city already in Roman times became the center of Christianity and Episcopal see. Although Trier was destroyed by the invasion of the Alemanni for the most part in 275, but it was by the Roman Emperor Constantine - his reign lasted from 306 to 337 - rebuilt. From his era stem many magnificent buildings, which are still partly preserved.
A witness of the Roman luxury life is the huge area of the Imperial Baths. Although from the formerly fashionable bathing temple only stand ruins, but on the basis of surface and underground ruins you can guess how the Roman occupiers were able to have a good time with a sophisticated hot air system. More remnants of Roman architecture are the famous Porta Nigra, the Roman Bridge, which crosses the Moselle, and the huge basilica, which is today used as a Protestant church.
In the years 367-392 AD, Trier with more than 80,000 inhabitants was the largest city north of the Alps and capital of the Western Roman Empire. When the Romans during the Great Migration and the advancing Germans had to withdraw, brought this along, as for many other former Roman cities, for Trier too the decline. The rest of destruction did the invading Franks, Huns and in 882 the Vikings.
An engraving shows the city of Trier in the panorama around 1740. Outstanding of the sea of houses the many church towers are recognisable. In the background you can see the hilly landscape surrounding the city. In the foreground the Mosel flows past Trier. In the front center of the engraving, wine barrel and bishop insignia symbolize important fundamentals of city history. An engraving shows Trier around 1740.
From the Dark Ages to modern times
How much Trier in the early Middle Ages became less important, is especially evident from the fact that the city was then only half as large as in the Roman period. Only gradually under the influence of the ecclesiastical princes who resided here it grew up again into a metropolis. In the reconstruction of Trier Archbishop Henry I in the year 958 relocated the market area from the Roman bridge in front of the so-called cathedral city and thus in his immediate control section. As a visible sign of his power, but also as a symbol of the will to seek again a role as major trading town, the Archbishop on the new marketplace had built a magnificent market cross, which still stands in its place today.
The symbol showed the desired effect: from medieval deterioration, Trier gradually rose again into an important trade and power center. Secular and clerical magnificent buildings emerged. The marketplace now is one of the most beautiful ones in Germany and with its magnificent buildings bears witness to the richness of that time. Another important milestone in the city's history is the year 1473. At that time the University of Trier was founded, at which today approximately 15,000 students are enrolled.
View from the pedestrian zone to the Porta Nigra. On the street play children and stroll pedestrians. On a bench sit people. Pedestrian zone and Porta Nigra
The French are coming
After a long period of economic prosperity, Trier, inter alia, in the wake of the Thirty Years' War (1616-1648) came in the maelstrom of political and military conflicts. Occupation, destruction and oppression were the result. The population and many buildings, including religious structures were affected. During the Revolutionary War, French troops occupied in 1794 again the town at the Mosel. 1801 the citizens of Trier officially French citizenship was imposed. In the course of secularization, churches and monasteries were closed and converted, partially even demolished.
For the strictly Catholic people of Trier bad 20 years were dawning. But as in many other cities the Napoleonic period also entailed the progress. The administration was modernized, the jurisprudence by the Bürgerliche Gesetzbuch, the Civil Code, democratized. Napoleon also prompted to clear off the Porta Nigra of the added church building, whose integral part the old Roman gate in the Middle Ages had become. In this way, the French emperor the people of Trier gave a landmark, which still exists today.
When the French after the wars of liberation in 1814 left Trier, the citizens of the Moselle town, in their view, came from bad to worse. At the Congress of Vienna it was decided to place Trier under Prussian-Protestant administration.
Framed by two more modern homes is the birthplace of Karl Marx. The house is painted white, the roof covered with slate. In the facade a memorial plaque is embedded. Before the house an information board indicates the sight of the city. The house consists of ground floor, first floor and an attic with window dormers. The birthplace of Karl Marx.
Romance, Marx and Capitalism
The end of the Napoleonic and Liberation wars, causing a high death toll and privations, in addition to the desired peace a new attitude to life had in tow: Romanticism. The travelling and wanderlust emerged. As a result of the romantic idea, Trier and the picturesque Mosel region with its many ruins were very popular.
After the romantic wave Trier in the second half of the 19th century experienced the transition into a new era. The industrialization also took possession of the old Mosel town. About the new economic order of capitalism revolted soon a world-famous child of Trier: Karl Marx.
The author, journalist and social philosopher, who with his critical work "The Capital" caused international sensation, saw in 1818 in Trier Bridge road the light of day. A circumstance which to this day attracts streams of visitors from communist countries. Especially for many visitors from China, the native town of Marx Trier has become a veritable Mecca.
A look at beautiful summer weather from castle grounds to the magnificent rococo facade of the Electoral Palace. On your left, adjacent the Basilica from the Roman period. In the foreground, a statue and a flower bed. Castle Park, Electoral Palace and Basilica
Economic boom, with vines and Romans
After the First World War in 1918, the French as part of the victorious powers moved into the Mosel town. Their time of occupation lasted until 1930, but also in another point history should repeat. Had the old Roman city in the past yet often been victim of distructions, big parts of the city in the 20th century again fell in ruins and ashes. Artillery shells and bombs afflicted Trier in the last years of the Second World War. Many people back then died in the rubble.
That many historic buildings have survived the war, however, was not far away from a miracle and probably provided the rapid resurgence of Trier to a major city that today knows how to market its rich history perfectly. Trier with nine monuments stands on the UNESCO World Heritage list and therefore occupies the top position in Germany, though. In addition to the relics from Roman times but also attracts the wine, which is grown in Trier and the surrounding area, many visitors. From the yield of the vines, from tourism and gastronomy, today are living directly and indirectly many of the more than 100,000 inhabitants.
www.planet-wissen.de/natur_technik/fluesse_und_seen/mosel ...
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Created by Libby Levi for opensource.com
Hello World! or: How I Learned to Stop Listening and Love the Noise (2008) stitches more than 5000 video diaries gathered from MySpace, YouTube, and Facebook into a massive, panoramic crowd of individual talking heads. It is simultaneously a critical look at the growing cacophony of participatory media and an optimistic meditation on its democratizing potential.
Each video diary consists of a single speaker candidly addressing an imagined, potentially massive audience from a private space such as a bedroom, kitchen, or dorm room. The individual monologues are mundane–records of daily activities, opinions, feelings, and frustrations–but together they reveal a fascinating patchwork of life lived online.
Artist Christopher Baker, originally trained as a scientist, examines the complex relationship between society and its technologies by recontextualizing captured communications and visualizing large sets of data. He is currently an Assistant Professor in the Art and Technology Studies department at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago.
Thank you for your views and comments; they are very much appreciated.
[This is one of 7 images—the main artwork plus 6 focused on details.] “Shipyard Society” (1916) is one of 5 paintings on this theme, depicting the shipbuilding industry in Maine. This impressive work is in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond, Virginia. The oil on panel painting is vigorous, energetic, and alive with numerous vignettes of spectators and workers at the shipyard, a depiction of the warmth and vitality of the commonplace. Bellows shows a masterful contrast between the ordinary (people) and the extraordinary (the magnitude of the ship being built). There is time for gossip and flirting, of food and dogs and umbrellas. To me there is something essentially American about the painting.
George Wesley Bellows (1882-1925) born in Columbus, Ohio, is an important American realist painter. He studied with and was influenced by Robert Henri at the New York School of Art, who promoted a democratization of subject matter in art—anything “real” was worthy of being painted. He displayed his interest in the working man with many contributions to the socialist magazine The Masses, but he believed artistic freedom was more significant that ideology, a belief that sometimes put him at odds with the editors. He became interested in lithography and worked with Bolton Brown on over 100 prints. Bellows also illustrated books, several by H. H. Wells. His artwork was evolving at the time of his death with more focus on light and domestic matters. His work is on display in numerous art galleries. In 1999 Bill Gates paid over 27 million dollars for a 1910 Bellows painting, “Polo Crowd”. Belolows is best known, probably, for his works showing boxing scenes.
Much of his work is online. A search of George Bellows on Flickr had over 730 returns.
203 paintings, with slideshow capabilities, is at www.georgewesleybellows.org/
221 paintings are found at www.the-athenaeum.org/art/list.php?m=a&s=du&aid=97
69 prints at can be viewed at www.flickr.com/photos/boston_public_library/sets/72157604...
Sources:
(1) Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Bellows
(2) biography plus thorough listing of awards and exhibitions www.sullivangoss.com/george_Bellows/
(3) biography plus 26 art works and quotes from Bellows on his craft
www.artinthepicture.com/artists/George_Bellows/Biography/
(4) assessment of an exhibition at the National Gallery of Art socialistworker.org/2012/08/15/painter-of-working-class-life
(5) slender volume issued in 1931 by Whitney Museum of Modern Art with b&w images and can be downloaded in .pdf format archive.org/details/georgebellows00egge
(6) museums online with works shown www.artcyclopedia.com/artists/bellows_george_wesley.html
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. If you use this image on your web site, you need to provide a link to this photo.
The Chin tattooed women live in the Chin, Rakhine and Arakan states in northwestern Myanmar. The origin of facial tattoos in the region is unknown. Some believe that the practice began during the reigns of Kings long ago. The royalty used to come to the villages to capture young women. The men from the tribe may have tattooed their women to make them ugly, thereby saving them from a life of slavery. Interestingly, I heard a similar origin for body modification among the Mursi tribe in Ethiopia. As legend has it, the tribeswomen began wearing giant lip plates to make them uglier to would-be kidnappers. Now, the bigger the lip plate the higher the bride price.
For years, access to the tribal Mindat area was restricted by the burmese government. It was opened just two years ago. Only about 700 tourists visit per year. Most of them only visit the bucolic Mount Victoria by bus, never meeting the tattooed women who remain isolated, hours away by foot. Those who do wish to meet them better pack good walking shoes and be prepared to sleep in smoke-filled local houses complete with rats.
There are a few different face tattoo patterns. The spiderweb tattoo is popular in the Mrauk U region. It takes a three hour long tail boat ride to reach this remote area. This tattoo is usually accompanied by a circle in the center of the forehead which represents the sun or lines under the nose symbolizing tiger whiskers.
Another design, known as the bee pattern, is common in the Mindat area. It is composed of dots, lines and occasionally circles. It is worn by the Muun tribe who inhabit the hills of the Arakan state.
The Magan tribeswomen wear huge earrings made of beads and calabashes. They can also play the flute with their noses.
I ventured to Kanpelet village in search of the women from the U Pu tribe who have the incredibly rare whole face tattoo. This is one of the most impressive styles: the entire face is inked up. Rumors had it that only three women in this area had the tattoo. After hours of off roading, I arrive in the village only to learn that one died recently and another was very ill. I was lucky enough to meet Pa Late. At 85, she is nearly deaf but still works hard with her family in a small house on the top of a little hill.
Pa Late said that a completely black face had become a symbol of beauty in the past. The few women who refused to do it looked ugly to the men. The tattoo took three days but the pain lasted over a month.
There are two ways to make the tattoo needle. The first consists of tying three pieces of bamboo together and the second uses thorns. The ink is a mixture of cow bile, soot, plants, and pig fat. It usually took one day to complete the standard tattoo and a few more for the totally black one. The tattoo artist was a specialist or in some cases a parent. Infection was a common problem as the girls had blood all over their face.
Everything, including the eyelids, was tattooed. Many women say that the neck was the most sensitive area.
Ma Aung Seim shared her memories of the tattoo sessions : “I was 10 years old. The day before the tattoo ceremony, I only ate sugarcane and drank tea. It was forbidden to eat meat or peanuts. During the tattoo session, I cried a lot, but I could not move at all. After the session, my face bled for 3 days. It was very painful. My mother put fresh beans leaves on my face to alleviate the pain. I had no choice if i wanted to get married. Men wanted women with tattoos at this time. My mother told me that without a tattoo on my face, i would look like... a man! The web drawn on my face attracted the men like a spiderweb catches insects!”
Not all the tattooed women live in remote areas deep in the mountains. Some have integrated into modern society. Miss Heu, 67, lives in Kanpelet. Her grandmother forced her to get tattooed. She lives in a modern house and even has TV (when electricity is not out). Chin people have maintained their modesty and shyness: when a movie showspeople kissing or making love, most of them still fast forward the scene.
As a leader in the local community, Miss Heu had the chance to meet Aung San Suu Kyi when she came in the area for a meeting. She is very aware of the tattooed women and the ethnicities that are forgotten by the central government. She says she and Aung San Suu Kyi are friends now. Heu’s daughter has graduated and works in Singapore.
The Chin culture is threatened by the government as their teachers are usually not Chin. For a long time, they fought for independence, but since the country began to democratize, things have calmed down.
“I am old. Soon I will die” says to me a Chin woman from Pan Baung village, while she does the gesture of drying tears from her eyes. In her village, only 6 tattooed woman remain alive. Those women are the last of their kind…
© Eric Lafforgue
Pictured here is a cabinet meeting at an undisclosed location.
At the head of the table stamds President for Life Alexander Oskar Peren, dressed in the uniform of a Feldmarschall, delivering a speech to his cabinet.
The secondborn (legitimate) son of deceased President for Life Oskar August Peren he was selected by his father to suceed him due to the firstborn son, Leopold, being significantly less qualified, especially when it came to good ties to the military, an essential quality for any Norwistani head of state.
Before being build up as his father sucessor he served in the Norwistanische Nationalarmee, showing competence and earning the respect of his fellow officers. After becoming the designated sucessor he became first minister of defence then vice-president. During his time as vice president he made some vague statements interpreted as wanting to make the nation more democratic, but when the demon wars began he had other things to worry about, becoming the acting commander in chief due to his fathers age and tendency to delegete much of his responibilites to pursue his hobbies (cars and women).
When his father died in 1983 (rumor has it the cicumstances were similar to former french President Félix Faure) Alexander was "elected" President of Norwistan.
The years following him assuming office were shaped by the devestating demon wars that saw Norwistan lose much of the might it had gained after the Second Northern Emmerian War.
After the end of the demon wars he know focuses on rebuilding the coutnry and reforming the economy, if he ever had plans to democratize the country, he currently shows no signs of moving in this direction anytime soon.
Also at the table:
On the right side of the table, with their backs to the camera from left to right:
The Forgein Minister, the commander of the Navy, the commander of the Army, and the Finance Minister.
On the left side of the table, looking towards the camera:
Veonika Peren half sister of the President and head of the Secret Police, Franz Strasser, the Interior Minister, Emil Strimitzer commander of the Airforce, as well as cahncelor Karl Raab.
Also in the room, are the Presidents Adjutant and a waiter.
german/ english/ spanish:
Widerstand im Herzen des europäischen Krisenregimes 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 ###
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013###
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.###
Erneut rufen wir* zu europäischen Tagen des Protestes in Frankfurt am Main gegen das Krisenregime der Europäischen Union auf. Am 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 wollen wir den Widerstand gegen die Verarmungspolitik von Regierung und Troika – der EZB, der EU-Kommission und des IWF – in eines der Zentren des europäischen Krisenregimes tragen: an den Sitz der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) und vieler deutscher Banken und Konzerne – den Profiteuren dieser Politik.
Die Verarmungs- und Privatisierungsprogramme, die schon vor Jahrzehnten den Ländern des Globalen Südens aufgezwungen wurden, sind jetzt in Europa angekommen. Die deutsche Agenda 2010 war nur ein Modellprojekt für das, was in noch dramatischerem Umfang jetzt insbesondere in Südeuropa durchgesetzt wird. Diese Verelendung wird sich – auch hier – noch weiter verschärfen, wenn wir uns nicht wehren: der weitere Abbau sozialer und demokratischer Rechte. Damit soll die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Renditeerwartungen der großen Vermögen erhalten bleiben und durch die Verbilligung und Prekarisierung von Lohnarbeit die „ökonomische Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ Deutschlands und (Kern-)Europas auf dem kapitalistischen Weltmarkt gesteigert werden.
Gemeinsam mit den Menschen im Süden Europas sagen wir: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ (Wir schulden nichts, wir zahlen nichts!) und wehren uns dagegen, dass die Sanierung des Kapitalismus in Europa auf dem Rücken der Lohnabhängigen, der Erwerbslosen, der Rentner_innen, der Migrant_innen und der Jugendlichen ausgetragen wird. Wir verweigern uns der Komplizenschaft mit der deutschen Krisenpolitik, die nicht nur katastrophale Folgen für die Lebensverhältnisse der Menschen im Süden Europas hat, sondern auch hierzulande die soziale Spaltung immer weiter vorantreibt. Deswegen kämpfen wir auch gegen die hier bereits erfolgten und in noch größerem Ausmaß drohenden Verschlechterungen von Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen, die zudem geschlechtsspezifisch ungleich verteilt sind und somit die Geschlechterungerechtigkeit verschärfen. Zu uns gehören Initiativen gegen steigende Mieten, kommunale Verarmung und Schikanen am Jobcenter, gegen Abschiebungen, Lager und Residenzpflicht.
Immer wieder wird versucht, uns zu spalten, z.B. mit dem Hinweis, ‚es wäre genug für die Griechen gezahlt‘. Keine Griechin, kein Grieche ist gerettet, vielmehr sind Banken und Konzernen ihre Rendite gesichert worden. Wir widersetzen uns dem Versuch, mit solchen nationalistischen Parolen Beschäftigte, Erwerbslose und Prekäre in Deutschland und Griechenland, in Italien, Portugal und Frankreich oder anderen Ländern gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Insbesondere bekämpfen wir alle (neo)faschistischen Tendenzen, Aufmärsche und Veranstaltungen. Wir wehren uns auch gegen jedwede reaktionäre oder rassistische Kriseninterpretation – gleich ob von „Unten oder Oben“ – gleich ob in antisemitischer, antimuslimischer oder antiziganistischer Form.
Wir sind Teil der internationalen Bewegungen, die sich seit Jahren gegen die Angriffe auf unser Leben und unsere Zukunft wehren, für soziale Rechte und Alternativen kämpfen, neue Formen von demokratischer Organisierung und solidarischer Ökonomie entwickeln. Wir widersetzen uns der autoritären Durchsetzung der Spar- und Reformpakete, die in eklatantem Widerspruch zu demokratischen Prinzipien steht, und treten für die Demokratisierung aller Lebensbereiche ein. Wir widersetzen uns der Durchsetzung wirtschaftlicher Interessen mit Krieg und Rüstungsexport. Wir widersetzen uns dem kapitalistischen Wirtschaftsmodell, das auf globaler Ausbeutung basiert, notwendig Armut und soziale Ungleichheit produziert und die Natur systematisch zerstört.
Wir tragen unseren Protest, unseren zivilen Ungehorsam und Widerstand an den Sitz der Profiteure des europäischen Krisenregimes nach Frankfurt am Main. Von polizeilicher und juristischer Repression, die Bewegungen an vielen Orten weltweit und auch uns trifft, lassen wir uns nicht einschüchtern, sondern begegnen ihr mit grenzüberschreitender Solidarität.
Setzen wir unsere Solidarität gegen die Politik der Spardiktate! Machen wir deutlich: Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass die Krise weiter auf den Rücken von abhängig Beschäftigten, Erwerbslosen, Rentner_innen, Prekären, Studierenden, Flüchtlingen und vielen anderen abgeladen wird, weder anderswo, noch hier. Die Frankfurter Protesttage schließen damit an die weltweiten Proteste des vergangenen Jahres, die Proteste im Frühling in Brüssel und anderswo sowie an die Bewegungen für einen Alter Summit in Athen an.
Wir werden gegen die Politik von Bundesregierung und der ganz großen 4-Parteien-Koalition, gegen die Politik von EZB, EU-Kommission und IWF demonstrieren.Wir werden die EZB blockieren.Wir werden die öffentlichen Plätze in der Wirtschafts- und Finanzmetropole Frankfurt okkupieren – wir sind BLOCKUPY!
* Blockupy ist ein bundesweites Bündnis, in dem zahlreiche Gruppen, Organisationen und einzelne AktivistInnen mitarbeiten. Wir sind in unterschiedlichen sozialen und politischen Gruppen oder Strömungen aktiv. Bisher beteiligen sich Attac-AktivistInnen, Gewerkschaften, antirassistische Netzwerke, Parteien wie Die Linke, Occupy-AktivistInnen, Erwerbsloseninitiativen, studentische Gruppen, Nord-Süd-, Friedens- und Umweltinitiativen, die Linksjugend [‘solid], die Grüne Jugend sowie linksradikale Zusammenschlüsse wie die Interventionistische Linke und das Ums-Ganze-Bündnis. ↩
Mehr Informationen auf der HP: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
##################
Call for Action: Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013
Again we* call for European days of protest in Frankfurt on the Main against the crisis regime of the European Union. On May 31 and June 1, 2013, we want to carry the resistance against the policies of impoverishment of government and Troika- EZB, EU-Comission and IMF-into one of the centers of the European crisis regime: to the domicile of the European Central Bank (ECB) and of many German banks and corporations- the profiteers of these policies.
The programs of impoverishment and privatizations, which already decades ago have been imposed on the countries of the Global South, now have arrived in Europe. The German Agenda 2010 was just an archetype for what now in even more dramatic extent is enforced especially in Southern Europe. This pauperization will aggravate further – also here- if we do not defend ourseleves: the ongoing cutback of social and democratic rights. Thereby the capacity to pay for the expectations on yeald return of large fortunes are to be sustained, the „economic competitiveness“ of Germany and (Central)Europe in the capitalist world market is to be enhanced through the price-reduction and precarization of waged labor.
Together with people in Southern Europe we say: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ and resist the restructuring of capitalism in Europe on the backs of empoyees and unemployed, retirees, migrants and youth. We defy the complicity with the German crisis policies, which not ony have catastrophic consequences for people in Southern Europe, but also in this country even further deepen the social divide. Therefore we also fight against the deterioration of living and working conditions, already implemented here and imminent to an even larger extent. Its effects are also gender-specifically unequally distributed and thus aggravate gender injustice. Initiatives against rising rents, municipal impoverishment and harrasment of unemployed persons, against deportations, isolation camps and mandatory residence are part of us.
Consistently it is tried to divide us, e.g. by saying that „enough has been paid for the Greek“. No Greek person has been saved, in fact the yeald return of banks and corporations has been assured. We defy the intent to incite employees, unemployed and precarious in Germany and Greece, in Italy, Portugal, France or other countries against each other with such nationalist slogans. Especially we fight against all (neo)fascist tendencies, marches and events. We also oppose any form of reactionary or racist crisis interpreation- no matter if from „below or above“, no matter if anti-Semitic, antiMuslim or antiziganistic.
We are part of the international movements who for years have been resisting the attacks on our life and our future, fight for social rights and alternatives, develop new forms of organization and solidarian economy. We oppose the authoritarian imposition of packages of austerity and reforms, which are in blatant contraditction to democratic principles, and stand up for the democratization of all aspects of life. We defy the assertion of economic interests through war and exports of weapons. We defy the capitalist economic model which is based on global exploitation, necessarily produces poverty and social injustice and systematically destroys nature.
