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My cyberwarfare unit for Decisive Action Three! There' already multiple competent circuilt boards out there, so I thought I'd try something "other."
Category CATEGORY 14: Cyber Warfare Unit (MILPO)
Cyberwarfare is computer- or network-based conflict involving politically motivated attacks by a nation-state on another nation-state. In these types of attacks, nation-state actors attempt to disrupt the activities of organizations or nation-states, especially for strategic or military purposes and cyberespionage.
1. Your Cyber Warfare Unit must be built using a digital design program, no real-brick models will be permitted for this category. You may use the digital design program of your choice.
2. Your Cyber Warfare Unit build is your interpretation of a circuit board, with a minimum part count of 500. Please note that you do not have to make an exact copy of a pre-existing circuit board, you can get as creative with it as you like. You must include some proof of the part count, be it a screen-shot with the number of parts displayed or an exploded view.
3. Your Cyber Warfare Unit must include a separate soldering iron MOC, with the size, style and part-count left up to the builder.
4. You must designate a single opponent on your ORBAT as the target of your Cyber Warfare Unit. When you engage in battle with this opponent you may remove his or her most powerful MILPO category from all battle calculations for the rest of the game on offense or defense. You may not take away any special abilities of the unit (like the x2 MILPO power for a Space Program or the ability to attack over water for a Logistics Landing Craft….only the MILPO score of the selected unit will be ignored.
At the Churchill Club top 10 tech trends debate I disagreed with the propositions that “Cyber Warfare Becomes a Good Thing” and that “US is the Supreme Cyber Security Force in the World and its Primary Force; citizens accept complete observation by the functions of a police state. A devastating electronic attack results in govt. militarization of major gateways and backbones of the Internet.” I have problems with the “goodness” in the first prediction, and while the U.S. may argue that it is the best, I don’t think the trend is toward a sole superpower in cyberspace.
The NSA TAO group that performs the cyber–espionage pulls 2 petabytes per hour from the Internet. The networking infrastructure to support this is staggering. Much of it is distributed among the beige boxes scattered about in plain view, often above ground on urban sidewalks. When President Obama receives his daily intelligence briefing, over 75% of the information comes from government cyberspies. (BusinessWeek)
Cyber-offense may be very different than cyber-defense. Some argue that open disclosure of defense modalities can make them stronger, like open source software. But offensive tactics need to be kept private for them to be effective more than once. This leads to a lack of transparency, even within the chain of command. This leaves open the possibility of rogue actors — or simply bad local judgment — empowered with an ability to hide their activities and continual conditioning that they are “beyond the law” (routinely ignoring the laws of the nations where they operate). We may suspect that rogue hacking is already happening in China, but why should we expect that it wouldn’t naturally arise elsewhere as well?
Since our debate, the Washington Post exposé reported:
“Chinese hackers have compromised the designs of some of America’s most sensitive and advanced weapons systems—including vital parts of the nation’s missile defenses, fighter aircraft and warships… Also compromised were designs for the F/A 18 fighter jet, V-22 Osprey, F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters and the Navy’s new Littoral Combat Ship meant to prowl the coasts.”
And today, a new report from the U.K. Defense Academy, entitled The Global Cyber Game suggests that my mental model may be a bit antiquated.
Shall we play a game?
“When the Internet first appeared, the cultural bias of Western countries was to see it as a wonderful and welcome innovation. The fact that it created security problems somewhat took them by surprise and they have been reluctant to respond.
In contrast, states such as Russia and China saw the Internet as a potential threat from the outset, and looked at the problem in the round from their perspective. They formulated strategy and began to move pre-emptively, which has allowed them to take the initiative and to some extent define the Cyber Game.
As a result, cyberspace is now justifiably seen by Western countries as a new and potentially serious avenue of international attack, which must logically be militarized to protect the nation.
But what if information abundance is so deeply transformative that it is changing not only the old game between nations but the global gameboard itself? In this case, we need a different approach, one that seeks to fully appreciate the new game and gameboard before making recommendations for national security.
The ability of national governments to understand and tame the Global Cyber Game, before it takes on an unwelcome life of its own, may be the crucial test for the effectiveness and even legitimacy of the nation state in the information age.” (p.107)
The China Hypothesis
“It makes extensive state-bankrolled purchases of many critical parts of the local economies and infrastructure under the guise of independent commercial acquisitions. These include contracts for provision of national Internet backbones, and equity stakes in utility companies. These enable it to control ever larger parts of the target economies, to install national-scale wiretaps in domestic networks and, in effect, to place remote off-switches in elements of critical national infrastructure.
