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We remember those students and teachers who had to leave school in 1938 because they were Jewish.
The topic "Holocaust" in the classroom
"Holocaust Education" in Austria from 1945 to today
The "direct" education by teachers respectively parents' house is often superimposed by society's socializing effects that are unconscious throughout life. Parents need to acknowledge today that mass media education largely substitutes parenting and schooling.
Austrian studies on "Holocaust education", which have been carried out by opinion research institutes or diploma theses in the last decade, must therefore also be considered in this respect.The articles that form the basis of this article mainly focus on the Holocaust and National Socialist education in Germany Parental home and school. What is partly missing is an in-depth study of how this issue has been and will be dealt with in the media of the Second Republic.
Taboo subject National Socialism
Eva Müllhofer-Gurion comes in her 1996 completed thesis on the topic of National Socialism in the parental home to the little surprising conclusion that in the family education of the Austrian post-war generation from 1945 to 1990 history images were conveyed that predominantly downplayed National Socialism. Even in 1990, in about half of the families, the events of National Socialism were either hushed up or justified. The number of parents who openly talk to their children about the Nazi period would have increased noticeably since 1980, summarizes Eva Müllhofer-Gurion. Nevertheless, young people still learn more about the Nazi era from television and radio than from their grandparents and parents.
As a study carried out in the late 1980s by the opinion polling agency Fessel revealed, even the discussion following the Waldheim affair did not change much. The Waldheim Cause was hardly taken as an opportunity in Austrian families to discuss the background of the Nazi period. In many cases, they limited themselves to commenting on the election campaign or the "watchlist" decision of the US government. Parents were afraid of arguments in the family or believed that the Nazi era was not an issue for young people.
However, this does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that adolescents at home would be indoctrinated with anti-Nazi ideas. Rather, it has to be taken into account what a study by the Fessel-Institut from 1993 reveals: young people are taking over less and less of the political attitude of the parents and grandparents generation without reflection. The number of those who agree on political issues with their parents or grandparents halved in the period from 1986 to 1992. The young people of the 90s are a largely politically and ideologically unbounded generation, which is only to a small extent open to right-wing attitudes. Thus one estimates the hard core of extreme right among young people on approximately 2%. However, about 20% in one form or another are in the broadest sense susceptible to right-wing extremist ideas.
The curricula and teachers at the schools in the period from 1945 to the 70s is a very bad testimony to education about the Nazi period issue. This is related to the lack of denazification of the teaching body after 1945 as well as to the general social situation in post-war Austria.
Syllabi of the post-war period
The curricula of the immediate post-war years were fully aligned with those of the inter-war period with the goal to "train the youth to faithful and efficient citizens of the republic." It was not until the 1970s that the goal was to educate students (male and female ones) to become mature citizens and promote their capabilites to form an independent opinion. The history lesson usually ended with World War I. Subjects such as National Socialism were barely discussed in the classroom, and about contemporary history teachers (male and female ones) did not believe that they had to say schoolgirls and schoolboys anything, "as recent history still does not go far enough into the past to be able to make statements about it ".
Dr. Hermann Lein, survivor of the Dachau and Mauthausen concentration camps and secondary school teacher in the 1950s, is one of the few exceptions here. He tried without telling of his personal fate - to enlighten the students intensively about National Socialism. The danger that his teaching would be considered implausible seemed too great.
Many teachers were neither didactically nor substantively trained in contemporary history during their training. It was not until the 1960s that this slowly changed as at universities departments of contemporary history were established and the recent past became the subject of scientific research. Other important impulses were the foundation of the "Scientific Commission for the Study of the History of the Republic of Austria" (1972) and the Decree of the Federal Ministry of Education (1978), which made political education an integral part of school education.
Thus, the prerequisites for the reform of the teaching content were also created in history lessons. Today at least 90% of pupils are taught about the Nazi period. This makes the school for young people by far the most important source of information about National Socialism and the Holocaust. Especially the curricula of the history lessons of the 4th grade Hauptschule/Gymnasium and the 8th grade Gymnasium provide this. In addition, the topic is often treated in German and religious education. 80% of the students visit today the former concentration camp Mauthausen. The Department of Political Education in the Ministry of Education offers constantly updated teaching materials, the Institutes for Contemporary History procure contemporary witnesses. And the interest is great. Compared to the school climate of the 1950s, it is the other way around: eyewitnesses are in demand because they can testify to the Nazi abominations from their personal experience. In recent years, schools have sometimes carried out quite remarkable projects on contemporary history.