We carry our protest, our civil disobedience and resistance to the domicile of the profiteers of the European crisis regime to Frankfurt on the Main. We will not let ourselves be intimidated by police and judicial repression which globally affects movements on many places including ourselves, but react with border-crossing solidarity.
Let´s show our solidarity against the politics of austerity dictates! Let us make clear: We will not permit that the crsis is continuously loaded on the backs of wage earners, unemployed, retirees, precarious, students, refugees and many others, neither here nor anywhere else. The Frankfurt days of protest thereby join last year´s global protests, the protests in spring in Brussels and other places and the movements for an Alter Summit in Athens.
We will demonstrate against the policies of the federal governemnt and the really grand 4-party-coalition, against the policies of ECB, EU-Comission and IMF. We will block the ECB. We will occupy public squares in the economic and financial metropolis Frankfurt – we are Blockupy!
*Blockupy is a federal coalition in which numerous groups, organizations and individual activists collaborate. We are active in different social and political collectives or currents. So far take part: Attac-activists, unions, antiracist networks, parties like Die Linke, Occupy-activists, unemployed initiatives, student groups, North-South, peace and environmental initiatives, the leftyouth [‘solid], the green youth, as well as radical left associations like Interventionist Left and Ums-Ganze-Alliance.↩
informations: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
#####
Convocatoria: ¡Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.
Otra vey nosotrxs* hacemos un llamado para jornadas europeas de protesta en contra del régimen de crisis de la Unión Europea en Fráncfort del Meno. El 31 de Mayo y el 1 de junio queremos llevar la resistencia contra las políticas de emprobrecimiento del gobierno y de la Troika – BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI- a uno de los centros del régimen europeo de la crisis: A la sede del Banco Central Europea (BCE) y de muchos bancos y consorcios alemanes- los beneficiarios de esta política.
Los programas de empobrecimiento y de privatizationes, que ya hace décadas han sido impuestos a los paises del Sur Global, ahora han llegado a Europa. La Agenda 2010 alemana sólo era un proyecto piloto por lo que ahora se impone de alcanze aún mas dramático especialmente en el Sur de Europa. Esa depauperización se agudizará aún más – también aquí- si no nos defendemos: la reducción contínua de derechos sociales y democráticos. Así se pretende mantener la capacidad de pago para las expectativas de rédito de las grandes fortunas y de aumentar la „competitividad económica“ de Alemania y (del Centro de) Europa en el mercado mundial capitalista a través del abaratamiento y de la precarización del trabajo asalariado.
Juntxs con las personas en el Sur de Europa decimos: „¡No debemos, no pagamos!“ y resistimos la subsanación del capitalismo europeo a costa de salariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, migrantes y jóvenes. Denegamos la complicidad con la política alemana de la crisis, que no solamente tiene consequencias nefastas para las condiciones de vida de la gente en el Sur de Europa, sino que también en este país aumenta cada vez más la division social. Por eso también luchamos contra el deterioro de condiciones de vida y de trabajo ya implementado aquí y amagante de extensión aún más masiva. Sus resultados además son redistribuidos desigualmente de forma género específica, agravando todavía más la injusticia de género. Parte de nosotrxs son iniciativas en contra del aumento de alquileres, del empobrecimiento municipal y acoso a desempleadxs, en contra de deportaciones, campos de aislamiento y residencia obligatoria.
Una y otra vez se intenta dividirnos, por ejemplo diciendo que se „ha pagado suficiente para los griegos“. Ningunx griegx ha sido salvado, al contrario el rédito de bancos y corporaciones ha sido asegurado. Nos oponemos al intento de incitar asalariadxs, desempleadxs y precarixs en Alemania y Grecia, Italia, Portugal, Francia y otros paises lxs unxs en contra de lxs ortxs con consignas nacionalistas de este tipo. Especialmente luchamos en contra de todas las tendencias, marchas y eventos (neo)fascistas. Nos oponemos también a cualquier intrerpretación reaccionaria o racista de la crisis- no importa si desde „abajo o arriba“- no importa si de forma antisemita, antimusulmán o antiziganista.
Somos parte de los movimientos internacionales, que desde años están resistiendo los ataques a nuestra vida y nuestro futuro, que luchan por derechos sociales y alternativas, desarrollan nuevas formas de organización democrática y de economía solidaria. Nos oponemos a la imposición de paquetes de austeridad y de reformas, que están en contradicción masiva con principios democráticos, y reividicamos la democratización de todos los aspectos de la vida. Resistimos contra la imposición de intereses económicos a través de la guerra y de la exportación de armas. Nos oponemos al modelo económico capitalista, que se basa en explotación global, necesariamente produce pobreza y desigualdad social y sistematicamente destruye la naturaleza. Llevamos nuestra protesta, nuestra desobedencia civil y nuestra resistencia a la sede de los benificiarios del régimen europeo de la crisis a Fráncfort del Meno. No nos dejamos intimidar por la represión policial y judicial, que gol
pea los moviminetos en muchos lugares del mundo incluyendo a nosotrxs, sino que la contestamos con solidaridad transfronteriza.
¡Pongamos nuestra solidaridad contra la política de los dictados de austeridad! Dejémos claro: No permitiremos que la crisis siga cargada en las espaldas de asalariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, estudiantes, refugiadxs, y otrxs, ni aquí ni en otros lugares. Las jornadas de protesta en Fráncfort continuan las protestas mundiales del año pasado, las protestas en la primavera en Bruxellas y otros lugares como los movimientos para un Alter Summit en Atenas.
Nos manifestaremos en contra de la coalición muy grande de cuatro partidos, contra las políticas de BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI. Bloquearemos el BCE. Ocuparemos las plazas públicas de la metrópolis económico-financiera Fráncfort- ¡Somos Blockupy!
* Blockupy es una coalición a nivel federal, en la cual cooperan numerosos colectivos, organizaciones y activistas individuales. Participamos activamente en diferentes grupos o corrientes sociales y políticos. Hasta ahora toman parte activistas de Attac, sindicatos, redes antiracistas, partidos como Die Linke, activistas de Occupy, iniciativas de desempleadxs, colectivos estudiantiles, iniciativas Norte-Sur, por la paz y el medio ambiente, la juventud de izquierda [‘solid], la juventud verde, así como federaciones de la izquierda radical como la Izquierda Intervencionista y la Alianza Ums Ganze..
Thank you for your views and comments; they are very much appreciated.
[This is one of 7 images—the main artwork plus 6 focused on details.] “Shipyard Society” (1916) is one of 5 paintings on this theme, depicting the shipbuilding industry in Maine. This impressive work is in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond, Virginia. The oil on panel painting is vigorous, energetic, and alive with numerous vignettes of spectators and workers at the shipyard, a depiction of the warmth and vitality of the commonplace. Bellows shows a masterful contrast between the ordinary (people) and the extraordinary (the magnitude of the ship being built). There is time for gossip and flirting, of food and dogs and umbrellas. To me there is something essentially American about the painting.
George Wesley Bellows (1882-1925) born in Columbus, Ohio, is an important American realist painter. He studied with and was influenced by Robert Henri at the New York School of Art, who promoted a democratization of subject matter in art—anything “real” was worthy of being painted. He displayed his interest in the working man with many contributions to the socialist magazine The Masses, but he believed artistic freedom was more significant that ideology, a belief that sometimes put him at odds with the editors. He became interested in lithography and worked with Bolton Brown on over 100 prints. Bellows also illustrated books, several by H. H. Wells. His artwork was evolving at the time of his death with more focus on light and domestic matters. His work is on display in numerous art galleries. In 1999 Bill Gates paid over 27 million dollars for a 1910 Bellows painting, “Polo Crowd”. Belolows is best known, probably, for his works showing boxing scenes.
Much of his work is online. A search of George Bellows on Flickr had over 730 returns.
203 paintings, with slideshow capabilities, is at www.georgewesleybellows.org/
221 paintings are found at www.the-athenaeum.org/art/list.php?m=a&s=du&aid=97
69 prints at can be viewed at www.flickr.com/photos/boston_public_library/sets/72157604...
Sources:
(1) Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Bellows
(2) biography plus thorough listing of awards and exhibitions www.sullivangoss.com/george_Bellows/
(3) biography plus 26 art works and quotes from Bellows on his craft
www.artinthepicture.com/artists/George_Bellows/Biography/
(4) assessment of an exhibition at the National Gallery of Art socialistworker.org/2012/08/15/painter-of-working-class-life
(5) slender volume issued in 1931 by Whitney Museum of Modern Art with b&w images and can be downloaded in .pdf format archive.org/details/georgebellows00egge
(6) museums online with works shown www.artcyclopedia.com/artists/bellows_george_wesley.html
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. If you use this image on your web site, you need to provide a link to this photo.
Image source:
www.flickr.com/photos/31288116@N02/3066487750/
Read the article on opensource.com
How Red Hat democratized our corporate citizenship program
Should you donate to open source projects?
Would you donate to open source, non-profits, or Occupy Wall Street?
Created by Colleen Simon for opensource.com
GUM (Russian: ГУМ) is a shopping center in Moscow, Russia. It was also the main department store in many cities of the former Soviet Union; similarly named stores operated in some Soviet republics and in post-Soviet states.
The most famous GUM is the large store facing Red Square in the Kitai-gorod area – itself traditionally a mall of Moscow. Originally, and today again, the building functions as a shopping mall. During most of the Soviet period it was essentially a department store as there was one vendor: the Soviet State. Before the 1920s the location was known as the Upper Trading Rows (Russian: Верхние торговые ряды, romanized: Verhnije torgovyje rjady).
As of 2021, GUM carries over 100 different brands, and has cafes and restaurants inside the mall.
With the façade extending for 242 m (794 ft) along the eastern side of Red Square, the Upper Trading Rows were built between 1890 and 1893 by Alexander Pomerantsev (responsible for architecture) and Vladimir Shukhov (responsible for engineering). The trapezoidal building features a combination of elements of Russian medieval architecture and a steel framework and glass roof, a similar style to the great 19th-century railway stations of London. William Craft Brumfield described the GUM building as "a tribute both to Shukhov's design and to the technical proficiency of Russian architecture toward the end of the 19th century".
The glass-roofed design made the building unique at the time of construction. The roof, the diameter of which is 14 m (46 ft), looks light, but it is a firm construction made of more than 50,000 metal pods (about 743 t (819 short tons)), capable of supporting snowfall accumulation. Illumination is provided by huge arched skylights of iron and glass, each weighing some 740 t (820 short tons) and containing in excess of 20,000 panes of glass. The facade is divided into several horizontal tiers, lined with red Finnish granite, Tarusa marble, and limestone. Each arcade is on three levels, linked by walkways of reinforced concrete.
Catherine II of Russia commissioned Giacomo Quarenghi, a Neoclassical architect from Italy, to design a huge trade area along the east side of Red Square. However, that building was lost to the 1812 Fire of Moscow and replaced by trading rows designed by Joseph Bove. In turn, the current structure opened in 1894, replacing Bove's.
By the time of the Russian Revolution of 1917, the building contained some 1,200 stores. After the Revolution, GUM was nationalized. During the NEP period (1921–28), however, GUM as a State Department Store operated as a model retail enterprise for consumers throughout Russia regardless of class, gender, and ethnicity. GUM's stores were used to further Bolshevik goals of rebuilding private enterprise along socialist lines and "democratizing consumption for workers and peasants nationwide". In the end, GUM's efforts to build communism through consumerism were unsuccessful and arguably "only succeeded in alienating consumers from state stores and instituting a culture of complaint and entitlement".
GUM continued to be used as a department store until Joseph Stalin converted it into office space in 1928 for the committee in charge of his first Five Year Plan. After the suicide of Stalin's wife Nadezhda in 1932, the GUM was used briefly to display her body.
After reopening as a department store in 1953, GUM became one of the few stores in the Soviet Union that did not have shortages of consumer goods, and the queues of shoppers were long, often extending entirely across Red Square.
Several times during the 1960s and 1970s, the Second Secretary of the Communist Party Mikhail Suslov, who hated having a department store facing Lenin's Mausoleum, tried to convert GUM into an exhibition hall and museum showcasing the achievements of the Soviet Union and Communism, without the knowledge of General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev. Each time, however, Brezhnev was tipped off and put a stop to such plans.
At the end of the Soviet era, GUM was partially, then fully, privatized, and it had a number of owners before it ended up being owned by the supermarket company Perekrestok. In May 2005, a 50.25% interest was sold to Bosco di Ciliegi, a Russian luxury goods distributor and boutique operator. As a private shopping mall, it was renamed in such a fashion that it could maintain its old acronym. The first word gosudarstvennyj ('state') has been replaced with glavnyj ('main'), so that GUM is now an abbreviation for "Main Universal Store".
german/ english/ spanish:
Widerstand im Herzen des europäischen Krisenregimes 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 ###
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013###
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.###
Erneut rufen wir* zu europäischen Tagen des Protestes in Frankfurt am Main gegen das Krisenregime der Europäischen Union auf. Am 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 wollen wir den Widerstand gegen die Verarmungspolitik von Regierung und Troika – der EZB, der EU-Kommission und des IWF – in eines der Zentren des europäischen Krisenregimes tragen: an den Sitz der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) und vieler deutscher Banken und Konzerne – den Profiteuren dieser Politik.
Die Verarmungs- und Privatisierungsprogramme, die schon vor Jahrzehnten den Ländern des Globalen Südens aufgezwungen wurden, sind jetzt in Europa angekommen. Die deutsche Agenda 2010 war nur ein Modellprojekt für das, was in noch dramatischerem Umfang jetzt insbesondere in Südeuropa durchgesetzt wird. Diese Verelendung wird sich – auch hier – noch weiter verschärfen, wenn wir uns nicht wehren: der weitere Abbau sozialer und demokratischer Rechte. Damit soll die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Renditeerwartungen der großen Vermögen erhalten bleiben und durch die Verbilligung und Prekarisierung von Lohnarbeit die „ökonomische Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ Deutschlands und (Kern-)Europas auf dem kapitalistischen Weltmarkt gesteigert werden.
Gemeinsam mit den Menschen im Süden Europas sagen wir: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ (Wir schulden nichts, wir zahlen nichts!) und wehren uns dagegen, dass die Sanierung des Kapitalismus in Europa auf dem Rücken der Lohnabhängigen, der Erwerbslosen, der Rentner_innen, der Migrant_innen und der Jugendlichen ausgetragen wird. Wir verweigern uns der Komplizenschaft mit der deutschen Krisenpolitik, die nicht nur katastrophale Folgen für die Lebensverhältnisse der Menschen im Süden Europas hat, sondern auch hierzulande die soziale Spaltung immer weiter vorantreibt. Deswegen kämpfen wir auch gegen die hier bereits erfolgten und in noch größerem Ausmaß drohenden Verschlechterungen von Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen, die zudem geschlechtsspezifisch ungleich verteilt sind und somit die Geschlechterungerechtigkeit verschärfen. Zu uns gehören Initiativen gegen steigende Mieten, kommunale Verarmung und Schikanen am Jobcenter, gegen Abschiebungen, Lager und Residenzpflicht.
Immer wieder wird versucht, uns zu spalten, z.B. mit dem Hinweis, ‚es wäre genug für die Griechen gezahlt‘. Keine Griechin, kein Grieche ist gerettet, vielmehr sind Banken und Konzernen ihre Rendite gesichert worden. Wir widersetzen uns dem Versuch, mit solchen nationalistischen Parolen Beschäftigte, Erwerbslose und Prekäre in Deutschland und Griechenland, in Italien, Portugal und Frankreich oder anderen Ländern gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Insbesondere bekämpfen wir alle (neo)faschistischen Tendenzen, Aufmärsche und Veranstaltungen. Wir wehren uns auch gegen jedwede reaktionäre oder rassistische Kriseninterpretation – gleich ob von „Unten oder Oben“ – gleich ob in antisemitischer, antimuslimischer oder antiziganistischer Form.
Wir sind Teil der internationalen Bewegungen, die sich seit Jahren gegen die Angriffe auf unser Leben und unsere Zukunft wehren, für soziale Rechte und Alternativen kämpfen, neue Formen von demokratischer Organisierung und solidarischer Ökonomie entwickeln. Wir widersetzen uns der autoritären Durchsetzung der Spar- und Reformpakete, die in eklatantem Widerspruch zu demokratischen Prinzipien steht, und treten für die Demokratisierung aller Lebensbereiche ein. Wir widersetzen uns der Durchsetzung wirtschaftlicher Interessen mit Krieg und Rüstungsexport. Wir widersetzen uns dem kapitalistischen Wirtschaftsmodell, das auf globaler Ausbeutung basiert, notwendig Armut und soziale Ungleichheit produziert und die Natur systematisch zerstört.
Wir tragen unseren Protest, unseren zivilen Ungehorsam und Widerstand an den Sitz der Profiteure des europäischen Krisenregimes nach Frankfurt am Main. Von polizeilicher und juristischer Repression, die Bewegungen an vielen Orten weltweit und auch uns trifft, lassen wir uns nicht einschüchtern, sondern begegnen ihr mit grenzüberschreitender Solidarität.
Setzen wir unsere Solidarität gegen die Politik der Spardiktate! Machen wir deutlich: Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass die Krise weiter auf den Rücken von abhängig Beschäftigten, Erwerbslosen, Rentner_innen, Prekären, Studierenden, Flüchtlingen und vielen anderen abgeladen wird, weder anderswo, noch hier. Die Frankfurter Protesttage schließen damit an die weltweiten Proteste des vergangenen Jahres, die Proteste im Frühling in Brüssel und anderswo sowie an die Bewegungen für einen Alter Summit in Athen an.
Wir werden gegen die Politik von Bundesregierung und der ganz großen 4-Parteien-Koalition, gegen die Politik von EZB, EU-Kommission und IWF demonstrieren.Wir werden die EZB blockieren.Wir werden die öffentlichen Plätze in der Wirtschafts- und Finanzmetropole Frankfurt okkupieren – wir sind BLOCKUPY!
* Blockupy ist ein bundesweites Bündnis, in dem zahlreiche Gruppen, Organisationen und einzelne AktivistInnen mitarbeiten. Wir sind in unterschiedlichen sozialen und politischen Gruppen oder Strömungen aktiv. Bisher beteiligen sich Attac-AktivistInnen, Gewerkschaften, antirassistische Netzwerke, Parteien wie Die Linke, Occupy-AktivistInnen, Erwerbsloseninitiativen, studentische Gruppen, Nord-Süd-, Friedens- und Umweltinitiativen, die Linksjugend [‘solid], die Grüne Jugend sowie linksradikale Zusammenschlüsse wie die Interventionistische Linke und das Ums-Ganze-Bündnis. ↩
Mehr Informationen auf der HP: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
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Call for Action: Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013
Again we* call for European days of protest in Frankfurt on the Main against the crisis regime of the European Union. On May 31 and June 1, 2013, we want to carry the resistance against the policies of impoverishment of government and Troika- EZB, EU-Comission and IMF-into one of the centers of the European crisis regime: to the domicile of the European Central Bank (ECB) and of many German banks and corporations- the profiteers of these policies.
The programs of impoverishment and privatizations, which already decades ago have been imposed on the countries of the Global South, now have arrived in Europe. The German Agenda 2010 was just an archetype for what now in even more dramatic extent is enforced especially in Southern Europe. This pauperization will aggravate further – also here- if we do not defend ourseleves: the ongoing cutback of social and democratic rights. Thereby the capacity to pay for the expectations on yeald return of large fortunes are to be sustained, the „economic competitiveness“ of Germany and (Central)Europe in the capitalist world market is to be enhanced through the price-reduction and precarization of waged labor.
Together with people in Southern Europe we say: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ and resist the restructuring of capitalism in Europe on the backs of empoyees and unemployed, retirees, migrants and youth. We defy the complicity with the German crisis policies, which not ony have catastrophic consequences for people in Southern Europe, but also in this country even further deepen the social divide. Therefore we also fight against the deterioration of living and working conditions, already implemented here and imminent to an even larger extent. Its effects are also gender-specifically unequally distributed and thus aggravate gender injustice. Initiatives against rising rents, municipal impoverishment and harrasment of unemployed persons, against deportations, isolation camps and mandatory residence are part of us.
Consistently it is tried to divide us, e.g. by saying that „enough has been paid for the Greek“. No Greek person has been saved, in fact the yeald return of banks and corporations has been assured. We defy the intent to incite employees, unemployed and precarious in Germany and Greece, in Italy, Portugal, France or other countries against each other with such nationalist slogans. Especially we fight against all (neo)fascist tendencies, marches and events. We also oppose any form of reactionary or racist crisis interpreation- no matter if from „below or above“, no matter if anti-Semitic, antiMuslim or antiziganistic.
We are part of the international movements who for years have been resisting the attacks on our life and our future, fight for social rights and alternatives, develop new forms of organization and solidarian economy. We oppose the authoritarian imposition of packages of austerity and reforms, which are in blatant contraditction to democratic principles, and stand up for the democratization of all aspects of life. We defy the assertion of economic interests through war and exports of weapons. We defy the capitalist economic model which is based on global exploitation, necessarily produces poverty and social injustice and systematically destroys nature.
We carry our protest, our civil disobedience and resistance to the domicile of the profiteers of the European crisis regime to Frankfurt on the Main. We will not let ourselves be intimidated by police and judicial repression which globally affects movements on many places including ourselves, but react with border-crossing solidarity.
Let´s show our solidarity against the politics of austerity dictates! Let us make clear: We will not permit that the crsis is continuously loaded on the backs of wage earners, unemployed, retirees, precarious, students, refugees and many others, neither here nor anywhere else. The Frankfurt days of protest thereby join last year´s global protests, the protests in spring in Brussels and other places and the movements for an Alter Summit in Athens.
We will demonstrate against the policies of the federal governemnt and the really grand 4-party-coalition, against the policies of ECB, EU-Comission and IMF. We will block the ECB. We will occupy public squares in the economic and financial metropolis Frankfurt – we are Blockupy!
*Blockupy is a federal coalition in which numerous groups, organizations and individual activists collaborate. We are active in different social and political collectives or currents. So far take part: Attac-activists, unions, antiracist networks, parties like Die Linke, Occupy-activists, unemployed initiatives, student groups, North-South, peace and environmental initiatives, the leftyouth [‘solid], the green youth, as well as radical left associations like Interventionist Left and Ums-Ganze-Alliance.↩
informations: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
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Convocatoria: ¡Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.
Otra vey nosotrxs* hacemos un llamado para jornadas europeas de protesta en contra del régimen de crisis de la Unión Europea en Fráncfort del Meno. El 31 de Mayo y el 1 de junio queremos llevar la resistencia contra las políticas de emprobrecimiento del gobierno y de la Troika – BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI- a uno de los centros del régimen europeo de la crisis: A la sede del Banco Central Europea (BCE) y de muchos bancos y consorcios alemanes- los beneficiarios de esta política.