Finally, to round off the effort, the ‘competitor’ simultaneously makes a massive effort to build its own domestic knowledge industry, sending students around the world in vast numbers to learn local languages and acquire advanced technical skills. In some cases, these students even manage to obtain funding from the target country educational systems. This effort, which only pays off on long timescales, allows it to consolidate and make full use of the information it has exfiltrated from around the world.
If it is allowed to continue for long enough, the target countries will find that they have lost so much autonomy to the ‘competitor’ country that they are unable to resist a full cultural and economic take-over, which is ultimately accomplished without open hostilities ever being declared, or at least not of a type that would be recognizable as industrial-era conflict.
National geopolitical strategy can be disguised as normal commercial activity and, even if this is noticed, it cannot be challenged within the legal systems of target countries. Thus an international-scale offensive could be mounted without it ever being understood as such.
These difficulties are somewhat reminiscent of the industrial cartelization strategy pursued by Germany in the years running up to the Second World War. This carefully orchestrated form of economic warfare was effectively invisible because it was positioned in the cognitive blind spot of British Empire industrialists. Until war broke out, and the deliberately engineered shortage of materials became apparent, they were unable to see it as anything but apparently profit-seeking industrial strategy on the part of German industry.
What sort of response should be made to a strategy like this... is retaliation of any kind appropriate? Should the Cyber Game be played as a zero-sum game? The essential problem is that the strategy involves IP theft on a grand, indeed global scale. This is real destruction of value for those companies and agencies who have been targeted
Is there any other way of looking at this? Possibly the one thought that trumps Western outrage at the idea of information theft is to recall that it can be stolen without being lost, though it may be devalued. It may not be the knowledge itself but how we create it and use it that is important. In this view, the Cyber Game, being ultimately knowledge-based, is genuinely a non-zero game. Among economic players of the Cyber Game, this understanding is gradually turning into an approach that author Don Tapscott calls ‘radical openness’.
A true knowledge-era strategy may not be stealing information but sharing it, playing the Cyber Game high on the gameboard, as Internet pioneers have been doing all along. Maybe Western democracies should respond to China’s alleged actions in the same way. Dare they choose to reframe in this way?” (pp.52-8.)
The Future
“The most likely form of conflict is now civil war in countries with governments referred to as anocracies, neither fully democratic nor fully autocratic.
Income polarization is rising within wealthy countries, as a side effect of globalization, and is hollowing out the middle class. Commentators and researchers have noted this effect particularly in the US. Whether this rising polarization could raise the risk of civil war in wealthy countries is questionable, as long as their governments remain effective. This itself will be a function of how well they adapt to the evolving information environment. If they fail, and a combination of financial, economic and environmental crises threaten the ability of governments to maintain the quality of life, then internal conflict is entirely possible.” (p.74)
And as I try to look farther to the future, the offensive cyber-code and autonomous agents of today are not so different from the bio and then nano-weapons of tomorrow. The cell is but a vessel for the transmission of code.
I think humanity will cut its teeth on cultural norms and responses (police state, cyber-counter-guerillas (beyond governments to posses and bounty hunters), and a societal immune system for the crazy ones) in response to the imminent cyber threats… and then we will face bio threats… and finally nano threats. So there is little reason to focus on the latter until we have solved the former.
www.globaltimes.cn/page/202212/1281909.shtml
US has made its Africa strategy a Gordian knot: Global Times editorial
The second US-Africa Leaders Summit kicked off on Tuesday in Washington and will last for three days. The US-based Foreign Policy magazine reported that "Team Biden wants to court African nations without talking about Beijing." But this was broken on the first day. At a panel discussion with several African leaders, US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said China was expanding its footprint in Africa "on a daily basis" through its growing economic influence, which will "destabilize" the continent.
African countries have been wearied of US' various remarks aiming to sow discord. This time, coming all the way to the US, the leaders of 49 countries and the African Union are not to have dinner at the White House, not to be lectured by Americans, nor to hear Americans bad-mouthing China. As a matter of fact, they have clearly shown their reluctance and aversion towards the pressure piled on them to take sides, and ask the US to respect them.
The day ahead of the summit, the US pledged to provide $55 billion to Africa over the course of the next three years in economic, health and security support for Africa. Then, the US announced an expansion of its cooperation and capabilities in outer space to include some African countries. It is reported that during the summit, President Joe Biden will declare US support for the African Union's admission to the G20. These are of course good things. Now that the US has made so many promises, it should focus on fulfilling it.