"Secret" syllabus
What remains is the very different quality of teaching. It depends largely (still) on the personal commitment of teachers, whether and how the topic is treated. Sometimes teachers are overwhelmed with the topic itself. It still happens that students of both gender attend memorials without any preparation or follow-up. And unfortunately, some older teachers are unwilling to incorporate new content into their lessons. Too often, the "secret" curriculum seems to override the official curriculum, which can not change the best curricula, the best continuing education courses, the best teaching materials, teachers are part of society, and they also represent the full range of political attitudes, that exists in a society.
Christian Klösch, historian, former commemorative service at the Leo Baeck Institute New York
Das Thema „Holocaust" im Unterricht
„Holocaust-Education" in Österreich von 1945 bis heute
Die „direkte" Erziehung durch die Lehrerinnen bzw. das Elternhaus wird oft von während des ganzen Lebens unbewußt wirkenden Sozialisations-effekten der Gesellschaft überlagert. Eltern und Pädagoginnen müssen sich heute eingestehen, daß Meinungsbildung durch Massenmedien weitgehend Erziehung durch Elternhaus und Schule ersetzt.
Österreichische Studien über „Holocaust-education", die im letzten Jahrzehnt von Meinungsforschungsinstituten oder im Rahmen von Diplomarbeiten durchgeführt wurden, müssen deshalb auch unter diesem Aspekt betrachtet werden. Die diesem Artikel als Grundlage dienenden Arbeiten konzentrieren sich hauptsächlich auf die Aufklärung über Holocaust und Nationalsozialismus in Elternhaus und Schule. Was teilweise fehlt, ist eine eingehende Untersuchung, wie mit dieser Thematik in den Medien der Zweiten Republik umgegangen wurde und wird.
Tabuthema Nationalsozialismus
Eva Müllhofer-Gurion kommt in ihrer 1996 fertiggestellten Diplomarbeit zur Thematisierung des Nationalsozialismus im Elternhaus zu dem wenig überraschenden Schluß, daß in der familiären Erziehung der österreichischen Nachkriegsgeneration von 1945 bis 1990 Geschichtsbilder vermittelt wurden die den Nationalsozialismus überwiegend verharmlosen. Selbst 1990 wurden in etwa der Hälfte der Familien die Geschehnisse des Nationalsozialismus entweder totgeschwiegen oder gerechtfertigt. Die Zahl jener Eltern, die mit ihren Kindern offen über die NS-Zeit reden, hätte sich aber seit 1980 merklich erhöht, resümiert Eva Müllhofer-Gurion. Dennoch erfahren Jugendliche immer noch mehr über die NS-Zeit aus Fernsehen und Rundfunk als von ihren Großeltern und Eltern.
Wie eine Ende der 80er Jahre durchgeführte Untersuchung des Meinungsforschungsinstitutes Fessel ergeben hat, haben selbst die Diskussion in Folge der Waldheim-Affäre nicht viel daran geändert. Die Causa Waldheim wurde in österreichischen Familien kaum zum Anlaß genommen, Hinter-gründe der NS-Zeit zu diskutieren. In vielen Fällen beschränkte man sich auf die Kommentierung des Wahlkampfes oder der „Watchlist'-Entscheidung der US-amerikanischen Regierung. Eltern scheuten sich vor Auseinandersetzungen in der Familie oder glaubten, daß die NS-Zeit kein Thema für Jugendliche sei.
Daraus ist jedoch nicht unbedingt der Schluß zu ziehen, daß Jugendliche zu Hause mit NS-verharmlosenden Gedankengut indoktriniert würden. Vielmehr ist zu berücksichtigen, was eine Untersuchung des Fessel-Instituts aus dem Jahr 1993 feststellt: Jugendliche übernehmen zu einem immer geringeren Teil politische Einstellung der Eltern- und Großelterngeneration unreflektiert. Die Zahl jener, die in politischen Fragen mit ihren Eltern bzw. Großeltern übereinstimmen, hat sich in der Zeit von 1986 bis 1992 halbiert. Bei den Jugendlichen der 90er Jahre handelt es sich um eine größtenteils politisch und weltanschaulich ungebundene Generation, die auch nur zu einem geringen Teil offen rechtsextremistisch ist. So schätzt man den harten Kern von Rechts-extremen unter Jugendlichen auf zirka 2 %. Allerdings sind etwa 20 % in der einen oder anderen Form im weitesten Sinne für rechtsextremes Gedankengut anfällig.