Los programas de empobrecimiento y de privatizationes, que ya hace décadas han sido impuestos a los paises del Sur Global, ahora han llegado a Europa. La Agenda 2010 alemana sólo era un proyecto piloto por lo que ahora se impone de alcanze aún mas dramático especialmente en el Sur de Europa. Esa depauperización se agudizará aún más – también aquí- si no nos defendemos: la reducción contínua de derechos sociales y democráticos. Así se pretende mantener la capacidad de pago para las expectativas de rédito de las grandes fortunas y de aumentar la „competitividad económica“ de Alemania y (del Centro de) Europa en el mercado mundial capitalista a través del abaratamiento y de la precarización del trabajo asalariado.
Juntxs con las personas en el Sur de Europa decimos: „¡No debemos, no pagamos!“ y resistimos la subsanación del capitalismo europeo a costa de salariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, migrantes y jóvenes. Denegamos la complicidad con la política alemana de la crisis, que no solamente tiene consequencias nefastas para las condiciones de vida de la gente en el Sur de Europa, sino que también en este país aumenta cada vez más la division social. Por eso también luchamos contra el deterioro de condiciones de vida y de trabajo ya implementado aquí y amagante de extensión aún más masiva. Sus resultados además son redistribuidos desigualmente de forma género específica, agravando todavía más la injusticia de género. Parte de nosotrxs son iniciativas en contra del aumento de alquileres, del empobrecimiento municipal y acoso a desempleadxs, en contra de deportaciones, campos de aislamiento y residencia obligatoria.
Una y otra vez se intenta dividirnos, por ejemplo diciendo que se „ha pagado suficiente para los griegos“. Ningunx griegx ha sido salvado, al contrario el rédito de bancos y corporaciones ha sido asegurado. Nos oponemos al intento de incitar asalariadxs, desempleadxs y precarixs en Alemania y Grecia, Italia, Portugal, Francia y otros paises lxs unxs en contra de lxs ortxs con consignas nacionalistas de este tipo. Especialmente luchamos en contra de todas las tendencias, marchas y eventos (neo)fascistas. Nos oponemos también a cualquier intrerpretación reaccionaria o racista de la crisis- no importa si desde „abajo o arriba“- no importa si de forma antisemita, antimusulmán o antiziganista.
Somos parte de los movimientos internacionales, que desde años están resistiendo los ataques a nuestra vida y nuestro futuro, que luchan por derechos sociales y alternativas, desarrollan nuevas formas de organización democrática y de economía solidaria. Nos oponemos a la imposición de paquetes de austeridad y de reformas, que están en contradicción masiva con principios democráticos, y reividicamos la democratización de todos los aspectos de la vida. Resistimos contra la imposición de intereses económicos a través de la guerra y de la exportación de armas. Nos oponemos al modelo económico capitalista, que se basa en explotación global, necesariamente produce pobreza y desigualdad social y sistematicamente destruye la naturaleza. Llevamos nuestra protesta, nuestra desobedencia civil y nuestra resistencia a la sede de los benificiarios del régimen europeo de la crisis a Fráncfort del Meno. No nos dejamos intimidar por la represión policial y judicial, que gol
pea los moviminetos en muchos lugares del mundo incluyendo a nosotrxs, sino que la contestamos con solidaridad transfronteriza.
¡Pongamos nuestra solidaridad contra la política de los dictados de austeridad! Dejémos claro: No permitiremos que la crisis siga cargada en las espaldas de asalariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, estudiantes, refugiadxs, y otrxs, ni aquí ni en otros lugares. Las jornadas de protesta en Fráncfort continuan las protestas mundiales del año pasado, las protestas en la primavera en Bruxellas y otros lugares como los movimientos para un Alter Summit en Atenas.
Nos manifestaremos en contra de la coalición muy grande de cuatro partidos, contra las políticas de BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI. Bloquearemos el BCE. Ocuparemos las plazas públicas de la metrópolis económico-financiera Fráncfort- ¡Somos Blockupy!
* Blockupy es una coalición a nivel federal, en la cual cooperan numerosos colectivos, organizaciones y activistas individuales. Participamos activamente en diferentes grupos o corrientes sociales y políticos. Hasta ahora toman parte activistas de Attac, sindicatos, redes antiracistas, partidos como Die Linke, activistas de Occupy, iniciativas de desempleadxs, colectivos estudiantiles, iniciativas Norte-Sur, por la paz y el medio ambiente, la juventud de izquierda [‘solid], la juventud verde, así como federaciones de la izquierda radical como la Izquierda Intervencionista y la Alianza Ums Ganze..
© All Rights Reserved - Please don't copy and/or use without authorization. Flickrmail is there for this kind of situation (I read it quite often), so is my e-mail, available at the profile
Sao Paulo, 24.oct.22 - Crowd attend the Act for Democracy, called by the Catholic University of São Paulo, in its seventh edition, this Monday (25). The candidate for the presidency of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva attended together with his vice-president, Geraldo Alckmin, his wife Janja, the candidate for the state government of SP, Fernando Haddad, as well as the former Minister of the Environment Marina Silva and his rival in the first round Simone Tebet, who was warmly applauded. One week before the second round of the most tense elections since the re-democratization of the country, Lula is still ahead in the polls and took the opportunity to criticize the latest scandal involving an ally of his rival Jair Bolsonaro: Roberto Jefferson, a supporter of the current president, received police officers who were serving an arrest warrant against him with rifle and grenade fire. Two policemen were wounded, one of them seriously
Along with profound and expanding benefits, global technological change also poses serious and growing risks for the world’s economies and societies. Evolving Internet communication products and services have powered growth and productivity, exponentially encouraging democratization, innovation, and collaboration.
A society that actively addresses COP with a 360 degree approach has a competitive advantage over a society that denies or chooses not to address all aspects of cyber-abuse, because societies that provide for victim support as well as prevention and education, are more resilient to socio-economic disruptions and more likely to experience overall social and economic success.
Day 2
14 May 2013
ITU/ Claudio Montesano Casillas
СССР (Союз Советских Социалистических Республик ) is a Russian (Cyrillic) abbreviation for the Soviet Union.
The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Russian: Сою́з Сове́тских Социалисти́ческих Респу́блик, tr. Soyuz Sovetskikh Sotsialisticheskikh Respublik) abbreviated to USSR (Russian: СССР, tr. SSSR) or the Soviet Union (Russian: Советский Союз, tr. Sovetsky Soyuz), was a constitutionally communist state that existed between 1922 and 1991, ruled as a single-party state by the Communist Party with Moscow as its capital. A union of multiple subnational Soviet republics, its government and economy were highly centralized.
The Soviet Union had its roots in the Russian Revolution of 1917, which deposed the imperial autocracy. The Bolsheviks, led by Vladimir Lenin, then overthrew the Provisional Government. The Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic was established and the Russian Civil War began. The Red Army entered several territories of the former Russian Empire and helped local communists seize power. In 1922, the Bolsheviks were victorious, forming the Soviet Union with the unification of the Russian, Transcaucasian, Ukrainian and Byelorussian republics. Following Lenin's death in 1924, a troika collective leadership and a brief power struggle, Joseph Stalin came to power in the mid-1920s. Stalin committed the state ideology to Marxism–Leninism and initiated a centrally planned economy. As a result, the country underwent a period of rapid industrialisation and collectivisation which laid the basis for its later war effort and dominance after World War II. However, Stalin repressed both Communist Party members and elements of the population through his authoritarian rule.
During the first phase of World War II, Soviet Union used the opportunity to acquire territories in Eastern Europe adjacent to Nazi Germany, its satellites, and their occupied territories. Later in 1941, Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union, opening the largest and bloodiest theatre of war in history and violating an earlier non-aggression pact between the two countries. The Soviet Union suffered the largest loss of life in the war, but halted the Axis advance at intense battles such as that at Stalingrad, eventually driving through Eastern Europe and capturing Berlin in 1945. Having played a decisive role in the Allied victory in Europe, the Soviet Union established the Eastern Bloc in much of Central and Eastern Europe and emerged as one of the world's two superpowers after the war. Together with these new satellite states, through which the Soviet Union established economic and military pacts, it became involved in the Cold War, a prolonged ideological and political struggle against the Western Bloc, led by the other superpower, the United States.
A de-Stalinization period followed Stalin's death, reducing the harshest aspects of society. The Soviet Union then went on to initiate significant technological achievements of the 20th century, including launching the first ever satellite and world's first human spaceflight, which led it into the Space Race. The 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis marked a period of extreme tension between the two superpowers, considered the closest to a mutual nuclear confrontation. In the 1970s, a relaxation of relations followed, but tensions resumed with Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. The occupation drained economic resources and dragged on without achieving meaningful political results.
In the late 1980s the last Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, also sought reforms in the Union, introducing the policies of glasnost and perestroika in an attempt to end the period of economic stagnation and democratize the government. However, this led to the rise of strong nationalist and separatist movements. Central authorities initiated a referendum, boycotted by the Baltic republics and Georgia, which resulted in the majority of participating citizens voting in favour of preserving the Union as a renewed federation. In August 1991, a coup d'état was attempted by hardliners against Gorbachev, with the intention of reversing his moderate policies. The coup failed, with Russian President Boris Yeltsin playing a high-profile role in facing down the coup but resulted in the restoration of the Baltic states. On 25 December 1991, Gorbachev resigned and the remaining 12 constituent republics emerged from the dissolution of the Soviet Union as independent post-Soviet states. The Russian Federation, successor of the Russian SFSR, assumed the Soviet Union's rights and obligations and is recognised as its continued legal personality [Wikipedia.org]
© All Rights Reserved - Please don't copy and/or use without authorization. Flickrmail is there for this kind of situation (I read it quite often), so is my e-mail, available at the profile
Sao Paulo, 24.oct.22 - Crowd attend the Act for Democracy, called by the Catholic University of São Paulo, in its seventh edition, this Monday (25). The candidate for the presidency of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva attended together with his vice-president, Geraldo Alckmin, his wife Janja, the candidate for the state government of SP, Fernando Haddad, as well as the former Minister of the Environment Marina Silva and his rival in the first round Simone Tebet, who was warmly applauded. One week before the second round of the most tense elections since the re-democratization of the country, Lula is still ahead in the polls and took the opportunity to criticize the latest scandal involving an ally of his rival Jair Bolsonaro: Roberto Jefferson, a supporter of the current president, received police officers who were serving an arrest warrant against him with rifle and grenade fire. Two policemen were wounded, one of them seriously
Thank you for your views and comments; they are very much appreciated.
[This is one of 7 images—the main artwork plus 6 focused on details.] “Shipyard Society” (1916) is one of 5 paintings on this theme, depicting the shipbuilding industry in Maine. This impressive work is in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond, Virginia. The oil on panel painting is vigorous, energetic, and alive with numerous vignettes of spectators and workers at the shipyard, a depiction of the warmth and vitality of the commonplace. Bellows shows a masterful contrast between the ordinary (people) and the extraordinary (the magnitude of the ship being built). There is time for gossip and flirting, of food and dogs and umbrellas. To me there is something essentially American about the painting.
George Wesley Bellows (1882-1925) born in Columbus, Ohio, is an important American realist painter. He studied with and was influenced by Robert Henri at the New York School of Art, who promoted a democratization of subject matter in art—anything “real” was worthy of being painted. He displayed his interest in the working man with many contributions to the socialist magazine The Masses, but he believed artistic freedom was more significant that ideology, a belief that sometimes put him at odds with the editors. He became interested in lithography and worked with Bolton Brown on over 100 prints. Bellows also illustrated books, several by H. H. Wells. His artwork was evolving at the time of his death with more focus on light and domestic matters. His work is on display in numerous art galleries. In 1999 Bill Gates paid over 27 million dollars for a 1910 Bellows painting, “Polo Crowd”. Belolows is best known, probably, for his works showing boxing scenes.
Much of his work is online. A search of George Bellows on Flickr had over 730 returns.
203 paintings, with slideshow capabilities, is at www.georgewesleybellows.org/
221 paintings are found at www.the-athenaeum.org/art/list.php?m=a&s=du&aid=97
69 prints at can be viewed at www.flickr.com/photos/boston_public_library/sets/72157604...
Sources:
(1) Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Bellows
(2) biography plus thorough listing of awards and exhibitions www.sullivangoss.com/george_Bellows/
(3) biography plus 26 art works and quotes from Bellows on his craft
www.artinthepicture.com/artists/George_Bellows/Biography/
(4) assessment of an exhibition at the National Gallery of Art socialistworker.org/2012/08/15/painter-of-working-class-life
(5) slender volume issued in 1931 by Whitney Museum of Modern Art with b&w images and can be downloaded in .pdf format archive.org/details/georgebellows00egge
(6) museums online with works shown www.artcyclopedia.com/artists/bellows_george_wesley.html
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. If you use this image on your web site, you need to provide a link to this photo.
G7 X II
100 mm
frei Hand
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Deutsch-Amerikanisches Institut Tübingen
since June 20, 1952
65 YEARS
Jährlich finden hier mehr als 200 Kulturveranstaltungen statt: Talks, Ausstellungen, Filmabende, Diskussionsrunden, Lesungen, Informationsveranstaltungen und Konzerte. Fesselnde Vorträge, auch wissenschaftliche, und nicht nur mit engem amerikanischem Fokus, gehören genauso zu den Kernangeboten des d.a.i. wie lebendige Sprachkurse in Englisch und Spanisch, amerikanische TV-Serien und neue Bestseller in der Bibliothek sowie eine fundierte Beratung zu Austauschfragen. Und unsere Studienreisen in die USA
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Am 25. April 2017 wurde der Regierungspräsident Klaus Tappeser zum neuen Vorsitzenden des d.a.i. gewählt.
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Das Deutsch-Amerikanische Institut Tübingen (d.a.i.) existiert seit 1952 und hat den kulturellen Austausch zwischen den beiden Ländern Deutschland und Amerika auf mehreren Ebenen zum Ziel. Das d.a.i. ist eine binationale Bildungs- und Kultureinrichtung, die in Tübingen und Umgebung über kulturelle und soziale, politische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen in den USA und in Deutschland informiert. Träger ist die Deutsch-Amerikanische Gesellschaft Tübingen e.V.
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langjährige Freundschaft DAI in Tübingen
Das lassen wir uns nicht vom Milliardär Trump vermiesen.
Soll er doch Kohle in seinem Hochhaus verheizen!
The first German-American Institutes or Amerikahäuser in Germany were founded in 1946, one year after the end of the Second World War. At first, they were called "U.S. Information Centers" and were basically free libraries with both American and German books and magazines, before they extended their activities to exhibitions and "lecture discussions" and until 1956 partially also served the rural areas with so-called "bookmobiles".
The information centers were under the supervision of the US Army's Information Control Division, that was responsible for the "re-democratization-programs".
The Information Control Division, essentially, evolved out of the Psychological Warfare Division.
The Tuebingen house was created on June 20, 1952 and is thus a little older than the new Southwestern state of Baden-Württemberg. At that time, 44 of such houses existed in Germany. Fifty years later, in 2002, there were only 12 left.
The Chin tattooed women live in the Chin, Rakhine and Arakan states in northwestern Myanmar. The origin of facial tattoos in the region is unknown. Some believe that the practice began during the reigns of Kings long ago. The royalty used to come to the villages to capture young women. The men from the tribe may have tattooed their women to make them ugly, thereby saving them from a life of slavery. Interestingly, I heard a similar origin for body modification among the Mursi tribe in Ethiopia. As legend has it, the tribeswomen began wearing giant lip plates to make them uglier to would-be kidnappers. Now, the bigger the lip plate the higher the bride price.
For years, access to the tribal Mindat area was restricted by the burmese government. It was opened just two years ago. Only about 700 tourists visit per year. Most of them only visit the bucolic Mount Victoria by bus, never meeting the tattooed women who remain isolated, hours away by foot. Those who do wish to meet them better pack good walking shoes and be prepared to sleep in smoke-filled local houses complete with rats.
There are a few different face tattoo patterns. The spiderweb tattoo is popular in the Mrauk U region. It takes a three hour long tail boat ride to reach this remote area. This tattoo is usually accompanied by a circle in the center of the forehead which represents the sun or lines under the nose symbolizing tiger whiskers.
Another design, known as the bee pattern, is common in the Mindat area. It is composed of dots, lines and occasionally circles. It is worn by the Muun tribe who inhabit the hills of the Arakan state.
The Magan tribeswomen wear huge earrings made of beads and calabashes. They can also play the flute with their noses.
I ventured to Kanpelet village in search of the women from the U Pu tribe who have the incredibly rare whole face tattoo. This is one of the most impressive styles: the entire face is inked up. Rumors had it that only three women in this area had the tattoo. After hours of off roading, I arrive in the village only to learn that one died recently and another was very ill. I was lucky enough to meet Pa Late. At 85, she is nearly deaf but still works hard with her family in a small house on the top of a little hill.
Pa Late said that a completely black face had become a symbol of beauty in the past. The few women who refused to do it looked ugly to the men. The tattoo took three days but the pain lasted over a month.
There are two ways to make the tattoo needle. The first consists of tying three pieces of bamboo together and the second uses thorns. The ink is a mixture of cow bile, soot, plants, and pig fat. It usually took one day to complete the standard tattoo and a few more for the totally black one. The tattoo artist was a specialist or in some cases a parent. Infection was a common problem as the girls had blood all over their face.
Everything, including the eyelids, was tattooed. Many women say that the neck was the most sensitive area.
Ma Aung Seim shared her memories of the tattoo sessions : “I was 10 years old. The day before the tattoo ceremony, I only ate sugarcane and drank tea. It was forbidden to eat meat or peanuts. During the tattoo session, I cried a lot, but I could not move at all. After the session, my face bled for 3 days. It was very painful. My mother put fresh beans leaves on my face to alleviate the pain. I had no choice if i wanted to get married. Men wanted women with tattoos at this time. My mother told me that without a tattoo on my face, i would look like... a man! The web drawn on my face attracted the men like a spiderweb catches insects!”
Not all the tattooed women live in remote areas deep in the mountains. Some have integrated into modern society. Miss Heu, 67, lives in Kanpelet. Her grandmother forced her to get tattooed. She lives in a modern house and even has TV (when electricity is not out). Chin people have maintained their modesty and shyness: when a movie showspeople kissing or making love, most of them still fast forward the scene.
As a leader in the local community, Miss Heu had the chance to meet Aung San Suu Kyi when she came in the area for a meeting. She is very aware of the tattooed women and the ethnicities that are forgotten by the central government. She says she and Aung San Suu Kyi are friends now. Heu’s daughter has graduated and works in Singapore.
The Chin culture is threatened by the government as their teachers are usually not Chin. For a long time, they fought for independence, but since the country began to democratize, things have calmed down.
“I am old. Soon I will die” says to me a Chin woman from Pan Baung village, while she does the gesture of drying tears from her eyes. In her village, only 6 tattooed woman remain alive. Those women are the last of their kind…
© Eric Lafforgue
IT’S been a while, right? We here at WIRED talk about you a lot (mostly good things!), and we’ll admit it feels a little weird to address you directly. But we need to have a talk. And yeah, no, this is not going to be a fun one. Because things aren’t great, Internet. Actually, scratch that: they’re awful.
You were supposed to be the blossoming of a million voices. We were all going to democratize access to information together. But some of your users have taken that freedom as a license to victimize others. This is not fine.
Are we talking about Leslie Jones? Sure. Today. But we should’ve mentioned something to you Monday when some of you went after the woman running Ireland’s Twitter account. Or earlier this summer when anti-Semitic trolls started crowing about their nested-parentheses bat-signal. Last year, it was the assumption that of course we should have a pro-Gamergate panel at SXSW. Or two years ago, when some of you hacked Jennifer Lawrence and a slew of other folks in that ugly display known as—this is as gross to type as it is to read—the Fappening.
Did you know 40 percent of Internet-using adults have experienced online harassment? Do you know how many Internet-using people commit harassment? Us neither. It’s not many. But that minority is literally the worst. And they’re screwing it up for the rest of us.
When you were born 25 years ago, people were so overjoyed that they just wanted to talk with each other. Then they wanted to spend money. Great! Except the companies that rushed to fill that void figured something out: For anyone trying to spend money, odds are there’s someone else trying to take it. They added fraud protections to protect people and themselves.
But that didn’t protect anyone against what people said to each other. As you got bigger and stronger, more people wanted to talk—but some of them were jerks, or worse. Remember flame wars? You had no immune system, and you started to rot. Now that rot has turned to blight. And here we are.
The networks we use to talk to each other have managers, and they don’t seem to know what to do about it. We don’t either. We don’t know how to make you a place where information is still free but people are safe, too. We only know that silence is unacceptable.
You had no immune system, and you started to rot. Now that rot has turned to blight. And here we are.
Here’s what a Twitter spokesperson said when we asked about the problem of abuse on its platform: “We don’t comment on individual accounts for privacy and security reasons.” After a hate mob drove Leslie Jones off Twitter last month, Jack Dorsey appealed to bureaucracy: “Our rules prohibit inciting or engaging in the targeted abuse or harassment of others.” There are rules? Well. As long as there are rules.
Except, you know what’s not making a difference, Internet? Rules. Do you know what happens when people talk to us about how to stop harassment? They get harassed! Threatened. Other people email them their home addresses and name their family members!
And do you know what happens when we highlight how people respond to hate with love? Just read the replies.
Internet, it has to stop. And since you are this enormous, limitless beast with many heads and hearts and faces, the best way we know to get your attention is to talk to the companies and people who form your backbone and your bloodstream.
So. Companies that created the tools that let us communicate: no more passes. You have the ability to help people feel safe in their daily online lives. You have sophisticated tools to fight spam, and you take down content that infringes on copyright in the blink of an eye. This is a call to action. And a plea. You can’t say “we suck at dealing with abuse,” promise to do something, and then drag your feet. Because it’s starting to look like you care more about your next earnings call than the people who actually use your sites.
Maybe you’re not a company! Maybe you’re a hacker who can come up with some solutions to this problem. Go get ‘em, White Hats. And companies who pay hackers and researchers to poke holes in the Internet, how about putting a bounty on fixing this enormous hole at the heart of the Internet? Help some people out.
If you’re someone who organizes, executes, or fuels abuse and hate crimes online, then let us be blunt: You are not our people. We trust you can find the door.
And if you’re someone who organizes, executes, or fuels abuse and hate crimes online, then let us be blunt: You are not our people. We see you dominating the comments on our Facebook posts. We see you shouting louder than anyone else in the comments of our stories, and in our Twitter timeline. Stop. Just don’t. You’re an embarrassment to the sites you frequent. We trust you can find the door.
Back to you, Internet. After all, we’re stuck with each other. You’re how we live our lives, and you’re how we’re going to continue to live them. We wouldn’t trade that for the world. We just want to make sure we work together—with you, and the people who built you and maintain you and depend on you—to become the place you were supposed to be, and be better than you are.