China is willing to see more countries, including the US, offer sincere help to Africa, as the saying goes, "the more the better." African countries also are eager to seek strong support and assistance to deal with the food crisis, financial crisis, and fiscal crisis in the post-pandemic era. In this regard, there are many things the US can, needs and should do. But what's concerning is if the US will play the "lip service" trick once again.
The first US-Africa Leaders Summit was held eight years ago during the Obama administration. The two summits were separated by not only eight years, but also a US president who insulted African countries as "shithole," which has become a historical witness of US' capriciousness and disrespect for Africa.
The Power Africa initiative, which was proposed during the Obama administration, has only completed about 25 percent of the total. Now that the Biden administration wants to regain the trust of Africa, it must first repay these debts.
The US has made its Africa strategy a Gordian knot. It has set its goal to prevent China's development in the African continent instead of helping African countries cope with development difficulties, which fundamentally goes against the wishes of African countries and damages their interests. In other words, the US wants to let African countries pry away the bricks of the projects built with China's aid, by only painting a few pieces of cake.
In the past, the US regarded the African continent as a problem that it disliked and needed to be solved, but now it regards Africa as a pawn in the major power competition. It never really regards Africa as a cooperative partner of equality, mutual benefit and mutual respect. Not only African countries have been keenly aware of this, but the international community also sees it clearly.
The African people still have fresh memories of the proxy wars waged by the US and the Soviet Union in Africa during the Cold War, making them deeply guard against big power competition. With the world becoming more multipolarized, they are even more opposed to and resistant to be regarded as a pawn in the strategy of major countries.
The US Strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa released in August mentioned China three times, all of which described China in a negative context, arousing extensive dissatisfaction in Africa. A well-known South African scholar bluntly pointed out that this strategy is "thoroughly unremarkable strategy that came across as the latest in a long list of paternalistic lectures the US and the broader West have given Africa on how to run its affairs." And it seems that Washington "has not read the African mood very well."
African countries hope to build good relationship with the US, but they don't want to achieve it at the cost of China-Africa development and cooperation. China is Africa's largest trading partner, with trade volume reaching $254 billion in 2021, which is four times that of US-Africa trade. China is also one of the countries with the largest investment to Africa, bringing millions of job opportunities to the continent. Hospitals, highways, airports, stadiums which are built with Chinese aid are all over Africa. The US can be like China and do more practical things for African people. If the US-Africa Leaders Summit can be held around this theme, it will be welcome by everybody.
www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/biden-aims-to-inject-new-ene...
Biden Aims to Inject New Energy Into US Relations With African Nations
WASHINGTON — President Biden sought to revitalize America’s listless relationship with Africa on Wednesday, promising a grab bag of economic initiatives to make up for a predecessor who had denigrated the continent and catch up with strategic competitors like China that have expanded their influence.
Assembling most of Africa’s leaders in Washington for the first time since 2014, Mr. Biden vowed to invest what aides calculated will be $55 billion on the continent over the next three years while supporting its ambitions for greater global leadership and bolstering efforts to transform it into a more prosperous, healthier and technologically advanced region.
“The United States is all in on Africa’s future,” Mr. Biden declared in an address to the delegations of 49 nations attending the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. Adapting a line he often uses to pitch domestic priorities, the president added, “Together, we want to build a future of opportunity where no one, no one, is left behind.”
The three-day gathering may go a long way toward emphasizing American support for Africa, with concrete pledges on issues of great importance. At the same time, it did not include a sweeping, inspirational initiative like President George W. Bush’s PEPFAR program to combat AIDS or President Barack Obama’s Power Africa drive to electrify tens of millions of homes. Unclear was whether Mr. Biden’s less splashy commitments would have an effect that would be noticed and positively shape perceptions of America.
The United States is widely seen as lagging behind China in cultivating Africa, a geopolitical contest that in recent years has expanded to include powers like Russia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has exacerbated food shortages in Africa while Covid-19 has disrupted supply chains, multiplying challenges in a region with no shortage of them to begin with.
American influence in Africa dwindled under Mr. Biden’s predecessor, Donald J. Trump, who paid little attention to the continent except to deride some of its 54 nations with an expletive and to complain that after immigrants from Nigeria saw the United States, they would never “go back to their huts.” Mr. Trump spoke of Africa as if the entire continent were a single country, and once confused the name of an African nation.