Den Lehrplänen und Lehrenden an den Schulen in der Zeit von 1945 bis in die 70er Jahre ist ein sehr schlechtes Zeugnis bezüglich Aufklärung über die NS-Zeit auszustellen. Dies hängt mit der mangelnden Entnazifizierung des Lehr-körpers nach 1945 ebenso zusammen wie mit der allgemeinen gesellschaftlichen Situation im Österreich der Nachkriegszeit.
Lehrpläne der Nachkriegszeit
Die Lehrpläne der unmittelbaren Nachkriegsjahre knüpften an jene der Zwischenkriegszeit vollinhaltlich an und hatten das Ziel, „die Jugend zu treuen und tüchtigen Bürgern der Republik zu erziehen". Erst seit den 70er Jahren verfolgt man das Ziel, Schülerinnen zu mündigen Staatsbürgerinnen zu erziehen und ihre Fähigkeiten, sich eine eigenständige Meinung zu bilden, zu fördern. Der Geschichteunterricht endete meist mit dem 1. Weltkrieg. Themen wie Nationalsozialismus wurden im Unterricht kaum behandelt. Über Zeitgeschichte glaubten viele Lehrerinnen ihren Schülerinnen nichts sagen zu müssen, „da die jüngere Geschichte noch zu wenig weit zurückliege, um darüber Aussagen treffen zu können".
Dr. Hermann Lein, Überlebender der Konzentrationslager Dachau und Mauthausen und Gymnasiallehrer in den 50er Jahren ist hier eine der wenigen Ausnahmen. Er versuchte ohne von seinem persönlichen Schicksal zu erzählen - die Schülerinnen intensiv über den Nationalsozialismus aufzuklären. Die Gefahr, daß sein Unterricht als unglaubwürdig betrachtet werden würde, erschien ihm zu groß.
Viele Lehrerinnen wurden während ihrer Ausbildung weder didaktisch noch inhaltlich in Zeitgeschichte ausgebildet. Erst in den 60er Jahren veränderte sich dies langsam, als an den Universitäten Zeitgeschichteinstitute eingerichtet und die jüngste Vergangenheit Gegenstand der wissenschaftlichen Forschung wurde. Weitere wichtige Impulse waren die Gründung der „Wissenschaftlichen Kommission zur Erforschung der Zeit-geschichte der Republik Österreich" (1972) und der Erlaß des Bundesministeriums für Unterricht (1978), der Politische Bildung zu einem integrativen Bestandteil im Schulunterricht machte.
Damit waren die Voraussetzungen für die Reform der Lehrinhalte auch im Geschichteunterricht geschaffen. Heute werden zumindest 90% der SchülerInnen über die NS-Zeit unterrichtet. Damit ist die Schule für Jugendliche die mit Abstand wichtigste Informationsquelle über Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust. Vor allem die Lehrpläne des Geschichteunterrichts der 4. Klasse Hauptschule/Gymnasium und der 8. Klasse Gymnasium sehen dies vor. Darüber hinaus wird das Thema vielfach im Deutsch- und Religionsunterricht behandelt. 80% der Schülerinnen besuchen heute das ehemalige Konzentrationslager Mauthausen. Die Abteilung für Politische Bildung im Unterrichtsministerium bietet ständig aktualisierte Unterrichtsmaterialien an, die Institute für Zeitgeschichte vermitteln ZeitzeugInnen. Und das Interesse ist groß. Im Vergleich zum Schulklima der 50er Jahre ist es gerade umgekehrt: ZeitzeugInnen sind gefragt, weil sie die Nazi-Greuel aus ihrem persönlichen Erleben bezeugen können. In den letzten Jahren wurden an Schulen teilweise sehr beachtliche Projekte zum Thema Zeitgeschichte durchgeführt.