Love,
WIRED
Masan is an administrative region of Changwon, a city in the South Gyeongsang Province. It was formerly an independent city from 1949 until in 30 June 2010 it was absorbed to Changwon along with Jinhae. Masan was redistricted as two districts within Changwon, Masanhappo-gu and Masanhoewon-gu. In 31 December 2012, the population of the districts combined was 406,893.
Throughout Korean history, Masan served as a significant port city of Happo, which went through rapid modernization in the 19th century. It was also a stage for significant democratization movements in the 1960s and 1970s, most notable event being the Bu-Ma Democratic Protests in 1979. Due to its status as a free trade port, Masan has experienced consistent growth until early 1990s when the construction of Changwon went underway and began to attract citizens around the region.
HISTORY
September 1283 – After Korean officials encouraged Kublai Khan – head of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty – in 1267 that Japan would be easily subdued,[citation needed] the Koryo Korean state built over 300 large ships to aid an invasion of Japan. With over 20,000 Mongol troops as well as 5,000 Korean, the allied armies departed Masan on board 900 ships on 15 September 1283 in a failed campaign to conquer Japan.
1 June 1901 – The port of Masan was opened with pressure from Japan. Among the initial trading goods were salt, fish, cotton and other goods.
15 December 1962 – A protest against electoral corruption was spearheaded by the Democratic Party in Masan. Approximately 1000 residents attended the demonstration, which took place at 19:30 in front of the Democratic Party Headquarters in Masan. The protest sparked violent clashes between demonstrators and police officers in which several students were killed. To restore order, authorities blacked out Masan and General Carter B. Magruder eventually dispatched US Marines to quell the unrest.
13 December 1962 – The body of Kim Ju-yul was discovered in Masan Harbor. Kim – still dressed in his uniform from Masan Commercial High School – had disappeared in the March 15 clashes. Authorities claimed that he had drowned, but many Masan residents did not believe this explanation and forced their way into the hospital where Kim's body was stored. At the hospital, they discovered that grenade fragments behind his eyes had actually killed him. In the following days, mass demonstrations broke out involving as many as 40,000 residents throughout the characteristically politically left-leaning city. During renewed clashes with police, police opened fire and killed several protesters. Once again, the US military was called in to help restore order. At this point, public anger with the government had grown to new highs and rebellion against the Rhee government mushroomed around the country. Authorities 8 declared martial law.
Thus, the events in Masan in 1962 helped spark the movement against corruption known as the April 19 Movement, which eventually led to the resignation of President Syngman Rhee and the beginning of the Second Republic.
December 1979 – Protests broke out in Masan (as well as in Busan) against the regime of President Park Chung-hee following a brutal police crackdown on a sit-in strike of female textile workers from YH Trading Company. Workers in Masan's Free-export Zone even managed to create four labour unions
EDUCATION
Masan has three institutions of higher education: public vocational focused, which is located on the northwestern outskirts of the city in Yongdam-ri, and the private Kyungnam University (경남대학교), which is located in the southern part of Masan adjacent to Shin Masan. And the small private Christian Chang Shin College, in the northeastern part of the city.
ENTERTAINMENT AND SPORTS
The original central business district of Masan is located in Chang-dong. But recently it has moved to Hapseong-dong. Hapseong-dong is also a commercial neighborhood. An area with many bars, restaurants, and other forms of entertainment is located in Sinmasan.
Masan's baseball stadium is the home of the KBO League's NC Dinos. It previously occasionally hosted the Lotte Giants, a Korea Baseball Organization team which plays in nearby Busan. A professional women's baseball team, one of several in South Korea, plays in Sinpo-dong. An amusement park and zoo are on the tiny island of Dot-do
Masan is also very close to Geojedo, a large island that can be reached by bus, car, or ferry.
FOOD
Masan is generally known for its fishing industry and is the origin of spicy Agujjim, a steamed dish made with agwi (아귀, blackmouth angler). Until the 1940s, the fish was not eaten and was frequently discarded due to its ugly appearance and low commercial value. However, as fish began to become more scarce in the late 20th century, the newly found delicacy became popular. Since its creation, agujjim has been considered a local specialty of Masan, especially around Odong-dong, one of the neighborhoods there and is favored by the public nationwide.
TRANSPORTATION
Machang Bridge is the first large-scale bridge to be built in South Korea as a public-private partnership. The sponsors of the project, Bouygues Travaux Publics and Hyundai Engineering & Construction, had been pursuing the Project since the late 1991s. MCB Co., Ltd, the Concessionaire, is jointly owned by the sponsors and MKIF.
MASAN PORT
The port was once operated by the Mongolians (Yuan Dynasty in China) and used in the preparations to conquer Japan - which eventually failed. To this day, Masan features the small but historic "Mongojeong" (몽고정,蒙古井) meaning Mongol Well. It is located on Jasan-dong 117, and represents the Mongolian influence on the city.
Today, Masan Port is one of the city's most dominating features. It was first opened in 1901. The port connects much of the outside world with the Changwon Industrial Complex, Masan's Free Trade Zone and the future Sachun Industrial Complex.
TOURIST SPOTS
JEODOYEONNEUKGYO BRIDGE
(Jeodo Island Land Connecting Bridge)
Jeodoyeonneukgyo Bridge is a popular spot to watch the beautiful sunrise and sunset. Built in 1990, the bridge connecting Gubok-ri and Jeodo Island is 182m in length and 15.5m in height. Rocks found on both ends of the bridge extend outward toward the sea, and one can cross the bridge while enjoying the beautiful backdrop of the deep blue sea.
JASAN SOLBAT PARK
This park is located in the heart of Masan, with a waterwheel along a 95m-long small stream, a pine trail created with red clay, an outdoor fitness area with gym equipment, a playground for children in the forest, an outdoor performance stage, and a gateball court.
GAGOPA KkOBURANG-GIL
This is a mural village where people can take a walk along a winding alley, and enjoy a view of a mountain village and the Masan Port. 32 artists painted the murals without pay as part of the efforts to invigorate the communities in Chusan-dong and Seongho-dong.
WIKIPEDIA
tnsr.org/2022/10/fixing-the-current-system-or-moving-towa...
Fixing the Current System or Moving Toward a Value-Based Globalization
Mathew Burrows, Robert A. Manning, Aaron L. Friedberg
In this issue’s correspondence section, Mathew Burrows and Robert Manning respond to Aaron Friedberg’s article on the future of globalization, published in Vol 5, Iss 1 of TNSR. Friedberg, in turn, offers his own rebuttal.
Taking Exception: The Problems with a “Partial Liberal” Order
Mathew Burrows and Robert A. Manning
Aaron Friedberg recently published an important, thought-provoking article in these pages that examines the evolution of the international economy over the last two centuries and possible scenarios for how the current era of globalization may fail or be reconstructed.¹ We commend the analysis of past phases of globalization but take issue with the likelihood and desirability of his proposed “value-based” free world trade bloc, which he calls “Globalization 2.5.” Friedberg dismisses the possibility of repairing and updating the current international system to reflect the redistribution of wealth and power from West to East and North to South. While he discusses a region-centric global economic order, his preferred outcome is a U.S.-led “partial liberal” order. However, such a framework would institutionalize a fragmented, conflict-prone world based more on power and less on rules.
The notion of a “democracies only” world order reflects the logic of the Biden administration’s “democracy vs. autocracy” strategy, but with respect to it fashioning a stable and prosperous world, it is a dubious proposition. For starters, China is the world’s largest trading power (its total export-imports were $4.2 trillion in 2021), the leading trade partner of U.S. allies and partners in Europe and Asia, and a major exporter of capital.² Moreover, the neutral response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine by most of the world — including democracies such as India, Brazil, Mexico, Indonesia, and Turkey — shows that these countries are more motivated by interests than by democratic values. Beyond fashioning legal and institutional frameworks for global trade and investment to operate in, the administration’s requirement now is to make sure that such trade and investment favor U.S. interests. The Biden administration, for example, wants to prevent any new trade regimes from hurting the middle class, even though there are inevitably going to be some losers when openings in trade are made.
The United States could do better by closing the skills-job opening gap and helping the American middle class compete by providing improved retraining and more life-long learning opportunities, as well as a stronger social safety net, including portable healthcare, universal daycare, and more generous unemployment insurance linked to retraining. Of course, trade politics include a significant amount of market intervention and managed trade — imposing quotas and voluntary export restraints, or putting in place tariffs when another’s trade practices are deemed to be unfair or in order to protect strategic industries — and demonstrate clear results from such measures.³ Yet, there seems to be an increasing temptation among foreign policy strategists to believe that China will either acquiesce to perpetual U.S. primacy or that it can simply be isolated from U.S.-led political and economic structures. This implies that the United States and its allies can redesign the world to please their preferences for democratic liberalism without regard for other countries. But when, over the past several centuries, has there been a stable world order absent the inclusion or a considered balance of the major economic and military powers, particularly China and Russia?
Technology, Economics, and Politics
To our minds, the proposal for a “partial liberal trading system,” is inconsistent with Friedberg’s elegant summary analysis of how periods of globalization over the past 200 years have come about and operated: namely that economics, in terms of market trends and other forces such as technology, has historically been the driver of globalization. Politics, on the other hand, may have established a favorable framework for globalization, but it has been unable to orchestrate it fully.
We take the point in Robert Gilpin’s prescient assessment, cited by Friedberg, regarding the reciprocal relationship between politics and economics, wherein economics redistributes wealth and power, which leads to political changes and reordered politico-economic relationships. But this model overstates the role of politics and underestimates the role of technology. Politics does create the framework in which economics operates, but within that framework — the enabling security structures and sets of rules and regulations — economics is driven by its own imperatives that redistribute wealth and power. In Britain in the 19th century and the United States in the 20th century, economic expansion led to the development of external markets for Western exports and imports of commodities and other essential goods. These economic exchanges helped America’s trading partners — including China — to grow and compete. Some forecasts anticipate that China will outgrow the United States as measured in market exchange terms by the early 2030s.⁴ China’s stunning ascendency since 1978 is testimony to how economic growth upsets power balances,⁵ in this case triggering a U.S. backlash and a corresponding shift of U.S. views of China that Friedberg ably chronicles.
Economics has also driven calls in the United States and, to a degree, other Western countries, for changing how globalization operates in order to better protect their interests. In a sense, having pressed liberalization on everyone else and then lost the agency to run the global economy after World War II, Washington wants to re-work who’s in and who’s out to ensure continued hegemony. Friedberg’s solution to the problems with the current trading system would be a “world in which the advanced industrial democracies of Europe, Asia, and the Western Hemisphere band together to form a free trade area and perhaps a full economic bloc.” This is wishful thinking. Such an alternative to the current global economy is unrealistic and would be disruptive, ultimately undermining U.S. and Western prosperity and potentially increasing the risk of great-power conflict — a risk that is already unacceptably high.
The historical cases that Friedberg supplies illustrate the importance of economics and technology over politics. This is strengthened if one considers the first cycle of economic globalization that took place more than two millennia ago under the Han dynasty, a case that Friedberg omitted: the Silk Road, which connected Asia and the Middle East to Europe with variations (e.g., Venice’s maritime empire) until roughly 1500.⁶ There were minimal rules in this system, and it was driven mainly by power, ambition, and the desire for profit. Friedberg’s “Globalization 1.0,” (1815–1914), facilitated as much by rapid technological change (the telegraph, railroads, steam engines) as by a post-Napoleonic political framework, was largely based on Britain’s and other Western countries’ comparative advantage and thirst for the raw materials that were provided by Europe’s colonies in Africa, Asia, Caribbean, and other regions. It was the politics of nationalism and anti-colonialism more than redistributed wealth that produced World War I, thus ending that period of globalization.
The post-World War II Bretton Woods system was a wildly successful partial-liberal order centered in the United States, Western Europe, and Japan. The crafters of this system were intent on learning from the mistakes of hyper-nationalism and protectionism that characterized the inter-war period. The system had a rules-based architecture that was open and mutually beneficial and that worked to no small degree because of relatively open U.S. markets and a hegemonic enforcer that underpinned the system. The self-imposed separation by the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact countries helped set its limits. As John Ruggie argues (which Friedberg cites), one reason for the post-Cold War resilience of the Bretton Woods system, current problems notwithstanding, is that even absent a hegemon, if there is a sense of common purpose and shared interests, a multilateral structure can still function.⁷ Bretton Woods partners felt they were receiving enough mutual benefit to sustain the system, regardless of whether a hegemon was involved. But as Europe and Japan rebuilt and became industrial competitors by the 1980s, the generosity of America’s relatively open markets became increasingly problematic for Americans who saw those whom they had defeated gaining economically on the United States. Washington struck back, as showcased in the 1980s U.S.-Japanese trade wars in which Japanese auto companies were pressured into investing their profits in building new factories in America.
As globalization took off at the end of the Cold War, the Bretton Woods trade and financial system, fueled by the IT revolution and global supply chains, expanded exponentially to former Warsaw Pact nations and to emerging economies like Brazil, India, and East Asia writ large, as well as China and even Russia itself. The result was a new global middle class, but also new vulnerabilities that manifested in financial crises in Latin America (most pronounced in the 1980s but episodic and ongoing in Argentina and several other countries), the 1998 Asian financial crisis, and eventually the meltdown of the whole system in the 2008 Western financial crisis.⁸ All of this affirms Gilpin’s point about trade redistributing wealth and, in turn, leading to changes in political fortunes, such as America’s relative decline. While it is still a work in progress, we have seen some change in the character and scope of globalization. Capital controls are one such shift, as well as a proliferation of regional and extra-regional trade arrangements. A polycentric world also faces unprecedented uncertainty about the future of the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) role as the arbiter of global trade, as the failure of the Doha Round of global trade liberalization underscored.⁹
At present, the Fourth Industrial Revolution and rapid digitization have shown that economics tends to race ahead of governance. This was illustrated by China’s unprecedented economic success in recent decades, outgrowing the political framework of the trading system, going from $150 billion in GDP in 1978 to $18 trillion in 2021 with an average 10 percent annual growth from 1978 to 2021.¹⁰ China’s gaming of the system led to a shattering of U.S. myths that economic reform leads to wider liberalization and a realization that China’s state-centric model was a different type of capitalism, something that President Donald Trump called out.¹¹
Repairing the Current System
Instead of proposing an improbable strategy for a return to a partial globalization centered on the “free world,” Friedberg may have done better to show that the current, flawed system of globalization can be repaired. This would preserve, if not boost, current benefits for the United States and the rest of the world. In Friedberg’s account of the breakdown of “Globalization 2.0,” China is largely at fault. Nobody denies that China has never fulfilled the promises it made to liberalize its internal market at the time of its 2001 accession to the WTO. Beijing is also, as Friedberg charges, engaged in rampant intellectual theft to help it become a tech giant, but this is not the most important factor in its rapid technological ascent. Missing in Friedberg’s analysis are U.S. causes for America’s disenchantment with globalization. As Adam Posen has argued in a recent Foreign Affairs article, the “United States has, on balance, been withdrawing from the international economy for the past two decades.”¹² The jobs lost to Chinese competition have, in fact, been relatively small — namely, two million jobs lost between 2000 and 2015 out of a workforce of 150 million, or roughly 130,000 workers a year.¹³
So why the public backlash against globalization and China? Part of the reason, Posen argues, concerns the “fetishization of manufacturing jobs.” The United States has been steadily losing manufacturing jobs, with many of the losses coming from electorally important states, giving the issue more prominence. But why shift all the blame onto China? While Beijing bears much of the blame, the United States has been woefully remiss in helping redundant workers find new employment through retraining. Policies encouraging U.S. offshore investment in global supply chains until very recently also contributed to the problem. According to a 2021 study by the American Enterprise Institute, U.S. “federal spending on worker training has fallen over the past few decades as a share of GDP.”¹⁴ U.S. states have traditionally played an important role in trade adjustment, but in the aggregate, there has also been a decline in trade funding assistance since the 1980s. Other advanced economies do much better in terms of funding both social safety nets and skills training: The United States is second to last in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s ranking of countries that provide public spending to support job readiness and matching skills to jobs.¹⁵ Fashioning a more robust social safety net and better equipping the workforce with the skills needed to advance in a rapidly changing 21st-century workplace might restore trust in freer trade.
It is not only on trade that the United States has turned against the rest of the world. Anti-immigrant feeling has also exploded, although there is little evidence that unskilled immigrants are going to take away highly paid jobs.¹⁶ In fact, the U.S. economy can’t run without immigrants. The turn inward and opposition to globalization is as much cultural and psychological as it is based on rational interests. Disregarding history and the distributive effects of trade, Americans always tended to assume that their country would be an outright winner of globalization.
European countries have been much less enamored with globalization, fearing that their industries would lose out. As Friedberg points out, globalization was sold in the mid-1990s by President Bill Clinton as the motor for achieving the “end of history.” But there was little understanding of how globalization leads to more — not less — strategic competition. One reason for this may be that America’s rise to become one of the great economic powers by the end of the 19th century came about because of Britain’s embrace of free trade and its support for globalization. A better appreciation at the outset of the challenges of economic competition might have pushed the United States toward a Sputnik-like “self-improvement” program, rendering it better prepared for the inevitable competition from China and other emerging markets.
Instead of throwing the globalization baby out with the bath water, America can still try to repair the flaws in globalization’s workings. What’s wrong with putting pressure on China by rounding up allies to force Beijing to mend its ways on IP theft and lack of market access or risk losing global markets? China’s growth remains dependent on trade, and China is the biggest trading partner of many U.S. allies.
Sacrificing Globalization 2.0 and trying to build a partial replacement anchored in the “free world” carries a number of risks. For starters, it is not a given that the United States can harmonize its views on trade and regulation with those of the European Union, which has been integrating its trade with Asia and Latin America. Globalization 2.0 has also been the vehicle for many developing countries to enrich themselves, reduce poverty, and build middle classes, which, over time, can bolster the chances of democratization and liberal market reforms. A partial liberal trade system that leaves out a good part of the world would increase the chances of conflict and make authoritarianism more likely, leaving the developing world more dependent on China.
In all of this, there needs to be a better understanding of the limits of America’s power to impose its will. It may have worked for Dean Acheson, but that time is long past. It is U.S. hubris and concern over America’s unreliability that has prompted Europe and much of Asia to hedge against the United States. Look at E.U. trade and investment deals with Japan, China, and other Asian and Latin American states,¹⁷ and consider Asia, with its new Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership accord,¹⁸ which does not include America. Though Friedberg minimizes the effort required to achieve consensus, he is right about the importance of mobilizing democracies and other like-minded states to forge a common position on trade issues, but that should not be an end in itself. Precisely because of the limits of U.S. agency, working with allies and partners makes sense in order to maximize America’s leverage to shape global rules and norms, but it should not be a substitute for global rules.
With only 18 percent of the world economy, is it not possible that China would alter its policies to sustain access to global markets,¹⁹ particularly now, as it faces unprecedented challenges due to a state-centric, investment-driven economic model that no longer works?²⁰ The same Chinese Communist Party of the Great Leap Forward disaster and the maniacal cultural revolution self-corrected by enacting Deng Xiaoping’s economic reforms. It is worth exhausting diplomacy to test this idea before concluding that there is no difference between China’s grandiose ambitions and what it is willing to accept. That’s where coordination among democracies and the like-minded can build leverage to test the proposition. Friedberg is too quick to eliminate any role for the United States and its partners working together to update global trade and tech rules, as well as the WTO. At present, however, the mutual demonization between China and the United States, and America’s assumption that China can’t change, render such an effort difficult.
Domestic Obstacles to a Value-Based Globalization
Friedberg also ignores the growing domestic obstacles when he calls for a return to a partial, value-based globalization. President Joe Biden may have eased Trump-era steel and aluminum sanctions against European allies, but he angered those allies with his Buy American rule, using federal procurement to support American manufacturing. Biden also dismayed America’s United States-Mexico-Canada-Agreement partners, when he proposed electric car subsidies for unionized U.S. carmakers,²¹ although it’s unclear how the subsidies will be implemented in the recently enacted Inflation Reduction Act. The episode has left a bad taste in the mouths of America’s closest trade partners, such as South Korea and Japan, who have been encouraged to build auto factories in the United States, and it reinforces the impression that the United States is becoming more protectionist, even with its allies.
Moreover, the Biden administration is so divided it is hard for it to make any move on trade. A recent Politico article describes the difficulty plaguing administration efforts to develop a trade strategy with Asian countries, despite the eagerness of America’s Asian allies and partners for the United States to take a more active role in trade.²² In one corner of the three-way administration division are the trade expansionists who want to tie Asian nations closer to the United States with trade deals. Then there’s the more labor-friendly faction, which wants to use tariffs and quotas to protect U.S. workers. The third camp worries that scrapping with China economically could undermine administration priorities to ease inflation and decrease supply chain bottlenecks. Even smaller trade deal ideas, such as a digital trade agreement, have met with opposition. A U.S. Trade Representative plan to launch a trade case against China’s use of industrial subsidies has also been dropped.
Then there’s Congress, which is increasingly anti-trade. Trumpist Republicans and progressive Democrats oppose any effort to resurrect the Trans-Pacific Partnership and would block America’s entry into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. Both parties are fighting the last war, blaming foreign trade as the main cause of the decline of union workers and the loss of manufacturing jobs, when technological change is a major driver of job gains and losses. The problem is more the mismatch of skills to labor, one reason why the United States has some 10 million unfilled jobs.²³
Administration paralysis in moving forward with any trade initiative combined with growing protectionism make it hard to envisage a “free world” free trade agreement being workable. While such an accord would seem to be in line with the administration’s anti-China and pro-democracy focus and popular with the growing anti-China congressional consensus, it would mean crafting a trade agreement that is larger than any of the administration’s smaller initiatives. Friedberg has rightly focused on the problems that China poses to the functioning of the world trading system. Yet, the current political disorder at home is as much the issue when it comes to remaking the global trading system. The fundamental problem with Friedberg’s advocacy for a free world trading system is that we cannot just wipe the slate clean and start anew.
Conclusion
There is much uncertainty about the future of the global trading system, and Friedberg nicely sketches possible alternative futures. The WTO’s role will almost certainly be diminished. There may be sector-specific global trade liberalization to come, but most likely no future global trade rounds. Trade liberalization has become more region-centric and trans-region centric, such as is the case with the U.S.-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement.²⁴ Nonetheless, because of its near universal membership (it covers 96 percent of global trade), and its role as the only over-arching dispute settlement mechanism, the WTO remains critical to maintaining a rules-based trade regime, although both aspects of the organization are in need of major reform if the WTO is to remain relevant.²⁵
Recent trends of regional trade clusters and the reorganization of supply chains suggest that the most probable scenario is one in which the WTO and U.N. standard-setting bodies create a loose global umbrella over regional accords. But continued trade and financial fragmentation cannot be dismissed. Protectionism — managed trade in key sectors like steel and aluminum — is on the rise. For the very reason that Friedberg highlights via Gilpin — that economics alters politics — we cannot rule out that today’s authoritarians could become tomorrow’s market-oriented democracies, as internal forces, such as growing middle classes, push for more political participation and liberalization over time.