Without mentioning any of that history, Mr. Biden sought to demonstrate affection for the region, celebrating the visiting African leaders and their spouses at a gala dinner at the White House featuring Gladys Knight on Wednesday night and honoring Morocco’s success as the first African nation to make the final four in the World Cup.
“I know you’re saying to yourselves, ‘Make it short, Biden, there’s a semifinal game coming up,’” he joked as he opened his speech just 13 minutes before game time. (Morocco fell to France, 2-0.)
At the dinner in the White House East Room, Mr. Biden raised the more painful history of slavery. “We remember the stolen men and women and children who were brought to our shores in chains, subjected to unimaginable cruelty — my nation’s original sin was that period,” he said. Their descendants, he added, “have helped build this country and propel it to higher heights, leading the charge, blazing new trails and forging a better future for everyone in America.”
In the course of his interactions with African leaders, the president unveiled a series of initiatives, including an agreement meant to encourage the formation of a continentwide free-trade zone that has stalled over the last few years. He vowed to help African countries do more to transition to clean energy and plug into the digital economy, a contrast to China, which has focused much of its investment in Africa on building roads, bridges, airports and other physical infrastructure.
Mr. Biden said in his keynote address that the goal was not to “create political obligation or foster dependence” but to “spur shared success,” a phrase he said characterized his approach. “Because when Africa succeeds, the United States succeeds,” he said. “Quite frankly, the whole world succeeds as well.”
The Biden administration has sought to deflect the perception that its efforts this week were aimed at competing with China, which has surpassed the United States in trade and economic cooperation with Africa.
But the emphasis put on Africa was an implicit recognition that the United States has little choice but to commit to the continent, which is projected to account for one in four people by 2050 and is rich in the resources needed to combat climate change and transition to clean energy, like vast forests and rare minerals used to power electric vehicles.
Mr. Biden’s challenge was to convince the African leaders that he was serious about wanting to trade with them. Many were openly skeptical. At a side event in Washington hours before Mr. Biden spoke, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda shrugged when asked if anything had come out of the inaugural U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit hosted by Mr. Obama in 2014.
“Well, at least we had a good meeting,” he replied, drawing laughter from the crowd.
Mr. Biden planned to return to the summit at the Washington Convention Center on Thursday for a session on the African Union’s strategic vision for the continent. Vice President Kamala Harris will host a working lunch, and Mr. Biden will close the gathering with a discussion of food security.
The Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine provided Mr. Biden with an entry point for his pitch to Africa’s leaders, reminding them that the United States delivered 231 million vaccines to 49 African countries.
Yet the war in Ukraine also underscored the scale of American priorities. A mistake by Mr. Biden in his speech underscored the context. He described a digital economy initiative for Africa as a $350 billion investment, when in fact it will be $350 million, as noted in the official White House transcript correcting the president’s error. By contrast, the Biden administration and Congress have committed $66 billion to the war in Ukraine and the White House has just asked Congress for another $37.7 billion.
Some analysts wondered whether the roster of projects ticked off by the president and his aides this week would be more effective than a single broad initiative like those introduced by Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama.
“When I hear a laundry list, a long list of investments, that’s just showing what the U.S. is doing,” said Aubrey Hruby of the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council. “But I don’t know if that sinks in very well. Whereas with Power Africa it was simpler, perhaps more memorable. It drew on the power of the podium.”
“The key,” she added, “will be what people remember one month from now. Or one year from now. What becomes real.”
The digital economy project includes a partnership with Microsoft and programs to train African entrepreneurs to write code. “American big tech recognizes that the demographic future of this world is African,” Ms. Hruby said. “A million Africans turn 18 every month. This is the future.”
As ever in this week’s summit, China was the unspoken factor. When Mr. Biden announced $800 million in new contracts for Cisco Systems and a smaller company named Cybastion “to protect African countries from cyberthreats,” it offered a counterpoint to the dominance of Huawei, the Chinese technology firm whose cellphones and computers systems are ubiquitous across Africa, stoking fears that Beijing could use them for cyberespionage.
The Biden administration this week announced its support for an initiative to use minerals mined in the Democratic Republic of Congo to make batteries for electric vehicles in factories in neighboring Zambia. That deal meets the African goal of keeping supply chains for one of the world’s hottest new businesses on the continent.
It also meets an American strategic objective, countering worries in Washington that China is obtaining a stranglehold on rare minerals in countries like Congo.
The administration also signed a memorandum of understanding to support the African Continental Free Trade Area, which was started in 2019 and promises to unlock the enormous economic potential of a continent of 1.3 billion people and a total market of $3.4 trillion by easing trade barriers between individual countries.