„Heimlicher" Lehrplan
Was jedoch bleibt, ist die sehr unterschiedliche Qualität des Unterrichts. Es hängt weitgehend (noch immer) vom persönlichen Engagement der LehrerInnen ab, ob und wie das Thema behandelt wird. Manchmal sind Lehrende mit der Thematik selbst überfordert. Noch immer geschieht es, daß Schülerinnen ohne jegliche Vor- und Nachbereitung Gedenkstätten besuchen. Und leider sind einzelne ältere Lehrende nicht bereit, neue Inhalte in ihren Unterricht zu integrieren. Zu oft noch scheint der „heimliche" Lehrplan den offiziellen außer Kraft zu setzen. Dies können die besten Lehrpläne, die besten Fort-bildungskurse, die besten Unterrichtsmaterialien nicht ändern. LehrerInnen sind Teil der Gesellschaft und auch sie repräsentieren das gesamte Spektrum an politischen Einstellungen, das in einer Gesellschaft vorhanden ist.
Christian Klösch, Historiker, ehem. Gedenkdienstleistender am Leo Baeck Institute New York
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Near temple compounds there are often little shops which sell devotional articles for the pilgrims as souvenir
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After reading hundreds of articles and studying hundreds of other peoples light painted images, I went to bed last night and dreamed about light painting! If that isn't committed, I don't know what is... In my dream I was able to manipulate the light to do what I wanted it to do by either speeding up or slowing down, focusing the light or blanketing and when I woke up I suddenly realised what I had to do. I couldn't wait to get out this evening to test the theory, especially after finally receiving the new Canon 10-22mm in the post, it's a cracking lens; I've not had much chance to play with it yet but I love it already. Anyway, this is the result of my epiphany following that dream. I took around 15-20 shots to get the lighting that I needed and then spent around an hour cobbling each of the frames together in photoshop to get the result I have been trying to get for a very long time now. If I am critical, it's still not perfect, but I feel that I have at least crossed a bridge and it's just a matter of perfecting the technique now, oh and finding better locations, this road sucked but at least it was dark I guess!
PictionID:44798228 - Title:Douglas TA-4J Skyhawk 155081 VC-13 MCAS Yuma 22Feb82 Peter B Lewis - Catalog:17 - Filename:17.S_001515.tif - - ---Image from the René Francillon Photo Archive. Having had his interest in aviation sparked by being at the receiving end of B-24s bombing occupied France when he was 7-yr old, René Francillon turned aviation into both his vocation and avocation. Most of his professional career was in the United States, working for major aircraft manufacturers and airport planning/design companies. All along, he kept developing a second career as an aviation historian, an activity that led him to author more than 50 books and 400 articles published in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and elsewhere. Far from “hanging on his spurs,” he plans to remain active as an author well into his eighties.-------PLEASE TAG this image with any information you know about it, so that we can permanently store this data with the original image file in our Digital Asset Management System.--------------SOURCE INSTITUTION: San Diego Air and Space Museum Archive
PictionID:43811891 - Catalog:17.S_000399 - Title:Douglas A-4F 154183 VA-127 NJ01 NAS Fallon 27Oct86 RJF - Filename:17.S_000399.tif - ---------Image from the René Francillon Photo Archive. Having had his interest in aviation sparked by being at the receiving end of B-24s bombing occupied France when he was 7-yr old, René Francillon turned aviation into both his vocation and avocation. Most of his professional career was in the United States, working for major aircraft manufacturers and airport planning/design companies. All along, he kept developing a second career as an aviation historian, an activity that led him to author more than 50 books and 400 articles published in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and elsewhere. Far from “hanging on his spurs,” he plans to remain active as an author well into his eighties.-------PLEASE TAG this image with any information you know about it, so that we can permanently store this data with the original image file in our Digital Asset Management System.--------------SOURCE INSTITUTION: San Diego Air and Space Museum Archive
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Someone sent me this in a email a while back - I just 'rediscovered' it & couldn't resist sharing it with my Flickr pals (esp the ladies) - If you're anything like me, you won't know wether to laugh or scream when you read it - I guarrantee you will gasp more than once....!
You may need to enlarge it to read the text.
Articles include:
SHE DOES IT WITH MIRRORS
THE IRISH DO HAVE A NAVY
BREAKING IN A NEW MODEL
"I TANGLE WITH TITANS"
PRIVATE LIFE OF A B'WAY SHOWGIRL
I read 2 very nice articles on photography/photoshop techniques this week, and tried them both today! Can I call this online literature? For me it is ;-)
The first one was about playing with the white balance on your camera. See the SOOC result in the comments, I only added some contrast to the photo.
content.photojojo.com/diy/create-in-camera-white-balance-...