Apart from the inertia of U.S. trade policy, market forces pose a strong obstacle to any effort to reorder trade along ideological lines that cuts out the world’s largest market and trading power. We are already seeing hints of a prospective mirror-image response to “democracies only” efforts in the February joint statement from Chinese leader Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin, promising closer affiliation between Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.²⁶ Similarly, Beijing has proposed a new Global Security Initiative.²⁷
There is a complex network of trade and investment with China. U.S. corn and wheat farmers are attracted to the Chinese market, and shale producers welcome selling to the Chinese liquefied natural gas market. Boeing enjoys the Chinese commercial airline market, and Qualcomm and others like selling low-end chips for Chinese cellphones. None of this necessarily poses national security risks. A circumscribed, partial liberal trade order would defy market forces that benefit American businesses and consumers.
Strategic competition is leading to decoupling by both the United States and China where national security interests are deemed at risk, particularly in the tech sector. Fixing a global system that economics has overtaken, however problematic, still seems the most sensible strategy. Finally, with regard to the broader systemic consequences, it is worth recalling a recent cautionary note from Henry Kissinger: “Differences in ideology should not be the main issue of confrontation, unless we are prepared to make regime change the principal goal of our policy.”²⁸
Dr. Mathew Burrows serves as director of the Stimson Center’s Strategic Foresight Hub and is a distinguished fellow in the Reimagining Grand Strategy program and Red Cell project at the Stimson Center. He retired in 2013 from a 28-year career at the CIA, serving the last 10 years as counselor at the National Intelligence Council.
Robert A. Manning is a distinguished fellow in the Reimagining Grand Strategy program and the Red Cell project at the Stimson Center. He was a senior counselor to the undersecretary of state for global affairs from 2001 to 2004, a member of the U.S. Department of State policy planning staff from 2004 to 2008, and a member of the National Intelligence Council strategic futures group from 2008 to 2012. Follow him on Twitter @Rmanning4.
© All Rights Reserved - Please don't copy and/or use without authorization. Flickrmail is there for this kind of situation (I read it quite often), so is my e-mail, available at the profile
Sao Paulo, 24.oct.22 - Crowd attend the Act for Democracy, called by the Catholic University of São Paulo, in its seventh edition, this Monday (25). The candidate for the presidency of Brazil Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva attended together with his vice-president, Geraldo Alckmin, his wife Janja, the candidate for the state government of SP, Fernando Haddad, as well as the former Minister of the Environment Marina Silva and his rival in the first round Simone Tebet, who was warmly applauded. One week before the second round of the most tense elections since the re-democratization of the country, Lula is still ahead in the polls and took the opportunity to criticize the latest scandal involving an ally of his rival Jair Bolsonaro: Roberto Jefferson, a supporter of the current president, received police officers who were serving an arrest warrant against him with rifle and grenade fire. Two policemen were wounded, one of them seriously. Pictured:
[There are 27 detailed images in this set] This is a creative commons image, which you may freely use by linking to this page. Please respect the photographer and his work.
This set of 5 photos shows some of the stained-glass windows of the Penn-Wyatt House (1876) in Danville, Virginia. Residential, or secular stained-glass, had become relatively common in the last quarter of the 19th century as a way to beautify one’s space, to make an architectural statement, and possibly to fall in with a decorative fad or style. Charles Eastlake (1836-1906), influential in architectural embellishment, felt the use of stained-glass was an appropriate decoration for a household; it was in “good taste”. The glaziers’ world now included the ecclesiastical and the secular. Decorative arts in an architectural setting demanded fine art from skilled and imaginative craftsmen, often using floral or abstract designs on a geometrical background (photo 4 is a good example of this). Inside the house, the light through the window would create a different aspect of color and mood; furthermore, windows were placed where no view to the outside was intended. The use of decorative windows became so commonplace that mail order hardware companies offered them among their products at prices within reach of many. This democratization of stained-glass accessibility tended to water down the artistry. In the 20th century, two wars and the Depression devastated the business with the final blow delivered by “modern architecture”, which greatly deemphasized any ornamentation. I don’t know anything about these windows, if they were artisan or assembly-line in origin or when they were installed. The house did undergo modifications from 1897-1903. I was unable to view the interior of the Penn-Wyatt House except as seen through windows; but I’ll remember looking through a glass door and seeing, as if I were inside, how a window diffused the light and colors, a sight of wonder and beauty. Images 2 and 3 are excellent examples of window moldings. The Penn-Wyatt House was listed on the National Register of Historic Places September 7, 1979, ID reference #79003317. [The description is a synthesis of numerous sources.]
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. If you use this image on your web site, you need to provide a link to this photo.
german/ english/ spanish:
Widerstand im Herzen des europäischen Krisenregimes 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 ###
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013###
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.###
Erneut rufen wir* zu europäischen Tagen des Protestes in Frankfurt am Main gegen das Krisenregime der Europäischen Union auf. Am 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 wollen wir den Widerstand gegen die Verarmungspolitik von Regierung und Troika – der EZB, der EU-Kommission und des IWF – in eines der Zentren des europäischen Krisenregimes tragen: an den Sitz der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) und vieler deutscher Banken und Konzerne – den Profiteuren dieser Politik.
Die Verarmungs- und Privatisierungsprogramme, die schon vor Jahrzehnten den Ländern des Globalen Südens aufgezwungen wurden, sind jetzt in Europa angekommen. Die deutsche Agenda 2010 war nur ein Modellprojekt für das, was in noch dramatischerem Umfang jetzt insbesondere in Südeuropa durchgesetzt wird. Diese Verelendung wird sich – auch hier – noch weiter verschärfen, wenn wir uns nicht wehren: der weitere Abbau sozialer und demokratischer Rechte. Damit soll die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Renditeerwartungen der großen Vermögen erhalten bleiben und durch die Verbilligung und Prekarisierung von Lohnarbeit die „ökonomische Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ Deutschlands und (Kern-)Europas auf dem kapitalistischen Weltmarkt gesteigert werden.
Gemeinsam mit den Menschen im Süden Europas sagen wir: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ (Wir schulden nichts, wir zahlen nichts!) und wehren uns dagegen, dass die Sanierung des Kapitalismus in Europa auf dem Rücken der Lohnabhängigen, der Erwerbslosen, der Rentner_innen, der Migrant_innen und der Jugendlichen ausgetragen wird. Wir verweigern uns der Komplizenschaft mit der deutschen Krisenpolitik, die nicht nur katastrophale Folgen für die Lebensverhältnisse der Menschen im Süden Europas hat, sondern auch hierzulande die soziale Spaltung immer weiter vorantreibt. Deswegen kämpfen wir auch gegen die hier bereits erfolgten und in noch größerem Ausmaß drohenden Verschlechterungen von Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen, die zudem geschlechtsspezifisch ungleich verteilt sind und somit die Geschlechterungerechtigkeit verschärfen. Zu uns gehören Initiativen gegen steigende Mieten, kommunale Verarmung und Schikanen am Jobcenter, gegen Abschiebungen, Lager und Residenzpflicht.
Immer wieder wird versucht, uns zu spalten, z.B. mit dem Hinweis, ‚es wäre genug für die Griechen gezahlt‘. Keine Griechin, kein Grieche ist gerettet, vielmehr sind Banken und Konzernen ihre Rendite gesichert worden. Wir widersetzen uns dem Versuch, mit solchen nationalistischen Parolen Beschäftigte, Erwerbslose und Prekäre in Deutschland und Griechenland, in Italien, Portugal und Frankreich oder anderen Ländern gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Insbesondere bekämpfen wir alle (neo)faschistischen Tendenzen, Aufmärsche und Veranstaltungen. Wir wehren uns auch gegen jedwede reaktionäre oder rassistische Kriseninterpretation – gleich ob von „Unten oder Oben“ – gleich ob in antisemitischer, antimuslimischer oder antiziganistischer Form.
Wir sind Teil der internationalen Bewegungen, die sich seit Jahren gegen die Angriffe auf unser Leben und unsere Zukunft wehren, für soziale Rechte und Alternativen kämpfen, neue Formen von demokratischer Organisierung und solidarischer Ökonomie entwickeln. Wir widersetzen uns der autoritären Durchsetzung der Spar- und Reformpakete, die in eklatantem Widerspruch zu demokratischen Prinzipien steht, und treten für die Demokratisierung aller Lebensbereiche ein. Wir widersetzen uns der Durchsetzung wirtschaftlicher Interessen mit Krieg und Rüstungsexport. Wir widersetzen uns dem kapitalistischen Wirtschaftsmodell, das auf globaler Ausbeutung basiert, notwendig Armut und soziale Ungleichheit produziert und die Natur systematisch zerstört.
Wir tragen unseren Protest, unseren zivilen Ungehorsam und Widerstand an den Sitz der Profiteure des europäischen Krisenregimes nach Frankfurt am Main. Von polizeilicher und juristischer Repression, die Bewegungen an vielen Orten weltweit und auch uns trifft, lassen wir uns nicht einschüchtern, sondern begegnen ihr mit grenzüberschreitender Solidarität.
Setzen wir unsere Solidarität gegen die Politik der Spardiktate! Machen wir deutlich: Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass die Krise weiter auf den Rücken von abhängig Beschäftigten, Erwerbslosen, Rentner_innen, Prekären, Studierenden, Flüchtlingen und vielen anderen abgeladen wird, weder anderswo, noch hier. Die Frankfurter Protesttage schließen damit an die weltweiten Proteste des vergangenen Jahres, die Proteste im Frühling in Brüssel und anderswo sowie an die Bewegungen für einen Alter Summit in Athen an.
Wir werden gegen die Politik von Bundesregierung und der ganz großen 4-Parteien-Koalition, gegen die Politik von EZB, EU-Kommission und IWF demonstrieren.Wir werden die EZB blockieren.Wir werden die öffentlichen Plätze in der Wirtschafts- und Finanzmetropole Frankfurt okkupieren – wir sind BLOCKUPY!
* Blockupy ist ein bundesweites Bündnis, in dem zahlreiche Gruppen, Organisationen und einzelne AktivistInnen mitarbeiten. Wir sind in unterschiedlichen sozialen und politischen Gruppen oder Strömungen aktiv. Bisher beteiligen sich Attac-AktivistInnen, Gewerkschaften, antirassistische Netzwerke, Parteien wie Die Linke, Occupy-AktivistInnen, Erwerbsloseninitiativen, studentische Gruppen, Nord-Süd-, Friedens- und Umweltinitiativen, die Linksjugend [‘solid], die Grüne Jugend sowie linksradikale Zusammenschlüsse wie die Interventionistische Linke und das Ums-Ganze-Bündnis. ↩
Mehr Informationen auf der HP: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
##################
Call for Action: Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013
Again we* call for European days of protest in Frankfurt on the Main against the crisis regime of the European Union. On May 31 and June 1, 2013, we want to carry the resistance against the policies of impoverishment of government and Troika- EZB, EU-Comission and IMF-into one of the centers of the European crisis regime: to the domicile of the European Central Bank (ECB) and of many German banks and corporations- the profiteers of these policies.
The programs of impoverishment and privatizations, which already decades ago have been imposed on the countries of the Global South, now have arrived in Europe. The German Agenda 2010 was just an archetype for what now in even more dramatic extent is enforced especially in Southern Europe. This pauperization will aggravate further – also here- if we do not defend ourseleves: the ongoing cutback of social and democratic rights. Thereby the capacity to pay for the expectations on yeald return of large fortunes are to be sustained, the „economic competitiveness“ of Germany and (Central)Europe in the capitalist world market is to be enhanced through the price-reduction and precarization of waged labor.
Together with people in Southern Europe we say: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ and resist the restructuring of capitalism in Europe on the backs of empoyees and unemployed, retirees, migrants and youth. We defy the complicity with the German crisis policies, which not ony have catastrophic consequences for people in Southern Europe, but also in this country even further deepen the social divide. Therefore we also fight against the deterioration of living and working conditions, already implemented here and imminent to an even larger extent. Its effects are also gender-specifically unequally distributed and thus aggravate gender injustice. Initiatives against rising rents, municipal impoverishment and harrasment of unemployed persons, against deportations, isolation camps and mandatory residence are part of us.
Consistently it is tried to divide us, e.g. by saying that „enough has been paid for the Greek“. No Greek person has been saved, in fact the yeald return of banks and corporations has been assured. We defy the intent to incite employees, unemployed and precarious in Germany and Greece, in Italy, Portugal, France or other countries against each other with such nationalist slogans. Especially we fight against all (neo)fascist tendencies, marches and events. We also oppose any form of reactionary or racist crisis interpreation- no matter if from „below or above“, no matter if anti-Semitic, antiMuslim or antiziganistic.
We are part of the international movements who for years have been resisting the attacks on our life and our future, fight for social rights and alternatives, develop new forms of organization and solidarian economy. We oppose the authoritarian imposition of packages of austerity and reforms, which are in blatant contraditction to democratic principles, and stand up for the democratization of all aspects of life. We defy the assertion of economic interests through war and exports of weapons. We defy the capitalist economic model which is based on global exploitation, necessarily produces poverty and social injustice and systematically destroys nature.
We carry our protest, our civil disobedience and resistance to the domicile of the profiteers of the European crisis regime to Frankfurt on the Main. We will not let ourselves be intimidated by police and judicial repression which globally affects movements on many places including ourselves, but react with border-crossing solidarity.
Let´s show our solidarity against the politics of austerity dictates! Let us make clear: We will not permit that the crsis is continuously loaded on the backs of wage earners, unemployed, retirees, precarious, students, refugees and many others, neither here nor anywhere else. The Frankfurt days of protest thereby join last year´s global protests, the protests in spring in Brussels and other places and the movements for an Alter Summit in Athens.
We will demonstrate against the policies of the federal governemnt and the really grand 4-party-coalition, against the policies of ECB, EU-Comission and IMF. We will block the ECB. We will occupy public squares in the economic and financial metropolis Frankfurt – we are Blockupy!
*Blockupy is a federal coalition in which numerous groups, organizations and individual activists collaborate. We are active in different social and political collectives or currents. So far take part: Attac-activists, unions, antiracist networks, parties like Die Linke, Occupy-activists, unemployed initiatives, student groups, North-South, peace and environmental initiatives, the leftyouth [‘solid], the green youth, as well as radical left associations like Interventionist Left and Ums-Ganze-Alliance.↩
informations: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
#####
Convocatoria: ¡Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.
Otra vey nosotrxs* hacemos un llamado para jornadas europeas de protesta en contra del régimen de crisis de la Unión Europea en Fráncfort del Meno. El 31 de Mayo y el 1 de junio queremos llevar la resistencia contra las políticas de emprobrecimiento del gobierno y de la Troika – BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI- a uno de los centros del régimen europeo de la crisis: A la sede del Banco Central Europea (BCE) y de muchos bancos y consorcios alemanes- los beneficiarios de esta política.
Los programas de empobrecimiento y de privatizationes, que ya hace décadas han sido impuestos a los paises del Sur Global, ahora han llegado a Europa. La Agenda 2010 alemana sólo era un proyecto piloto por lo que ahora se impone de alcanze aún mas dramático especialmente en el Sur de Europa. Esa depauperización se agudizará aún más – también aquí- si no nos defendemos: la reducción contínua de derechos sociales y democráticos. Así se pretende mantener la capacidad de pago para las expectativas de rédito de las grandes fortunas y de aumentar la „competitividad económica“ de Alemania y (del Centro de) Europa en el mercado mundial capitalista a través del abaratamiento y de la precarización del trabajo asalariado.
Juntxs con las personas en el Sur de Europa decimos: „¡No debemos, no pagamos!“ y resistimos la subsanación del capitalismo europeo a costa de salariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, migrantes y jóvenes. Denegamos la complicidad con la política alemana de la crisis, que no solamente tiene consequencias nefastas para las condiciones de vida de la gente en el Sur de Europa, sino que también en este país aumenta cada vez más la division social. Por eso también luchamos contra el deterioro de condiciones de vida y de trabajo ya implementado aquí y amagante de extensión aún más masiva. Sus resultados además son redistribuidos desigualmente de forma género específica, agravando todavía más la injusticia de género. Parte de nosotrxs son iniciativas en contra del aumento de alquileres, del empobrecimiento municipal y acoso a desempleadxs, en contra de deportaciones, campos de aislamiento y residencia obligatoria.
Una y otra vez se intenta dividirnos, por ejemplo diciendo que se „ha pagado suficiente para los griegos“. Ningunx griegx ha sido salvado, al contrario el rédito de bancos y corporaciones ha sido asegurado. Nos oponemos al intento de incitar asalariadxs, desempleadxs y precarixs en Alemania y Grecia, Italia, Portugal, Francia y otros paises lxs unxs en contra de lxs ortxs con consignas nacionalistas de este tipo. Especialmente luchamos en contra de todas las tendencias, marchas y eventos (neo)fascistas. Nos oponemos también a cualquier intrerpretación reaccionaria o racista de la crisis- no importa si desde „abajo o arriba“- no importa si de forma antisemita, antimusulmán o antiziganista.
Somos parte de los movimientos internacionales, que desde años están resistiendo los ataques a nuestra vida y nuestro futuro, que luchan por derechos sociales y alternativas, desarrollan nuevas formas de organización democrática y de economía solidaria. Nos oponemos a la imposición de paquetes de austeridad y de reformas, que están en contradicción masiva con principios democráticos, y reividicamos la democratización de todos los aspectos de la vida. Resistimos contra la imposición de intereses económicos a través de la guerra y de la exportación de armas. Nos oponemos al modelo económico capitalista, que se basa en explotación global, necesariamente produce pobreza y desigualdad social y sistematicamente destruye la naturaleza. Llevamos nuestra protesta, nuestra desobedencia civil y nuestra resistencia a la sede de los benificiarios del régimen europeo de la crisis a Fráncfort del Meno. No nos dejamos intimidar por la represión policial y judicial, que gol
pea los moviminetos en muchos lugares del mundo incluyendo a nosotrxs, sino que la contestamos con solidaridad transfronteriza.
¡Pongamos nuestra solidaridad contra la política de los dictados de austeridad! Dejémos claro: No permitiremos que la crisis siga cargada en las espaldas de asalariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, estudiantes, refugiadxs, y otrxs, ni aquí ni en otros lugares. Las jornadas de protesta en Fráncfort continuan las protestas mundiales del año pasado, las protestas en la primavera en Bruxellas y otros lugares como los movimientos para un Alter Summit en Atenas.
Nos manifestaremos en contra de la coalición muy grande de cuatro partidos, contra las políticas de BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI. Bloquearemos el BCE. Ocuparemos las plazas públicas de la metrópolis económico-financiera Fráncfort- ¡Somos Blockupy!
* Blockupy es una coalición a nivel federal, en la cual cooperan numerosos colectivos, organizaciones y activistas individuales. Participamos activamente en diferentes grupos o corrientes sociales y políticos. Hasta ahora toman parte activistas de Attac, sindicatos, redes antiracistas, partidos como Die Linke, activistas de Occupy, iniciativas de desempleadxs, colectivos estudiantiles, iniciativas Norte-Sur, por la paz y el medio ambiente, la juventud de izquierda [‘solid], la juventud verde, así como federaciones de la izquierda radical como la Izquierda Intervencionista y la Alianza Ums Ganze..
Masan is an administrative region of Changwon, a city in the South Gyeongsang Province. It was formerly an independent city from 1949 until in 30 June 2010 it was absorbed to Changwon along with Jinhae. Masan was redistricted as two districts within Changwon, Masanhappo-gu and Masanhoewon-gu. In 31 December 2012, the population of the districts combined was 406,893.
Throughout Korean history, Masan served as a significant port city of Happo, which went through rapid modernization in the 19th century. It was also a stage for significant democratization movements in the 1960s and 1970s, most notable event being the Bu-Ma Democratic Protests in 1979. Due to its status as a free trade port, Masan has experienced consistent growth until early 1990s when the construction of Changwon went underway and began to attract citizens around the region.
HISTORY
September 1283 – After Korean officials encouraged Kublai Khan – head of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty – in 1267 that Japan would be easily subdued,[citation needed] the Koryo Korean state built over 300 large ships to aid an invasion of Japan. With over 20,000 Mongol troops as well as 5,000 Korean, the allied armies departed Masan on board 900 ships on 15 September 1283 in a failed campaign to conquer Japan.
1 June 1901 – The port of Masan was opened with pressure from Japan. Among the initial trading goods were salt, fish, cotton and other goods.
15 December 1962 – A protest against electoral corruption was spearheaded by the Democratic Party in Masan. Approximately 1000 residents attended the demonstration, which took place at 19:30 in front of the Democratic Party Headquarters in Masan. The protest sparked violent clashes between demonstrators and police officers in which several students were killed. To restore order, authorities blacked out Masan and General Carter B. Magruder eventually dispatched US Marines to quell the unrest.
13 December 1962 – The body of Kim Ju-yul was discovered in Masan Harbor. Kim – still dressed in his uniform from Masan Commercial High School – had disappeared in the March 15 clashes. Authorities claimed that he had drowned, but many Masan residents did not believe this explanation and forced their way into the hospital where Kim's body was stored. At the hospital, they discovered that grenade fragments behind his eyes had actually killed him. In the following days, mass demonstrations broke out involving as many as 40,000 residents throughout the characteristically politically left-leaning city. During renewed clashes with police, police opened fire and killed several protesters. Once again, the US military was called in to help restore order. At this point, public anger with the government had grown to new highs and rebellion against the Rhee government mushroomed around the country. Authorities 8 declared martial law.
Thus, the events in Masan in 1962 helped spark the movement against corruption known as the April 19 Movement, which eventually led to the resignation of President Syngman Rhee and the beginning of the Second Republic.
December 1979 – Protests broke out in Masan (as well as in Busan) against the regime of President Park Chung-hee following a brutal police crackdown on a sit-in strike of female textile workers from YH Trading Company. Workers in Masan's Free-export Zone even managed to create four labour unions
EDUCATION
Masan has three institutions of higher education: public vocational focused, which is located on the northwestern outskirts of the city in Yongdam-ri, and the private Kyungnam University (경남대학교), which is located in the southern part of Masan adjacent to Shin Masan. And the small private Christian Chang Shin College, in the northeastern part of the city.
ENTERTAINMENT AND SPORTS
The original central business district of Masan is located in Chang-dong. But recently it has moved to Hapseong-dong. Hapseong-dong is also a commercial neighborhood. An area with many bars, restaurants, and other forms of entertainment is located in Sinmasan.
Masan's baseball stadium is the home of the KBO League's NC Dinos. It previously occasionally hosted the Lotte Giants, a Korea Baseball Organization team which plays in nearby Busan. A professional women's baseball team, one of several in South Korea, plays in Sinpo-dong. An amusement park and zoo are on the tiny island of Dot-do
Masan is also very close to Geojedo, a large island that can be reached by bus, car, or ferry.