Africa’s mostly colonial-era borders are further heightened by protectionist policies, poor transport links and other measures that hinder trade. The free-trade area could increase intra-Africa trade by up to one-quarter, or $70 billion, by 2040, helping to lift 30 million people out of extreme poverty, according to the United Nations and the World Bank. But implementation has been slow, and experts say that assistance from the United States and other foreign powers is needed to bolster its chances of success.
Jake Sullivan, Mr. Biden’s national security adviser, said the current administration has been working hard to restore ties to Africa over the nearly two years since Mr. Trump left office.
“Look, any time an administration chooses not to put as much energy or emphasis into a place, it obviously has some ramifications,” he told reporters this week. But “we believe that we are not coming into this summit from a standing start. We’re coming into this summit with a head of steam around a set of issues that this summit, I think, is going to kick into a higher gear.”
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in den USA angerichtete volkswirtschaftliche Schaden durch Cybercrime und Cyberespionage beträgt über eine Billion (1‘000‘000‘000‘000) Dollar
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“Your ideas are bound to forces of which you have no control due to the fact that you've voluntarily submitted your freedom of though to the perception steering censorship of Google, Facebook and other dragnet surveillance capitalists.” - James Scott, senior fellow, CCIOS
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Thought provoking quote from James Scott, brings critical thinking and actual technical acumen to the table
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icitech.org/icit-introduces-center-for-cyber-influence-op...
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icitech.org/icit-introduces-center-for-cyber-influence-op...
James Scott, Senior fellow & Co-Founder, Institute for Critical Infrastructure Technology (ICIT) & Center for Cyber Influence Operations Studies (CCIOS)
icitech.org/icit-introduces-center-for-cyber-influence-op...
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James Scott, Senior fellow & Co-Founder, Institute for Critical Infrastructure Technology (ICIT) & Center for Cyber Influence Operations Studies (CCIOS)
icitech.org/icit-introduces-center-for-cyber-influence-op...
#cool #instapic #hot #fit #instacool #lifestyle #instagood #JamesScott #CyberSecurity #InfoSec #NationalSecurity #USA #Defense #Russia #China #NorthKorea #Korea #CyberEspionage #EspionageCulture #cyberwarfare #healthit #Iot #energy #espionage #media #economic #Cities #Smartcities #Smartcity
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Control the belief system, you control the narrative. Control the narrative, you control the population" - James Scott, Sr. Fellow
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James Scott, Senior fellow & Co-Founder, Institute for Critical Infrastructure Technology (ICIT)
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James Scott, Co-founder at #ICIT and #CCIOS, explains how Russia controlled the narrative of the 2016 presidential election. WATCH: youtu.be/lofcGNZAzSY
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bit.ly/1i2icWT Cyber espionage threatens intellectual competitiveness and economic and military security while potentially going unnoticed.
This stock photo features the word Cyber Espionage set against a blue background. Cyber Espionage is the practice of using computer networks to illegally access confidential data and information in order to gain an advantage for a person or organization.
"This next #president is going to inherit the most sophisticated and persistent #cyberespionage cultures the world has ever seen, He needs to surround himself with experts that can expedite the allocation of potent layers of next generation defenses around our targeted critical infrastructure silos."- James Scott, Senior Fellow, Institute for Critical Infrastructure Technology (ICIT)
#JamesScott #ICIT #CCIOS #CSWS #America
bit.ly/2h8XzMs Advisen and Experian released an annual white paper that outlines five predictions for the data breach industry in the coming year. Download the paper now!
#ICITWinterSummit #Defense #CyberEspionage #EspionageCulture #psychologicalwar #ThoughtLeaders #CCIOS #ICIT #psyops #informationwarfare #cyberwarfare #Russia
bit.ly/2DN2SJ7 Hackers targeted organizations involved in planning next month’s Winter Olympics in South Korea, according to recent reports from security researchers, an incident that illustrates the wide reach of cyber risk as connectedness increases.
bit.ly/2qZRFlt According to this year’s Verizon Data Breach Investigations Report (DBIR), issues like ransomware, outside hackers, and social engineering aren’t going away any time soon.
via
ESET researchers uncover several instances of malware that uses various attack vectors to target systems isolated by an air gap
The post Ramsay: A cyber‑espionage toolkit tailored for air‑gapped networks appeared first on WeLiveSecurity
Article source here: Ramsay: A cyber‑espionage toolkit tailored for air‑gapped networks tomhomesecurtyguide.blogspot.com/2020/05/ramsay-cyberespi...