The second is called "How to Convert Photos to Black and White Using Image Calculations", and I used this PS technique in my main photo. I like the subtle way of converting a photo to b&w, and am very happy that I discovered it!!
www.mcpactions.com/blog/2013/01/18/how-to-convert-photos-...
Oh, and I also excercised my panning techniques again. It's been a very fruitful afternoon!
ODC2 - LITERATURE, and as sleighing pics in winter are very cliché; HCS!
АЛЕКСАНДР ГОЛОВИН - Автопортрет
☆
Location: The State Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow, Russia
Sources: my.tretyakov.ru/app/masterpiece/21444
www.tretyakovgallerymagazine.com/articles/3-2014-44/anniv...
Александр Шаталов. Скромное обаяние Головина //Журнал ''Новые времена'' (The New Times), № 10 от 31 марта 2014.
A student of Vasily Polenov, a regular member of the Abramtsevo colony of Savva Mamontov, a friend of Korovin and Vrubel, Levitan and Nesterov, a member of the Mir iskusstva and Diaghilev's Saisons Russes, an outstanding theater artist, Aleksandr Golovin still remains in the shadow of his more famous contemporaries. Maybe this modesty is a feature of his character, or maybe the reason is that most of Golovin's works were done for the theater, and from these productions, except for his sketches and scenery, only legends and stories of the memoirists remained.
His works are imbued with the magical grace that distinguishes Russian modern, they are decorative and whimsical.
Aleksandr Golovin was born in Moscow in 1863 in the family of a priest. Childhood passed in Petrovsky-Razumovsky - an old estate near Moscow, where the Petrovsky Agricultural and Forestry Academy was located in those years. An early penchant for drawing determined the fate of the boy. After the death of his father, when he was 15 years old, Golovin entered the Polivanov's gymnasium, which became a kind of forge of the Russian intelligentsia. Here studied the eldest son of Leo Tolstoy, future poets Valery Bryusov, Maximilian Voloshin, Andrei Bely and others.
After graduating from high school, the artist worked as an apprentice with the then-popular “cleaner-decorator” and “room painter” August Tomashki. For seven years he paints satin decorative fabrics with flowers. No matter how you evaluate this period in his life, but it was then that Golovin's special style was born - a love of small details, the ability to convey the sensuality of household items, overflow of colors and moods. Later, it was this style that became the hallmark of its festive and lavishly emphasized elegant theatrical scenery.
Soon Golovin falls into the orbit of the Abramtsevo colony, together with Vrubel he practices majolica (his work is marked with medals at an exhibition in Paris), together with Elena Polenova, Vasily Polenov’s sister, participates in the creation of the “Old Russian” modernity. Like Korovin, and some other talented artists who did not have any inheritance or money, Golovin is taken care of by the Polenovsky family. Thanks to the Polenovs, he visited Italy and Paris for the first time, the French Impressionists admire him and give his paintings the airiness that still delights him in his works.
But a decisive coup in his fate was associated with the theater. Having received a random order for the production of sets for one of the performances, Golovin was, like no other, in demand by the stage. In 1898 he was appointed an artist-decorator of the Imperial Theaters, in 1902 he became the main decorator of the Imperial Theaters and a consultant to the Directorate of Artistic Issues. This is the heyday of his theatrical work. The works of that period are distinguished by imagination and brightness. The curtain and the curtains are covered with color mosaic and ornamentalism. Fanciful forms of baroque coexist with classicism. Golovin composes everything himself, avoiding the production of a single non-atral household item.
Not all contemporaries understood the magic that Golovin did in the theater. So, for example, Alexandr Benois, the chief theoretician of the Mir iskusstva, in his book History of Painting, wrote: “There will be very little left of Golovin: some sketches, two or three paintings, several portraits - all this is marked by genuine artistry”, with a colorful brilliance and a delicate intuition, but even this little - only hints, only promises, which Golovin hardly wants to keep''.
Unlike colleagues, the public appreciated the genius of the artist. As eyewitnesses recall, during the premiere of Ostrovsky’s “Thunderstorm” (1916), the scenery for which Golovin did, after the curtain was opened “the audience groaned from applause, the whole theater applauded amicably”. And the design of Lermontov's "Masquerade", on which the artist worked for more than five years, was described by contemporaries as "the magnificent funeral of imperial Russia''.