FOOD
Masan is generally known for its fishing industry and is the origin of spicy Agujjim, a steamed dish made with agwi (아귀, blackmouth angler). Until the 1940s, the fish was not eaten and was frequently discarded due to its ugly appearance and low commercial value. However, as fish began to become more scarce in the late 20th century, the newly found delicacy became popular. Since its creation, agujjim has been considered a local specialty of Masan, especially around Odong-dong, one of the neighborhoods there and is favored by the public nationwide.
TRANSPORTATION
Machang Bridge is the first large-scale bridge to be built in South Korea as a public-private partnership. The sponsors of the project, Bouygues Travaux Publics and Hyundai Engineering & Construction, had been pursuing the Project since the late 1991s. MCB Co., Ltd, the Concessionaire, is jointly owned by the sponsors and MKIF.
MASAN PORT
The port was once operated by the Mongolians (Yuan Dynasty in China) and used in the preparations to conquer Japan - which eventually failed. To this day, Masan features the small but historic "Mongojeong" (몽고정,蒙古井) meaning Mongol Well. It is located on Jasan-dong 117, and represents the Mongolian influence on the city.
Today, Masan Port is one of the city's most dominating features. It was first opened in 1901. The port connects much of the outside world with the Changwon Industrial Complex, Masan's Free Trade Zone and the future Sachun Industrial Complex.
TOURIST SPOTS
JEODOYEONNEUKGYO BRIDGE
(Jeodo Island Land Connecting Bridge)
Jeodoyeonneukgyo Bridge is a popular spot to watch the beautiful sunrise and sunset. Built in 1990, the bridge connecting Gubok-ri and Jeodo Island is 182m in length and 15.5m in height. Rocks found on both ends of the bridge extend outward toward the sea, and one can cross the bridge while enjoying the beautiful backdrop of the deep blue sea.
JASAN SOLBAT PARK
This park is located in the heart of Masan, with a waterwheel along a 95m-long small stream, a pine trail created with red clay, an outdoor fitness area with gym equipment, a playground for children in the forest, an outdoor performance stage, and a gateball court.
GAGOPA KkOBURANG-GIL
This is a mural village where people can take a walk along a winding alley, and enjoy a view of a mountain village and the Masan Port. 32 artists painted the murals without pay as part of the efforts to invigorate the communities in Chusan-dong and Seongho-dong.
WIKIPEDIA
You're strolling around Pagoda Park on a nice snappy autumn afternoon, enjoying the sights and then - uh-oh Spaghetti-O - you come upon a rancorous, dialed-up-to-11 protest. This one is mostly anti-North Korean nukes, but there is also a sign saying "Economic Liberalization (Democratization) hurts our competitiveness." Won't even touch that one. Notably, the Kim Jong-in signs just have an "X" over his face. The anti-Kim display near Kwanghwamun actually has his mouth taped shut. Now, that's just mean. With duct-tape tamped over his gob, how is he supposed to sing his Disney Sing-Along songs? And how will he and his wife practice the "Chim Chim Cheree" duet from "Mary Poppins"? ;-)
german/ english/ spanish:
Widerstand im Herzen des europäischen Krisenregimes 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 ###
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013###
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.###
Erneut rufen wir* zu europäischen Tagen des Protestes in Frankfurt am Main gegen das Krisenregime der Europäischen Union auf. Am 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 wollen wir den Widerstand gegen die Verarmungspolitik von Regierung und Troika – der EZB, der EU-Kommission und des IWF – in eines der Zentren des europäischen Krisenregimes tragen: an den Sitz der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) und vieler deutscher Banken und Konzerne – den Profiteuren dieser Politik.
Die Verarmungs- und Privatisierungsprogramme, die schon vor Jahrzehnten den Ländern des Globalen Südens aufgezwungen wurden, sind jetzt in Europa angekommen. Die deutsche Agenda 2010 war nur ein Modellprojekt für das, was in noch dramatischerem Umfang jetzt insbesondere in Südeuropa durchgesetzt wird. Diese Verelendung wird sich – auch hier – noch weiter verschärfen, wenn wir uns nicht wehren: der weitere Abbau sozialer und demokratischer Rechte. Damit soll die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Renditeerwartungen der großen Vermögen erhalten bleiben und durch die Verbilligung und Prekarisierung von Lohnarbeit die „ökonomische Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ Deutschlands und (Kern-)Europas auf dem kapitalistischen Weltmarkt gesteigert werden.
Gemeinsam mit den Menschen im Süden Europas sagen wir: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ (Wir schulden nichts, wir zahlen nichts!) und wehren uns dagegen, dass die Sanierung des Kapitalismus in Europa auf dem Rücken der Lohnabhängigen, der Erwerbslosen, der Rentner_innen, der Migrant_innen und der Jugendlichen ausgetragen wird. Wir verweigern uns der Komplizenschaft mit der deutschen Krisenpolitik, die nicht nur katastrophale Folgen für die Lebensverhältnisse der Menschen im Süden Europas hat, sondern auch hierzulande die soziale Spaltung immer weiter vorantreibt. Deswegen kämpfen wir auch gegen die hier bereits erfolgten und in noch größerem Ausmaß drohenden Verschlechterungen von Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen, die zudem geschlechtsspezifisch ungleich verteilt sind und somit die Geschlechterungerechtigkeit verschärfen. Zu uns gehören Initiativen gegen steigende Mieten, kommunale Verarmung und Schikanen am Jobcenter, gegen Abschiebungen, Lager und Residenzpflicht.
Immer wieder wird versucht, uns zu spalten, z.B. mit dem Hinweis, ‚es wäre genug für die Griechen gezahlt‘. Keine Griechin, kein Grieche ist gerettet, vielmehr sind Banken und Konzernen ihre Rendite gesichert worden. Wir widersetzen uns dem Versuch, mit solchen nationalistischen Parolen Beschäftigte, Erwerbslose und Prekäre in Deutschland und Griechenland, in Italien, Portugal und Frankreich oder anderen Ländern gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Insbesondere bekämpfen wir alle (neo)faschistischen Tendenzen, Aufmärsche und Veranstaltungen. Wir wehren uns auch gegen jedwede reaktionäre oder rassistische Kriseninterpretation – gleich ob von „Unten oder Oben“ – gleich ob in antisemitischer, antimuslimischer oder antiziganistischer Form.
Wir sind Teil der internationalen Bewegungen, die sich seit Jahren gegen die Angriffe auf unser Leben und unsere Zukunft wehren, für soziale Rechte und Alternativen kämpfen, neue Formen von demokratischer Organisierung und solidarischer Ökonomie entwickeln. Wir widersetzen uns der autoritären Durchsetzung der Spar- und Reformpakete, die in eklatantem Widerspruch zu demokratischen Prinzipien steht, und treten für die Demokratisierung aller Lebensbereiche ein. Wir widersetzen uns der Durchsetzung wirtschaftlicher Interessen mit Krieg und Rüstungsexport. Wir widersetzen uns dem kapitalistischen Wirtschaftsmodell, das auf globaler Ausbeutung basiert, notwendig Armut und soziale Ungleichheit produziert und die Natur systematisch zerstört.
Wir tragen unseren Protest, unseren zivilen Ungehorsam und Widerstand an den Sitz der Profiteure des europäischen Krisenregimes nach Frankfurt am Main. Von polizeilicher und juristischer Repression, die Bewegungen an vielen Orten weltweit und auch uns trifft, lassen wir uns nicht einschüchtern, sondern begegnen ihr mit grenzüberschreitender Solidarität.
Setzen wir unsere Solidarität gegen die Politik der Spardiktate! Machen wir deutlich: Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass die Krise weiter auf den Rücken von abhängig Beschäftigten, Erwerbslosen, Rentner_innen, Prekären, Studierenden, Flüchtlingen und vielen anderen abgeladen wird, weder anderswo, noch hier. Die Frankfurter Protesttage schließen damit an die weltweiten Proteste des vergangenen Jahres, die Proteste im Frühling in Brüssel und anderswo sowie an die Bewegungen für einen Alter Summit in Athen an.
Wir werden gegen die Politik von Bundesregierung und der ganz großen 4-Parteien-Koalition, gegen die Politik von EZB, EU-Kommission und IWF demonstrieren.Wir werden die EZB blockieren.Wir werden die öffentlichen Plätze in der Wirtschafts- und Finanzmetropole Frankfurt okkupieren – wir sind BLOCKUPY!
* Blockupy ist ein bundesweites Bündnis, in dem zahlreiche Gruppen, Organisationen und einzelne AktivistInnen mitarbeiten. Wir sind in unterschiedlichen sozialen und politischen Gruppen oder Strömungen aktiv. Bisher beteiligen sich Attac-AktivistInnen, Gewerkschaften, antirassistische Netzwerke, Parteien wie Die Linke, Occupy-AktivistInnen, Erwerbsloseninitiativen, studentische Gruppen, Nord-Süd-, Friedens- und Umweltinitiativen, die Linksjugend [‘solid], die Grüne Jugend sowie linksradikale Zusammenschlüsse wie die Interventionistische Linke und das Ums-Ganze-Bündnis. ↩
Mehr Informationen auf der HP: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
##################
Call for Action: Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013
Again we* call for European days of protest in Frankfurt on the Main against the crisis regime of the European Union. On May 31 and June 1, 2013, we want to carry the resistance against the policies of impoverishment of government and Troika- EZB, EU-Comission and IMF-into one of the centers of the European crisis regime: to the domicile of the European Central Bank (ECB) and of many German banks and corporations- the profiteers of these policies.
The programs of impoverishment and privatizations, which already decades ago have been imposed on the countries of the Global South, now have arrived in Europe. The German Agenda 2010 was just an archetype for what now in even more dramatic extent is enforced especially in Southern Europe. This pauperization will aggravate further – also here- if we do not defend ourseleves: the ongoing cutback of social and democratic rights. Thereby the capacity to pay for the expectations on yeald return of large fortunes are to be sustained, the „economic competitiveness“ of Germany and (Central)Europe in the capitalist world market is to be enhanced through the price-reduction and precarization of waged labor.
Together with people in Southern Europe we say: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ and resist the restructuring of capitalism in Europe on the backs of empoyees and unemployed, retirees, migrants and youth. We defy the complicity with the German crisis policies, which not ony have catastrophic consequences for people in Southern Europe, but also in this country even further deepen the social divide. Therefore we also fight against the deterioration of living and working conditions, already implemented here and imminent to an even larger extent. Its effects are also gender-specifically unequally distributed and thus aggravate gender injustice. Initiatives against rising rents, municipal impoverishment and harrasment of unemployed persons, against deportations, isolation camps and mandatory residence are part of us.
Consistently it is tried to divide us, e.g. by saying that „enough has been paid for the Greek“. No Greek person has been saved, in fact the yeald return of banks and corporations has been assured. We defy the intent to incite employees, unemployed and precarious in Germany and Greece, in Italy, Portugal, France or other countries against each other with such nationalist slogans. Especially we fight against all (neo)fascist tendencies, marches and events. We also oppose any form of reactionary or racist crisis interpreation- no matter if from „below or above“, no matter if anti-Semitic, antiMuslim or antiziganistic.
We are part of the international movements who for years have been resisting the attacks on our life and our future, fight for social rights and alternatives, develop new forms of organization and solidarian economy. We oppose the authoritarian imposition of packages of austerity and reforms, which are in blatant contraditction to democratic principles, and stand up for the democratization of all aspects of life. We defy the assertion of economic interests through war and exports of weapons. We defy the capitalist economic model which is based on global exploitation, necessarily produces poverty and social injustice and systematically destroys nature.
We carry our protest, our civil disobedience and resistance to the domicile of the profiteers of the European crisis regime to Frankfurt on the Main. We will not let ourselves be intimidated by police and judicial repression which globally affects movements on many places including ourselves, but react with border-crossing solidarity.
Let´s show our solidarity against the politics of austerity dictates! Let us make clear: We will not permit that the crsis is continuously loaded on the backs of wage earners, unemployed, retirees, precarious, students, refugees and many others, neither here nor anywhere else. The Frankfurt days of protest thereby join last year´s global protests, the protests in spring in Brussels and other places and the movements for an Alter Summit in Athens.
We will demonstrate against the policies of the federal governemnt and the really grand 4-party-coalition, against the policies of ECB, EU-Comission and IMF. We will block the ECB. We will occupy public squares in the economic and financial metropolis Frankfurt – we are Blockupy!
*Blockupy is a federal coalition in which numerous groups, organizations and individual activists collaborate. We are active in different social and political collectives or currents. So far take part: Attac-activists, unions, antiracist networks, parties like Die Linke, Occupy-activists, unemployed initiatives, student groups, North-South, peace and environmental initiatives, the leftyouth [‘solid], the green youth, as well as radical left associations like Interventionist Left and Ums-Ganze-Alliance.↩
informations: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
#####
Convocatoria: ¡Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.
Otra vey nosotrxs* hacemos un llamado para jornadas europeas de protesta en contra del régimen de crisis de la Unión Europea en Fráncfort del Meno. El 31 de Mayo y el 1 de junio queremos llevar la resistencia contra las políticas de emprobrecimiento del gobierno y de la Troika – BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI- a uno de los centros del régimen europeo de la crisis: A la sede del Banco Central Europea (BCE) y de muchos bancos y consorcios alemanes- los beneficiarios de esta política.
Los programas de empobrecimiento y de privatizationes, que ya hace décadas han sido impuestos a los paises del Sur Global, ahora han llegado a Europa. La Agenda 2010 alemana sólo era un proyecto piloto por lo que ahora se impone de alcanze aún mas dramático especialmente en el Sur de Europa. Esa depauperización se agudizará aún más – también aquí- si no nos defendemos: la reducción contínua de derechos sociales y democráticos. Así se pretende mantener la capacidad de pago para las expectativas de rédito de las grandes fortunas y de aumentar la „competitividad económica“ de Alemania y (del Centro de) Europa en el mercado mundial capitalista a través del abaratamiento y de la precarización del trabajo asalariado.
Juntxs con las personas en el Sur de Europa decimos: „¡No debemos, no pagamos!“ y resistimos la subsanación del capitalismo europeo a costa de salariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, migrantes y jóvenes. Denegamos la complicidad con la política alemana de la crisis, que no solamente tiene consequencias nefastas para las condiciones de vida de la gente en el Sur de Europa, sino que también en este país aumenta cada vez más la division social. Por eso también luchamos contra el deterioro de condiciones de vida y de trabajo ya implementado aquí y amagante de extensión aún más masiva. Sus resultados además son redistribuidos desigualmente de forma género específica, agravando todavía más la injusticia de género. Parte de nosotrxs son iniciativas en contra del aumento de alquileres, del empobrecimiento municipal y acoso a desempleadxs, en contra de deportaciones, campos de aislamiento y residencia obligatoria.
Una y otra vez se intenta dividirnos, por ejemplo diciendo que se „ha pagado suficiente para los griegos“. Ningunx griegx ha sido salvado, al contrario el rédito de bancos y corporaciones ha sido asegurado. Nos oponemos al intento de incitar asalariadxs, desempleadxs y precarixs en Alemania y Grecia, Italia, Portugal, Francia y otros paises lxs unxs en contra de lxs ortxs con consignas nacionalistas de este tipo. Especialmente luchamos en contra de todas las tendencias, marchas y eventos (neo)fascistas. Nos oponemos también a cualquier intrerpretación reaccionaria o racista de la crisis- no importa si desde „abajo o arriba“- no importa si de forma antisemita, antimusulmán o antiziganista.
Somos parte de los movimientos internacionales, que desde años están resistiendo los ataques a nuestra vida y nuestro futuro, que luchan por derechos sociales y alternativas, desarrollan nuevas formas de organización democrática y de economía solidaria. Nos oponemos a la imposición de paquetes de austeridad y de reformas, que están en contradicción masiva con principios democráticos, y reividicamos la democratización de todos los aspectos de la vida. Resistimos contra la imposición de intereses económicos a través de la guerra y de la exportación de armas. Nos oponemos al modelo económico capitalista, que se basa en explotación global, necesariamente produce pobreza y desigualdad social y sistematicamente destruye la naturaleza. Llevamos nuestra protesta, nuestra desobedencia civil y nuestra resistencia a la sede de los benificiarios del régimen europeo de la crisis a Fráncfort del Meno. No nos dejamos intimidar por la represión policial y judicial, que gol
pea los moviminetos en muchos lugares del mundo incluyendo a nosotrxs, sino que la contestamos con solidaridad transfronteriza.
¡Pongamos nuestra solidaridad contra la política de los dictados de austeridad! Dejémos claro: No permitiremos que la crisis siga cargada en las espaldas de asalariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, estudiantes, refugiadxs, y otrxs, ni aquí ni en otros lugares. Las jornadas de protesta en Fráncfort continuan las protestas mundiales del año pasado, las protestas en la primavera en Bruxellas y otros lugares como los movimientos para un Alter Summit en Atenas.
Nos manifestaremos en contra de la coalición muy grande de cuatro partidos, contra las políticas de BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI. Bloquearemos el BCE. Ocuparemos las plazas públicas de la metrópolis económico-financiera Fráncfort- ¡Somos Blockupy!
* Blockupy es una coalición a nivel federal, en la cual cooperan numerosos colectivos, organizaciones y activistas individuales. Participamos activamente en diferentes grupos o corrientes sociales y políticos. Hasta ahora toman parte activistas de Attac, sindicatos, redes antiracistas, partidos como Die Linke, activistas de Occupy, iniciativas de desempleadxs, colectivos estudiantiles, iniciativas Norte-Sur, por la paz y el medio ambiente, la juventud de izquierda [‘solid], la juventud verde, así como federaciones de la izquierda radical como la Izquierda Intervencionista y la Alianza Ums Ganze..
Access to education
The debate about educational opportunities was a key issue in the fight for equal rights and self-determination for the women's movement.
Prejudices against women's education, there were enough, girls would be too superficial, small-minded and frivolous, the wish of women to study was of "hysterical nature", the brain of a woman is unsuitable for studying, educated women would turn into "mannish woman".
With the introduction of universal compulsory education by Maria Theresa in 1774 education was indeed no longer reserved for the upper classes: From there on, all children attended a six-year elementary school. Though, the education of girls was limited to a large extent on handicrafts. Advanced schools remained closed to them.
And so the women's movement from the late 19th century in addition to many initiatives to facilitate professional training also was concerned with the access to higher education.
In 1892, the Association for Advanced women's education founded the first girls' grammar school. And from 1910 on girls also could attend boys secondary schools. However, only up to a ratio of 5%, and there they were not allowed to be examinated nor could they participate actively in the lessons.
1897, women were admitted at the Faculty of Arts for a course of study, 1900 at the Medical Faculty. The other faculties followed slowly.
In the First Republic, the crucial education reform by Otto Glöckl involving Eugenie Schwarzwald and Stefanie Nauheim was implemented: Every child should independently of gender and social position obtain an optimal education. From then on, girls were admitted at public schools without percentage limitation. 1921 also the high school Haizingergasse was founded as a "Secondary School for Girls".
Fascism and National Socialism reduced educational opportunities for girls dramatically: There was again gender-specific curricula and a restriction of access to universities for women. Jewish children were excluded from school.
After the Second World War, the educational campaign of the 1970s brought the great progress: the same curricula and opening of all types of schools for both sexes, free textbooks and students free ride, abolition of tuition fees and democratization of the universities. Especially for girls thus improved access to secondary and higher education.
Today, the proportion of women at school leaving examinations and university degrees is almost 60%. When it comes to doctoral degrees, men still take the lead. Choice of subjects and studies still follows traditional roles: in the technology and engineering sciences is only one in five people female, in the social and health sciences there is, on the other hand, among five graduates only one man.
Gabriele Possanner of Ehrenthal studied from 1888 in Zurich medicine; in Austria, at that time women this was not allowed. After degree, she fought stubbornly to be allowed to practice in Vienna too - with numerous requests addressed to Minister of the Interior, Minister of Education, Rectors and, in a final step, to the Emperor personally. In 1897 she was, after she had to pass at the University of Vienna all the examinations again, as first woman in Austria gratuated to doctor of medicine.
Stella Klein-Löw (1904-1986)
Pedagogue
Stella Klein-Löw grew up in a wealthy Jewish family. She was very early member of the Socialist Workers' Youth and the Social Democratic Party. After graduation, she taught at several schools in Vienna, at last at a Jewish school. In 1939, she was forced to emigrate, many of her family members were murdered by the Nazis. After her return she lived in Waehring - first in the Erndtgasse, then in the Pauline alley. She worked again as a teacher and later director of a secondary school. She was involved in the establishment of the post-war Social Democratic Party and 1959-1970 as a member of parliament she shaped the education policy of her party.
Gertrude Fröhlich-Sandner (1926-2008)
Teacher, politician
Gertrude Fröhlich-Sandner learned as the daughter of a welfare councillor very early the hardships of the needy. Besides her work as a teacher, she became involved with the children friends (Kinderfreunde) of the SPÖ. In 1959 she became municipal councillor of Vienna, later city councillor for culture, education and sport and 1969 first vice-mayor. "Talking to each other" was their motto - even when dealing with 1968 and squatters scene. She founded the "Street Worker", created social therapeutic residential communities and reformed the urban homes. 1984-1987 she was Federal Minister for Family, Youth and Consumer Protection. She lived in Waehring.
Marianne Hainisch (© Vienna City Library)
Marianne Hainisch (1839-1936)
Feminist
Marianne Hainisch was a pioneer of the civil women's movement in Austria. To improve the educational and employment opportunities for women, she demanded in 1870 the establishment of girls high schools and the admission of women to higher education. In 1902, she founded the Federation of Austrian Women's Associations, 1906, she was in the fight for women's suffrage one of the initiators of the Women's Suffrage Committee. She published writings such as "The question of bread of women", "The question of education of women", "A Mother word on the question of women." 1924 on her initiative, the Mother's Day in Austria was introduced.
Therese Schlesinger (VGA / AZ Photo Archive)
Therese Schlesinger (1863-1940)
Feminist
As a woman not entitled to study, Therese Schlesinger formed herself in self-study. First she was committed in the women's movement, then she got to know at the "Enquete on the situation of Viennese workers - the female ones' Adelheid Popp and Anna Boschek and became a member of the Social Democratic Party. She demanded the admission of women to study, improvement of occupational safety and above all the right to vote. 1919-1923 she was one of the first women in the National Council. She wrote in the workers' newspaper and published the "Handbook of women's work in Austria". In 1939, she was forced to emigrate and died in exile.
Maria Schwarz (1852-1920)
Feminist
Maria Schwarz devoted her life to the progressive evolution of the school system. From 1876-1920 she was president of the association for teachers and educators and fought, for example, for the equality of payment of female teachers with their male colleagues, or the appointment of women to head teachers. In 1895 she became the first headmistress of a citizens school. She also fought for women's suffrage and was co-founder of the in 1906 established Women's Suffrage Committee.
www.waehringerfrauenweg.at/themen/bildungszugang/
Haizingergasse (Waehring), 1894 named after the German actress Amalie Haizinger (1800-1884); she came in 1846 to Vienna to the Burgtheater, where she worked until her death in 1884 with great acclaim, amongst other things, in the typecasting of the "funny old lady". The alley was called before Ferstelgasse, after the Ringstrasse architect Heinrich von Ferstel, who was also one of the founders of the Vienna Cottage Association. At number 37 is now the high school Haizingergasse, which had been founded in 1921 as "middle school for girls".
Haizingergasse (Währing), 1894 benannt nach der deutschen Schauspielerin Amalie Haizinger (1800–1884); sie kam 1846 nach Wien ans Burgtheater, wo sie bis zu ihrem Tod 1884 mit großem Beifall unter anderem im Rollenfach der „komischen Alten“ wirkte. Die Gasse hieß davor Ferstelgasse, nach dem Ringstraßenarchitekten Heinrich von Ferstel, der auch einer der Gründer des Wiener Cottagevereins war. Auf Nummer 37 befindet sich heute das Gymnasium Haizingergasse, das 1921 als „Mittelschule für Mädchen“ gegründet worden war.
de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_der_Stra%C3%9Fennamen_von_Wie...
german/ english/ spanish:
Widerstand im Herzen des europäischen Krisenregimes 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 ###
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013###
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.###
Erneut rufen wir* zu europäischen Tagen des Protestes in Frankfurt am Main gegen das Krisenregime der Europäischen Union auf. Am 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 wollen wir den Widerstand gegen die Verarmungspolitik von Regierung und Troika – der EZB, der EU-Kommission und des IWF – in eines der Zentren des europäischen Krisenregimes tragen: an den Sitz der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) und vieler deutscher Banken und Konzerne – den Profiteuren dieser Politik.
Die Verarmungs- und Privatisierungsprogramme, die schon vor Jahrzehnten den Ländern des Globalen Südens aufgezwungen wurden, sind jetzt in Europa angekommen. Die deutsche Agenda 2010 war nur ein Modellprojekt für das, was in noch dramatischerem Umfang jetzt insbesondere in Südeuropa durchgesetzt wird. Diese Verelendung wird sich – auch hier – noch weiter verschärfen, wenn wir uns nicht wehren: der weitere Abbau sozialer und demokratischer Rechte. Damit soll die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Renditeerwartungen der großen Vermögen erhalten bleiben und durch die Verbilligung und Prekarisierung von Lohnarbeit die „ökonomische Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ Deutschlands und (Kern-)Europas auf dem kapitalistischen Weltmarkt gesteigert werden.
Gemeinsam mit den Menschen im Süden Europas sagen wir: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ (Wir schulden nichts, wir zahlen nichts!) und wehren uns dagegen, dass die Sanierung des Kapitalismus in Europa auf dem Rücken der Lohnabhängigen, der Erwerbslosen, der Rentner_innen, der Migrant_innen und der Jugendlichen ausgetragen wird. Wir verweigern uns der Komplizenschaft mit der deutschen Krisenpolitik, die nicht nur katastrophale Folgen für die Lebensverhältnisse der Menschen im Süden Europas hat, sondern auch hierzulande die soziale Spaltung immer weiter vorantreibt. Deswegen kämpfen wir auch gegen die hier bereits erfolgten und in noch größerem Ausmaß drohenden Verschlechterungen von Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen, die zudem geschlechtsspezifisch ungleich verteilt sind und somit die Geschlechterungerechtigkeit verschärfen. Zu uns gehören Initiativen gegen steigende Mieten, kommunale Verarmung und Schikanen am Jobcenter, gegen Abschiebungen, Lager und Residenzpflicht.
Immer wieder wird versucht, uns zu spalten, z.B. mit dem Hinweis, ‚es wäre genug für die Griechen gezahlt‘. Keine Griechin, kein Grieche ist gerettet, vielmehr sind Banken und Konzernen ihre Rendite gesichert worden. Wir widersetzen uns dem Versuch, mit solchen nationalistischen Parolen Beschäftigte, Erwerbslose und Prekäre in Deutschland und Griechenland, in Italien, Portugal und Frankreich oder anderen Ländern gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Insbesondere bekämpfen wir alle (neo)faschistischen Tendenzen, Aufmärsche und Veranstaltungen. Wir wehren uns auch gegen jedwede reaktionäre oder rassistische Kriseninterpretation – gleich ob von „Unten oder Oben“ – gleich ob in antisemitischer, antimuslimischer oder antiziganistischer Form.
Wir sind Teil der internationalen Bewegungen, die sich seit Jahren gegen die Angriffe auf unser Leben und unsere Zukunft wehren, für soziale Rechte und Alternativen kämpfen, neue Formen von demokratischer Organisierung und solidarischer Ökonomie entwickeln. Wir widersetzen uns der autoritären Durchsetzung der Spar- und Reformpakete, die in eklatantem Widerspruch zu demokratischen Prinzipien steht, und treten für die Demokratisierung aller Lebensbereiche ein. Wir widersetzen uns der Durchsetzung wirtschaftlicher Interessen mit Krieg und Rüstungsexport. Wir widersetzen uns dem kapitalistischen Wirtschaftsmodell, das auf globaler Ausbeutung basiert, notwendig Armut und soziale Ungleichheit produziert und die Natur systematisch zerstört.
Wir tragen unseren Protest, unseren zivilen Ungehorsam und Widerstand an den Sitz der Profiteure des europäischen Krisenregimes nach Frankfurt am Main. Von polizeilicher und juristischer Repression, die Bewegungen an vielen Orten weltweit und auch uns trifft, lassen wir uns nicht einschüchtern, sondern begegnen ihr mit grenzüberschreitender Solidarität.
Setzen wir unsere Solidarität gegen die Politik der Spardiktate! Machen wir deutlich: Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass die Krise weiter auf den Rücken von abhängig Beschäftigten, Erwerbslosen, Rentner_innen, Prekären, Studierenden, Flüchtlingen und vielen anderen abgeladen wird, weder anderswo, noch hier. Die Frankfurter Protesttage schließen damit an die weltweiten Proteste des vergangenen Jahres, die Proteste im Frühling in Brüssel und anderswo sowie an die Bewegungen für einen Alter Summit in Athen an.
Wir werden gegen die Politik von Bundesregierung und der ganz großen 4-Parteien-Koalition, gegen die Politik von EZB, EU-Kommission und IWF demonstrieren.Wir werden die EZB blockieren.Wir werden die öffentlichen Plätze in der Wirtschafts- und Finanzmetropole Frankfurt okkupieren – wir sind BLOCKUPY!
* Blockupy ist ein bundesweites Bündnis, in dem zahlreiche Gruppen, Organisationen und einzelne AktivistInnen mitarbeiten. Wir sind in unterschiedlichen sozialen und politischen Gruppen oder Strömungen aktiv. Bisher beteiligen sich Attac-AktivistInnen, Gewerkschaften, antirassistische Netzwerke, Parteien wie Die Linke, Occupy-AktivistInnen, Erwerbsloseninitiativen, studentische Gruppen, Nord-Süd-, Friedens- und Umweltinitiativen, die Linksjugend [‘solid], die Grüne Jugend sowie linksradikale Zusammenschlüsse wie die Interventionistische Linke und das Ums-Ganze-Bündnis. ↩
Mehr Informationen auf der HP: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
##################
Call for Action: Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013
Again we* call for European days of protest in Frankfurt on the Main against the crisis regime of the European Union. On May 31 and June 1, 2013, we want to carry the resistance against the policies of impoverishment of government and Troika- EZB, EU-Comission and IMF-into one of the centers of the European crisis regime: to the domicile of the European Central Bank (ECB) and of many German banks and corporations- the profiteers of these policies.
The programs of impoverishment and privatizations, which already decades ago have been imposed on the countries of the Global South, now have arrived in Europe. The German Agenda 2010 was just an archetype for what now in even more dramatic extent is enforced especially in Southern Europe. This pauperization will aggravate further – also here- if we do not defend ourseleves: the ongoing cutback of social and democratic rights. Thereby the capacity to pay for the expectations on yeald return of large fortunes are to be sustained, the „economic competitiveness“ of Germany and (Central)Europe in the capitalist world market is to be enhanced through the price-reduction and precarization of waged labor.
Together with people in Southern Europe we say: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ and resist the restructuring of capitalism in Europe on the backs of empoyees and unemployed, retirees, migrants and youth. We defy the complicity with the German crisis policies, which not ony have catastrophic consequences for people in Southern Europe, but also in this country even further deepen the social divide. Therefore we also fight against the deterioration of living and working conditions, already implemented here and imminent to an even larger extent. Its effects are also gender-specifically unequally distributed and thus aggravate gender injustice. Initiatives against rising rents, municipal impoverishment and harrasment of unemployed persons, against deportations, isolation camps and mandatory residence are part of us.
Consistently it is tried to divide us, e.g. by saying that „enough has been paid for the Greek“. No Greek person has been saved, in fact the yeald return of banks and corporations has been assured. We defy the intent to incite employees, unemployed and precarious in Germany and Greece, in Italy, Portugal, France or other countries against each other with such nationalist slogans. Especially we fight against all (neo)fascist tendencies, marches and events. We also oppose any form of reactionary or racist crisis interpreation- no matter if from „below or above“, no matter if anti-Semitic, antiMuslim or antiziganistic.
We are part of the international movements who for years have been resisting the attacks on our life and our future, fight for social rights and alternatives, develop new forms of organization and solidarian economy. We oppose the authoritarian imposition of packages of austerity and reforms, which are in blatant contraditction to democratic principles, and stand up for the democratization of all aspects of life. We defy the assertion of economic interests through war and exports of weapons. We defy the capitalist economic model which is based on global exploitation, necessarily produces poverty and social injustice and systematically destroys nature.
We carry our protest, our civil disobedience and resistance to the domicile of the profiteers of the European crisis regime to Frankfurt on the Main. We will not let ourselves be intimidated by police and judicial repression which globally affects movements on many places including ourselves, but react with border-crossing solidarity.
Let´s show our solidarity against the politics of austerity dictates! Let us make clear: We will not permit that the crsis is continuously loaded on the backs of wage earners, unemployed, retirees, precarious, students, refugees and many others, neither here nor anywhere else. The Frankfurt days of protest thereby join last year´s global protests, the protests in spring in Brussels and other places and the movements for an Alter Summit in Athens.
We will demonstrate against the policies of the federal governemnt and the really grand 4-party-coalition, against the policies of ECB, EU-Comission and IMF. We will block the ECB. We will occupy public squares in the economic and financial metropolis Frankfurt – we are Blockupy!
*Blockupy is a federal coalition in which numerous groups, organizations and individual activists collaborate. We are active in different social and political collectives or currents. So far take part: Attac-activists, unions, antiracist networks, parties like Die Linke, Occupy-activists, unemployed initiatives, student groups, North-South, peace and environmental initiatives, the leftyouth [‘solid], the green youth, as well as radical left associations like Interventionist Left and Ums-Ganze-Alliance.↩
informations: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
#####
Convocatoria: ¡Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.
Otra vey nosotrxs* hacemos un llamado para jornadas europeas de protesta en contra del régimen de crisis de la Unión Europea en Fráncfort del Meno. El 31 de Mayo y el 1 de junio queremos llevar la resistencia contra las políticas de emprobrecimiento del gobierno y de la Troika – BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI- a uno de los centros del régimen europeo de la crisis: A la sede del Banco Central Europea (BCE) y de muchos bancos y consorcios alemanes- los beneficiarios de esta política.
Los programas de empobrecimiento y de privatizationes, que ya hace décadas han sido impuestos a los paises del Sur Global, ahora han llegado a Europa. La Agenda 2010 alemana sólo era un proyecto piloto por lo que ahora se impone de alcanze aún mas dramático especialmente en el Sur de Europa. Esa depauperización se agudizará aún más – también aquí- si no nos defendemos: la reducción contínua de derechos sociales y democráticos. Así se pretende mantener la capacidad de pago para las expectativas de rédito de las grandes fortunas y de aumentar la „competitividad económica“ de Alemania y (del Centro de) Europa en el mercado mundial capitalista a través del abaratamiento y de la precarización del trabajo asalariado.
Juntxs con las personas en el Sur de Europa decimos: „¡No debemos, no pagamos!“ y resistimos la subsanación del capitalismo europeo a costa de salariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, migrantes y jóvenes. Denegamos la complicidad con la política alemana de la crisis, que no solamente tiene consequencias nefastas para las condiciones de vida de la gente en el Sur de Europa, sino que también en este país aumenta cada vez más la division social. Por eso también luchamos contra el deterioro de condiciones de vida y de trabajo ya implementado aquí y amagante de extensión aún más masiva. Sus resultados además son redistribuidos desigualmente de forma género específica, agravando todavía más la injusticia de género. Parte de nosotrxs son iniciativas en contra del aumento de alquileres, del empobrecimiento municipal y acoso a desempleadxs, en contra de deportaciones, campos de aislamiento y residencia obligatoria.
Una y otra vez se intenta dividirnos, por ejemplo diciendo que se „ha pagado suficiente para los griegos“. Ningunx griegx ha sido salvado, al contrario el rédito de bancos y corporaciones ha sido asegurado. Nos oponemos al intento de incitar asalariadxs, desempleadxs y precarixs en Alemania y Grecia, Italia, Portugal, Francia y otros paises lxs unxs en contra de lxs ortxs con consignas nacionalistas de este tipo. Especialmente luchamos en contra de todas las tendencias, marchas y eventos (neo)fascistas. Nos oponemos también a cualquier intrerpretación reaccionaria o racista de la crisis- no importa si desde „abajo o arriba“- no importa si de forma antisemita, antimusulmán o antiziganista.
Somos parte de los movimientos internacionales, que desde años están resistiendo los ataques a nuestra vida y nuestro futuro, que luchan por derechos sociales y alternativas, desarrollan nuevas formas de organización democrática y de economía solidaria. Nos oponemos a la imposición de paquetes de austeridad y de reformas, que están en contradicción masiva con principios democráticos, y reividicamos la democratización de todos los aspectos de la vida. Resistimos contra la imposición de intereses económicos a través de la guerra y de la exportación de armas. Nos oponemos al modelo económico capitalista, que se basa en explotación global, necesariamente produce pobreza y desigualdad social y sistematicamente destruye la naturaleza. Llevamos nuestra protesta, nuestra desobedencia civil y nuestra resistencia a la sede de los benificiarios del régimen europeo de la crisis a Fráncfort del Meno. No nos dejamos intimidar por la represión policial y judicial, que gol
pea los moviminetos en muchos lugares del mundo incluyendo a nosotrxs, sino que la contestamos con solidaridad transfronteriza.
¡Pongamos nuestra solidaridad contra la política de los dictados de austeridad! Dejémos claro: No permitiremos que la crisis siga cargada en las espaldas de asalariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, estudiantes, refugiadxs, y otrxs, ni aquí ni en otros lugares. Las jornadas de protesta en Fráncfort continuan las protestas mundiales del año pasado, las protestas en la primavera en Bruxellas y otros lugares como los movimientos para un Alter Summit en Atenas.
Nos manifestaremos en contra de la coalición muy grande de cuatro partidos, contra las políticas de BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI. Bloquearemos el BCE. Ocuparemos las plazas públicas de la metrópolis económico-financiera Fráncfort- ¡Somos Blockupy!
* Blockupy es una coalición a nivel federal, en la cual cooperan numerosos colectivos, organizaciones y activistas individuales. Participamos activamente en diferentes grupos o corrientes sociales y políticos. Hasta ahora toman parte activistas de Attac, sindicatos, redes antiracistas, partidos como Die Linke, activistas de Occupy, iniciativas de desempleadxs, colectivos estudiantiles, iniciativas Norte-Sur, por la paz y el medio ambiente, la juventud de izquierda [‘solid], la juventud verde, así como federaciones de la izquierda radical como la Izquierda Intervencionista y la Alianza Ums Ganze..
GRAFFITI ON THE HILTON HOTEL REFORMA.
Saturday 1 December 2012 was inauguration day for the newly elected President of United Mexican States (MEXICO). While a friend and I were walking near where the inauguration was taking place, a small riot broke out around us; my friend being smarter than me immediately returned to the hotel while I stayed to take picture. A lot of young people showed up with bandanas covering much of their faces. The protesters were upset by the election of Pena Nieto, and believed election fraud had taken place. Several of the “rioters” identified themselves as belonging to Yo Soy 132.
Yo Soy 132 is an ongoing Mexican protest movement centered around the democratization of the country and its media. It began as opposition to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) candidate Enrique Peña Nieto and the Mexican media's allegedly biased coverage of the 2012 general election. The name Yo Soy 132, Spanish for "I Am 132", originated in an expression of solidarity with the protest's initiators.
'The Maid"
'Maid in London' by Banksy was commissioned by newspaper The Independent for a wall in Chalk Farm, North London around 2006. It shows a woman dressed as a maid: she has finished sweeping dirt into a dustpan, and is now putting the dirt under a cover over a brick wall. She is slightly bent over; her hands and face are in color. The rest of the painting is done in black and white.
Banksy modeled the woman in the painting on a hotel maid in Los Angeles named Leanne. She was a feisty lady, and this piece is partially about democratizing subjects in art. Banksy said that it used to be just popes, kings, queens, that could afford a portrait painted, and so he chose a maid.
Bron: www.stencilrevolution.com/banksy-art-prints/maid-in-london/
Thank you for your views and comments; they are very much appreciated.
[This is one of 7 images—the main artwork plus 6 focused on details.] “Shipyard Society” (1916) is one of 5 paintings on this theme, depicting the shipbuilding industry in Maine. This impressive work is in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond, Virginia. The oil on panel painting is vigorous, energetic, and alive with numerous vignettes of spectators and workers at the shipyard, a depiction of the warmth and vitality of the commonplace. Bellows shows a masterful contrast between the ordinary (people) and the extraordinary (the magnitude of the ship being built). There is time for gossip and flirting, of food and dogs and umbrellas. To me there is something essentially American about the painting.
George Wesley Bellows (1882-1925) born in Columbus, Ohio, is an important American realist painter. He studied with and was influenced by Robert Henri at the New York School of Art, who promoted a democratization of subject matter in art—anything “real” was worthy of being painted. He displayed his interest in the working man with many contributions to the socialist magazine The Masses, but he believed artistic freedom was more significant that ideology, a belief that sometimes put him at odds with the editors. He became interested in lithography and worked with Bolton Brown on over 100 prints. Bellows also illustrated books, several by H. H. Wells. His artwork was evolving at the time of his death with more focus on light and domestic matters. His work is on display in numerous art galleries. In 1999 Bill Gates paid over 27 million dollars for a 1910 Bellows painting, “Polo Crowd”. Belolows is best known, probably, for his works showing boxing scenes.
Much of his work is online. A search of George Bellows on Flickr had over 730 returns.
203 paintings, with slideshow capabilities, is at www.georgewesleybellows.org/
221 paintings are found at www.the-athenaeum.org/art/list.php?m=a&s=du&aid=97
69 prints at can be viewed at www.flickr.com/photos/boston_public_library/sets/72157604...
Sources:
(1) Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Bellows
(2) biography plus thorough listing of awards and exhibitions www.sullivangoss.com/george_Bellows/
(3) biography plus 26 art works and quotes from Bellows on his craft
www.artinthepicture.com/artists/George_Bellows/Biography/
(4) assessment of an exhibition at the National Gallery of Art socialistworker.org/2012/08/15/painter-of-working-class-life
(5) slender volume issued in 1931 by Whitney Museum of Modern Art with b&w images and can be downloaded in .pdf format archive.org/details/georgebellows00egge
(6) museums online with works shown www.artcyclopedia.com/artists/bellows_george_wesley.html
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. If you use this image on your web site, you need to provide a link to this photo.
Hello World! or: How I Learned to Stop Listening and Love the Noise (2008) stitches more than 5000 video diaries gathered from MySpace, YouTube, and Facebook into a massive, panoramic crowd of individual talking heads. It is simultaneously a critical look at the growing cacophony of participatory media and an optimistic meditation on its democratizing potential.
Each video diary consists of a single speaker candidly addressing an imagined, potentially massive audience from a private space such as a bedroom, kitchen, or dorm room. The individual monologues are mundane–records of daily activities, opinions, feelings, and frustrations–but together they reveal a fascinating patchwork of life lived online.
Artist Christopher Baker, originally trained as a scientist, examines the complex relationship between society and its technologies by recontextualizing captured communications and visualizing large sets of data. He is currently an Assistant Professor in the Art and Technology Studies department at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago.
german/ english/ spanish:
Widerstand im Herzen des europäischen Krisenregimes 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 ###
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013###
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.###
Erneut rufen wir* zu europäischen Tagen des Protestes in Frankfurt am Main gegen das Krisenregime der Europäischen Union auf. Am 31. Mai und 1. Juni 2013 wollen wir den Widerstand gegen die Verarmungspolitik von Regierung und Troika – der EZB, der EU-Kommission und des IWF – in eines der Zentren des europäischen Krisenregimes tragen: an den Sitz der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB) und vieler deutscher Banken und Konzerne – den Profiteuren dieser Politik.
Die Verarmungs- und Privatisierungsprogramme, die schon vor Jahrzehnten den Ländern des Globalen Südens aufgezwungen wurden, sind jetzt in Europa angekommen. Die deutsche Agenda 2010 war nur ein Modellprojekt für das, was in noch dramatischerem Umfang jetzt insbesondere in Südeuropa durchgesetzt wird. Diese Verelendung wird sich – auch hier – noch weiter verschärfen, wenn wir uns nicht wehren: der weitere Abbau sozialer und demokratischer Rechte. Damit soll die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Renditeerwartungen der großen Vermögen erhalten bleiben und durch die Verbilligung und Prekarisierung von Lohnarbeit die „ökonomische Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ Deutschlands und (Kern-)Europas auf dem kapitalistischen Weltmarkt gesteigert werden.
Gemeinsam mit den Menschen im Süden Europas sagen wir: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ (Wir schulden nichts, wir zahlen nichts!) und wehren uns dagegen, dass die Sanierung des Kapitalismus in Europa auf dem Rücken der Lohnabhängigen, der Erwerbslosen, der Rentner_innen, der Migrant_innen und der Jugendlichen ausgetragen wird. Wir verweigern uns der Komplizenschaft mit der deutschen Krisenpolitik, die nicht nur katastrophale Folgen für die Lebensverhältnisse der Menschen im Süden Europas hat, sondern auch hierzulande die soziale Spaltung immer weiter vorantreibt. Deswegen kämpfen wir auch gegen die hier bereits erfolgten und in noch größerem Ausmaß drohenden Verschlechterungen von Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen, die zudem geschlechtsspezifisch ungleich verteilt sind und somit die Geschlechterungerechtigkeit verschärfen. Zu uns gehören Initiativen gegen steigende Mieten, kommunale Verarmung und Schikanen am Jobcenter, gegen Abschiebungen, Lager und Residenzpflicht.