Each performance, designed by Golovin, became a unique man-made work, which was highly appreciated by such different people as Sergey Diaghilev and Vsevolod Meyerhold. And yet time has decreed that we, the modern audience, are only now opening this great master.
If you are interested in Nottingham's industrial history and the development of the city and its railways etc you might find my Nottingham website of interest. Go to www.gwoodward.co.uk/nottm.html for a whole range of articles in pdf format. (Please note: the videos on the website are linked back to those on Flickr.)
The Effect of the Civil War on Southern Marriage Patterns
In 1864, the editor of the Southern Literary Messenger received a letter from H. R., who identified herself as an eighteen-year-old, unmarried woman from Buckingham County, Virginia. Hattie, as the editor called the anonymous letter writer, admitted suffering from a “chill feeling of despair” brought on by the “execrable war.” She wrote that: "The reflection has been brought to my mind with great force that after this war is closed, how vast a difference there will be in the numbers of males and females. Having made up my mind not to be an old maid, and having only a moderate fortune and less beauty. I fear I shall find it rather difficult to accomplish my wishes."
Social historians of the Civil War have generally agreed that fears like Hattie’s were well grounded in demographic realities. The deaths of huge numbers of men, Nancy Cott has argued, rendered “the assumption that every woman would be a wife … questionable, perhaps untenable.”
The death rate was especially great in the Confederacy, which lost approximately one in five white men of military age in the conflict. Catherine Clinton has stated that the reduced population of young men “demographically deprived” southern women of husbands.
Drew Gilpin Faust, in her study of elite southern white women during the war, has argued that the loss of such a large proportion of the South’s male population undermined the region’s established pattern of family formation and threatened the identity of white women as wives and mothers. A generation of southern women faced the prospect of becoming spinsters reliant on their families for support.
Similarly, in a recent study of white southern womanhood in the late nineteenth century, Jane Turner Censer has expressed the notion that the Civil War “constituted a watershed” in the likelihood of marriage for southern white women.
. . . Despite the obvious hindrance that military service posed to courtship and marriage, observers frequently noted that the war acted as a catalyst for marriage. Bell Irvin Wiley’s early social histories of Confederate and Union soldiers document the obsession of unmarried men with the possibility of losing a fiancée or not finding a wife after the war. Letters to relatives were replete with inquiries about who was marrying whom and exhortations to local women not to marry other suitors, especially slackers and men exempt from the draft.
Green Berry Samuels, for example, wrote to his future wife Kathleen Boone in April 1861, begging her, “Dont be so cruel as to fall in love with some of the nice young men about F. Royal whilst I am gone away to fight the battles of Va.” In a subsequent letter, Samuels had harsh words for men who stayed home. “Should Mr. Lehew tease you about my being at Harpers Ferry, tell him you would not have a sweetheart unless he was willing to risk his life in defense of his country and also that you would never marry any man who staid at home and had nothing better to do than teaze the ladies.”
A flurry of marriages occurred early in the war, whenever men went on furlough, and then again at the end of the war. Richmond, the Confederate capital, hosted hundreds of wartime marriages, leading observers to marvel at the “marriage frenzy.” In 1863, after receiving a visit from her engaged nephew, who had lost a leg during the war, Judith McGuire of Virginia wrote, “I believe that neither war, pestilence, nor famine could put an end to the marrying and giving in marriage which is constantly going on. Strange that these sons of Mars can so assiduously devote themselves to Cupid and Hymen; but every respite, every furlough, must be thus employed.” In early 1865, McGuire again commented on “a perfect mania on the subject of matrimony. Some of the churches may be seen open and lighted almost every night for bridals, and wherever I turn I hear of marriages in prospect." As she traveled home with a group of other southerners at the war’s end, Kate Cumming heard a soldier declare that “the first thing he intended doing, after he arrived home, was to get married. I heard many of the soldiers say the same.”