Immer wieder wird versucht, uns zu spalten, z.B. mit dem Hinweis, ‚es wäre genug für die Griechen gezahlt‘. Keine Griechin, kein Grieche ist gerettet, vielmehr sind Banken und Konzernen ihre Rendite gesichert worden. Wir widersetzen uns dem Versuch, mit solchen nationalistischen Parolen Beschäftigte, Erwerbslose und Prekäre in Deutschland und Griechenland, in Italien, Portugal und Frankreich oder anderen Ländern gegeneinander aufzuhetzen. Insbesondere bekämpfen wir alle (neo)faschistischen Tendenzen, Aufmärsche und Veranstaltungen. Wir wehren uns auch gegen jedwede reaktionäre oder rassistische Kriseninterpretation – gleich ob von „Unten oder Oben“ – gleich ob in antisemitischer, antimuslimischer oder antiziganistischer Form.
Wir sind Teil der internationalen Bewegungen, die sich seit Jahren gegen die Angriffe auf unser Leben und unsere Zukunft wehren, für soziale Rechte und Alternativen kämpfen, neue Formen von demokratischer Organisierung und solidarischer Ökonomie entwickeln. Wir widersetzen uns der autoritären Durchsetzung der Spar- und Reformpakete, die in eklatantem Widerspruch zu demokratischen Prinzipien steht, und treten für die Demokratisierung aller Lebensbereiche ein. Wir widersetzen uns der Durchsetzung wirtschaftlicher Interessen mit Krieg und Rüstungsexport. Wir widersetzen uns dem kapitalistischen Wirtschaftsmodell, das auf globaler Ausbeutung basiert, notwendig Armut und soziale Ungleichheit produziert und die Natur systematisch zerstört.
Wir tragen unseren Protest, unseren zivilen Ungehorsam und Widerstand an den Sitz der Profiteure des europäischen Krisenregimes nach Frankfurt am Main. Von polizeilicher und juristischer Repression, die Bewegungen an vielen Orten weltweit und auch uns trifft, lassen wir uns nicht einschüchtern, sondern begegnen ihr mit grenzüberschreitender Solidarität.
Setzen wir unsere Solidarität gegen die Politik der Spardiktate! Machen wir deutlich: Wir werden nicht zulassen, dass die Krise weiter auf den Rücken von abhängig Beschäftigten, Erwerbslosen, Rentner_innen, Prekären, Studierenden, Flüchtlingen und vielen anderen abgeladen wird, weder anderswo, noch hier. Die Frankfurter Protesttage schließen damit an die weltweiten Proteste des vergangenen Jahres, die Proteste im Frühling in Brüssel und anderswo sowie an die Bewegungen für einen Alter Summit in Athen an.
Wir werden gegen die Politik von Bundesregierung und der ganz großen 4-Parteien-Koalition, gegen die Politik von EZB, EU-Kommission und IWF demonstrieren.Wir werden die EZB blockieren.Wir werden die öffentlichen Plätze in der Wirtschafts- und Finanzmetropole Frankfurt okkupieren – wir sind BLOCKUPY!
* Blockupy ist ein bundesweites Bündnis, in dem zahlreiche Gruppen, Organisationen und einzelne AktivistInnen mitarbeiten. Wir sind in unterschiedlichen sozialen und politischen Gruppen oder Strömungen aktiv. Bisher beteiligen sich Attac-AktivistInnen, Gewerkschaften, antirassistische Netzwerke, Parteien wie Die Linke, Occupy-AktivistInnen, Erwerbsloseninitiativen, studentische Gruppen, Nord-Süd-, Friedens- und Umweltinitiativen, die Linksjugend [‘solid], die Grüne Jugend sowie linksradikale Zusammenschlüsse wie die Interventionistische Linke und das Ums-Ganze-Bündnis. ↩
Mehr Informationen auf der HP: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
##################
Call for Action: Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistance in the Heart of the European Crisis Regime May 31 and June 1, 2013
Again we* call for European days of protest in Frankfurt on the Main against the crisis regime of the European Union. On May 31 and June 1, 2013, we want to carry the resistance against the policies of impoverishment of government and Troika- EZB, EU-Comission and IMF-into one of the centers of the European crisis regime: to the domicile of the European Central Bank (ECB) and of many German banks and corporations- the profiteers of these policies.
The programs of impoverishment and privatizations, which already decades ago have been imposed on the countries of the Global South, now have arrived in Europe. The German Agenda 2010 was just an archetype for what now in even more dramatic extent is enforced especially in Southern Europe. This pauperization will aggravate further – also here- if we do not defend ourseleves: the ongoing cutback of social and democratic rights. Thereby the capacity to pay for the expectations on yeald return of large fortunes are to be sustained, the „economic competitiveness“ of Germany and (Central)Europe in the capitalist world market is to be enhanced through the price-reduction and precarization of waged labor.
Together with people in Southern Europe we say: „Don’t owe, don‘t pay!“ and resist the restructuring of capitalism in Europe on the backs of empoyees and unemployed, retirees, migrants and youth. We defy the complicity with the German crisis policies, which not ony have catastrophic consequences for people in Southern Europe, but also in this country even further deepen the social divide. Therefore we also fight against the deterioration of living and working conditions, already implemented here and imminent to an even larger extent. Its effects are also gender-specifically unequally distributed and thus aggravate gender injustice. Initiatives against rising rents, municipal impoverishment and harrasment of unemployed persons, against deportations, isolation camps and mandatory residence are part of us.
Consistently it is tried to divide us, e.g. by saying that „enough has been paid for the Greek“. No Greek person has been saved, in fact the yeald return of banks and corporations has been assured. We defy the intent to incite employees, unemployed and precarious in Germany and Greece, in Italy, Portugal, France or other countries against each other with such nationalist slogans. Especially we fight against all (neo)fascist tendencies, marches and events. We also oppose any form of reactionary or racist crisis interpreation- no matter if from „below or above“, no matter if anti-Semitic, antiMuslim or antiziganistic.
We are part of the international movements who for years have been resisting the attacks on our life and our future, fight for social rights and alternatives, develop new forms of organization and solidarian economy. We oppose the authoritarian imposition of packages of austerity and reforms, which are in blatant contraditction to democratic principles, and stand up for the democratization of all aspects of life. We defy the assertion of economic interests through war and exports of weapons. We defy the capitalist economic model which is based on global exploitation, necessarily produces poverty and social injustice and systematically destroys nature.
We carry our protest, our civil disobedience and resistance to the domicile of the profiteers of the European crisis regime to Frankfurt on the Main. We will not let ourselves be intimidated by police and judicial repression which globally affects movements on many places including ourselves, but react with border-crossing solidarity.
Let´s show our solidarity against the politics of austerity dictates! Let us make clear: We will not permit that the crsis is continuously loaded on the backs of wage earners, unemployed, retirees, precarious, students, refugees and many others, neither here nor anywhere else. The Frankfurt days of protest thereby join last year´s global protests, the protests in spring in Brussels and other places and the movements for an Alter Summit in Athens.
We will demonstrate against the policies of the federal governemnt and the really grand 4-party-coalition, against the policies of ECB, EU-Comission and IMF. We will block the ECB. We will occupy public squares in the economic and financial metropolis Frankfurt – we are Blockupy!
*Blockupy is a federal coalition in which numerous groups, organizations and individual activists collaborate. We are active in different social and political collectives or currents. So far take part: Attac-activists, unions, antiracist networks, parties like Die Linke, Occupy-activists, unemployed initiatives, student groups, North-South, peace and environmental initiatives, the leftyouth [‘solid], the green youth, as well as radical left associations like Interventionist Left and Ums-Ganze-Alliance.↩
informations: www.blockupy-frankfurt.org
#####
Convocatoria: ¡Blockupy Frankfurt!
Resistencia en el Corazón del Régimen Europeo de la Crisis 31 de Mayo y 1 de Junio de 2013.
Otra vey nosotrxs* hacemos un llamado para jornadas europeas de protesta en contra del régimen de crisis de la Unión Europea en Fráncfort del Meno. El 31 de Mayo y el 1 de junio queremos llevar la resistencia contra las políticas de emprobrecimiento del gobierno y de la Troika – BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI- a uno de los centros del régimen europeo de la crisis: A la sede del Banco Central Europea (BCE) y de muchos bancos y consorcios alemanes- los beneficiarios de esta política.
Los programas de empobrecimiento y de privatizationes, que ya hace décadas han sido impuestos a los paises del Sur Global, ahora han llegado a Europa. La Agenda 2010 alemana sólo era un proyecto piloto por lo que ahora se impone de alcanze aún mas dramático especialmente en el Sur de Europa. Esa depauperización se agudizará aún más – también aquí- si no nos defendemos: la reducción contínua de derechos sociales y democráticos. Así se pretende mantener la capacidad de pago para las expectativas de rédito de las grandes fortunas y de aumentar la „competitividad económica“ de Alemania y (del Centro de) Europa en el mercado mundial capitalista a través del abaratamiento y de la precarización del trabajo asalariado.
Juntxs con las personas en el Sur de Europa decimos: „¡No debemos, no pagamos!“ y resistimos la subsanación del capitalismo europeo a costa de salariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, migrantes y jóvenes. Denegamos la complicidad con la política alemana de la crisis, que no solamente tiene consequencias nefastas para las condiciones de vida de la gente en el Sur de Europa, sino que también en este país aumenta cada vez más la division social. Por eso también luchamos contra el deterioro de condiciones de vida y de trabajo ya implementado aquí y amagante de extensión aún más masiva. Sus resultados además son redistribuidos desigualmente de forma género específica, agravando todavía más la injusticia de género. Parte de nosotrxs son iniciativas en contra del aumento de alquileres, del empobrecimiento municipal y acoso a desempleadxs, en contra de deportaciones, campos de aislamiento y residencia obligatoria.
Una y otra vez se intenta dividirnos, por ejemplo diciendo que se „ha pagado suficiente para los griegos“. Ningunx griegx ha sido salvado, al contrario el rédito de bancos y corporaciones ha sido asegurado. Nos oponemos al intento de incitar asalariadxs, desempleadxs y precarixs en Alemania y Grecia, Italia, Portugal, Francia y otros paises lxs unxs en contra de lxs ortxs con consignas nacionalistas de este tipo. Especialmente luchamos en contra de todas las tendencias, marchas y eventos (neo)fascistas. Nos oponemos también a cualquier intrerpretación reaccionaria o racista de la crisis- no importa si desde „abajo o arriba“- no importa si de forma antisemita, antimusulmán o antiziganista.
Somos parte de los movimientos internacionales, que desde años están resistiendo los ataques a nuestra vida y nuestro futuro, que luchan por derechos sociales y alternativas, desarrollan nuevas formas de organización democrática y de economía solidaria. Nos oponemos a la imposición de paquetes de austeridad y de reformas, que están en contradicción masiva con principios democráticos, y reividicamos la democratización de todos los aspectos de la vida. Resistimos contra la imposición de intereses económicos a través de la guerra y de la exportación de armas. Nos oponemos al modelo económico capitalista, que se basa en explotación global, necesariamente produce pobreza y desigualdad social y sistematicamente destruye la naturaleza. Llevamos nuestra protesta, nuestra desobedencia civil y nuestra resistencia a la sede de los benificiarios del régimen europeo de la crisis a Fráncfort del Meno. No nos dejamos intimidar por la represión policial y judicial, que gol
pea los moviminetos en muchos lugares del mundo incluyendo a nosotrxs, sino que la contestamos con solidaridad transfronteriza.
¡Pongamos nuestra solidaridad contra la política de los dictados de austeridad! Dejémos claro: No permitiremos que la crisis siga cargada en las espaldas de asalariadxs, desempleadxs, jubiladxs, estudiantes, refugiadxs, y otrxs, ni aquí ni en otros lugares. Las jornadas de protesta en Fráncfort continuan las protestas mundiales del año pasado, las protestas en la primavera en Bruxellas y otros lugares como los movimientos para un Alter Summit en Atenas.
Nos manifestaremos en contra de la coalición muy grande de cuatro partidos, contra las políticas de BCE, Comisión Europea y FMI. Bloquearemos el BCE. Ocuparemos las plazas públicas de la metrópolis económico-financiera Fráncfort- ¡Somos Blockupy!
* Blockupy es una coalición a nivel federal, en la cual cooperan numerosos colectivos, organizaciones y activistas individuales. Participamos activamente en diferentes grupos o corrientes sociales y políticos. Hasta ahora toman parte activistas de Attac, sindicatos, redes antiracistas, partidos como Die Linke, activistas de Occupy, iniciativas de desempleadxs, colectivos estudiantiles, iniciativas Norte-Sur, por la paz y el medio ambiente, la juventud de izquierda [‘solid], la juventud verde, así como federaciones de la izquierda radical como la Izquierda Intervencionista y la Alianza Ums Ganze..
FACES OF BOTH SIDES OF THE PROTEST. BEAUTIFUL POLICE OFFICER WITH THE RED LIGHT OF HER CAR REFLECTED IN HER FACE.
Saturday 1 December 2012 was inauguration day for the newly elected President of United Mexican States (MEXICO). While a friend and I were walking near where the inauguration was taking place, a small riot broke out around us; my friend being smarter than me immediately returned to the hotel while I stayed to take picture. A lot of young people showed up with bandanas covering much of their faces. The protesters were upset by the election of Pena Nieto, and believed election fraud had taken place. Several of the “rioters” identified themselves as belonging to Yo Soy 132.
Yo Soy 132 is an ongoing Mexican protest movement centered around the democratization of the country and its media. It began as opposition to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) candidate Enrique Peña Nieto and the Mexican media's allegedly biased coverage of the 2012 general election. The name Yo Soy 132, Spanish for "I Am 132", originated in an expression of solidarity with the protest's initiators.
Very short & simple explanation: vimeo.com/31100268
"You might not know why that is, and you might not know if you should care. I’m here to tell you what SOPA is, and that you should be alarmed."
thenextweb.com/insider/2011/11/16/sopa-is-an-easy-no-thes...
The Internet Blacklist Legislation - known as PROTECT IP Act in the Senate and Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) in the House - is a threatening sequel to last year's COICA Internet censorship bill. Like its predecessor, this legislation invites Internet security risks, threatens online speech, and hampers Internet innovation. Urge your members of Congress to reject this Internet blacklist campaign in both its forms!
wfc2.wiredforchange.com/o/9042/p/dia/action/public/?actio...
Here is a quote from Stuporstar of the SA forums explaining why SOPA is an horrible thing:
"Don't think that power will be abused? SOPA is worded that way to PROMOTE that kind of abuse, I assure you. Corporate copyright holders are dying to destroy YouTube and force people to subscribe to their own content providers. They want a corporate monopoly on the internet. Internet democracy is a demon to them, one they believe takes money out of their pockets. They don't give a goddamn about democratizing business and creative content, or freedom of speech. Small businesses, new economic strategies, and artists are the greatest at risk. The corporations and lobby groups behind this act just want to you pay them to be mindlessly entertained by shit Hollywood blockbusters and pre-fabricated pop stars. You want to create something on your own? Good luck getting the word out, because all the forums where you could once make yourself known will be gone. You want to write a book or make music, you can submit to being ass-raped like everyone who went before you, before the internet blew that system of greedy corporate gatekeepers out of the water. These laws are proposed to give those gatekeepers the keys to the whole internet."
mashable.com/2011/11/16/sopa-infographic/
You can actually try to change things!!! American citizen? Call your congressman. Not a citizen? Tell everyone. Raise awareness. Thanks. xoxo
Ah, Ford Field, here we are again, rapidly approaching the festive annual Thanksgiving question: are you or are you not going to hassle me like an asshole about my camera this year?
Your rules are absurd. No lenses over 50mm, no lenses over 5" long, no 'professional' cameras. Seriously, Ford Field? Seriously?
Still, I'm willing to play your paranoid little game. I won't bring my 70-300mm, even though I've never once had a problem with it in, say, Fenway Park, where the seats are packed in much closer both horizontally and vertically, and I've never bothered any of my fellow fans. I'm not trying to bring in a tripod or a monopod or even a Gorillapod. I won't even bring my kit lens, which is 28-135mm and would be no threat whatsoever to your precious little NFL monopoly.
Nope, I just want to bring my 50mm and my 10-20mm. Both are well under 5" in length. I can't even shoot players with these lenses, but that's OK; I've decided this year that the product on the field is not even worth photographing, and I just want to take some interesting shots of the stadium itself and my family members. You should be OK with these lenses, right, Ford Field?
But now we come to whatever it is that you consider a 'professional' camera. What does that even mean? Are you going to give me grief at the gate? I saw you doing that to some poor bastard with a camera bag ahead of me in line last Thanksgiving. I felt really bad for him. I had my little Sony last year and you let that through, despite the fact that with its 12x optical zoom and 1.2x teleconversion lens, it works out to something over a 300mm zoom. Yeah, that's right, I cheated you at the gates, Ford Field. Do you feel dirty and violated? I'm not sorry. It's not my fault that your people are too camera-dumb to understand the zoom capabilities of something that doesn't actually have '300mm' printed on it.
These days I'm shooting with a Canon 30D, Ford Field. Are you going to be cool with that? Or are you going to tell me that it's a 'professional' camera and I can't bring it in? I really hope for the former, Ford Field, because the latter would be one hell of a dick move in a season where you've had blacked-out games for the first time ever and you should be fucking thankful that anyone bothers showing up at all anymore.
Do you have any idea how bad your team is, Ford Field? If someone wants to take some interesting photos of you, with something other than a pocket-cam, maybe you should embrace that. Maybe you should be down with what amounts to free advertising for your facilities and free dissemination of your logo. Think about that.
So what's it gonna be, Ford Field? Are you going to finally get with the times and acknowledge the modern-day relative democratization of the DSLR camera, or are you going to stay true to your Ford roots and persist in an antiquated dinosaur-like thinking that banishes every camera with a grip on its side to the realm of people with press passes?
Please, let me know. We're not parking near the stadium and if I get turned away at the gates I'm gonna be fucking pissed.
Shown here are images from the exhibit "Irrepressible Conflict or Blundering Generation? The Coming of the Civil War," on display in the Marshall Gallery (first floor rotunda) and the Special Collections Research Center Lobby in Swem Library at the College of William and Mary. The exhibit will be on display from April -September 2011.
The following is taken from the label text presented in this case:
Irrepressible Conflict:
The Irrepressible Conflict school argues that the War was inevitable (“irrepressible”) because the North and South were growing too far apart and could no longer co-exist. The historians of this school include such prominent scholars as Allan Nevins and Eric Foner, and they do not agree on what the most critical differences were, whether economic, moral, cultural, or something else. In general, however, they argue that since the American Revolution, the Northern states had fully embraced capitalism and industrialization as well as freedom, not only outlawing slavery, but also providing education, voting rights, and economic opportunity for all men. The result was a democratic, entrepreneurial, and liberty-loving society—“Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men” in the words of one political slogan.
The South, by contrast, became ever-more reliant on slavery, which Northerners argued debased all workers, not just those who were enslaved. A small group of wealthy planters controlled all aspects of society and used government to repress both poor whites and slaves, out of fear of unrest and rebellions. Because of its commitment to slavery, the South experienced little progress in terms of industrialization or democratization.
As a result of population increase, westward expansion, and the growth of trade, Northern free labor and Southern slave labor systems came into increasing contact and conflict. The consequence, in the words of Northern abolitionist William Seward in an 1858 speech, was “an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation.” Seward’s speech was widely printed, and a copy is in the upper left section of this case with a photo of Seward.
Education in the North:
The growing Northern emphasis on broad-based education can be seen in the explosion in the number of textbooks published for all ages on this shelf and in the chart below indicating the number of students in colleges.
Northern Industrialization vs. Traditional Artisanship in the South:
Silas Howe of Marlboro, Massachusetts, was an entrepreneurial shoemaker. He used the “putting-out” system to begin mass-producing shoes, carefully coordinating production. His 1850-1854 journal indicates that he employed many workers, assigning different steps in the production process to different people who worked out of their own homes, using materials Howe had supplied. This allowed for a tremendous increase in production compared to traditional shoemaking. The “putting-out” system was also used for other products, such as textiles, where it was a precursor to factory production.
Next to Howe’s journal is the 1850s account book of Absalom Lee, a cobbler in Hardy County, Virginia [now West Virginia]. Lee made shoes for specific customers, and he handled all aspects of production from start to finish. This was how shoes had been made for centuries.
Reform Movements:
In the first half of the 1800s, North and South both experienced a continuing series of religious revivals known as the Second Great Awakening. In both regions, religion inspired personal reform, such as abstinence from alcohol. But in the North, reform took on a millennialist tinge, as religious people aimed for a perfect society in order to bring on the second coming of Christ. Northern reformers tried to use government to impose morality and energetically attacked all manner of problems, such as improving prisons and lunatic asylums. Contemporaries considered radical abolition — the movement to end slavery everywhere immediately — one of the more extreme reforms to come out of the Second Great Awakening.
Southern Slavery vs. Northern Wage Slavery
Led by Thomas Dew (W&M 1820, President 1836-1846), Southern intellectuals in the 1830s began to defend slavery as necessary for civilization, beneficial to slaves, and justified by the Bible. They argued that Southern slave owners treated their slaves more humanely than Northern factory owners treated their workers (“wage slaves”). Slave owners, according to this argument, provided food, clothing, and housing to their slaves, even when they were sick or old, whereas Northern factory owners took no responsibility at all for caring for their workers. Shown here are records of the distribution of clothing and shoes to enslaved people by James Galt of Point of Fork in Fluvanna County and Eliza Jones of Concord in Gloucester County.
Northern Industry:
The textile industry was the first major sector in the North to industrialize, using the “putting-out” system described –earlier in the exhibit, as well as full-blown factories. The daybook here is from the Petersham Cotton Manufacturing Company of Massachusetts, which used the putting-out system. The textile mills of Lowell, Massachusetts, initially employed young, single women as factory workers; the Lowell Offering was a magazine produced by the young women.
Southern Economy and Religion:
The Southern economy continued to be based on agriculture, with very little manufacturing. It sold its farm products — most notably cotton — to other nations and to the North and imported manufactured goods in return. It did adopt some of the features of the Northern economy, such as banks and railroads, but not nearly to the same extent as the North.
Disagreements over slavery and the place of slave owners and enslaved people in the churches caused the major Protestant denominations to split into northern and southern factions. The Methodists split in 1844, the Baptists in 1845, and the Presbyterians in 1861. The “Gospel as Preached in the South” is the 1844 testimony of former slave Henry Cooke about the religious practices on the Louisiana plantation where he lived prior to his escape. Cooke had been the property of Robert Carter Nicholas (W&M 1816), whose family formerly lived in Williamsburg, Virginia.
From the Special Collections Research Center, Earl Gregg Swem Library at the College of William and Mary. See swem.wm.edu/scrc/ for further information and assistance.