As time passed and casualties mounted, some women became resigned to life without a husband. Others were willing to compromise on acceptable partners. In 1862 Ada Bacot complained of “two fashions which have crept into society … [t]hat of marrieng for money, & that of a woman marrieng a man younger than herself.” Military service conferred cachet upon the soldier, often regardless of his class. After the war, wealth became less important in the economically devastated South when contracting marriages, and many women married below their social class. Susan Bradford Eppes met her “Soldier in Gray” following the battle of Gettysburg, and they married after the war. “I hope we will not have too much trouble with my trousseau,” she remarked. “I wish they were willing for me to have only simple clothes for I am marrying a poor man and I do not ever intend to live beyond his means. Father would be willing but Mother and the sisters think, because they had these clothes I must have them, too.”
Some southern women in areas occupied by the enemy risked social ostracism by courting and marrying Union soldiers. Historians of the occupied South have written, “Letters and diaries of Union men in every occupied community reveal considerable social intercourse between Federals and ‘secesh’ girls which in a good many instances led to romances and marriages.”
The shortage of suitable men after the war gave those remaining many choices of women to marry, allowing widowers to remarry and others to try to escape their former obligations. Though more evidence is needed to draw concrete conclusions, a few northern and southern men may have attempted to remarry without divorce. Southerner Anna Bragg related to her husband news of a widower with three children remarrying and also described the wedding of Captain Paine to Miss Mary Frincks. “Some say he has a wife and child living,” Anna Bragg noted. A Union chaplain turned down the request of a woman who “had the hardihood to ask me to marry her to a man who confesses that he has a wife in Reading Pa. and who says his wife has had a ‘nigger baby’ since he came to the army.
After the war, white southerners responded to interracial marriage with violence. In 1870 Frances Harper, who had been an abolitionist, described a conversation with a black man whose son had “married a white woman, or girl, and was shot down, and there was, as I understand, no investigation by the jury; and a number of cases have occurred of murders, for which the punishment has been very lax, or not at all … .”
Widespread fears that emancipation would increase the incidence of interracial sexual encounters led states to pass more laws prohibiting interracial marriage “during the Civil War and Reconstruction than in any comparably short period.”34 The deaths of so many young men during the war probably contributed to such fears. John Blassingame, for example, has argued that the death of white men in the war led to a postwar increase in sexual contacts between white women and black men in New Orleans. The number of interracial unions no doubt remained quite small. Although instances of interracial marriage and cohabitation occurred during Reconstruction in numbers large enough to suggest some initial level of toleration from white neighbors, the vast majority of white women—confronted with the possibility of violence, rigid enforcement of miscegenation laws, and the vast social distance between themselves and black men—married white men.
Not only the deaths of white men but also their wounds affected the prospects for marriage in the aftermath of the war. One of the most important roles of nurses, official matrons, and volunteer hospital visitors was to help wounded men cope with the psychological impact of their injuries. “I constantly hear the unmarried ones,” wrote Kate Cumming, a nurse describing her amputee patients, “wondering if the girls will marry them now.” Years after the war, another southern nurse, Fannie Beers, had “never forgiven” a “heartless girl” who rejected her betrothed. The young man had suffered a facial wound and lost a leg. He told Beers about his engagement to “one of the prettiest … girls in ‘Massissip’” and asked her to write a letter telling the young woman about his wounds. While they awaited his fiancée’s reply, Beers eased the wounded man’s worries that he would have to “let her off” by relating “instances of women who only loved more because the object of their affection had been unfortunate.” She later regretted nurturing his hopes, for it was her “misfortune to read to him a very cold letter from his lady-love, who declined to marry ‘a cripple.’” Though “inconsolable” for a short time, he soon decided that she would not have been a good wife. As for southern women, faced with the choice of marrying amputees or cripples, men from lower social classes, or no one at all, some of these women ultimately married disabled veterans.
Letter writers and diary keepers commented frequently on wartime marriage, but after the war many of them stopped writing; the resulting silence created a gap in evidence about postwar marriage patterns. During the war, many Americans sensed that they were living through exciting, unique times. In order to record their experiences and reactions, they started keeping personal diaries, only to stop writing when the conflict ended. Many southerners stopped confiding to diaries because the humiliation and pain of defeat left them unable or unwilling to express themselves in writing. Furthermore, letter writing decreased from wartime levels as soldiers and refugees returned home. Women, especially, avoided recording events and sentiments that could be perceived as dishonoring Confederate veterans and their military service, and imbalanced sex ratios and the marriage squeeze may have served to remind southerners of their loss